incentives to the study of the ancient period of american history. an address, delivered before the new york historical society, at its forty-second anniversary, th november, . by henry r. schoolcraft. published at the request of the society. new york: press of the historical society. . new york: william van norden, printer, no. william street. new york historical society. at a special meeting of the new york historical society, november th, , being the forty-second anniversary of the society, hon. luther bradish in the chair, on motion of mr. philip hone, it was unanimously _resolved_, that the thanks of the society are due to mr. henry r. schoolcraft, for his learned and interesting address, delivered this evening, and that a copy be respectfully requested to be deposited in the archives of the society, and published. extract from the minutes. andrew warner, _recording secretary_. an address. to narrow the boundaries of historical mystery, which obscures the early period of the american continent, is believed to be an object of noble attainment. can it be asserted, on the ground of accurate inquiry, that man had not set his feet upon this continent, and fabricated objects of art, long anterior to the utmost periods of the monarchies of ancient mexico and peru? were there not elements of civilization prior to the landing of coxcox, or the promulgation of the gorgeous fiction of manco capac? what chain of connection existed between the types of pseudo-civilization found respectively at cuzco, west of the andes, and in the valley of anahuac? did this chain ever link in its causes the pyramids of mexico with the mounds of the mississippi valley? it is not proposed to enter into the details of this discussion. such an inquiry would far transcend the limits before me. it is rather designed to show the amplitude of the field as a subject of historical inquiry, than to gather its fruits. it will entirely compass the object i have in view, if the suggestions i am to make shall have the tendency, in any degree, to draw attention to the topic, and to denote the strong incentives which exist, at the present time, to study this ancient period of american history. this is the object contemplated. nations, in their separation from their original stocks, and dispersion over the globe, are yet held together by the leading traits, physical and intellectual, which had characterized them as groups. and in spreading abroad, they are found to have left behind them a golden clue, which we recognize in physiology, languages, arts, monuments, and mental habitudes. these traits are so intimately interwoven in the woof of the mind, and so firmly interlaced in the structure and tendencies to action of the whole organization of the man, that they can be detected and generalized after long eras of separation, and the most severe mutations of history. such is the judgment, at least, of modern research. ethnology bases its claims to confidence in the recognition of the dispersed family of man, in these proofs. and when they have been eliminated from the dust of antiquity, they are offered as contributions to the body of well considered facts and inferences, which are to compose the thread of antique history and critical inquiry. and what, it may be inquired, are the evidences the study produces, when these means of scrutiny come to be applied to the existing red race of this continent? or to their predecessors in its occupancy? do their languages tell the story of their ancient affinities with asia, africa, or europe? do we see, in their monuments and remains of art, increments of a pre-existing state of advance, or refinement, in the human family, in other parts of the globe? it is confessed, that in order to answer these enquiries, we must first scrutinize the several epochs of the nations with whom we are to compare them, and the changes which they themselves have undergone. without erecting these several standards of comparison, no certainty can attend the labor. all nations and tribes upon the face of the globe, whom we can make sponsors for the american tribes, are thus constituted the field of study, and we have opened to our investigations a theme at once noble and sublime. philosophy has no higher species of inquiry, beneath infinitude, than that which establishes the original affinities of man to man. we perceive, in casting our minds back on the track of nations from whom we are ourselves sprung, a strong and clear chain of philological testimony, running through the various nations of the great thiudic[ ] type, until it terminates in the utmost regions of the north. this chain of affiliation, though it had a totally diverse element in the celtic, to begin with, yet absorbed that element, without in the least destroying the connection. it runs clearly from the anglo saxon to the frisic, or northern dutch, and the germanic, in all its recondite phases, with the ancient gothic, and its cognates, taking in very wide accessions from the latin, the gallic, and other languages of southern europe; and it may be traced back, historically, till it quite penetrates through these elementary masses of change, and reveals itself in the icelandic. two thousand five hundred years, assuming no longer period, have not obliterated these affinities of language. even at this day, the anglo saxon numerals, pronouns, most of the terms in chronology, together with a large number of its adverbs, are well preserved in the icelandic. and had we no history to trace our national origin, the body of philological testimony, which can be appealed to, would be conclusive of the general question. [ ] forster. does asia offer similar proofs of the original identity, or parentage of its languages with america? this cannot be positively asserted. but while there is but little analogy in the sounds of the lexicography, so far as known, it is in this quarter of the globe, that we perceive resemblances in some words of the shemitic group of languages, positive coincidences in the features of its syntax, and in its unwieldy personal and polysyllabical and aggregated forms; and the inquiry is one, which may be expected to produce auspicious results. on the assumption of their asiatic origin, therefore, it is evident that the indian tribes are of far greater antiquity than the anglo saxon. not only so, but they appear on philological proofs to be older, in their national phasis, if we except, perhaps, the chinese, than the present inhabitants of the north-eastern coasts of asia, and the east india islands. but we are not to pursue this topic. the general facts are merely thrown out, to denote the far reaching and imperious requirements of philology. when we examine the american continent, with a view to its ancient occupancy, we perceive its surface scarified with moats and walls--its alluvial level plains and vallies bearing mounds, teocalli and pyramids. its high interior altitudes, in the tropical regions, are covered with the ruins of temples and cities--and even in the temperate latitudes of the north, its barrows and mounds are now found to yield objects of exquisite sculpture, and many of its forests, beyond the alleghanies, exhibit the regularity of antique garden beds and furrows,[ ] amid the heaviest forest trees. objects of art and implements of war, and even of science, are turned up by the plough. these are silent witnesses. with the single exception of the inscription stone, found in the great tumulus of grave creek, in virginia, in the year ,[ ] there is no monument of art on the continent, yet discovered, which discloses an alphabet, and thus promises to address posterity in an articulate voice. we must argue chiefly from the character of the antique works of art. [ ] mss. of the am. ethn. society. vide catalogue, vol. i. [ ] trans. am. ethn. society. vol. i. but although the apparent hieroglyphics of yucatan and central america have not been read, nor a history of much incident, or a remote antiquity, deduced from the pictorial scrolls of mexico, it is impossible not to assign to the era of american antiquities, a degree of arts, science, agriculture and general civilization, to which the highest existing nomadic or hunter tribes had no pretence. it is a period of obscurity, of which inquirers might perhaps say, that the darkness itself is made to speak. it tells of the displacement of light. all indeed beyond the era of columbus, is shrouded in historical gloom. we are thus confined within the short cycle of some three hundred and fifty years. a little less than twelve generations of men. beyond this period, we have an ante-historical period, which is filled, almost exclusively, with european claimants of prior discovery. we will name them in their order. they are the scandinavians, the cimbri and tribes of celtic type, and the venetians. still prior, is the asiatic claim of a predatory nation, who, in the days of the exodus, lived in caves and dens of the earth, under the name of horites,[ ] and who culminated at a later era, under the far-famed epithet of phoenicians--a people whose early nautical skill has, absolutely, no cotemporary. [ ] forster. scandinavian antiquities have recently assumed the highest interest, which the press and the pencil can bestow. danish art and research have achieved high honors in disinterring facts from the dust of forgotten ages. and we may look to the illustrated publications, which have been put forth at copenhagen, under royal auspices, as an example of what literary costume and literary diligence, may do to revive and re-construct the antiquarian periods of the world's history. the publication of the ancient northern sagas, and the ballads of the scandinavian skalds, has revealed sufficient of the history of the early and bold adventures, in the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, to show that these hardy adventurers not only searched the shores of iceland and greenland, and founded settlements and built churches there; but pushed their voyages west to the rocky shores of heluiland, the woody coasts of markland, and the vine-yielding coasts of ancient vinland. these three names geography has exchanged in our days, for newfoundland, nova scotia and massachusetts. perhaps some other portions of new england may be embraced by the ancient name of vinland. the ancient songs and legends of a people may be appealed to, as these sagas and ballads have been, for historical proof, as it is known that the early nations celebrated their heroic exploits, in this manner. authors tell us that homer but recited the traditions of his countrymen. the nautical and geographical proofs, by which portions of the north atlantic shores have been identified by the bold spirit of northern research, are certainly inexact and to some extent hypothetical. in extending the heretofore admitted points of discovery and temporary settlement, south to massachusetts and rhode island, they carry with them sufficient general plausibility, as being of an early and adventurous age, to secure assent. and they only cease to inspire a high degree of historical respect, at the particular points where the identification becomes extreme, where the pen and pencil have to some extent distorted objects, and where localities and monuments are insisted on, which we are by no means sure ever had any connection with the acts of the early scandinavian adventurers, and sea kings. this period of the ante-columbian era, is one of deep interest in american history, and invites a careful and candid scrutiny, with a sole eye to historical truth. we have also a celtic period, falling within the same general era of the scandinavian, which, at least, deserves to be examined, if it be only to clear away the rubbish that encumbers the threshold of the ancient period of our indian history. this claim to discovery, rests chiefly upon a passage in old british history, which represents two voyages of a welsh prince, who in the twelfth century, sailed west from the coasts of britain, and is thought by some writers, to have reached this continent. the discovery of columbus was of such an astounding character and reflected so eminent a degree of honor, both on him and the court which had employed this noble mariner, that it is no wonder other countries of maritime borders, should rake up the arcana of their old traditions, to share in the glory. if these ancient traditions have left but little worthy of the sober pen of history, they have imposed on us, as cultivators of history, the literary obligation to examine the facts and decide upon their probability. if prince madoc, as this account asserts, sailed a little south of west, he is likely to have reached and landed at the azores. it is not incredible, indeed, that small ships, such as the britons, danes and northmen used, should have crossed the entire atlantic at the era, between the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, although it is not probable. it is nearly certain, however, that should such a feat have been performed in the twelfth century, the natives of the american coasts, who were inimical to strangers, would, in no long period, have annihilated them. with a full knowledge of the warlike and suspicious elements of indian character, such a result might have been predicted in ordinary cases. but that these tribes, or any one of them, should have adopted, as is contended, the _language_ of a small and feeble colony of foreigners, either landing or stranded on the coast; nay more, so fully adopted it as to be understood by any countrymen of the prince, five hundred years afterwards,[ ] is a proof of the national credulity of men, who are predetermined to find the analogies which they ardently seek. [ ] vide stoddart's louisiana. italy has likewise a claim to the discovery of this continent, prior to the voyages of columbus. this claim is made by an ancient family of the highest rank in the city of venice--once the mistress of the commerce of the world. the voyages of the two zenos, over the northern seas, in the th century, extending to greenland, appear to be well attested by the archives of that ancient city. the episode of estotiland, which is apparently used as a synonyme for vinland, has been generally deemed apocryphal, or of a date posterior to the other incidents described. to examine and set in order both the true and the intercalated parts of these curious ancient voyages, would involve no little degree of research, but would prove, if well executed, a useful and acceptable service to historical letters. there is another period--we allude to the horitic element--in the obscurity of the early history of the continent, which may be here mentioned, but from the diversity of the sub-elements which enter into it, some hesitancy exists in giving it a name. in order to secure the purposes of generalization, and include every element of which it is composed, it may be called, provisionally, the mediterranean period. it is the earliest and most obscure of the whole, relying, as it does, almost exclusively upon passages of the imaginative literature of greece. yet it is a subject eminently worthy of the pen of original investigation. it includes the consideration of the early maritime power of the phoenicians, the etruscans, the carthaginians, and other celebrated nations and cities who, long before the christian era, drew the attention and governed the destinies of the world. it was in this quarter of the globe, forming, as it does, the cementing point between europe and asia, that an alphabet arose at a very early day, and prior to that of greece or rome, which consisted almost exclusively of straight or angular marks. from its use it has sometimes been called the rock alphabet. it has its equivalents in the more full and exact hebrew and greek characters, so far as the old alphabet extended. it had, as these changes progressed and the family of man spread, the various names of phoenician, ostic, etruscan, punic, ancient greek and gallic, celtiberic, runic, druidical and others. as a system of notation, it appears to occupy an epoch between the hieroglyphic system of egypt and the greek alphabet. but whatever may be said of its origin, affinities, changes, or character, it is clear that this simple alphabet spread westward among the barbaric nations of europe, changing, in some measure, in its forms of notation and the articulate sounds it represented, until it reached the utmost limits of its western and northern coasts and islands. here it served as the means of recording human utterance, until it was supplanted and obliterated by the civilization of rome and the roman alphabet. to decypher the ancient inscriptions in this simple character, found upon rocks and monuments, is an object, at this day, of learned research; and its importance may be judged of by observing, that, whenever successfully effected, it is a literal restoration, to the present age, of the lost sounds of those parts of the ancient world. i will no farther allude to this period, so important in its means of research, than to add, that the inscription, found in , on opening the gigantic pile of earth, or tumulus, heretofore referred to, on the alluvial plains of grave creek in western virginia, was in one of the types of this ancient character. this type of the alphabet may be called aonic[ ]--a term derived from the aboriginal vocabulary. i visited the locality in --carefully examined the facts, and having satisfied myself of the authenticity of the discovery, took duplicate copies of the inscription in wax, and transmitted them to europe. the inscription consists of twenty-three letters, together with a pictorial device, apparently a man's head on a pike. it is made on a small hard stone, of an oval shape, and was found in a vault along with human bones, sea shells, and various ornaments of a rude age. professor charles rafn, of copenhagen, deems the character celtiberic. i have recently received a memoir from m. jomard, at paris, (the sole survivor of bonaparte's scientific corps in egypt,) who considers it as of lybian origin, and compares it with an inscription found on the african shores of the mediterranean at dugga. it relieves, to some extent, the discrepancy existing between these two learned men to remark that the dugga inscription consists of two parts, one of which is pronounced celtiberic by hamaker, and that the generic character of the strokes in this alphabet are preserved to some extent even in the true libyan. since the receipt of mr. rafn's paper, the number of characters on the grave creek stone which are identical with the celtiberic, as published in the first volume of the transactions of the american ethnological society, has been shown to be fifteen, leaving but eight to be accounted for. by comparison, ten of our aonic characters of grave creek correspond with the phoenician; four with the ancient greek; four with the etruscan; six with the ancient gallic; seven with the old erse; five with the runic proper, and thirteen with the druidical, or old british, as it existed before the invasion of julius cæsar. the latter are, however, almost identical, so far as the comparison goes, with the celtiberic. six of the characters, which are several times repeated, however, exist in the right hand portion of the lybian inscription at dugga, but the introduction, in other parts of the monumental text, of the arabic element of notation by curved lines, tends to lessen the probability of the lybian origin of our western inscription, while it adds additional force to the suggestions of mr. rafn. it is also to be noticed that m. jomard employed an inaccurate copy of the inscription which was furnished him some years ago by mr. vail. [ ] vide notes on the iroquois. this comprehends the european branch of the obscure period of our early continental history, and includes all the nations known to have put in claims to share, or to anticipate, the glory of the discovery of the continent by columbus. the discovery of the continent, was, indeed, a geographical wonder. it was made contrary to the predictions of the times. such a discovery was not only opposed by popular opinion; but columbus himself expected no such thing. he sought only a new passage to the east indies. he insisted, with a noble constancy, that he should find land in sailing west. but he did not expect to find, as if by the power of necromancy, that a vast continent should rise up before his eyes. and it is altogether questionable, whether the great navigator did not die without a true knowledge of this fact. it will be recollected that it was not until six years after his death, which happened in , that balboa first discovered the pacific from the heights of panama, and thus truly revealed the position of the continent. sages and philosophers do not admire results which have fallen out contrary to their expressed views; but, in this case, the discovery proved so astounding that all europe joined in extolling, what all europe had a little before, disbelieved. a continent stretching little under , miles, from south to north, with a maximum breath of miles, between sea and sea, rivers, such as the la plata and the amazon--mountains like that of the andes, whose highest peak rises , feet above the sea--volcanoes, which cast their fires over plains of interminable extent--tropical fruits of every kind--mines of gold and silver the richest the world had ever known--these were some of the features that america brought to light, while it added one-third to the known area, and more than one-third to the commercial resources of the world. but while men gazed at its lofty mountains, and geological magnificence, the ancient race of men, who were found here, constituted by far the most curious and thought-inspiring problem. volcanoes and vast plains and mountains were elements in the geography of the old world, and their occurrence here, soon assimilated their discovery to other features of the kind. but the red man continued to furnish a theme for speculation and inquiry, which time has not satisfied. columbus, supposing himself to have found, what he had sailed for, and judging from physical characteristics alone, called them _indians_. usage has perpetuated the term. but if, by the term, it is designed to consider them as of that part of india, which is filled with the hindoo race, there is but little resemblance beyond mere physical traits. of the leading idea of the multiform incarnations of the terrible, and degraded hindoo deities--of the burning of widows at the funereal pile--of infanticide--of the gross idolatry rendered to images, like those of vishnoo and juggernaut, there is nothing. the degraded forms of superstition and human vice which are practised on the ganges and the burrampooter, are unknown on the mississippi and the missouri. nor have we found, so far as i am aware, a single word in the american languages, which exists in the hindostanee. the philosophers and ecclesiastics of the sixteenth century, who discussed the subject of the origin of the american tribes, have left scarcely a portion of the globe untouched by their researches, or from which, they have not attempted, by some analogies, to deduce them. generalization, as soon as columbus returned from his first voyage, took an unlimited latitude; and theories were advanced with a degree of confidence, which was, in some measure, proportioned to the remoteness of the position of the writers, from both the stock of people found, and those of nations with whom they were sought to be compared. scholars ransacked the archives of european archæology. they found some allusions in the greek drama, to ancient discoveries beyond the pillars of hercules. they speculated on the story of atlantis, and the fortunate islands. they drew parallels between the hunter and corn planting tribes of america, and the lost ten tribes of israel, who were graziers. they located ancient ophir, where of all places it had certainly never been, namely, in america. they were satisfied with general resemblances in manners and customs, which mark uncivilized nations, in distant parts of the world, who assimilate, in some traits, from mere parity of circumstances, but between whom there are in reality, no direct affinities of blood and lineage. and they left the question, to all practical and satisfactory ends, precisely where they found it. it was still to be answered, who are the indians? the present age is, in many respects, better prepared to undertake the examination of the question. the time which has passed away since columbus dropped anchor at the island of guanahani, has rendered distant nations on the globe far better acquainted with each other. this has, indeed, been the most remarkable period for its influence on all the true elements of civilization, which the world has ever known. the advance of general knowledge, the comity of national intercourse, and the policy and friendship of nations, has certainly never before reached its present state. china is no longer a sealed nation. british arms have carried the influence of arts and letters, through hindostan, abyssinia, persia, and the valley of the euphrates, have been visited and explored. the deserts of the holy land have been trod by learned men of europe and america. the mouth of the niger and the sources of the nile, are revealed. even arabia, the land where abraham and his descendants once trod, has sent an embassy of peace, to a government , miles distant, which has not had a national existence over seventy years. not only the rulers of arabia and america have been thus brought into the bonds of intercourse; but the age has exchanged the arts, the science and the philosophy of the utmost parts of the earth. scientific discovery has reached its highest acme. the sites of many ancient and long unknown, though not forgotten cities, are recovered. monuments and ruins have been disinterred in the ancient seats of human power, in the oriental world, and inscriptions deciphered, which give vitality to ancient history. ethnology has arisen to hold up the light of her resplendent lamp, amid these ruins, to guide the footsteps of letters, science and piety. to these evidences of the inquisitive energy of the age, it has added new and important means of study and investigation. the principles of interpretation which originated in the study of egyptian monuments, have guided inquiries in other quarters of the globe, and the discovery of a key to the hieroglyphics of the nile has thus reflected light on the progress of monumental researches throughout the world. the science of philology, so important in considering the affinities of nations, has been almost wholly created within fifty years. franklin lived and died without a knowledge of it. astronomy has been employed to some extent to detect the chronology of architectural ruins, and even the antique history of america has been illustrated by the record of an eclipse among the ancient mexican picture-writings.[ ] geology, in her labors to determine the character of the exhumed bones and shells of extinct classes of the animal creation of former eras, has not failed to impart the most important knowledge of the physical history of the planet we occupy. electricity and magnetism have also enlarged their boundaries. chemistry is in the process of fulfilling the highest expectations. all these sources of knowledge have been poured into the lap of geography and ethnography, and given us a far better and truer knowledge of the character, resources, and position of the nations of the world. and after making every allowance for the literary complacency of the age, we are yet unable to point to a prior epoch of the world when man had so fully recovered his position in the scale of civilization, and in the knowledge of the various phenomena in science, letters and arts, on which his true advance depends. [ ] vide gallatin's paper--trans. am. eth. society, vol. i. with these evidences of intellectual progress and the increased power of modern inquiry, there are redoubled incentives to investigate the obscure period of american history. it has been said, prematurely, in the arrogance of european criticism, that america has "no fallen columns" to examine--"no inscriptions to decypher." we answer the assertion by pointing to the enigmatical walls of palenque and chi chen itza, and to the polished ruins of cuzco, and the valley of anahuac. researches in this field of observation have just commenced. bigotry and lust of conquest, led the early spanish adventurers to sweep as with the besom of destruction every object and monument of art which stood in their way. cortez razed the walls of ancient mexico to the ground as he entered it, and his zealous followers committed to the flames whatever was light and combustible. this spirit marked the entire conquest which was carried on under the triple mania of religious bigotry, the lust of gold, and the unchastened spirit of national robbery. we have to glean for facts among that which is left. it is still an interesting field, but it has been hedged up since the conquest, by the jealous spirit and narrow policy of by far the most gloomy and non-progressive nation of europe. spanish chivalry has been extolled to the skies, but it has ever been the chivalry of the dark ages. she has fought for the antiquity of opinion, while she has guarded the avenue to facts. there are immense districts of central and south america, which are yet a perfect terra incognita to the traveller and the antiquarian. entire tribes and nations in the gloomy ranges of the andes and the cordilleras have never submitted to the spanish yoke, and still enjoy their original customs and institutions. so far as modern explorations have been made, the results are, in a high degree, auspicious. mr. stephens has opened vistas in our antiquarian history by his two exploratory journies, which tend to show how little we yet know of the ancient epochs of the country, and the field of inquiry is about to be occupied at various points under the highest advantages. some of the figures and devices on the antique walls and temples of equinoctial america, appear to contain information for a future young or champollion to reveal. time and scrutiny will do much to lift the veil of mystery from these ancient ruins, and to form and regulate sound opinion upon the ancient inhabitants of that quarter, and their state of arts. there can be no doubt that evidences exist in buried antiquities which will tend to connect the arts and religion, mythology and astronomy of the eastern and western hemispheres--to unravel the difficulties in the way of comparative philology, and to reconstruct and connect the links in the broken chain of national affiliation. even in our less attractive latitudes and longitudes, a more auspicious and healthy tone has been given to the spirit of investigation. a voice from one of our western mounds (which has been alluded to) promises to restore the reading of an inscription in one of the earliest alphabets of the world. sculptures have recently been disclosed in some of the minor mounds of the west, which are executed in a polished style of art, and strongly connect the mexican and american tribes. the figures of animals and birds, taken from some barrows in the scioto valley, are executed in a manner quite equal to anything of the kind found in mexico or peru. mythological evidence is also assuming more distinctive grounds. an imitative mound of a gigantic serpent swallowing an egg, has been discovered in one of the forest counties of ohio, while i have been engaged in penning these remarks. the discovery of this curious structure, which is coiled for the distance of a quarter of a mile around a hill, transfers to our soil a striking and characteristic portion of oriental mythology. scarcely a season passes, indeed, which does not add, by the extension of our settlements, or the direct agency of exploration, to the number of monumental evidences of antique occupancy. but were these, indeed, wanting--were there no mounds or pyramids of sepulture or sacrifice--no remains of art--no inscriptive testimonies to speak of by-gone centuries--we have before us one of the most interesting of all monumental proofs in the lost and enigmatical race, who yet rove the boundless forests of the west and south. whether there be evidences to separate the eras and nations of the most ancient inhabitants from those whose descendants yet remain, is one of the very points at issue. if the descendants of the mound and temple builders yet exist, the traditions of the era have passed from them in the process of their declension. but whoever the builders were, and whether their blood still flows in the existing race or not, they clung, like this race, so firmly to their ancient mythology and religion as to impress it indelibly on the features of their architecture, and in almost every work or labor which they attempted. viewed in every age, the existing tribes have exhibited such a fixity and peculiarity of character, as to have rendered them at once a paradox and a bye-word. the turk has not been more inflexible; nor the jew shown more individuality. we have hardly begun systematically to examine this subject. if the ancient builders were nomads--mere hunters of the bear, the deer, and the bison, who were too happy in the parthian attainments of the bow and arrow to need towns and temples--certainly no such development arose in these more northern latitudes. and yet, if we make some peculiar exceptions, it appears difficult to suppose that the entire race, viewed in its generic and ethnological aspect, did not present a unity. while the very amplitude of the continent, and the variety of its soil, climate and productions, would lead, inevitably, to divisions and sub-divisions of tribes and languages, there are characteristics so deeply seated in their organization and habits, physical and mental, as to mark them as a peculiar family of the red type of man. adopting this idea of unity as a basis of study, there are, at least, fewer obstacles in grouping the phenomena from which our deductions are to be drawn. the proof of negation is not the strongest proof, but it is something to assert that they are neither of japhetic or hamitic origin. in the traditions of one of the most celebrated north american tribes, namely, the iroquois, the continent or "island," as it is termed, is called aonio,[ ] and we may hence denominate the race aonic, and the individuals aonites. if we do not advance by this term in the origin of the people, we at least advance in the precision of discussion. [ ] notes on the iroquois. but where shall we find a basis, on which to rest their chronology? must we run back to the epoch of the original dispersion of man, or can we rest at a subsequent point? has the era of christianity any definite relation to their migration? was the migration designed, or accidental? did it consist of one tribe, or twenty tribes? did it happen at one epoch, or many epochs? have they wandered here eighteen centuries, or double that period? these are some of the inquiries that naturally occur. the first great question to be decided in the history of the red race, is, whether they were, as they have been vaguely called, the _aborigines_, or were preceded, on the continent, by other races? the second, whether the type of civilization, of which we behold evidences in mexico, yucatan and south america, was an _indigenous development_ of energies latent in the human mind, or derived its leading and suggestive features from _foreign lands_? there is intermingled with these inquiries, the scarcely less important one, whether or not, the _antiquarian ruins of america_, denote an element or elements of _european population_, in the later eras, whose fate became involved in the hunter mass, and who may be supposed to have been completely obliterated from the traditions of the existing tribes, prior to the discovery by columbus. indian tradition has little or nothing to offer on this head. time and barbarism have blotted out all. the entire sum of the traditions of all the various races of red men, on the continent, when sifted from the mass of fabulous and incongruous matter by which it is accompanied, and when there is any allusion to it at all, amounts to this: that their ancestors came from the east; a few tribes, assert that they had come by water.[ ] the land from whence they set out, the time devoted to the purposes of their long migration, and the actual period of their landing, and all such questions, are indefinite. and we must re-construct their chronology, in the best way possible, from a careful system of patient historical and antiquarian induction. exactitude it cannot have, but it may reach plausibility. granting to the scandinavian, the cimbrian and the italian periods of adventure, which have been named, the fullest limits, in point of antiquity, which have under any circumstances been claimed, we cannot carry even this species of history beyond the year a. d. ; leaving years to be accounted for, to the commencement of the christian era. the aztec empire which had reached such a point of magnificence when mexico was first entered by cortez, in , did not, according to the picture writings and mexican chronologists, date back farther than , or by another authority, . the toltecs, who preceded them in the career of empire, and whom together with the chichimecs and their allies they overthrew, do not, allowing them the most liberal latitude of authors, extend their reign beyond a. d. . prior to this, indian chronology makes mention of the olmecs--a people who are described as having mechanical arts, and to whom even the toltecs ascribed the erection of some of their most antique and magnificent monuments. according to fernando d'alva, himself of aztec lineage, the most ancient date assigned to the entire group of mexican dynasties is a. d. . there are monuments in those benignant latitudes of perpetual summer, exempted as they are from the disintegrating effects of frosts, which corroborate such a chronology, and denote even a more ancient population, who were builders, agriculturists and worshippers of the sun. but we require a far longer period than any thus denoted, to account for those changes and subdivisions which have been found in the american languages. [ ] such are the traditions of the aztecs and of the athapascas. nearly every aonic tribe, on the contrary, affirm that their ancestors came out of the ground. language is itself so irrefragable a testimony of the mental affinities of nations, and so slow in the periods of its mutations, that it offers one of the most important means for studying the history of the people. grammars and vocabularies are required of all the tribes, whose history and relations we seek to fathom, before we can successfully compare them with each other, and with foreign languages. it is a study of high interest, from the diversity and curious principles of the dialects. there is a general agreement in the principles of indian utterance, while their vocabularies exhibit wide variances. some of the concords required, are anomalous to the occidental grammars, while there is a manifest general resemblance to these ancient plans of thought. the most curious features consist in the personal forms of the verbs, the constant provision for limiting the action to specific objects, the submergence of gender in many cases into two great organic and inorganic classes of nature, marked by vitality or inertia, and the extraordinary power of syllabical combination, by which indian lexicography is rendered so graphic and descriptive in the bestowal of names. they are all, or nearly all, transpositive and polysynthetic; yet although now found in a very concrete form, this appears to have been not their original form, but rather the result of the progress of syllabical accretion, from a few limited roots and particles, which are yet when dissected found to be monosyllabic. that they have incorporated some of the hebrew pronouns, and while like this language, wanting the auxiliary verb _to be_, have preserved its solemn causative verb, for existence, are among the points of the philology to be explained. but i have not time to pursue this subject. even these notices are made at the sacrifice of other and perhaps more generally interesting traits of their antiquity. the _astronomy_ of the american tribes, has been thought to merit attention, in any attempts to compare them with foreign nations. the evidences of the attainments of the ancient mexicans in this science, as well as the facts of their general history, chronology and languages, have been examined by the venerable archæologist and ex-statesman, who presides over this society, in a critical dissertation, published by the american ethnological society, which is the ablest paper of the age. the results of mr. gallatin's labors, and his reading of the ancient scrolls of mexican picture writing, preserved in the folios of lord kingsborough, while they limit the amount of precise historical information in these unique records to very narrow grounds, yet denote a degree of system and exactitude, both in their chronology and astronomy, which are very remarkable. the simple astronomy of our aonic tribes of the north, gave them a lunar year, consisting of twelve moons. they consequently had a year of about three hundred and sixty days. as they had no names for days, no week and no subperiods of a moon, but noticed and relied simply on the moon's phases, they did not become acquainted with the necessity of intercalations for the true length of the year. the aztecs of mexico, on the contrary, had a solar year, and had made an extraordinary advance in computing the true time. their year consisted of eighteen months, of twenty days each, a perfectly arbitrary system. this division would give but three hundred and sixty days to the year. the remaining five were called _empty_ or superfluous days, and were added to the last month of the eighteen. a tropical year is, however, about six hours longer than three hundred and sixty-five days, and by throwing away six hours annually, there would be an entire day lost every four years. the mexican astronomers were well aware of this fact; but instead of supplying the deficiency every fourth year as we do, they disregarded it entirely, till a whole cycle consisting of fifty-two years was completed, and then they intercalated thirteen days, to make up the time and complete their cycle. in this way they came to the same result as the egyptians, but by a different process, since the egyptian calendar was founded on a computation of twelve lunar months of thirty days each. it was precisely the same in the old persian calendar, which consisted of a year of three hundred and sixty days, made up of twelve months of thirty days each. the aztecs divided their cycle of fifty two years, into four periods of thirteen years; called tlalpilli, and their month of twenty days, into four sub-periods, or weeks, of five days. the cycle was called xiuhmolpilli, which signifies, "the tying up of years." each day of the month had a separate _name_, derived from some animate, or inanimate object, as _tochtli_, a rabbit, _calli_, a house, _atl_, water, _tecpatl_, silex, _xochitl_, a flower, _cohuatl_, a serpent. the fifth day, was a fair or market day. the names of the days were represented by hieroglyphic figures of the objects described. the divisions were perfect and regular, and enabled them to denote, in their scrolls of picture writing, the chronology of the month, and of the tlalpilli, or period of thirteen years.[ ] [ ] as to the market day or week of five days, sir wm. jones and sir stamford raffles, tell us that the same period, existed, for the same purpose, in india. in the symbols for days, we find four to correspond exactly with the zodiacal signs of india, eight with those of thibet, six with those of siam and japan, and others with those of the chinese and moguls. the scheme itself denotes, not only a very certain mode of keeping the record of time, but a very exact knowledge of the tropical year. it is now known that the length of the year is precisely three hundred and sixty five days, five hours, forty eight minutes, and forty eight seconds; and it is perfectly well ascertained, that the aztecs computed its length, at the period of their highest advance, at three hundred and sixty five days, five hours, forty six minutes, and nine seconds, differing only two minutes and thirty nine seconds from our own computation.[ ] there is evidence, indeed, that the ancient inhabitants of this continent, had more science, than is generally conceded. if we are to credit writers, the aztecs understood the true causes of eclipses, as well as we do. diagrams exist, in their pictorial records, in which the earth is represented as projecting its disc upon the moon--thus indicating, clearly, a true knowledge of this phenomenon. mr. gallatin remarks that the indian astronomical system, as developed in mexico, is not one of _indigenous origin_, but that they had, manifestly, received it, at least their calendar, from a foreign source. its results could not have been attained without long and patient observations. some of its methods of combination, in the double use of names and figures, in their cycles, are thought to denote an ancient primitive system of oriental astronomy, reaching back to the earliest times. here, then, we have one probable fact to serve as the nucleus of antiquarian testimony. we begin it abroad. [ ] with respect to intercalations, various periods have been taken by ancient nations. and while we take the shortest possible one, of four years; and the aztecs took fifty two, the chinese took sixty, and the persians one hundred and twenty. the _architecture_ of the ancient inhabitants of mexico and peru, has been illustrated, within a few years, by several elaborate works; and the subject may be deemed to have been brought, by these works, within the scope of study and comparison. there are two features in this unique order of architecture, which appear to denote great antiquity in the principles developed, namely, the arch and the pyramid. these nations appear to have had the use of squares and parallelograms, in their geometry, without circles, or parabolic lines. the only form of the arch observed, is that called the cyclopean arch, which is made by one course of stones overlapping another, till the two walls meet, and a flat stone covers the space. this is the earliest type of the arch known among mankind, and is believed to be more ancient than the foundation of any city in europe. the pyramid, as developed in the temple of the sun at tezcuco, the mexican teocalli, and the aonic mounds of north america, compose a form of architecture equally ancient; which can be traced back over the plains of asia, to the period of the original dispersion of mankind. the temple of belus, was but a vast pyramid, raised for the worship of bel. originating in the hamitic tribes, in the alluvial vallies and flat-lands of asia minor, a perfect infatuation, on the subject, appears to have possessed the early oriental nations, and they carried the idea into the valley of the nile, and, indeed, wherever they went. it appeared to be the substitute of idolatrous nations, on alluvial lands, for an isolated hill, or promontory. it was at such points that baal and bel were worshipped, and hence the severe injunctions of the sacred volume, on the worship established in the oriental world "on high places." such was the position of the pyramids in the vallies of the euphrates and the nile, and the idea appears to have reached america without any deviation whatever in its relative position, or its general design. it was every were, throughout america, as we find it, in the vallies of mexico and the mississippi, erected in rich and level vallies, or plains, and dedicated to idolatrous worship. the mound builders of north america, north of the tropical latitudes, appear like bad copyists of a sublime original. they retained the idea of the oriental pyramid, but being no mechanics constructed piles of earth to answer the ancient purpose, both of worship and interment. our largest structures of this kind, are the mound of grave creek in western virginia, containing about three millions of cubic feet, and the great group of the monks of _la trappe_ in illinois, estimated at seven millions of cubic feet.[ ] those of saint louis, mount joliet, and the blue mounds respectively are now known to be of _geological_ origin. [ ] the central mound of this group has been cut through since the date of my paper before the ethnological society, and proved to be _artificial_. but the mexican and south american tribes built more boldly, and have left several specimens of the pyramids, which deserve to be mentioned, as well from the evidences they afford of mechanical skill, as from their magnificent proportions, and their nilotic power of endurance. the pyramid of cholula, in the valley of mexico, exists in three vast steps, retreating as they ascend, the highest of which was crowned with a temple, whose base was one hundred and seventy-seven feet above the plain. this is nine feet higher than that of myrcerinus, the third of the great group of ghiza on the nile; but its base of one thousand four hundred and twenty-three feet, exceeds that of any edifice of the kind found by travellers in the old world, and is double that of cheops. to realize a clear idea of its magnitude, we may imagine a solid structure of earth, bricks and stone, which would fill the washington parade ground, squared by its east and west lines, and rising seventy-five feet above the turrets of the new york university. the pyramids of the empire of the incas are not less remarkable. there are at saint juan teotihuacan, near lake tezcuco, in the mexican valley, two very large antique pyramids, which were consecrated by the ancient inhabitants to the sun and moon. the largest, called tonatiuh ytzalqual, or the house of the sun, has a base of two hundred and eight metres, or six hundred and eighty-two english feet in length, and fifty-five metres or one hundred and eighty feet perpendicular elevation; being three feet higher than the great pyramid of cholula. the other, called meztu ytzaqual, or house of the moon, is thirty-six feet lower, and has a lesser base. these monuments, according to the first accounts, were erected by the most ancient tribes, and were the models of the aztec teocalli. the faces of these pyramids are within fifty-two seconds, exactly north and south and east and west. their interior consists of massive clay and stone. this solid nucleus is covered by a kind of porous amygdaloid, called tetzontli. they are ascended by steps of hewn stone to their pinnacles, where tradition affirms, there were anciently statues covered with thin lamina of gold. and it was on these sublime heights, with the clear tropical skies of mexico above them, that the toltec magi lit the sacred fire upon their altars, offered up incense, and chanted hymns. one fact in connexion with these ancient structures is remarkable, on account of its illustrative character of the use of our small mounds. around the base of these pyramids, there were found numerous smaller pyramids, or cones of scarcely nine or ten metres--twenty-nine to thirty feet elevation, which were dedicated to the stars. these minor elevations, were generally arranged at right angles. they furnished also places of sepulture for their distinguished chiefs, and hence the avenue leading through them, was called micoatl, or road of the dead. we have in this arrangement a hint of the object of the numerous small mounds, which generally surround the large mounds in the mississippi valley--as may be witnessed in the remarkable group of la trappe, in illinois. a similar arrangement, indeed, prevails in the smaller series of the leading mound groups west of the alleghanies. they may be called star-mounds. if this theory be correct, we have not only a satisfactory explanation of the object of the smaller groups, which has heretofore puzzled inquirers; but the presence of such groups may be taken as an evidence of the wide spread worship of the sun, at an early period in these latitudes. sun-worship existed extensively in north america as well as south. there is reason to believe that the ancestors of all the principal existing tribes in america, worshipped an eternal fire. both from their records and traditions, as well as their existing monuments, this deduction is irresistible. not only the olmecs and toltecs, who built the temples of the sun and moon, near the lake of tezcuco--not only the auricaneans, who obeyed the voice of the first inca, in erecting the temple of the sun at the foot of the andes; but the aztecs, even at the later and more corrupted period of their rites, adhered strongly to this fundamental rite. it is to be traced from the tropical latitudes into the mississippi valley, where the earth-mound it is apprehended, rudely supplied the place of its more gorgeous, southern prototype. when they had raised the pile of earth as high as their means and skill dictated, facts denote that they erected temples and altars at its apex. on these altars, tradition tells us, they burned the tobacco plant, which maintains its sacred character unimpaired to the present day. from the traditions which are yet extant in some of the tribes, they regarded the sun as the symbol of _divine intelligence_. they paid him no human sacrifices, but offered simply incense, and dances and songs. they had an order of priesthood, resembling the ancient magi, who possessed the highest influence and governed the destinies of the tribes. it is past all doubt that manco capac, was himself one of these magi: and it is equally apparent, that the order exists at this day, although shorn of much of its ancient, external splendor, in the solemn _metais_, and sacrificial _jossakeeds_, who sway the simple multitudes in the north american forests. among these tribes, the graphic _ke-ke-win_, which depicts the sun, stands on their pictorial rolls, as the symbol of the great spirit; and no important rite or ceremony is undertaken without an offering of tobacco. this weed is lit with the sacred element, generated anew on each occasion, from percussion. to light and to put out this fire, is the symbolic language for the opening and closing of every important civil or religious public transaction, and it is the most sacred rite known to them. it is never done without an appeal, which has the characteristics of prayer, to the great spirit. to find in america, a system of worship which existed in mesopotamia, in the era of the patriarch job, one thousand five hundred and fifty years before the advent of christ, is certainly remarkable, and is suggestive both of the antiquity and origin of the tribes. geology is not without its testimony in this connexion. the antiquity of human occupancy in the mississippi valley is so extreme, that it appears to mingle its evidences with some of its more recent geological phenomena. the gradual disintegration and replacement of strata in that quarter of the country, involve facts which are quite in accordance with evidences of ancient eras drawn from other sources. it is some seven and twenty years since the earliest evidences of this kind arrested my attention. i was then descending the valley of the unicau or white river, in the present area of arkansas. this is one of that series of large streams which descends the great slope or _wassershied_, extending from the foot of the rocky mountains into the lower mississippi. these streams have carried down for ages the loosened materials of the elevated and mountainous parts of that great range into the delta of the mississippi, filling up immense ancient inlets and seas, and pushing its estuary into the mexican gulf. they are still to be regarded as the vast geological laboratory in which so large a part of the plains, islands and shores of that great off-drain of the continent have been prepared. the evidences referred to in the descent of the unicau, consisted of antique, coarse pottery, scoria and ashes, together with a metallic alloy of a whitish hue, but capable of being cut partially with a knife. there were also deposites of bones, but so decayed and fragmentary as to make it impossible to determine their specific character. all these were, geologically, beneath the various strata of sand, loam and vegetable mould, supporting the heavy primitive forest of that valley. at little rock, in the valley of the arkansas, vestiges of art have recently been found in similar beds of denudation, at considerable depths below the surface of the wooded plains. they consisted of a subterraneous furnace, together with broken clay kettles. in other portions of this wide slope of territory, a species of antique bricks have been disinterred.[ ] it is in this general area, and in strata of a similar age, that gigantic bones, tusks and teeth of the mastodon, and other extinct quadrupeds, have been so profusely found within a few years, particularly in the osage valley. [ ] arkansas paper. but the greatest scene of superficial disturbance of post-human occupancy, appears in the great alluvial angle of territory which lies between the mississippi and ohio, extending to their junction. this area constitutes the grand prairie section of lower illinois. the big bone lick of the ohio, the original seat of the discovery of the bones of the megalonyx and mastodon, announced by mr. jefferson to the philosophers of europe, connects itself with this element of continental disturbance. its western limits are cut through by the mississippi, which washes precipitous cliffs of rock, between a promontory or natural pyramid of limestone, standing in its bed called grand tower, and the city of st. louis, extending even to a point opposite the junction of the missouri. directly opposite these secondary cliffs, on the illinois shore, extends transversely for one hundred miles, the noted alluvial tract called the american bottom. this tract discloses, at great depths, buried trunks of trees, fresh-water shells, animal bones and various wrecks of pre-existing orders of the animal and vegetable creation. on the banks of the sabine river, which flows into the ohio, there was found, some few years ago, in the progress of excavations made for salt water, coarse clay kettles of from eight to ten gallons capacity, and fragments of earthenware, imbedded at the depth of eighty feet. the limestone rocks of the missouri coast, above noticed, which form the western verge of this antique lacustrine sea, have produced some curious organic foot-tracks of animals and other remains; and the faces of these cliffs exhibit deep and well marked water lines, as if they had been acted on by a vast body of water, standing for long and fixed periods, at a high level, and subject to be acted on by winds and tempests. indeed, it requires but little examination of the various phenomena, offered at this central point of the mississippi valley, to suppose that the southern boundary of this ancient oceanic-lake, ran in the direction of the grand tower and cave in rock groups, and that an arm of the sea or gulf of mexico, must have extended to the indicated foot of this ancient lacustrine barrier. at this point, there appear evidences also of the existence of mighty ancient cataracts. the topic is one which has impressed me as being well entitled to investigation, and is hastily introduced here among the branches of inquiry bearing on my subject. but it cannot be dwelt upon, although it is connected with an interesting class of kindred phenomena, in other parts of the west. i have already occupied the time, which i had prescribed to myself in these remarks. it has been impossible to consider many topics, upon which a true understanding of the antique period of our history depends. but i cannot close them, without a brief allusion to the leading traits and history of the red race, whose former advance in the arts, and whose semi-civilization in the equinoctial latitudes of the continent, we have been contemplating. that these tribes are a people of great antiquity, far greater than has been assigned to them, is denoted by the considerations already mentioned. their languages, their astronomy, their architecture and their very ancient religion and mythology, prove this. but a people who live without letters, must expect their history to perish with them. tradition soon degenerates into fable, and fable has filled the oldest histories of the world, with childish incongruities and recitals of gross immoralities. in this respect, the indian race have evinced less imagination than the greeks and romans, who have filled the world with their lewd philosophy of genealogy, but their myths are quite as rational and often better founded than those of the latter. to restore their history from the rubbish of their traditions, is a hopeless task. we must rely on other data, the nature of which has been mentioned. to seek among ruins, to decypher hieroglyphics, to unravel myths, to study ancient systems of worship and astronomy, and to investigate vocabularies and theories of language, are the chief methods before us; and these call for the perseverance of sysiphus and the clear inductive powers of bacon. who shall touch the scattered bones of aboriginal history with the spear of truth, and cause the skeleton of their ancient society to arise and live? we may never see this; but we may hold out incentives to the future scholar, to labor in this department. of their origin, it is yet premature, on the basis of ethnology, to decide. there is no evidence--not a particle, that the tribes came to the continent after the opening of the christian era. their religion bears far more the characteristics of zoroaster, than of christ. it has also much more that assimilates it to the land of chaldea, than to the early days of the land of palestine. the cyclopean arch, and the form of the pyramid, point back to very ancient periods. their language is constructed on a very antique plan of thought. their symbolic system of picture writing is positively the oldest and first form of recording ideas the world ever knew. the worship of the sun is the earliest form of human idolatry. their calendar and system of astronomy reveal traits common to that of china, persia, or hindostan. mr. gallatin, from the consideration of the languages alone, is inclined to think that they might have reached the continent within five hundred years after the original dispersion. that they are of the shemitic stock, cannot be questioned. the only point to be settled, indeed, appears to be, from what branch of that very widely dispersed, and intermingled race of idolaters and warriors they broke loose, and how, and in what manner, and during what era, or eras, they found their way to these shores? but, however these questions may be decided, this is certain, that civilization, government and arts began to develope themselves first in the tropical regions of mexico and central america. mexico itself, in the process of time, became to the ancient indian tribes, the rome of america. like its proud prototype in europe, it was invaded by one barbaric tribe after another, to riot and plunder, but who, in the end, adopted the type of civilization, which they came to destroy. such was the origin of the toltecs and the aztecs, whom cortez conquered. when we turn our view from this ancient centre of indian power, to the latitudes of the american republic, we find the territory covered, at the opening of the sixteenth century, with numerous tribes, of divers languages, existing in the mere hunter state, or at most, with some habits of horticulture superadded. they had neither cattle nor arts. they were bowmen and spearmen--roving and predatory, with very little, if any thing, in their traditions, to link them to these prior central families of men, but with nearly every thing in their physical and intellectual type, to favor such a generic affiliation. they erected groups of mounds, to sacrifice to the sun, moon and stars. they were, originally, fire-worshippers. they spoke one general class of transpositive languages. they had implements of copper, as well as of silex, and porphyries. they made cooking vessels of tempered clay. they carved very beautiful and perfect models of birds and quadrupeds, out of stone, as we see in some recently opened mounds. they cultivated the most important of all the ancient mexican grains, the zea mays. they raised the tobacco plant, to be offered, to their gods, as frankincense. they used the aztec drum in their religious ceremonies and war dances. they employed the very ancient asiatic art of recording ideas, by means of representative devices. they believed in the oriental doctrines of transformation, and the power of necromancy. their oral fictions on this head, are so replete with fancy, that they might give scope to the lyre of some future western ovid. they held, with pythagoras, the doctrine of the transmigration of souls. they believed, indeed, in duplicate souls. they believed with zoroaster, in the two great creative and antagonistical principles of ormusd and ahriman, and they had then, and have still, an influential and powerful order of priests, who uphold the principles of a sacred fire. to these principles, they appeal _now_, as they did in the days of the discovery. they believe in the sacred character of fire, and regard it as the mysterious element of the universe, which typifies the divinity. they believe, and practice strictly, with the descendants of abraham, the law of separation, but not the practice of circumcision. with the ancient phoenicians, they attribute extraordinary powers, to the wisdom and subtlety of the serpent, and this reptile holds a high place in their mythology. they regard the tortoise, as the original increment, and medium of the creation of the earth, and view the bear and the wolf as enchanted heroes of supernatural energies. and they have adopted the devices of these three animals as the general totemic types and bond of their separation into clans. they are as observant as any of the orientalists were, of the flight of birds. they draw, with the ancient chaldeans, prognostications from the clouds. they preserve the simple music of the arcadian pipe, which is dedicated to love. they people their woods and mountains, and romantic water-falls, with various classes of wood and water nymphs, fairies and genii. they had anticipated the author of the "rape of the lock" in the creation of a class of personal gnomes, who nimbly dance over the lineaments of the human frame. they have a class of seers and prophets, who mutter from the ground, the decisions of fate and providence. they believe in the idea of ghosts, witchcraft, and vampires. they place the utmost reliance on dreams and night visions. a dream and a revelation, are synonymous. councils are called, and battles are fought on the prognostications of a dream. they are astrologers and star-gazers, and draw no small part of their mythology from the skies. they fast to obtain the favor of the deity, and they feast, at the return of the first fruits. they have concentrated the wisdom and fancy of their forefathers and sages, in allegories and fables. with the arabs, they are gifted in the relation of fictitious domestic tales, in which necromancy and genii, constitute the machinery of thought. with the ancient mesopotamians, persians and copts, they practice the old art of ideographic, or picture writing. they are excellent local geographers, and practical naturalists. there is not an animal, fish, insect or reptile in america, whose character and habitudes they do not accurately and practically know. they believe the earth to be a plain, with four corners, and the sky a hemisphere of material substance-like brass, or metal, through which the planets shine, and around which the sun and moon revolve. over all, they install the power of an original deity, who is called the great spirit, who is worshipped by fire, who is invoked by prayer, and who is regarded, from the cliffs of the monadnock,[ ] to the waters of the nebraska,[ ] as omnipotent, immaterial, and omnipresent. [ ] a mountain in new hampshire, seen from the sea. [ ] the indian name of the river la plate. that this race has dwelt on the continent long centuries before the christian era, all facts testify. if they are not older as a people, than most of the present nations on the asiatic shores of the indian ocean, as has been suggested, they are certainly anterior in age, to the various groups of the polynesian islands. they have, it is apprehended, taken the impress of their character and mental ideocracy from the early tribes of western asia, which was originally peopled, to a great extent, by the descendants of shem. these fierce tribes crowded each other, as one political wave trenches on another, till they have apparently traversed its utmost bounds. how they have effected the traject here, and by what process, or contingency, are merely curious questions, and can never be satisfactorily answered. the theory of a migration by behring's straits, is untenable. if we could find adequate motives for men to cross thence, we cannot deduce the tropical animals. we cannot erect a history from materials so slender. it may yield one element of population; but we require the origin of many. but while we seek for times and nations, we have the indubitable evidences of the general event or events in the people before us, and we are justified by philology alone, in assigning to it an epoch or epochs, which are sufficiently remote and conformable to the laws of climate, to account for all the phenomena. no such epoch seems adequate this side of the final overthrow of babylon, or general dispersion of mankind, or the period of the conquest of palestine. one singular and extraordinary result, in the fulfilment of a very ancient prophecy of the human family, may be noticed. it is this. assuming the indian tribes to be of shemitic origin, which is generally conceded, they were met on this continent, in , by the japhetic race, after the two stocks had passed round the globe by directly different routes. within a few years subsequent to this event, as is well attested, the humane influence of an eminent spanish ecclesiastic, led to the calling over from the coasts of africa, of the hamitic branch. as a mere historical question, and without mingling it in the slightest degree with any other, the result of three centuries of occupancy, has been a series of movements in all the colonial stocks, south and north, by which japhet has been immeasurably enlarged on the continent, while the called and not voluntary sons of ham, have endured a servitude, in the wide stretching vallies of the tents of shem.[ ] [ ] genesis, . . such are the facts which lend their interest to the early epoch of our history. they invite the deepest study. every season brings to our notice some new feature, in its antiquities, which acts as a stimulus to thought and inquiry. it is evident that there is more aliment for study and scrutiny in its obscure periods, than has heretofore been supposed. vestiges of art are found, which speak of elder and higher states of civilization, than any known to the nomadic or hunter states. and the great activity which marks the present state of antiquarian and philological inquiry, in the leading nations of europe, adds deeply to our means and inducements to search out the american branch of the subject. man, as he views these results, gathers new hopes of his ability to trace the wandering footsteps of early nations over the globe. there is a hope of obtaining the ultimate principles of languages and national affinities. already science and exact investigation have accomplished the most auspicious and valuable results. the spirit of research has enabled us to unlock many secrets, which have remained sealed up for centuries. history has gleaned largely from the spirit of criticism; ethnology has already reared a permanent monument to her own intellectual labors, and promises in its results, to unravel the intricate thread of ancient migration, and to untie the gordian knot of nations. shall we not follow in this path? shall we not emulate the labors of a belzoni, a humboldt, and a robinson? team (http://www.fadedpage.com) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) the story of extinct civilizations of the west by robert e. anderson, m.a., f.a.s. author of extinct civilizations of the east [illustration: prehistoric structure, uxmal (yucatan) (p. ).] [illustration] venient annis saecula seris quibus oceanus vincula rerum laxet, et ingens pateat tellus tethys que novos detegat orbes. --seneca. new york _mcclure, phillips & co._ mcmiv copyright, , by d. appleton and company contents chapter page introduction i. pre-columbian discoveries of america ii. "discovery of the world and of man" iii. the extinct civilization of the aztecs iv. american archeology v. mexico before the spanish invasion vi. arrival of the spaniards vii. cortÉs and montezuma viii. balboa and the isthmus ix. extinct civilization of peru x. pizarro and the incas maps, etc. page prehistoric structure, uxmal (yucatan) _frontispiece_ imaginary continent, south of africa and asia remains of a norse church at katortuk, greenland map of vinland the dighton stone in the taunton river, massachusetts the dighton stone. fig. cipher autograph of columbus chulpa or stone tomb of the peruvians quetzalcoatl ancient bridge near tezcuco teocalli, aztec temple for human sacrifices monolith doorway. near lake titicaca. fig. image over the doorway shown in fig. . near lake titicaca. fig. the quipu gold ornament (? zodiac) from a tomb at cuzco extinct civilizations of the west introduction throughout all the periods of european history, ancient or modern, no age has been more remarkable for events of first-rate importance than the latter half of the fifteenth century. the rise of the new learning, the "discovery of the world and of man," the displacement of many outworn beliefs, these with other factors produced an awakening that startled kings and nations. then felt they like balboa, when with eagle eyes he stared at the pacific, and all his men looked at each other with a wild surmise silent, upon a peak in darien. it was at this historical juncture that the "middle ages" came to an end, and modern europe had its beginning. (see chapter ii.) why was europe so long in discovering the vast continent which all the time lay beyond the western ocean? simply because every skipper and every "board of admiralty" believed that this world on which we live and move is flat and level. they did not at all realize the fact that it is _ball_-shaped; and that when a ball is very large (say, as large as a balloon), then any small portion of the surface must appear flat and level to a fly or "mite" traveling in that vicinity. homer believed that our world is a flat and level plain, with a great river, oceanus, flowing round it; and for many ages that seemed a very natural and sufficient theory. the pythagoreans, it is true, argued that our earth must be spherical, but why? oh, said they, because in geometry the sphere is the "most perfect" of all solid figures. aristotle, being scientific, gave better reasons for believing that the earth is spherical or ball-shaped. he said the shadow of the earth is always round like the shadow of a ball; and the shadow of the earth can be seen during any eclipse of the moon; therefore, all who see that shadow on the moon's disk know, or ought to know, that the earth is ball-shaped. another reason given by aristotle is that the altitude of any star above the horizon changes when the observer travels north or south. for example, if at london a star appears to be ° above the northern horizon, and at york the same star at the same instant appears - / °, it is evident that - / ° is the difference (increase) of altitude at york compared with london. such an observation shows that the road from london to york is not over a flat, level plane, but over the curved surface of a sphere, the arc of a circle, in fact. herodotus, the father of history, was a good geographer and an experienced traveler, yet his only conception of the world was as a flat, wide-extending surface. in egypt he was told how pharaoh necho had sent a crew of phenicians to explore the coast of africa by setting out from the red sea, and how they sailed south till they had _the sun on their right hand_. "absurd!" says herodotus, in his naïve manner, "this story i can not believe." in egypt, as in greece or europe generally, the sun rises on the left hand, and at noon casts a shadow pointing north; whereas in south africa the sun at noon casts a shadow pointing south, and sunrise is therefore on the _right hand_. the honest sailors had told the truth; they had merely "crossed the line," without knowing it. if herodotus had known that the world was spherical or ball-shaped, he could easily have understood that by traveling due south the sun must at last appear at noon to the north instead of the south. a counterpart to the story of the phenician sailors occurs in pliny: he tells how some ambassadors came to the roman emperor claudius from an island in the south of asia, and when in italy were much astonished to see the sun at noon to the south, casting shadows to the north. they also wondered, he says, to see the great bear and other groups of stars which had never been visible in their native land (nat. hist., vi, ). that there were islands or even a continent in the western ocean was a tradition not infrequent in classical and medieval times, as we shall presently see, but to place a continent in the southern ocean was a greater stretch of imagination. the great outstanding problem of the sources of the nile probably suggested this southern continent to some. ptolemy, the great egyptian geographer, even formed the conjecture that the southern continent was joined to africa by a broad isthmus, as indicated in certain maps. such a connection of the two continents would at once dispose of the story that the phenician sailors had "doubled the cape." in several maps after the time of columbus, australia is extended westward in order to pass muster for the southern continent. [illustration: imaginary continent, south of africa and asia. [the cardinal points are shown by the four winds.] beginning of the fifteenth century. the word brumæ = the winter solstices.] it is with a western continent, however, that we are now mainly concerned. what lands were imagined by the ancients in the far west under the setting sun? the mighty ocean beyond spain was to the greeks and latins a place of dread and mystery. "stout was his heart and girt with triple brass," says the roman poet, "who first hazarded his weak vessel on the pitiless ocean." even the western parts of the mediterranean were shrunk from, according to the odyssey, without speaking of the horrors of the great ocean beyond. "beyond gades," i. e., scarcely outside of the pillars of hercules, the extreme limit of the ancient world, "no man," said pindar, "however daring, could pass; only a god might voyage those waters!" in spite of the dread which the ancient mariners felt for the great western ocean, their poets found it replete with charm and mystery. the imagination rested upon those golden sunsets, and the tales of marvel which, after long intervals, sea-borne sailors had told of distant lands in the west. the poets placed there the happy home destined for the souls of heroes. thus (odys. iv, ): no snow is there, nor yet great storm nor any rain, but always ocean sendeth forth the breeze of the shrill west, and bloweth cool on men. so far homer. his contemporary, hesiod, thus describes the elysian fields as islands under the setting sun: there on earth's utmost limits zeus assigned a life, a seat, distinct from human kind, beside the deepening whirlpools of the main, in those blest isles where saturn holds his reign, apart from heaven's immortals calm they share, a rest unsullied by the clouds of care: and yearly thrice with sweet luxuriance crown'd springs the ripe harvest from the teeming ground. the poet pindar places in the same mysterious west "the castle of chronos" (i. e., "old time"), "where o'er the isles of the blest ocean breezes blow, and flowers gleam with gold, some from the land on glistening trees, while others the water feeds; and with bracelets of these they entwine their hands, and make crowns for their heads." _vesper_, the star of evening, was called hesperus by the greeks; and hence the hesperides, daughters of the western star, had the task of watching the golden apples planted by the goddess hera in the garden of the gods, on the other side of the river oceanus. one of the labors of hercules was to fetch three of those mystic apples for the king of mycenae. the poet euripides thus refers to the gardens of the west, when the chorus wish to fly "over the adriatic wave": or to the famed hesperian plains, whose rich trees bloom with gold, to join the grief-attunèd strains my winged progress hold; beyond whose shores no passage gave the ruler of the purple wave. of all the lands imagined to lie in the western ocean by the greeks, the most important was "atlantis." some have thought it may possibly have been a prehistoric discovery of america. in any case it has exercised the ingenuity of a good many modern scientists. the tale of atlantis we owe to plato himself, who perhaps learned it in egypt, just as herodotus picked up there the account of the circumnavigation of africa by the phenician mariners. "when solon was in egypt," says plato, "he had talk with an aged priest of sais who said, 'you greeks are all children: you know but of one deluge, whereas there have been many destructions of mankind both by flood and fire.'... in the distant western ocean lay a continent larger than libya and asia together."... in this atlantis there had grown up a mighty state whose kings were descended from poseidon and had extended their sway over many islands and over a portion of the great continent; even libya up to the gates of egypt, and europe as far as tyrrhenia, submitted to their sway.... afterward came a day and night of great floods and earthquakes; atlantis disappeared, swallowed by the waves. geologists and geographers have seriously tried to find evidence of atlantis having existed in the atlantic, whether as a portion of the american continent, or as a huge island in the ocean which could have served as a stepping-stone between the western world and the eastern. from a series of deep-sea soundings ordered by the british, american, and german governments, it is now very well known that in the middle of the atlantic basin there is a ridge, running north and south, whose depth is less than , fathoms, while the valleys east and west of it average , fathoms. at the azores the north atlantic ridge becomes broader. the theory is that a part of the ridge-plateau was the atlantis of plato that "disappeared swallowed by the waves." (nature, xv, , , xxvii, ; science, june , .) buffon, the naturalist, with reference to fauna and flora, dated the separation of the new and old world "from the catastrophe of atlantis" (epoques, ix, ); and sir charles lyell confessed a temptation to "accept the theory of an atlantis island in the northern atlantic." (geology, p. .) the following account "from an historian of the fourth century b. c." is another possible reference to a portion of america--from a translation "delivered in english," . selenus told midas that without this worlde there is a continent or percell of dry lande which in greatnesse (as hee reported) was unmeasureable; that it nourished and maintained, by the benifite of the greene meadowes and pasture plots, sundrye bigge and mighty beastes; that the men which inhabite the same climate exceede the stature of us twise, and yet the length of there life is not equale to ours. the historian plutarch, in his morals, gives an account of ogygia, with an illusion to a continent, possibly america: an island, ogygia, lies in the arms of the ocean, about five days' sail west from britain.... the adjacent sea is termed the saturnian, and the continent by which the great sea is circularly environed is distant from ogygia about , stadia, but from the other islands not so far.... one of the men paid a visit to the great island, as they called europe. from him the narrator learned many things about the state of men after death--the conclusion being that the souls of men arrive at the moon, wherein lie the elysian fields of homer. the greek historian, diodorus siculus, has a similar account with curious details of an "island" which might very well have been part of a continent. columbus believed to the last that cuba was a continent. in the ocean, at the distance of several days' sailing to the west, there lies an island watered by several navigable rivers. its soil is fertile, hilly, and of great beauty.... there are country houses handsomely constructed, with summer-houses and flower-beds. the hilly district is covered with dense woods and fruit-trees of every kind. the inhabitants spend much time in hunting and thus procure excellent food. they have naturally a good supply of fish, their shores being washed by the ocean.... in a word this island seems a happy home for gods rather than for men (v. ). another greek writer, lucian, in one of his witty dialogues, refers to an island in the atlantic, that lies eighty days' sail westward of the pillars of hercules--the extreme limit of the ancient world, as has already been seen. readers of henry fielding and admirers of squire westers will remember how in the london of the eighteenth century the limits of piccadilly westward was a tavern at hyde park corner called the _hercules' pillars_, on the site of the future apsley house.[ ] although neither greek nor roman navigators were likely to attempt a voyage into the ocean beyond the straits of gibraltar, yet a trading vessel from carthage or phenicia might easily have been driven by an easterly gale into, or even across, the atlantic. some involuntary discoveries were no doubt due to this chance, and the reports brought to europe were probably the germs of such tales as the poets invented about the fair regions of the west. in celtic literature, moreover, "avalon" was placed far under the setting sun beyond the ocean--avalon or "glas-inis" being to the bards the land of the dead, marvelous and mysterious. [footnote : tom jones, xvi. chap. , , etc.] in english literature of the middle ages there is a remarkable passage relating to our present subject, which was written long before that rise of the new learning mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. it is a statement made by roger bacon, the greatest of oxonian scholars of the thirteenth century, who, long before the renascence, did much to restore the study of science, especially in geography, chronology, and optics. in his opus majus, the elder bacon wrote: more than the fourth part of the earth which we inhabit is still unknown to us.... it is evident therefore that between the extreme west and the confines of india, there must be a surface which comprises more than half the earth. though roger bacon, to use his own words, died "unheard, forgotten, buried," our recent historians place his name first in the great roll of modern science. there now remains only one quotation to make from the ancients. we have been reserving it for two reasons--first, because it is a singularly happy anticipation of the discovery of the new world, so happy that it became a favorite stanza with the discoverer himself. this we learn from the life of the "great admiral," written by his son ferdinand. secondly, because it adorns our title-page and has been characterized as "a lucky prophecy"--written in the first century a. d. the author, seneca, was a dramatist as well as a philosopher, the lines occurring at the end of one of his choruses--medea, . we may thus translate the prophetic stanza: for at a distant date this ancient world will westward stretch its bounds, and then disclose beyond the main a vast new continent, with realms of wealth and might. chapter i pre-columbian discoveries of america _norse discovery._--by glancing at a map of the north atlantic, the reader will at once see that the natural approach from europe to the western continent was by iceland and greenland--especially in those early days when ocean navigation was unknown. iceland is nearer to greenland than to norway; and greenland is part of america. but in iceland there were celtic settlers in the early centuries; and even king arthur, according to the history of geoffrey of monmouth, sailed north to that "ultima thule." during the ninth century a christian community had been established there under certain irish monks. this early civilization, however, was destined to become presently extinct. it was in a. d. , i. e., during the reign of alfred the great in england, that the norse earl, ingolf, led a colony to iceland. more strenuous and savage than the christian celts whom they found there, the latter with their preaching monks soon sailed to the south, and left the northmen masters of the island. the norse colony under ingolf was strongly reenforced by norwegians who took refuge there to avoid the tyranny of their king, harold, the fair-haired. ingolf built the town ingolfshof, named after him, and also reikiavik, afterward the capital, named from the "reek" or steam of its hot springs. so important did this colony become that in the second generation the population amounted to , . ingolf was admired by the poet james montgomery (not to be confounded with robert, whom macaulay criticized so severely), who in thus wrote of him and his island: there on a homeless soil his foot he placed, framed his hut-palace, colonized the waste, and ruled his horde with patriarchal sway --where justice reigns, 'tis freedom to obey.... and iceland shone for generous lore renowned, a northern light when all was gloom around. the next year after ingolf had come to iceland, gunnbiorn, a hardy norseman, driven in his ship westerly, sighted a strange land.... about half a century later, judging by the icelandic sagas, we learn that a wind-tossed vessel was thrown upon a coast far away which was called "mickle ireland" (_irland it mikla_)--[winsor's hist. america, i, ]. gunnbiorn's discovery was utilized by erik the red, another sea-rover, in a. d. , who sailed to it and, after three years' stay, returned with a favorable account--giving it the fair name _greenland_. the norse established two centers of population on greenland. it is now believed that after doubling cape farewell, they built their first town near that head and the second farther north. the former, _eystribygd_ (i. e., "easter bigging"), developed into a large colony, having in the fourteenth century settlements, with a cathedral and eleven churches, and containing two cities and three or four monasteries. the second town, _westribygd_ (i. e., "wester bigging") had grown to ninety settlements and four churches in the same time. the germ and root of that civilization (afterward extinct, as we shall see) was due to leif the son of red erik, who visited norway, the mother-country, at the very close of the tenth century. [illustration: remains of a norse church at katortuk, greenland.] he found that the king and people there had enthusiastically embraced the new religion, _christianity_. leif presently shared their fervor, and decided to reject woden, thor, and the other gods of old scandinavia. a priest was told off to accompany leif back to greenland, and preach the new faith. it was thus that a christian civilization first found footing in arctic america. the ruins of those early christian churches (see illustration above) form most interesting objects in modern greenland; near the chief ruin is a curious circular group of large stones. the poet of "greenland," to whom we have already referred, quotes from a danish chronicle to the effect that, in the golden age of the colony, there were a hundred parishes to form the bishopric; and that the see was ruled by seventeen bishops from a. d. to . bishop andrew is the last mentioned, ordained in by the archbishop of drontheim. from the same authority we learn that according to some of the annals "the best wheat grew to perfection in the valleys; the forests were extensive; flocks and herds were numerous and very large and fat." the cloister of st. thomas was heated by pipes from a warm spring, and attached to the cloister was a richly cultivated garden. after leif, son of erik, had introduced christianity into greenland, his next step was to extend the norse civilization still farther within the american continent. news had reached him of a new land, with a level coast, lying nine days' sailing southwest of greenland. picking thirty-five men, leif started for further exploration. one part of the new country was barren and rocky, therefore leif named it _helluland_ (i. e., "stone land"), which appears to have been newfoundland. farther south they found a sandy shore, backed by a level forest country, which leif named _markland_ (i. e., "wood land"), identified with nova scotia. after two days' sail, according to the saga account, having landed and explored the new continent along the banks of a river, they resolved to winter there. in one of these explorations a german called tyrker found some grapes on a wild vine, and brought a specimen for the admiration of leif and his party. this country was therefore named _vinland_ (i. e., "wine land"), and is identified with new england, part of rhode island, and massachusetts.[ ] [footnote : prof. r. b. anderson says, "the basin of the charles river should be selected as the most probable scene of the visits of leif erikson, etc." [_v._ map.]] our greenland poet thus refers to leif's landing: wineland the glad discoverers called that shore, and back the tidings of its riches bore; but soon return'd with colonizing bands. the norsemen founded a regular settlement in vinland, establishing there a christian community related to that of greenland. leif's brother, korvald, explored the interior in all directions. with the natives, who are called "skraelings" in the sagas, they traded in furs; these people, who seemed dwarfish to the norsemen, used leathern boats and were no doubt eskimos: a stunted, stern, uncouth, amphibious stock. the principal settler in vinland was thorfinn, an icelander, who had married a daughter-in-law of erik the red. she persuaded thorfinn to sail to the new country in order to make a permanent settlement there. in the year a. d. he sailed with men, having live stock and other colonial equipments. after three years he returned to greenland, his wife having given birth to a son during their first year in vinland. from this son, snorre, it is claimed by some norwegian historians, that thorwaldsen, the eminent danish sculptor is descended. after the time of thorfinn, the settlement in vinland continued to flourish, having a good export trade in timber with greenland. in a. d. according to the icelandic saga, the bishop, erik upsi, visited vinland, that country being, like iceland and greenland, included in his bishopric. the last voyage to vinland for timber, according to the sagas, was in . [illustration: map] professor horsford, of cambridge, mass., finds the site of norumbega, mentioned in various old maps, on the river charles, near waltham, mass., and maintains that town to be identical with vinland of the norsemen. to prove his belief in this theory, the professor built a tower commemorating the norse discoveries. he argued that norumbega was a corruption by the indians of the word _norvegr_ a norse form of "norway." the abandonment of vinland by the norse settlers may be compared with that of gosnold's expedition to the same region near the end of queen elizabeth's reign. gosnold was sent to plant an english colony in america, after the failure of sir walter raleigh's settlement at roanoke (north carolina); and the coast explored corresponded exactly to that which the norse settlers had named vinland, lying between the sites of boston and new york. he gave the name cape cod to that promontory, and also named the islands nantucket, martha's vineyard, and the elizabeth group. selecting one of these for settling a colony, he built on it a storehouse and fort. the scheme, however, failed, owing to the threats of the natives and the scarcity of supplies, and all the colonists sailed from massachusetts, just as the norse settlers had done many generations previously. the expedition of gosnold to vinland, however, bore good fruit, from the favorable report of the new country which he made at home. the merchants of bristol fitted out two ships under martin pring, and in the first voyage a great part of maine (lying north of massachusetts) was explored, and the coast south to martha's vineyard, where gosnold had been. this led to profitable traffic with the natives, and three years later pring made a more complete survey of maine. vinland was also the scene of the famous landing of the mayflower, bringing its puritans from england. it was in cape cod bay that she was first moored. after exploring the new country, just as leif erikson had done so many generations previously, they chose a place on the west side of the bay and named the little settlement "plymouth," after the last english port from which they had sailed. farther north, still in vinland, they soon founded two other towns, "salem" and "boston." those three settlements have ever since been important centers of energy and intelligence in massachusetts, as well as memorials of the norse occupation of vinland. on the occasion of a public statue being erected in boston, mass., to the memory of leif erikson, a committee of the massachusetts historical society formally decided thus: "it is antecedently probable that the northmen discovered america in the early part of the eleventh century." prof. daniel wilson, in his learned work prehistoric man (ii, , ), thus gives his opinion as to the norse colony: with all reasonable doubt as to the accuracy of details, there is the strongest probability in favor of the authenticity of the american vinland. [illustration: the dighton stone in the taunton river, massachusetts.] of the norse colonies in greenland there are some undoubted remains, one being a stone inscription in _runes_, proving that it was made before the reformation, when that mode of writing was forbidden by law. the stone is four miles beyond upernavik. the inscription, according to professor rask, runs thus: erling the son of sigvat, and enride oddsoen, had cleared the place and raised a mound on the friday after rogation-day; --date either or . rafn, the celebrated danish archeologist, states as the result of many years' research, that america was repeatedly visited by the icelanders in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries; that the estuary of the st. lawrence was their chief station; that they had coasted southward to carolina, everywhere introducing some christian civilization among the natives. [illustration: the dighton stone. fig. .] a supposed rock memorial of the norsemen is the dighton stone in the taunton river, massachusetts; one of its sentences, according to professor rafn, being: "thorfinn with norse seafaring men took possession of this land." the figures and letters (whether runic or merely indian) inscribed on the dighton rock have been copied by antiquaries at the following dates: , , , , , , . the above illustration (fig. ) shows the last mentioned. there have been many probable traces of ancient norsemen found in america, besides those already given. at cape cod, in the last generation, a number of hearth-stones were found under a layer of peat. a more famous relic was the skeleton dug up in fall river, mass., with an ornamental belt of metal tubes made from fragments of flat brass; there were also some arrow-heads of the same material. longfellow, the new england poet, naturally had his attention directed to this discovery (made, ), and founded on it his ballad the skeleton in armor, connecting it with the round tower at newport. the latter, according to professor rafn, "was erected decidedly not later than the twelfth century." i was a viking old, my deeds, though manifold, no skald in song has told no saga taught thee!... far in the northern land by the wild baltic's strand i with my childish hand tamed the ger-falcon. oft to his frozen lair tracked i the grisly bear, while from my path the hare fled like a shadow. * * * * * scarce had i put to sea bearing the maid with me-- fairest of all was she among the norsemen! three weeks we westward bore, and when the storm was o'er, cloud-like we saw the shore stretching to leeward; there for my lady's bower, built i this lofty tower which to this very hour stands looking seaward! sir clements markham, of the royal geographical society, believes that the norse settlers in greenland were driven from their settlements there by eskimos coming, not from the interior of america, but from west siberia along the polar regions, by wrangell land [_v._ journal, r, g. s., , and arctic geography, ]. there was much curiosity from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century as to the site of the lost colonies of greenland which had so long flourished. in and the king of denmark sent two expeditions, the latter in charge of an englishman, but no traces were found. at the beginning of the eighteenth century some light was thrown upon the problem by a missionary called egede, who first described the ruins and relics observable on the west coast. by the success of his preaching among the greenlanders for fifteen years, assisted by other gospel missionaries, the moravians were induced to found their settlements in the country, principally in the southwest. it seems probable that in early times the climate of iceland was milder than it now is. columbus, some fifteen years before his great voyage across the atlantic, sailed to this northern "thule," and reports that there was no ice. if so, it is surely possible that greenland also may have been greener and more attractive than during the recent centuries. why should it not at one time have been fully deserving of the name by which we still know it? some would explain the change in climatic conditions by the closing in of icepacks. at present greenland is buried deep under a vast, solid ice-cap from which only a few of the highest peaks protrude to show the position of the submerged mountains, but at former periods, according to geologists, there were gardens and farms flourishing under a genial climate. others suppose that, were the ice removed, we should see an archipelago of elevated islands. . _celtic discovery of america._--we have already glanced at the fact that when the norsemen first seized iceland they found that island inhabited by irish celts. these christianized celts made way before the savage invaders, who did not accept the catholic religion till about the close of the tenth century. sailing south, those dispossessed irish probably joined their brother celts who had already long held a district on the eastern coast of north america, which some norse skippers called "white man's land," and also _irland-it-mikla_ (i. e., "mickle ireland"). professor rafn places this district on the coast of carolina. a learned memoir, published , attempts to prove that the mysterious "mound-builders" of the ohio valley were of the same race as the settlers on mickle ireland, and related to the "white-bearded men" who established an extinct civilization in mexico. a french antiquary, , identified mickle ireland with ontario and quebec. beauvois, in his elysée trans-atlantique, derives the name labrador from the _innis labrada_, an island mentioned in an ancient irish romance.[ ] another irish discoverer was st. brandan,[ ] abbot of cluainfert, ireland (died may , ), who was told that far in the ocean lay an island which was the land promised to the saints. st. brandan set sail in company with seventy-five monks, and spent seven years upon the ocean in two voyages, discovering this island and many others equally marvelous, including one which turned out to be the back of a huge fish, upon which they celebrated easter.[ ] [footnote : as to the irish claim for the pre-columbian discovery of america, see also humboldt (cosmos, ii, ), and laing (heimsk., i, ).] [footnote : ms. book of lismore.] [footnote : the story is given by humboldt and d'avezac.] among the celtic claimants for discovery we must also include the welsh, who lay stress upon certain resemblances between their language and the dialects of the native americans. a better argument is the historical account taken from their annals about the expedition of prince madoc, son of a welsh chieftain, who sailed due west in the year , after the rumor of the norse discoveries had reached britain. he landed on a vast and fertile continent where he settled colonists. on his return to wales he fitted out a second fleet of ten ships, but the annals give no report of the result. several writers state that the place of landing was near the gulf of mexico: hakluyt connecting the discovery with mexico ( ) and again with the west indies (edition of ). in the seventeenth century some authors wished to substantiate the story of prince madoc, in order that the british claim to america should antedate the spanish claim through columbus. prince madoc is, to most readers, only known by southey's poem.[ ] [footnote : some quotations from southey's poem are given in chapters v, vi.] . _basque discovery of america._--who are the basque people? a curious race of spanish mountaineers, who have been as great a puzzle to ethnologists and historians as their language has been to philologists and scholars. we know, however, that in former times they were nearly all seamen, making long voyages to the north for whale and newfoundland cod fishing. they have produced excellent navigators; and possibly preceded columbus in discovering america. sebastian, the lieutenant of magellan, was one of the basque race. magellan did not live to complete his famous voyage, therefore sebastian was the first actual circumnavigator of our globe. françois michel, in his work le pays basque, says that the basque sailors knew the coasts of newfoundland a century before the time of columbus; and that it was from one of these ocean mariners that he first learned the existence of a continent beyond the atlantic. other arguments are derived from comparing the peculiarities of the basque tongue with those of the american dialects. whitney, an american scholar, concludes that "no other dialect of the old world so much resembles the american languages in structure as the basque." . _jewish discovery of america._--there is one claim for the discovery of america, which, though quite improbable, if not impossible, has been upheld and sanctioned by many scholarly works in several languages. it is argued that the red indians represent the ten "lost tribes" of the hebrew people who had been deported to assyria and media (_v._ extinct civilizations of the east, p. ). the theory was first started by some spanish priest-missionaries, and has since been defended by many learned divines both in england and america, one leading argument being certain similarities in the languages. catlin (_v._ smithsonian report, ) enumerates many analogies which he found among the western indians. the most authoritative statement is that of lord kingsborough in the well-known mexican antiquities ( -' ), chiefly in vol. vii. some writers actually quote a statement made in the mormon bible! leading new england divines, like mayhew and cotton mather, espoused the cause with similar faith, as well as roger williams and william penn. . _the italian discovery of america._--not through columbus the genoese, or amerigo vespucci, the florentine, although they were certainly italians, but by two venetians, nicolo and antonio zeno. in a. d. or these brothers zeni were shipwrecked in the north atlantic, and, when staying in frislanda, made the acquaintance of a sailor who, after twenty-six years' absence, had returned, giving them the following report: "being driven west in a gale, he found an island with civilized inhabitants, who had latin books, but could not speak norse, and whose country was called estotiland, while a region on the mainland, farther south, to which he had also gone, was called drogeo. here he had met with cannibals. still farther south was a great country with towns and temples." the two brothers zeni finally conveyed this account to another brother in venice, together with a map of those distant regions, but these documents remained neglected till , when a descendant compiled a book to embody the information, accompanied by a map, now famous as "the zeno map." humboldt, with reference to this map, remarks that it is singular that the name frislanda should have been applied by columbus to an island south of iceland. washington irving (in his life of columbus) explains the book by a desire to appeal to the national pride of italy, since, if true, the discovery of the brothers would antedate that of columbus by a century. malte-brun, the distinguished geographer, distinctly accepted the zeni narrative as true, and believed that it was by colonists from greenland that the latin books had reached estotiland. another strong advocate afterward appeared in mr. major, an official in the map department of the british museum, who believed that much of the map in question represented genuine information of the fourteenth century, mixed with some spurious parts inserted by the younger zeno. mr. major's paper on the site of the lost colony of greenland determined, and the pre-columbian discoveries of america confirmed, appeared in r. geog. soc. journal, ; _v_. also proc. mass. hist. soc., . nordenskjöld also accepted the chief results of this italian discovery, and as an arctic explorer of experience, his opinion carries weight. mercator and hugo grotius were also believers in the zeni account. chapter ii "discovery of the world and of man" at the beginning of this book a reference was made to the great upheaval in european history called the "renascence" (fr. _renaissance_) or revival of learning. in the turks took constantinople, driving the greek scholars to take refuge in italy, which at once became the most civilized nation in europe. poetry, philosophy, and art thence found their way to france, england, and germany, being greatly assisted by the invention of printing, which just then was beginning to make books cheaper than they ever had been. at the same time feudalism was ruined, because the invention of gunpowder had previously been changing the art of war. for example, the king of france, louis xi, as well as the king of england, henry vii, had entire disposal of the national artillery; and therefore overawed the barons and armored knights. neither moated fortresses nor mail-clad warriors, nor archers with bows and arrows, could prevail against powder and shot. the middle ages had come to an end; modern europe was being born. france had become concentrated by the union of the south to the north on the conclusion of the "hundred years' war," the final expulsion of the english, and the abolition of all the great feudatories of the kingdom. england, at the same time, had entirely swept away the rule of the barons by the recent "wars of the roses," and henry had strengthened his position by alliance with france, spain, and scotland. spain, by the expulsion of the moors from granada in a. d. , was for the first time concentrated into one great state by the union of isabella's kingdom of castile-leon to ferdinand's kingdom of aragon-sicily. from the importance of the word _renaissance_ as indicating the "movement of transition from the medieval to the modern world," matthew arnold gave it the english form "renascence"--adopted by j. r. green, coleridge, and others. in germany, this great revival of letters and learning was contemporaneous with the reformation, which had long been preparing (e. g., in england since john wyclif) and was specially assisted by the invention of printing, which we have just mentioned. the minds of men everywhere were expanded: "whatever works of history, science, morality, or entertainment seemed likely to instruct or amuse were printed and distributed among the people at large by printers and booksellers." thus it was that, though the turks never had any pretension to learning or culture, yet their action in the middle of the fifteenth century indirectly caused a marvelous tide of civilization to overflow all the western countries of europe. another result in the same age was the increase of navigation and exploration--the discovery of the world as well as of man. when the turks became masters of the eastern shores of the mediterranean, the european merchants were prevented from going to india and the east by the overland route, as had been done for generations. thus, since geography was at this very time improved by the science of copernicus and others, the natural inquiry was how to reach india by sea instead of going overland. columbus, therefore, sailed due west to reach asia, and stumbled upon a "new world" without knowing what he did; then cabot, sailing from bristol, sailed northwest to reach india, and stumbled upon the continent of america; and during the same reign (henry vii) the atlantic coast of both north and south america was visited by english, portuguese, or spanish navigators. the third expedition to reach india by sea was under de gama. he set out in the same year as cabot, sailing into the south atlantic, and ultimately did find the west coast of india at calicut, after rounding the cape. the mere enumeration of so many events, all of first-rate importance, proves that that half century (say from a. d. to ) must be called "an age of marvels," _sæclum mirabile_. the concurrence of so many epoch-making results gave a great impulse, not only to the study of literature, science, and art, but to the exploration of many unknown countries in america, africa, and asia, and the universal expansion of human knowledge generally. i.--we shall now consider the first of these discoverers, who was also the greatest. columbus, the latinized form of the italian colombo, spanish, colon. this genoese navigator must throughout all history be called the discoverer of america, notwithstanding all the work of smaller men. from his study of geographical books in several languages, columbus had convinced himself that our planet is spherical or ball-shaped, not a flat, plane surface. till then india had always been reached by traveling overland toward the rising sun. why not sail westward from europe over the ocean, and thus come to the eastern parts of asia by traveling toward the setting sun? by doing so, since our world is ball-shaped, said columbus, we must inevitably reach zipango (i. e., "japan") and cathay (i. e., "china"), which are the most eastern parts of asia. india then will be a mere detail. judging from the accounts of asia and its eastern islands given by marco polo, a venetian, as well as from the maps sketched by ptolemy, the egyptian geographer, columbus believed that the east coast of asia was not so very far from the west coast of europe. columbus was confirmed in this opinion by a learned geographer of florence, named paul, and henceforward impatiently waited for an opportunity of testing the truth of his theory. he convinced himself, but could not convince any one else, that a westerly route to india was quite feasible. first he laid his plans before the authorities at genoa, who had for generations traded with asia by the overland journey, and ought therefore to have been glad to learn of this new alternative route, since the turks were now playing havoc with the other; but no, they told columbus that his idea was chimerical! next he applied to the court of france. "ridiculous!" was the reply, accompanied with a polite sneer. next columbus sent his scheme to henry vii of england, a prince full of projects, but miserly. "too expensive!" was the tudor's reply, though presently, after the spanish success, he became eager to despatch expeditions from bristol under the cabots. then columbus, by the advice of his brother, who had settled in lisbon as a map-maker, approached king john, seeking patronage and assistance, pleading the foremost position of portugal among the maritime states. the portuguese neglected the golden opportunity, ocean navigation not being in their way as yet; their skippers preferred "to hug the african shore." at last columbus gained the ear of isabella, queen of castile; she believed in him and tried to get the assistance of her husband, ferdinand, king of aragon, in providing an outfit for the great expedition. owing to ferdinand's war in expelling the moors from granada, columbus had still to wait several years. in a previous year, , columbus had sailed to the north atlantic, perhaps in one of those basque whalers already referred to, going "a hundred leagues beyond thule." if that means iceland, as is generally supposed, it seems most probable that, when conversing with the sailors there he must have heard how leif, with his norsemen, had discovered the american coasts of newfoundland and vinland some five centuries earlier, and how they had settled a colony on the new continent. other writers have pointed out that columbus could very well have heard of vinland and the northmen before leaving genoa, since one of the popes had sanctioned the appointment of a bishop over the new diocese. if so, the visit of columbus to iceland probably gave him confirmation as to the norse discovery of the american continent. when at last king ferdinand had taken granada from the moors, columbus was put in command of three ships, with men. he set sail from the port of palos, in andalusia, on a friday, august , , first steering to the canary islands, and then standing due west. in september, to the amazement of all on board, the compass was seen to "vary": an important scientific discovery--viz., that the magnetic needle does not always point to the pole-star. some writers have imagined that the compass was for the first time utilized for a long journey by columbus, but the occult power of the magnetic needle or "lodestone" had been known for ages before the fifteenth century. the ancient persians and other "wise men of the east" used the lodestone as a talisman. both the mongolian and caucasian races used it as an infallible guide in traveling across the mighty plains of asia. the cynosure in the great bear was the "guiding star," whether by sea or land; but when the heavens were wrapped in clouds, the magic stone or needle served to point exactly the position of the unseen star. what columbus and his terrified crews discovered was the "variation of the compass," due to the fact that the magnetic needle points, not to the north star, but to the "magnetic pole," a point in canada to the west of baffin's bay and north of hudson bay. if columbus had continued steering due west he would have landed on the continent of america in florida; but before sighting that coast the course was changed to southwest, because some birds were seen flying in that direction. the first land reached was an island of the bahama group, which he named _san salvador_. as the spanish boats rowed to shore they were welcomed by crowds of astonished natives, mostly naked, unless for a girdle of wrought cotton or plaited feathers. hence the lines of milton: such of late columbus found the american, so girt with feathered cincture, naked else and wild, among the trees on isles and woody shores. the spot of landing was formerly identified by washington irving and baron humboldt with "cat island"; but from the latest investigation it is now believed to have been watling's island. here he landed on a friday, october , . so little was then known of the geography of the atlantic or of true longitude, that columbus attributed these islands to the _east coast of asia_. he therefore named them "indian islands," as if close to hindustan, a blunder that has now been perpetuated for four hundred and ten years. the natives were called "indians" for the same reasons. as the knowledge of geography advanced it became necessary to say "west indies" or "east indies" respectively, to distinguish american from asiatic--"indian corn" means american, but "indian ink" means asiatic, etc. even after his fourth and last voyage columbus believed that the continent, as well as the islands, was a portion of eastern asia, and he died in that belief, without any suspicion of having discovered a new world. a curious confirmation of the opinion of columbus has just been discovered ( ) in the florence library, by dr. wieser, of innsbruck. it is the actual copy of a map by the great admiral, drawn roughly in a letter written from jamaica, july, . it shows that his belief as to the part of the world reached in his voyages was that it was the east coast of asia. the chief discovery made by columbus in his first voyage was the great island of cuba, which he imagined to be part of a continent. some of the spaniards went inland for sixty miles and reported that they had reached a village of more than a thousand inhabitants, and that the corn used for food was called _maize_--probably the first instance of europeans using a term which was afterward to become as familiar as "wheat" or "barley." the natives told columbus that their gold ornaments came from _cubakan_, meaning the interior of cuba; but he, on hearing the syllable _kan_, immediately thought of the "khan" mentioned by marco polo, and therefore imagined that "cathay" (the china of that famous traveler) was close at hand. the simple-minded cubans were amazed that the spaniards had such a love for gold, and pointed eastward to another island, which they called _hayti_, saying it was more plentiful there than in cuba. thus columbus discovered the second in size of all the west indian islands, cuba being the first; he, after landing on it, called it "hispaniola," or little spain. hayti in a few years became the headquarters of the spanish establishments in the new world, after its capital, san domingo, had been built by bartholomew columbus. it was in this island that the spaniards saw the first of the "caziques," or native princes, afterward so familiar during the conquest of mexico; he was carried on the shoulders of four men, and courteously presented columbus with some plates of gold. in a letter to the monarchs of spain the admiral thus refers to the natives of hayti: the people are so affectionate, so tractable, and so peaceable that i swear to your highnesses there is not a better race of men, nor a better country in the world; ... their conversation is the sweetest and mildest in the world, and always accompanied with a smile. the king is served with great state, and his behavior is so decent that it is pleasant to see him. the admiral had previously described the indians of cuba as equally simple and friendly, telling how they had "honored the strangers as sacred beings allied to heaven." the pity of it, and the shame, is that those frank, unsuspicious, islanders had no notion or foresight of the cruel desolation which their gallant guests were presently to bring upon the native races--death, and torture, and extermination! a harbor in cuba is thus described by columbus in a letter to ferdinand and isabella: i discovered a river which a galley might easily enter.... i found from five to eight fathoms of water. having proceeded a considerable way up the river, everything invited me to settle there. the beauty of the river, the clearness of the water, the multitude of palm-trees and an infinite number of other large and flourishing trees, the birds and the verdure of the plains, ... i am so much amazed at the sight of such beauty, that i know not how to describe it. having lost his flag-ship, columbus returned to spain with the two small caravels that remained from his petty fleet of three, arriving in the port of palos march , . the reception of the successful explorer was a national event. he entered barcelona to be presented at court with every circumstance of honor and triumph. sitting in presence of the king and queen he related his wondrous tale, while his attendants showed the gold, the cotton, the parrots and other unknown birds, the curious arms and plants, and above all the nine "indians" with their outlandish trappings--brought to be made christians by baptism. ferdinand and isabella heaped honors upon the successful navigator; and in return he promised them the untold riches of zipango and cathay. a new fleet, larger and better equipped, was soon found for a second voyage. with his new ships, in , columbus again stood due west from the canaries; and at last discovering an island with three mountain summits he named it trinidad (i. e., "trinity") without knowing that he was then coasting the great continent of south america. a few days later he and the crew were amazed by a tumult of waves caused by the fresh water of a great river meeting the sea. it was the "oronooko," afterward called orinoco; and from its volume columbus and his shipmates concluded that it must drain part of a continent or a very large island. where orinoco in his pride, rolls to the main no tribute tide, but 'gainst broad ocean urges far a rival sea of roaring war; while in ten thousand eddies driven the billows fling their foam to heaven, and the pale pilot seeks in vain, where rolls the river, where the main. that was the first glimpse which they had of america proper, still imagining it was only a part of eastern asia. in the following voyage, his last, columbus coasted part of the isthmus of darien. it was not, however, explored till the visit of balboa. [illustration: cipher autograph of columbus. the interpretation of the cipher is probably: servatf christus maria yosephus (christoferens).] it was during his third voyage that the "great admiral" suffered the indignity at san domingo of being thrown into chains and sent back to spain. this was done by bobadilla, an officer of the royal household, who had been sent out with full power to put down misrule. the monarchs of spain set columbus free; and soon afterward he was provided with four ships for his fourth voyage. stormy weather wrecked this final expedition, and at last he was glad to arrive in spain, november , . he now felt that his work on earth was done, and died at valladolid, may , . after temporary interment there his body was transferred to the cathedral of san domingo--whence, , some remains were removed with imposing ceremonies to havana. from later investigations it appears that the ashes of the genoese discoverer are still in the tomb of san domingo. it was in the cathedral of seville, over his first tomb, that king ferdinand is said to have honored the memory of the great admiral with a marble monument bearing the well-known epitaph: a castilla y aragon nuevo mundo dio colon. or, "_to the united kingdom of castile-aragon columbus gave a new world_." after the death of columbus, it seemed as if fate intended his family to enjoy the honors and rewards of which he had been so unjustly deprived. his son, diego, wasted two years trying to obtain from king ferdinand the offices of viceroy and admiral, which he had a right to claim in accordance with the arrangement formerly made with his father. at last diego began a suit against ferdinand before the council which managed indian affairs. that court decided in favor of diego's claim; and as he soon greatly improved his social position by marrying the niece of the duke of alva, a high nobleman, diego received the appointment of governor (not viceroy), and went to hayti, attended by his brother and uncles, as well as his wife and a large retinue. there diego columbus and his family lived, "with a splendor hitherto unknown in the new world." ii.--henry vii of england, after repenting that he had not secured the services of columbus, commissioned john cabot to sail from bristol across the atlantic in a northwesterly direction, with the hope of finding some passage there-abouts to india. in june, , a new coast was sighted (probably labrador or newfoundland), and named _prima vista_. they coasted the continent southward, "ever with intent to find the passage to india," till they reached the peninsula now called florida. on this important voyage was based the claim which the english kings afterward made for the possession of all the atlantic coast of north america. king henry wished colonists to settle in the new land, _tam viri quam feminæ_, but since, in his usual miserly character, he refused to give a single "testoon," or "groat" toward the enterprise, no colonies were formed till the days of walter raleigh, more than a century later. sebastian cabot, born in bristol, , was more renowned as a navigator than his father, john, and almost ranks with columbus. after discovering labrador or newfoundland with his father, he sailed a second time with men to form colonies, passing apparently into hudson bay. he wished to discover a channel leading to hindustan, but the difficulties of icebergs and cold weather so frightened his crews that he was compelled to retrace his course. in another attempt at the northwest passage to asia, he reached latitude - / ° north, and "gave english names to sundry places in hudson bay." in , when commanding a spanish expedition from seville, he sailed to brazil, which had already been annexed to portugal by cabrera, explored the river la plata and ascended part of the paraguay, returning to spain in . after his return to england, king edward vi had some interviews with cabot, one topic being the "variation of the compass." he received a royal pension of marks, and did special work in relation to trade and navigation. the great honor of cabot is that he saw the american continent before columbus or amerigo vespucci. iii.--of the great navigators of that unexampled age of discovery, as spain was honored by columbus and england by cabot, so portugal was honored by de gama. vasco de gama, the greatest of portuguese navigators, left lisbon in to explore the unknown world lying east of the cape of good hope, arriving at calicut, may, . before that, diaz had actually rounded the cape, but seems to have done so merely before a high gale. he named it "the stormy cape." cabrera, or cabral, was another great explorer sent from portugal to follow in the route of de gama; but being forced into a southwesterly route by currents in the south atlantic, he landed on the continent of america, and annexed the new country to portugal under the name of brazil. cabrera afterward drew up the first commercial treaty between portugal and india. iv.--magellan, scarcely inferior to columbus, brought honor as a navigator both to portugal and spain. for the latter country, when in the service of charles v, he revived the idea of columbus that we may sail to asia or the spice islands by sailing _west_. with a squadron of five ships, men, he sailed, in , to brazil and convinced himself that the great estuary was not a strait. sailing south along the american coast, he discovered the strait that bears his name, and through it entered the pacific, then first sailed upon by europeans, though already seen by balboa and his men "upon a peak in darien"--as keats puts it in his famous sonnet.[ ] from the continuous fine weather enjoyed for some months, magellan naturally named the new sea "the pacific." after touching at the ladrones and the philippines, magellan was killed in a fight with the inhabitants of matan, a small island. sebastian, his basque lieutenant (mentioned in chapter i) then successfully completed the circumnavigation of the world, sailing first to the moluccas and thence to spain. [footnote : the poet, however, makes the clerical blunder of writing cortez for balboa.] v.--of all the world-famous navigators contemporary with colon, the genoese, there remains only one deserving of our notice, and that because his name is for all time perpetuated in that of the new world. amerigo (latin _americus_) vespucci, born at florence, , had commercial occupation in cadiz, and was employed by the spanish government. he has been charged with a fraudulent attempt to usurp the honor due to columbus, but humboldt and others have defended him, after a minute examination of the evidence. in a book published in by a german, _waldseemüller_, the author happens to say: and the fourth part of the world having been discovered by americus, it may be called amerige, that is the land of americus, or _america_. vespucci never called himself the discoverer of the new continent; as a mere subordinate he could not think of such a thing. as a matter of fact, he and columbus were always on friendly terms, attached, and trusted. humboldt explains the blunder of waldseemüller and others by the general ignorance of the history of how america was discovered, since for some years it was jealously guarded as a "state secret." humboldt curiously adds that the "musical sound of the name caught the public ear," and thus the blunder has been universally perpetuated: _statque stabitque in omne volubilis ævum_. another reason for the universal renown of amerigo was that his book was the first that told of the new "western world"; and was therefore eagerly read in all parts of europe. cuba, though the largest of the west indian islands, and second to be discovered, was not colonized till after the death of columbus. thus for more than three centuries and a half, as "queen of the antilles" and "pearl of the antilles," cuba has been noted as a chief colonial possession of spain, till recent events brought it under the power of the united states. the conquest of the island was undertaken by velasquez, who, after accompanying the great admiral in his second voyage, had settled in hispaniola (or hayti) and acquired a large fortune there. he had little difficulty in the annexation of cuba, because the natives, like those of hispaniola, were of a peaceful character, easily imposed upon by the invaders. the only difficulty velasquez had was in the eastern part of the island, where hatuey, a cazique or native chief, who had fled there from hispaniola, made preparations to resist the spaniards. when defeated, he was cruelly condemned by velasquez to be burned to death, as a "slave who had taken arms against his master." the scene at hatuey's execution is well known: when fastened to the stake, a franciscan friar promised him immediate admittance into the joys of heaven, if he would embrace the christian faith. "are there any spaniards," says he, after some pause, "in that region of bliss which you describe?" "yes," replied the monk, "but only such as are worthy and good." "the best of them have neither worth nor goodness: i will not go to a place where i may meet with one of that accursed race." being thus annexed in , by the middle of the century all the native indians of cuba had become extinct. in the following century this large and fertile island suffered severely by the buccaneers, but during the eighteenth century it prospered. during the nineteenth century, the united states government had often been urged to obtain possession of it; for example, the sum of one hundred million dollars was offered in by president polk. slavery was at last abolished absolutely in . in recent years spain, by ceding cuba and the philippines to the united states and the carolines to germany, has brought her colonial history to a close. two other important events occurred when velasquez was governor of cuba: first, the escape of balboa from hispaniola, to become afterward governor of darien; and, second, the expedition under cordova to explore that part of the continent of america which lies nearest to cuba. this expedition of men, in three small ships, led to the discovery of that large peninsula now known as yucatan. cordova imagined it to be an island. the natives were not naked, like those of the west indian islands, but wore cotton clothes, and some had ornaments of gold. in the towns, which contained large stone houses, and country generally, there were many proofs of a somewhat advanced civilization. the natives, however, were much more warlike than the simple islanders of cuba and hispaniola; and cordova, in fact, was glad to return from yucatan. velasquez, on hearing the report of cordova, at once fitted out four vessels to explore the newly discovered country, and despatched them under command of his nephew, grijalva. everywhere were found proofs of civilization, especially in architecture. the whole district, in fact, abounds in prehistoric remains. from a friendly chief grijalva received a sort of coat of mail covered with gold plates; and on meeting the ruler of the province he exchanged some toys and trinkets, such as glass beads, pins, scissors, for a rich treasure of jewels, gold ornaments and vessels. grijalva was therefore the first european to step on the aztec soil and open an intercourse with the natives. velasquez, the governor, at once prepared a larger expedition, choosing as leader or commander an officer who was destined henceforth to fill a much larger place in history than himself, one who presently appeared capable of becoming a general in the foremost rank, hernando cortés, greatest of all spanish explorers. chapter iii the extinct civilization of the aztecs in the extinct civilizations of the east it was shown that the cosmogony of the chaldeans closely resembles that of the hebrews and the phenicians, and that the account of the deluge in genesis exactly reproduces the much earlier one found on one of the babylonian tablets. traces of a deluge legend also existed among the early aztecs. they believed that two persons survived the deluge, a man named koksoz and his wife. their heads are represented in ancient paintings together with a boat floating on the waters at the foot of a mountain. a dove is also depicted, with a hieroglyphical emblem of languages in his mouth.... tezpi, the noah of a neighboring people, also escaped in a boat, which was filled with various kinds of animals and birds. after some time a vulture was sent out from it, but remained feeding on the dead bodies of the giants, which had been left on the earth as the waters subsided. the little humming-bird was then sent forth and returned with the branch of a tree in its mouth. another aztec tradition of the deluge is that the pyramidal mound, the temple of cholula (a sacred city on the way between the capital and the seaport), was built by the giants to escape drowning. like the tower of babel, it was intended to reach the clouds, till the gods looked down and, by destroying the pyramid by fires from heaven, compelled the builders to abandon the attempt. the hieroglyphics used in the aztec calendar correspond curiously with the zodiacal signs of the mongols of eastern asia. "the symbols in the mongolian calendar are borrowed from animals, and four of the twelve are the same as the aztec." the antiquity of most of the monuments is proved--e. g., by the growth of trees in the midst of the buildings in yucatan. many have had time to attain a diameter of from six to nine feet. in a courtyard at uxmal, the figures of tortoises sculptured in relief upon the granite pavement are so worn away by the feet of countless generations of the natives that the design of the artist is scarcely recognizable. the spanish invaders demolished every vestige of the aztec religious monuments, just as roman catholic images and paraphernalia were once treated by the "straitest sects" of protestants, or even mohammedans. the beautiful plateau around the lakes of mexico, as well as other central portions of america, were without any doubt occupied from the earliest ages by peoples who gradually advanced in civilization from generation to generation and passed through cycles of revolutions--in one century relapsing, in another advancing by leaps and bounds by an infusion of new blood or a change of environment--exactly similar to the checkered annals of the successive dynasties in the nile valley and the plains of babylonia. in the new world, as in the old world, from prehistoric times wealth was accumulated at such centers, bringing additional comfort and refinement, and implying the practise of the useful arts and some applications of science. as to the legendary migrations or even those extinct races whose names still remain, max müller said:[ ] [footnote : chips from a german workshop, i, .] the traditions are no better than the greek traditions about pelasgians, Æolians, and ionians, and it would be a mere waste of time to construct out of such elements a systematic history, only to be destroyed again sooner or later, by some niebuhr, grote, or lewis. _anahuac_ (i. e., "waterside" or "the lake-country"), in the early centuries of our era, was a name of the country round the lakes and town afterward called mexico. to this center, as a place for settlement, there came from the north or northwest a succession of tribes more or less allied in race and language--especially (according to one theory) the _toltecs_ from tula, and the _aztecs_ from aztlan. tula, north of the mexican valley, had been the first capital of the toltecs, and at the time of the spanish conquest there were remains of large buildings there. most of the extensive temples and other edifices found throughout "new spain" were attributed to this race and the word "toltek" became synonymous with "architect." some five centuries after the toltecs had abandoned tula, the aztecs or early mexicans arrived to settle in the valley of anahuac. with the aztecs came the tezcucans, whose capital, tezcuco, on the eastern border of the mexican lake, has given it its still surviving name. the aztecs, again, after long migrations from place to place, finally, in a. d. , halted on the southwestern shores of the great lake. according to tradition, a heavenly vision thus announced the site of their future capital: they beheld perched on the stem of a prickly-pear, which shot out from the crevice of a rock washed by the waves, a royal eagle of extraordinary size and beauty, with a serpent in its talons, and its broad wings opened to the rising sun. they hailed the auspicious omen, announced by an oracle as indicating the sight of their future city, and laid its foundations by sinking piles into the shallows; for the low marshes were half buried under water.... the place was called tenochtitlan (i. e. "the cactus on a rock") in token of its miraculous origin. [such were the humble beginnings of the venice of the western world.][ ] [footnote : prescott, i, i, pp. , .] to this day the arms of the mexican republic show the device of the eagle and the cactus--to commemorate the legend of the foundation of the capital--afterward called mexico from the name of their war-god. fiercer and more warlike than their brethren of tezcuco, the men of the latter town were glad of their assistance, when invaded and defeated by a hostile tribe. thus mexico and tezcuco became close allies, and by the time of montezuma i, in the middle of the fifteenth century, their sovereignty had extended beyond their native plateau to the coast country along the gulf of mexico. the capital rapidly increased in population, the original houses being replaced by substantial stone buildings. there are documents showing that tenochtitlan was of much larger dimensions than the modern capital of mexico, on the same site. just before the arrival of the spaniards, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the kingdom extended from the gulf across to the pacific; and southward under the ruthless ahuitzotl over the whole of guatemala and nicaragua. the aztecs resembled the ancient peruvians in very few respects, one being the use of knots on strings of different colors to record events and numbers. compare our account of "the quipu" in chapter x. the aztecs seem to have replaced that rude method of making memoranda during the seventh century by picture-writing. before the spanish invasion, thousands of native clerks or chroniclers were employed in painting on vegetable paper and canvas. examples of such manuscripts may still be seen in all the great museums. their contents chiefly refer to ritual, astrology, the calendar, annals of the kings, etc. most of the literary productions of the ancient mexicans were stupidly destroyed by the spanish under cortés. the first archbishop of mexico founded a professorship in for expounding the hieroglyphs of the aztecs, but in the following century the study was abandoned. even the native-born scholars confessed that they were unable to decipher the ancient writing. one of the most ancient books (assigned to tula, the "toltec" capital, a. d. , and written by huetmatzin, an astrologer), describes the heavens and the earth, the stars in their constellations, the arrangement of time in the official calendar, with some geography, mythology, and cosmogony. in the fifteenth century the king of tezcuco published sixty hymns in honor of the supreme being, with an elegy on the destruction of a town, and another on the instability of human greatness. in the same century the three anahuac states (acolhua, mexico, and tlacopan) formed a confederacy with a constant tendency to give mexico the supremacy. the two capitals looking at each other across the lake were steadily growing in importance, with all the adjuncts of public works--causeways, canals, aqueducts, temples, palaces, gardens, and other evidences of wealth. the horror and disgust caused by the aztec sacrificial bloodshed are greatly increased by considering the number of the victims. the kings actually made war in order to provide as many victims as possible for the public sacrifices--especially on such an occasion as a coronation or the consecration of a new temple. captives were sometimes reserved a considerable time for the purpose of immolation. it was the regular method of the aztec warrior in battle not to kill one's opponent if he could be made a captive; to take him alive was a meritorious act in religion. in fact, the spaniards in this way frequently escaped death at the hands of their mexican opponents. when king montezuma was asked by a european general why he had permitted the republic of tlascala to remain independent on the borders of his kingdom, his reply was, "that she might furnish me with victims for my gods." in reckoning the number of victims prescott seems to have trusted too implicitly to the almost incredible accounts of the spanish. zumurraga, the first bishop of mexico, asserts that , were sacrificed annually, but casas points out that with such a "waste of the human species," as is implied in some histories, the country could not have been so populous as cortés found it. the estimate of casas is "that the mexicans never sacrificed more than fifty or a hundred persons in a year." notwithstanding the wholesale bloodshed before the shrines of their gory gods, we can still assign to the aztecs a high degree of civilization. the history of even modern europe will illustrate this statement, although apparently paradoxical. consider "the condition of some of the most polished countries in the sixteenth century after the establishment of the modern inquisition--an institution which yearly destroyed its thousands by a death more painful than the aztec sacrifices, ... which did more to stay the march of improvement than any other scheme ever devised by human cunning.... human sacrifice was sometimes voluntarily embraced by the aztecs as the most glorious death, and one that opened a sure passage into paradise. the inquisition, on the other hand, branded its victims with infamy in this world, and consigned them to everlasting perdition in the next." the difficulty with the aztecs is how to reconcile such refinement as their extinct civilization showed with their savage enjoyment of bloodshed. "no captive was ever ransomed or spared; all were sacrificed without mercy, and their flesh devoured." the first of the four chief counselors of the empire was called the "prince of the deadly lance," the second "divider of men," the third "shedder of blood," the fourth "the lord of the dark house." the temples were very numerous, generally merely pyramidal masses of clay faced with brick or stone. the roof was a broad area on which stood one or two towers, from forty to fifty feet in height, forming the sanctuaries of the presiding deities, and therefore containing their images. before these sanctuaries stood the dreadful stone of sacrifice. there were also two altars with sacred fires kept ever burning. all the religious services were public, and the pyramidal temples, with stairs round their massive sides, allowed the long procession of priests to be visible as they ceremoniously ascended to perform the dread office of slaughtering the human victims. human sacrifices had not originally been a feature of the aztec worship. but about years before the arrival of the spanish invaders was the beginning of this religious atrocity, and at last no public festival was considered complete without some human bloodshed. prescott takes as an example the great festival in honor of tezcatlipoca, a handsome god of the second rank, called "the soul of the world," and endowed with perpetual youth. a year before the intended sacrifice, a captive, distinguished for his personal beauty and without a blemish on his body, was selected.... tutors took charge of him and instructed him how to perform his new part with becoming grace and dignity. he was arrayed in a splendid dress, regaled with incense and with a profusion of sweet-scented flowers.... when he went abroad he was attended by a train of the royal pages, and as he halted in the streets to play some favorite melody, the crowd prostrated themselves before him, and did him homage as the representative of their good deity.... four beautiful girls, bearing the names of the principal goddesses, were selected, and with them he continued to live idly, feasted at the banquets of the principal nobles, who paid him all the honors of a divinity. when at length the fatal day of sacrifice arrived, ... stripped of his gaudy apparel, one of the royal barges transported him across a lake to a temple which rose on its margin.... hither the inhabitants of the capital flocked to witness the consummation of the ceremony. as the sad procession wound up the sides of the pyramid, the unhappy victim threw away his gay chaplets of flowers and broke in pieces his musical instruments. ... on the summit he was received by six priests, whose long and matted locks flowed in disorder over their sable robes, covered with hieroglyphic scrolls of mystic import. they led him to the sacrificial stone, a huge block of jasper, with its upper surface somewhat convex. on this the victim was stretched. five priests secured his head and limbs, while the sixth, clad in a scarlet mantle, emblematic of his bloody office, dexterously opened the breast of the wretched victim with a sharp razor of _itzli_, and inserting his hand in the wound, tore out the palpitating heart, and after holding it up to the sun (as representing the supreme god), cast it at the feet of the deity to whom the temple was devoted, while the multitudes below prostrated themselves in humble adoration. such was an instance of the human sacrifices for which ancient mexico became infamous to the whole civilized world. one instance of a sacrifice differing from the ordinary sort is thus given by a spanish historian: a captive of distinction was sometimes furnished with arms for single combat against a number of mexicans in succession. if he defeated them all, as did occasionally happen, he was allowed to escape. if vanquished he was dragged to the block and sacrificed in the usual manner. the combat was fought on a huge circular stone before the population of the capital. women captives were occasionally sacrificed before those bloodthirsty gods, and in a season of drought even children were sometimes slaughtered to propitiate tlaloc, the god of rain. borne along in open litters, dressed in their festal robes and decked with the fresh blossoms of spring, they moved the hardest hearts to pity, though their cries were drowned in the wild chant of the priests who read in their tears a favorable augury for the rain prayer. one spanish historian informs us that these innocent victims of this repulsive religion were generally bought by the priests from parents who were poor. we may now resume the traditional settlement of the ancient mexicans on the region called anahuac, including all the fertile plateau and extending south to the lake of nicaragua. the chief tribes of the race were said to have come from california, and after being subject to the colhua people asserted their independence about a. d. . soon afterward, their first capital, tenochtitlan, was built on the site of mexico, their permanent center. for several generations they lived, like their remote ancestors, the red men of the woods, as hunters, fishers, and trappers, but at last their prince or chief cazique was powerful enough to be called king. the rule of this aztec prince, beginning a. d. , marked the beginning of their greatness as a race. it became a rule of their kingdom that every new king must gain a victory before being crowned; and thus by the conquest of a new nation furnish a supply of captives to gratify their tutelary deity by the necessary human sacrifices. in the younger montezuma ascended the throne. he is better known to us than the previous kings, because it was in his reign that the spanish conquerors appeared on the scene. from the time of cortés the history of the aztecs becomes part of that of the mexicans. they were easily conquered by the european troops, partly because of their betrayal by various of the neighboring nations whom they had formerly conquered. at the beginning of the sixteenth century, according to prescott, the aztec king ruled the continent from the atlantic to the pacific. from the scientific side of their extinct civilization it is their knowledge of astronomy that chiefly causes astonishment (see also p. ). as in the case of the chaldeans and babylonians, a motive for the study of the stars and planets was the priestly one of accurately fixing the religious festivals. the tropical year being thus ascertained, their tables showed the exact time of the equinox or sun's transit across the equatorial, and of the solstice. from a very early period they had practised agriculture, growing indian corn and "mexican aloe." having no animals of draft, such as the horse, or ox, their farming was naturally of a rude and imperfect sort. "the degree of civilization," says prescott, "which the aztecs reached, as inferred by their political institutions, may be considered, perhaps, not much short of that enjoyed by our saxon ancestors under alfred." in a passage comparing the aztecs to the american indians, we read: the latter has something peculiarly sensitive in his nature. he shrinks instinctively from the rude touch of a foreign hand. even when this foreign influence comes in the form of civilization he seems to sink and pine away beneath it. it has been so with the mexicans. under the spanish domination their numbers have silently melted away. their energies are broken. they no longer tread their mountain plains with the conscious independence of their ancestors. in their faltering step and meek and melancholy aspect we read the sad characters of the conquered race.... their civilization was of the hardy character which belongs to the wilderness. the fierce virtues of the aztec were all his own. humboldt found some analogy between the aztec theory of the universe, as taught by the priests, and the asiatic "cosmogonies." the aztecs, in explaining the great mystery of man's existence after death, believed that future time would revolve in great periods or cycles, each embracing thousands of years. at the end of each of the four cycles of future time in the present world, "the human family will be swept from the earth by the agency of one of the elements, and the sun blotted out from the heavens to be again rekindled." the priesthood comprised a large number who were skilled in astrology and divination. the great temple of mexico, alone, had , priests in attendance, of whom the chief dignitaries superintended the dreadful rites of human sacrifice. others had management of the singing choirs with their musical accompaniment of drums and other instruments; others arranged the public festivals according to the calendar, and had charge of the hieroglyphical word-painting and oral traditions. one important section of the priesthood were teachers, responsible for the education of the children and instruction in religion and morality. the head management of the hierarchy or whole ecclesiastical system, was under two high priests--the more dignified that they were chosen by the king and principal nobles without reference to birth or social station. these high priests were consulted on any national emergency, and in precedency of rank were superior to every man except the king. montezuma is said to have been a priest. the priestly power was more absolute than any ever experienced in europe. two remarkable peculiarities were that when a sinner was pardoned by a priest, the certificate afterward saved the culprit from being legally punished for any offense; secondly, there could be no pardon for an offense once atoned for if the offense were repeated. "long after the conquest, the simple natives when they came under the arm of the law, sought to escape by producing the certificate of their former confession." (prescott, i, .) the prayer of the priest-confessor, as reported by a spanish historian, is very remarkable: "o, merciful lord, thou who knowest the secrets of all hearts, let thy forgiveness and favor descend, like the pure waters of heaven, to wash away the stains from the soul. thou knowest that this poor man has sinned, _not from his own free will_, but from the influence of the sign under which he was born...." after enjoining on the penitent a variety of minute ceremonies by way of penance, the confessor urges the necessity of instantly procuring a slave for sacrifice to the deity. in the schools under the clergy the boys were taught by priests and the girls by priestesses. there was a higher school for instruction in tradition and history, the mysteries of hieroglyphs, the principles of government, and certain branches of astronomical and natural science. in the education of their children the mexican community were very strict, but from a letter preserved by one of the spanish historians, we can not doubt the womanly affection of a mother who thus wrote to her daughter: my beloved daughter, very dear little dove, you have already heard and attended to the words which your father has told you. they are precious words, which have proceeded from the bowels and heart in which they were treasured up; and your beloved father well knows that you, his daughter, begotten of him, are his blood and his flesh; and god our lord knows that it is so. although you are a woman, and are the image of your father, what more can i say to you than has already been said?... my dear daughter, whom i tenderly love, see that you live in the world in peace, tranquillity, and contentment--see that you disgrace not yourself, that you stain not your honor, nor pollute the luster and fame of your ancestors.... may god prosper you, my first-born, and may you come to god, who is in every place.[ ] [footnote : sahagun, hist. de nueva españa, vi, .] some trace of a "natural piety," which will probably surprise our readers, is also found in the ceremony of aztec baptism, as described by the same writer. after the head and lips of the infant were touched with water and a name given to it, the goddess cioacoatl was implored "that the sin which was given to us before the beginning of the world might not visit the child, but that, cleansed by these waters, it might live and be born anew." in sahagun's account we read: when all the relations of the child were assembled, the midwife, who was the person that performed the rite of baptism, was summoned. when the sun had risen, the midwife, taking the child in her arms, called for a little earthen vessel of water.... to perform the rite, she placed herself _with her face toward the west_, and began to go through certain ceremonies.... after this she sprinkled water on the head of the infant, saying, "o my child! receive the water of the lord of the world, which is our life, and is given for the increasing and renewing of our body. it is to wash and to purify." ... [after a prayer] she took the child in both hands, and lifting him toward heaven said, "o lord, thou seest here thy creature whom thou hast sent into this world, this place of sorrow, suffering, and penitence. grant him, o lord, thy gifts and thine inspiration." the science of the aztecs has excited the wonder of all competent judges, such as humboldt (already quoted) and the astronomer la place. lord kingsborough remarks in his great work: it can hardly be doubted that the mexicans were acquainted with many scientifical instruments of strange invention;... whether the telescope may not have been of the number is uncertain; but the thirteenth plate of m. dupaix's monuments, which represents a man holding something of a similar nature to his eye, affords reason to suppose that they knew how to improve the powers of vision. references to the calendar of the aztecs should not omit the secular festival occurring at the end of their great cycle of fifty-two years. from the length of the period, two generations, one might compare it with the "jubilee" of ancient israel--a word made familiar toward the close of queen victoria's reign. the great event always took place at midwinter, the most dreary period of the year, and when the five intercalary days arrived they "abandoned themselves to despair," breaking up the images of the gods, allowing the holy fires of the temples to go out, lighting none in their homes, destroying their furniture and domestic utensils, and tearing their clothes to rags. this disorder and gloom signified that figuratively the end of the world was at hand. on the evening of the last day, a procession of priests, assuming the dress and ornaments of their gods, moved from the capital toward a lofty mountain, about two leagues distant. they carried with them a noble victim, the flower of their captives, and an apparatus for kindling the _new fire_, the success of which was an augury of the renewal of the cycle. on the summit of the mountain, the procession paused till midnight, when, as the constellation of the pleiades[ ] approached the zenith, the new fire was kindled by the friction of some sticks placed on the breast of the victim. the flame was soon communicated to a funeral-pyre on which the body of the slaughtered captive was thrown. as the light streamed up toward heaven, shouts of joy and triumph burst forth from the countless multitudes who covered the hills, the terraces of the temples, and the housetops.... couriers, with torches lighted at the blazing beacon, rapidly bore them over every part of the country.... a new cycle had commenced its march. the following thirteen days were given up to festivity. ... the people, dressed in their gayest apparel, and crowned with garlands and chaplets of flowers, thronged in joyous procession to offer up their oblations and thanksgivings in the temples. dances and games were instituted emblematical of the regeneration of the world. [footnote : a famous group of seven small stars in the bull constellation. the "seven sisters" appear as only _six_ to ordinary eyesight: to make out the seventh is a test of a practised eye and excellent vision.] prescott compares this carnival of the aztecs to the great secular festival of the romans or ancient etruscans, which (as suetonius remarked) "few alive had witnessed before, or could expect to witness again." the _ludi sæculares_ or secular games of rome were held only at very long intervals and lasted for three days and nights. the poet southey thus refers to the ceremony of opening the new aztec cycle, or circle of the years. on his bare breast the cedar boughs are laid, on his bare breast, dry sedge and odorous gums, laid ready to receive the sacred spark, and blaze, to herald the ascending sun, upon his living altar. round the wretch the inhuman ministers of rites accurst stand, and expect the signal when to strike the seed of fire. their chief, apart from all, ... eastward turns his eyes; for now the hour draws nigh, and speedily he look's to see the first faint dawn of day break through the orient sky. _madoc_, ii, . chapter iv american archeology long before the time of columbus and the spanish conquest there existed on the table-land of mexico two great races or nations, as has already been shown, both highly civilized, and both akin in language, art, and religion. ethnologists and antiquaries are not agreed as to their origin or the development of their civilization. many recent critics have held the theory that there had been a previous people from whom both races inherited their extinct civilization, this previous race being the "toltecs," whom we have repeatedly mentioned in the preceding chapter. to that previous race some attribute the colossal stonework around lake titicaca, as well as other survivals of long-forgotten culture. some would even class them with the "mound-builders" of the ohio valley. other recent antiquaries, however, while fully admitting the aztec-tescucan civilization to be real and historical, treat the toltec theory as partly or entirely mythical. one writer alleges, after the manner of max müller, that the toltecs are "simply a personification of the rays of light" radiating from the aztec sun-god. leaving abstract theories, we shall devote this chapter to the principal facts of american archeology--especially as regards the races and the monuments of their long extinct civilizations. throughout many parts of both north and south america, and over large areas, the red-skinned natives continued their generations as their ancestors had done through untold centuries, scarcely rising above the state of rude, uncultured sons of the soil living as hunters, trappers, fishers, as had been done immemorially when wild in woods the noble savage ran, as dryden puts it. but in mexico, yucatan, and central america, colombia, and peru there were men of the original redskin race who had distinctly attained to civilization for unknown generations before the time of columbus. not only so, but in many centers of wealth and population the process of social improvement and advance had been continuous for unrecorded ages; and in certain cases a long extinct civilization had over-laid a previous civilization still more remotely extinct. some works constructed for supplying water, for example, could only have been applied to that purpose when the climate or geological conditions were quite different from what they have always been in historical times! who is the red man? compared in numbers with the yellow man, the white man, or even the black, he is very unimportant, being only one-tenth as great as the african race.[ ] in american ethnology, however, the red man is all-important. primeval men of this race undoubtedly formed the original stock whence during the centuries were derived all the numerous tribes of "indians" found in either north or south america. throughout asia and africa there is great diversity in type among the races that are indigenous; but as to america, to quote humboldt: [footnote : white or caucasian , , , yellow or mongolian , , , black or african , , , red or american , , .] the indians of new spain [i. e., mexico] bear a general resemblance to those who inhabit canada, florida, peru, and brazil. we have the same swarthy and copper color, straight and smooth hair, small beard, squat body, long eye, with the corner directed upward toward the temples, prominent cheek-bones, thick lips, and expression of gentleness in the mouth, strongly contrasted with a gloomy and severe look. whence the original red men of america were derived it is impossible to say. the date is too remote and the data too few. from fossil remains of human bones, agassiz estimated a period of at least ten thousand years; and near new orleans, beneath four buried forests, a skeleton was found which was possibly fifty thousand years old. if, therefore, the redskins branched off from the yellow man, it must have been at a period which lies utterly beyond historic ken or calculation. some recent ethnologists have borrowed the "glacier theory" from the science of geology, in order to trace the development of civilization among certain races. in switzerland and greenland the signs of the action of a glacier can be traced and recognized just as we trace the proofs of the action of water in a dry channel. visit the front of a glacier in autumn after the summer heat has made it shrink back, you will see ( ) rounded rocks, as if planed on the top, with ( ) a mixed mass of stones and gravel like a rubbish-heap, scattered on ( ) a mass of clay and sand, containing boulders. the same three tests are frequently found in countries where there have been no glaciers within the memory of man. such traces, found not only in england, scotland, and ireland, but in northern germany and denmark, prove that the mountain mass of scandinavia was the nucleus of a huge ice-cap "radiating to a distance of not less than , miles, and thick enough to block up with solid ice the north sea, the german ocean, the baltic, and even the atlantic up to the -fathom line." in north america the same thing is proved by similar evidence. a gigantic ice-cap extending from canada has glaciated all the minor mountain ranges to the south, sweeping over the whole continent. the drift and boulders still remain to prove the fact, as far south as only ° north of the tropic. a warm oceanic current, like the gulf stream of the atlantic, would shorten a glacial period. speaking of scotland, one authority states that "if the gulf stream were diverted and the highlands upheaved to the height of the new zealand alps, the whole country would again be buried under glaciers pushing out into the seas" on the west and east. the theory is that as the climate became warmer, the ice-fronts retreated northward by the shrinking of the glaciers, and therefore the animals, including man, were able to live farther north. the men of that very remote period were "neolithic," and some of the stone monuments are attributed to them that were formerly called "druidic." a recent writer asks; with reference to stonehenge: did neolithic men slowly coming northward, as the rigors of the last glacial period abated, domicile here, and build this huge gaunt temple before they passed farther north, to degrade and dwindle down into eskimos wandering the dismal coasts of arctic seas? another writer, with reference to the american ice-sheet, says: during the second glacial epoch when the great boreal ice-sheet covered one-half of the north american continent, reaching as far south as the present cities of philadelphia and st. louis, and the glaciated portions were as unfit for human occupation as the snow-cap of greenland is to-day, aggregations of population clustered around the equatorial zone, because the climatic conditions were congenial. and inasmuch as civilization, the world over, clings to the temperate climates and thrives there best, we are not surprised to learn that communities far advanced in arts and architecture built and occupied those great cities in yucatan, honduras, guatemala, and other central american states, whose populations once numbered hundreds of thousands. an approximate date when this civilization was at the acme of its glory would be about ten thousand years ago. this is established by observations upon the recession of the existing glacier fronts, which are known to drop back twelve miles in one hundred years. with the gradual withdrawal of the glacial ice-sheet the climate grew proportionately milder, and flora and fauna moved simultaneously northward. some emigrants went to south america and settled there, carrying their customs, arts, ceremonial rites, hieroglyphs, architecture, etc.; and an immense exodus took place into mexico, which ultimately extended westward up the pacific coast. in subsequent epochs when the ice-sheet had withdrawn from large areas, there were immense influxes of people from asia via bering strait on the pacific side, and from northwestern europe via greenland on the atlantic side. the korean immigration of the year led to the founding of the mexican empire in . to trace then the gradations of ascent from the native american--called "indians" by a blunder of the great admiral, as afterward they were nicknamed "redskins" by the english settlers--to the mexicans, peruvians, or colombians is a task far beyond our strength. leaving the question of race, therefore, we now turn to the antiquarian remains, especially the architectural. the prehistoric civilization which was developed to the south of mexico is generally known as "mayan," although the mayas were undoubtedly akin to the aztecs or early mexicans. the maya tribes in yucatan and honduras, from abundant evidence, must have risen to a refinement in prehistoric times, which, in several respects, was superior to that of the aztecs. in architecture they were in advance from the earliest ages not only of the aztec peoples, but of all the american races. in yucatan the mayas have left some wonderful remains at mayapan, their prehistoric capital, and near it at a place called uxmal which has become famous from its vast and elaborate structures,[ ] evidencing a knowledge of art and science which had flourished in this region for centuries before the arrival of the spanish. the chief building in uxmal is in pyramidal form, the principal design in the ancient aztec temples (as well as those of chaldea, etc.), consisting of three terraces faced with hewn stone. the terraces are in length , , and feet respectively; with the temple on the summit, feet, and a great flight of stairs leading to it. the whole building is surrounded by a belt of richly sculptured figures, above a cornice. at chichen, also in yucatan, there is an area of two miles perimeter entirely covered with architectural ruins; many of the roofs having apparently consisted of stone arches, painted in various colors. one building, of peculiar construction, proves an enigma to all travelers: it is more than ninety yards long and consists of two parallel walls, each ten yards thick, the distance between them being also ten yards. it has been conjectured that the anomalous construction had reference to some public games by which the citizens amused themselves in that long-forgotten period. among other memorials of mayan architecture in this country is the city of tuloom on the east coast, fortified with strong walls and square towers. a more remarkable "find" in the dense forests of chiapas, in the same country, is the city recorded by stephens and other travelers. it is near the coast, at the place where cortés and his spanish soldiers were moving about for a considerable time, yet they do not appear to have ever seen the splendid ruins, or to have at all suspected their existence. even if the natives knew, the spaniards might have found the toil of forcing a passage through such forests too laborious. the name of the city which had so long been buried under the tropical vegetation was quite unknown, nor was there any tradition of it; but when found it was called "palenque," from the nearest inhabited village. there were substantial and handsome buildings with excellent masonry, and in many cases beautiful sculptures and hieroglyphical figures. [footnote : see frontispiece.] merida, the capital of yucatan, is on the site of a prehistoric city whose name had also become unknown. when building the present town, the spaniards utilized the ancient buildings as quarries for good stones. the larger prehistoric structures are frequently on artificial mounds, being probably intended for religious or ceremonial purposes. the walls both within and without are elaborately decorated, sometimes with symbolic figures. sometimes officials in ceremonial costumes are seen apparently performing religious rites. these are often accompanied by inscriptions in low relief, with the peculiar mayan characters which some archeologists call "calculiform hieroglyphs" (_v._ p. ). on one of the altar-slabs near palenque there occurs a sculptured group of several figures in the act of making offerings to a central object shaped like the latin cross. "the latin, the greek, and the egyptian cross or _tau_ (t) were evidently sacred symbols to this ancient people, bearing some religious meanings derived from their own cult."[ ] [footnote : d. g. brinton.] the cross occurs frequently, not only in the mayan sculptures, but also in the ceremonial of the aztecs. the spanish followers of cortés were astonished to see this symbol used by these "barbarians," as they called them. winsor (i, ) says that the mayan cross has been explained to mean "the four cardinal points, the rain-bringers, the symbol of life and health"; and again, "the emblem of fire, indeed an ornamental fire-drill." students of architecture find a rudimentary form of the arch occurring in some of the ruins, notably at palenque. two walls are built parallel to each other, at some distance apart, then at the beginning of the arch the layers on both sides have the inner stones slightly projecting, each layer projecting a little more than the previous one, till at a certain height the stones of one wall are almost touching those of the wall opposite. finally, a single flat stone closes in the space between and completes the arch. in honduras, on the banks of the copan, the spaniards found a prehistoric capital in ruins, on an elevated area, surrounded by substantial walls built of dressed stones, and enclosing large groups of buildings. one structure is mainly composed of huge blocks of polished stone. in several houses the whole of the external surface is covered with elaborate carved designs: the adjacent soil is covered with sculptured obelisks, pillars, and idols, with finely dressed stones, and with blocks ornamented with skilfully carved figures of the characteristic maya hieroglyphs, which, could they be deciphered, would doubtless reveal the story of this strange and solitary city. in western guatemala, at utatla, the ancient capital of the quiches, a tribe allied to the mayas, several pyramids still remain. one is feet high, surmounted by a stone wall, and another is ascended by a staircase of nineteen steps, each nineteen inches in height. the literary remains (such as alphabets, hieroglyphs, manuscripts, etc.) of the maya and aztec races are in some respects as vivid a proof of the extinct civilizations as any of the architectural monuments already discussed. both aztecs and mayans of yucatan and central america used picture-writing, and sometimes an imperfect form of hieroglyphics. the most elementary kind was simply a rough sketch of a scene or historical group which they wished to record. when, for example, cortés had his first interview with some messengers sent by montezuma, one of the aztecs was observed sketching the dress and appearance of the spaniards, and then completing his picture by using colors. even in recent times indians have recorded facts by pictographs: in harper's magazine (august, ) we read that "pictographs and painted rocks to the number of over , are scattered all over the united states, from the dighton rock, massachusetts (_v_. pp. , ), to the kern river cañon in california, and from the florida cape to the mouse river in manitoba. the identity of the indians with their ancient progenitors is further proved by relics, mortuary customs, linguistic similarities, plants and vegetables, and primitive industrial and mechanical arts, which have remained constant throughout the ages." the pictographs of the kern river cañon, according to the same writer, were inscribed on the rocks there "about five thousand years ago." a more advanced form of picture-writing is frequently found in the mayan and other inscriptions and manuscripts. two objects are represented, whose names, when pronounced together, give a sound which suggests the name to be recorded or remembered. thus, the name gladstone may be expressed in this manner by two pictures, one a laughing face (i. e., "happy" or "glad"), the other a rock (i. e., "stone"). it is exactly the same contrivance that is used to construct the puzzle called a "rebus." a third form of hieroglyphic was by devising some conventional mark or symbol to suggest the initial sound of the name to be recorded. such a mark or character would be a "letter," in fact; and thus the prehistoric alphabets were arrived at, not only among the early mayans of yucatan, etc., but among the prehistoric peoples of asia, as the chinese, the hittites, etc., as well as the primeval egyptians. many of the sculptures in copan and palenque to which we have referred contain pictographs and hieroglyphs. a spanish bishop of yucatan drew up a mayan alphabet in order to express the hieroglyphs on monuments and manuscripts in roman letters; but much more data are needed before scholars will read the ancient mayan-aztec tongues as they have been enabled to understand the egyptian inscriptions or the cuneiform records of babylonia. for the american hieroglyphs we still lack a second young or champollion. there are three famous manuscripts in the mayan character: . the dresden codex, preserved in the royal library of that city. it is called a "religious and astrological ritual" by abbé brasseur. . codex troano, in madrid, described in two folios by abbé brasseur. . codex peresianus, named from the wrapper in which it was found, , which had the name "perez." it is also known as codex mexicanus. in lord kingsborough's great work on mexican antiquities there are several of the mayan manuscripts printed in facsimile, and others in a book by m. aubin, of paris. each group of letters in a mayan inscription is enclosed in an irregular oval, supposed to resemble the cross-section of a pebble; hence the term _calculiform_ (i. e., "pebble-shaped") is applied to their hieroglyphs, as _cuneiform_ (i. e., "wedge-shaped") is applied to the babylonian and assyrian letters. the paper which the prehistoric mexicans (mayas, aztecs, or tescucans, etc.) used for writing and drawing upon was of vegetable origin, like the egyptian papyrus. it was made by macerating the leaves of the _maguey_, a plant of the greatest importance (_v._ p. ). when the surface of the paper was glazed, the letters were painted on in brilliant colors, proceeding from left to right, as we do. each book was a strip of paper, several yards long and about ten inches wide, not rolled round a stick, as the volumes of ancient rome were, but folded zigzag, like a screen. the protecting boards which held the book were often artistically carved and painted. the topics of the ordinary books, so far as we yet know, were religious ritual, dreams, and prophecies, the calendar, chronological notes, medical superstitions, portents of marriage and birth. the written language was in common and extensive use for the legal conveyance and sale of property. one of the most remarkable facts connected with this extinct civilization was the accuracy of their calendar and chronological system. their calendar was actually superior to that then existing in europe. they had two years: one for civil purposes, of three hundred and sixty-five days, divided into eighteen months of twenty days, besides five supplementary days; the other, a ritual or ecclesiastical year, to regulate the public festivals. the civil year required thirteen days to be added at the end of every fifty-two years, so as to harmonize with the ritual year. each month contained four weeks of five days, but as each of the twenty days (forming a month) had a distinct name, humboldt concluded that the names were borrowed from a prehistoric calendar, used in india and tartary. wilson (prehistoric man, i, ) remarks: by the unaided results of native science the dwellers on the mexican plateau had effected an adjustment of civil to solar time so nearly correct that when the spaniards landed on their coast, their own reckoning according to the unreformed julian calendar, was really eleven days in error, compared with that of the barbarian nation whose civilization they so speedily effaced. in there was found in the square of mexico a famous relic, the mexican calendar stone, "one of the most striking monuments of american antiquity." it was long supposed to have been intended for chronological purposes; but later authorities call it a votive tablet or sacrificial altar.[ ] similar circular stones have been dug up in other parts of mexico and in yucatan. [footnote : pp. - , _v._ p. .] both the mayas and the aztecs excelled in the ordinary arts of civilized life. paper-making has already been spoken of. cotton being an important produce of their soil, they understood its spinning, dyeing, and weaving so well that the spaniards mistook some of the finer aztec fabrics for silk. they cultivated maize, potatoes, plantains, and other vegetables. both in mexico and yucatan they produced beautiful work in feathers; metal working was not so important as in some countries, being chiefly for ornamental purposes. in fact, it was the comparative plenty of gold and silver around mexico that delayed the invasion of the mayan country for more than twenty years. the mayas had developed trade to a considerable extent before the spanish invasion, and interchanged commodities with the island of cuba. it was there, accordingly, that columbus first saw this people, and first heard of yucatan. of the mexican remains on the central plateau, the most conspicuous is the mound or pyramid of cholula, although it retains few traces of prehistoric art. a modern church with a dome and two towers now occupies the summit, with a paved road leading up to it. it is chiefly noted, first, by antiquaries, as having originally been a great temple of quetzalcoatl, the beneficent deity, famous in story; and, secondly, for the fierce struggle around the mound and on the slopes between the mexicans and spanish. (_v._ pp. - .) another mound in this district, yochicalco, lies seventy-five miles southwest of the capital. it is considered one of the best memorials of the extinct civilization, consisting of five terraces supported by stone walls, and formerly surmounted by a pyramid. passing from the traces of aztec and mayan civilization, we may now glance at the antiquities of the colombian states. there are no temples or large structures, because the natives, before the spanish conquest, used timber for building, but owing to the abundance of gold in their brooks and rivers, they developed skill in gold-working, and produced fine ornaments of wonderful beauty. many hollow figures have been found, evidently cast from molds, representing men, beasts, and birds, etc. stone-cutting was also an art of this ancient race, sometimes applied to making idols bearing hieroglyphs. when the spaniards invaded them to take their gold and precious stones, the "chibchas," who then held the colombian table-land and valleys, threw large quantities of those valuables into a lake near bogota, the capital. it was afterward attempted to recover those treasures by draining off the water, but only a small portion was found; and in the present year ( ) a new engineering attempt has been made. a spanish writer, in , asserted that evidence was found in the caves and mines that in ancient times the colombians produced an alloy of gold, copper, and iron having the temper and hardness of steel. on a tributary of the river magdalena there are many curious stone images, sometimes with grotesquely carved faces. turning next to the mound-builders, in the ohio and upper mississippi valley, we find traces of an extinct civilization in high mounds, evidently artificial, extensive embankments, broad deep ditches, terraced pyramids, and an interesting variety of stone implements and pottery. some mounds were for burial-places, others for sacrificial purposes, others again as a site for building, like those we have seen in mexico and maya. many enclosures contain more than fifty acres of land; and one embankment is fifty miles long. among the relics associated with those works are articles of pottery, knives, and copper ornaments, hammered silver, mica, obsidian, pearls, beautifully sculptured pipes, shells, and stone implements. the mounds found in some of the gulf states seem to confirm a theory that the mound-builders were the ancestors of the choctaw indians and their allies, and had been driven southward. in the lower mississippi valley, eastward to the seacoast, there are many large earthworks, including round and quadrilateral mounds, embankments, canals, and artificial lakes. similar works can be traced to the southern extremity of florida. some were constructed as sites for large buildings. the tribes to whom they are due are now known to have been agricultural--growing maize, beans, and pumpkins; with these products and those of the chase they supported a considerable population. among other antiquarian remains in america are the cliff-houses and "pueblos." the former peculiarity is explained by the deep cañons of the dry table-land of colorado. imagine a narrow deep cutting or narrow trench worn by water-courses out of solid rock, deep enough to afford a channel to the stream from to , feet below the plateau above. next imagine one of the caves which the water many ages ago had worn out of the perpendicular sides of the cañon; and in that cave a substantial, well-built structure of cut stones bedded in firm mortar. such are the "cliff--houses," sometimes of two stories. occasionally there is a watch-tower perched on a conspicuous point of rock near a cliff-dwelling, with small windows looking to the east and north. these curious buildings, though now prehistoric, in a sense, are believed by archeologists to be later than the spanish conquest. peru is very important archeologically, but some interesting points will properly fall under our general account of that country and its conquest by spain. [illustration: chulpa or stone tomb of the peruvians.] in peruvian architecture, we find "cyclopean walls," with polygonal stones of five or six feet diameter, so well polished and adjusted that no mortar was necessary; sometimes with a projecting part of the stone fitting exactly into a corresponding cavity of the stone immediately above or below it. such huge stones are of hard granite or basalt, etc. the walls are often very massive and substantial, sometimes from thirty to forty feet in thickness. the only approach to the modern "arch" in the peruvian structures is a device similar to that which was described under the mayan architecture. some important buildings were surrounded with large upright stones, similar to the famous "druidic" temple at stonehenge. all of the chief structures were accurately placed with reference to the cardinal points, and the main entrance always faced the east. the peruvian tombs were very elaborate, one kind being made by cutting caverns in the steep precipices of the cordillera and then carefully walling in the entrance. another variety (the _chulpa_) was really a stone tower erected above ground, twelve to thirty feet high. the chulpas were sometimes built in groups. chapter v mexico before the spanish invasion the aztecs and the tescucans were the chief races occupying the great table-land of anahuac, including, as we have seen, the famous mexican valley. in the preceding chapter we have set forth some of the leading points in the extinct civilization of those races, and also that of the mayas, who in several respects were perhaps superior to the anahuac kingdoms. several features of the early mexican civilization will come before us as we accompany the european conquerors, in their march over the table-land. meantime, we glance first at the geography of this magnificent region, and secondly at the manners and institutions of the people, their industrial arts, etc., and their terrible religion. the last-mentioned topic has already been partly discussed in chapter iii. the tropic of cancer passes through the middle of mexico, and therefore its southern half, which is the most important, is all under the burning sun of the "torrid zone." this heat, however, is greatly modified by the height of the surface above sea-level, since the country, taken as a whole, is simply an extensive table-land. the height of the plain in the two central states, mexico and puebla, is , feet, or about double the average height of the highest summits in the british isles. on the west of the republic is a continuous chain of mountains, and on the east of the table-land run a series of mountainous groups parallel to the seacoast, with a summit in vera cruz of over , feet. to the south of the capital an irregular range running east and west contains these remarkable volcanoes--colima, , feet; jorulla, popocatepetl, , ; orizaba (extinct), , , the highest summit in mexico, and, with the exception of some of the mountains of alaska, in north america. the great plateau-basin formed around the capital and its lakes is completely enclosed by mountains. this high table-land has its own climate as compared with the broad tract lying along the atlantic. hence the latter is known as the hot region (_caliente_), and the former the cold region (_fria_). between the two climates, as the traveler mounts from the sea-level to the great plateau, is the temperate region (_templada_), an intermediate belt of perpetual humidity, a welcome escape from the heat and deadly malaria of the hot region with its "bilious fevers." sometimes as he passes along the bases of the volcanic mountains, casting his eye "down some steep slope or almost unfathomable ravine on the margin of the road, he sees their depths glowing with the rich blooms and enameled vegetation of the tropics." this contrast arises from the height he has now gained above the hot coast region. the climate on the table-land is only cold in a relative sense, being mild to europeans, with a mean temperature at the capital of °, seldom lowered to the freezing-point. the "temperate" slopes form the "paradise of mexico," from "the balmy climate, the magnificent scenery, and the wealth of semitropical vegetation." the aztec and tescucan laws were kept in state records, and shown publicly in hieroglyphs. the great crimes against society were all punished with death, including the murder of a slave. slaves could hold property, and all their sons were freedmen. the code in general showed real respect for the leading principles of morality. in mexico, as in ancient egypt, the soldier shared with the priest the highest consideration. the king must be an experienced warrior. the tutelary deity of the aztecs was the god of war. a great object of military expeditions was to gather hecatombs of captives for his altars. the soldier who fell in battle was transported at once to the region of ineffable bliss in the bright mansions of the sun.... thus every war became a crusade; and the warrior was not only raised to a contempt of danger, but courted it--animated by a religious enthusiasm like that of the early saracen or the christian crusader. the officers of the armies wore rich and conspicuous uniforms--a tight-fitting tunic of quilted cotton sufficient to turn the arrows of the native indians; a cuirass (for superior officers) made of thin plates of gold or silver; an overcoat or cloak of variegated feather-work; helmets of wood or silver, bearing showy plumes, adorned with precious stones and gold ornaments. their belts, collars, bracelets, and earrings were also of gold or silver. southey, in his poem, makes his welsh prince, madoc, thus boast: their mail, if mail it may be called, was woven of vegetable down, like finest flax, bleached to the whiteness of new-fallen snow, ... others of higher office were arrayed in feathery breastplates, of more gorgeous hue than the gay plumage of the mountain-cock, than the pheasants' glittering pride. but what were these or what the thin gold hauberk, when opposed to arms like ours in battle? _madoc_, i, . we learn of the ancient mexicans, to their honor, that in the large towns hospitals were kept for the cure of the sick and wounded soldiers, and as a permanent refuge if disabled. not only so, says a spanish historian, but "the surgeons placed over them were so far better than those in europe that they did not protract the cure to increase the pay." even the red man of the woods, as we learn from fenimore cooper and catlin, believes reverently in the great spirit who upholds the universe; and similarly his more civilized brother of mexico or tezcuco spoke of a supreme creator, lord of heaven and earth. in their prayers some of the phrases were: the god by whom we live, omnipresent, knowing all thoughts, giving all gifts, without whom man is nothing, invisible, incorporeal, of perfect perfection and purity, under whose wings we find repose and a sure defense. prescott, however, remarks that notwithstanding such attributes "the idea of unity--of a being with whom volition is action, who has no need of inferior ministers to execute his purposes--was too simple, or too vast, for their understandings; and they sought relief, as usual, in a plurality of deities, who presided over the elements, the changes of the seasons, and the various occupations of man." the aztecs, in fact, believed in thirteen _dii majores_ and over _dii minores_. to each of these a special day was assigned in the calendar, with its appropriate festival. chief of them all was that bloodthirsty monster _huitsilopochtli_, the hideous god of war--tutelary deity of the nation. there was a huge temple to him in the capital, and on the great altar before his image there, and on all his altars throughout the empire, the reeking blood of thousands of human victims was being constantly poured out. the terrible name of this mexican mars has greatly puzzled scholars of the language. according to one derivation, the name is a compound of two words, _humming-bird_ and _on the left_, because his image has the feathers of that bird on the left foot. prescott naturally thinks that "too amiable an etymology for so ruffian a deity." the other name of the war-god, _mexitl_ (i. e., "the hare of the aloes"), is much better known, because from it is derived the familiar name of the capital. [illustration: quetzalcoatl.] the god of the air, _quetzalcoatl_, a beneficent deity, who taught mexicans the use of metals, agriculture, and the arts of government. prescott remarks that he was doubtless one of those benefactors of their species who have been deified by the gratitude of posterity. there was a remarkable tradition of quetzalcoatl, preserved among the mexicans, that he had been a king, afterward a god, and had a temple dedicated to his worship at cholula[ ] when on his way to the mexican gulf. embarking there, he bade his people a long farewell, promising that he and his descendants would revisit them. the expectation of his return prepared the way for the success of the tall white-skinned invaders. [footnote : the ruins were referred to in chap, iv, (_v._ p. , also .)] in the aztec agriculture, the staple plant was of course the _maize_ or indian corn. humboldt tells us that at the conquest it was grown throughout america, from the south of chile to the river st. lawrence; and it is still universal in the new world. other important plants on the aztec soil were the _banana_, which (according to one spanish writer) was the forbidden fruit that tempted our poor mother eve; the _cacao_, whose fruit supplies the valuable chocolate; the _vanilla_, used for flavoring; and most important of all, the _maguey_, or mexican aloe, much valued because its leaves were manufactured into paper, and its juice by fermentation becomes the national intoxicant, "pulque." the _maguey_, or great mexican aloe, grown all over the table-land, is called "the miracle of nature," producing not only the _pulque_, but supplying _thatch_ for the cottages, _thread_ and _cords_ from its tough fiber, _pins_ and _needles_ from the thorns which grow on the leaves, an excellent _food_ from its roots, and _writing-paper_ from its leaves. one writer, after speaking of the "pulque" being made from the "maguey," adds, "with what remains of these leaves they manufacture excellent and very fine cloth, resembling holland or the finest linen." the _itztli_, formerly mentioned as being used at the sacrifices by the officiating priest, was "obsidian," a dark transparent mineral, of the greatest hardness, and therefore useful for making knives and razors. the mexican sword was serrated, those of the finest quality being of course edged with itztli. sculptured figures abounded in every aztec temple and town, but in design very inferior to the ancient specimens of egypt and babylonia, not to mention greece. a remarkable collection of their sculptured images occurred in the _place_ or great square of mexico--the aztec forum--and similar spots. ever since the spanish invasion the destruction of the native objects of art has been ceaseless and ruthless. "two celebrated bas-reliefs of the last montezuma and his father," says prescott, "cut in the solid rock, in the beautiful groves of chapoltepec, were deliberately destroyed, as late as the last century [i. e., the eighteenth], by order of the government." he further remarks: this wantonness of destruction provokes the bitter animadversion of the spanish writer martyr, whose enlightened mind respected the vestiges of civilization wherever found. "the conquerors," says he, "seldom repaired the buildings that they defaced; they would rather sack twenty stately cities than erect one good edifice." the pre-columbian mexicans inherited a practical knowledge of mechanics and engineering. the calendar stone, for example (spoken of in the preceding chapter), a mass of dark porphyry estimated at fifty tons weight, was carried for a distance of many leagues from the mountains beyond lake chalco, through a rough country crossed by rivers and canals. in the passage its weight broke down a bridge over a canal, and the heavy rock had to be raised from the water beneath. with such obstacles, without the draft assistance of horses or cattle, how was it possible to effect such a transport? perhaps the mechanical skill of their builders and engineers had contrived some tramway or other machinery. an english traveler had a curious suggestion: latrobe accommodates the wonders of nature and art very well to each other, by suggesting that these great masses of stone were transported by means of the mastodon, whose remains are occasionally disinterred in the mexican valley. the mexicans wove many kinds of cotton cloth, sometimes using as a dye the rich crimson of the cochineal insect. they made a more expensive fabric by interweaving the cotton with the fine hair of rabbits, and other animals; sometimes embroidering with pretty designs of flowers and birds, etc. the special art of the aztec weaver was in feather-work, which when brought to europe produced the highest admiration: with feathers they could produce all the effect of a beautiful mosaic. the gorgeous plumage of the tropical birds, especially of the parrot tribe, afforded every variety of color; and the fine down of the humming-bird, which reveled in swarms among the honeysuckle bowers of mexico, supplied them with soft aerial tints that gave an exquisite finish to the picture. the feathers, pasted on a fine cotton web, were wrought into dresses for the wealthy, hangings for apartments, and ornaments for the temples. when some of the mexican feather-work was shown at strasbourg: "never," says one admirer, "did i behold anything so exquisite for brilliancy and nice gradation of color, and for beauty of design. no european artist could have made such a thing." instead of shops the aztecs had in every town a market-place, where fairs were held every fifth day--i. e., once a week. each commodity had a particular quarter, and the traffic was partly by barter, and partly by using the following articles as money: bits of tin shaped like an egyptian cross (t), bags of cacao holding a specified number of grains, and, for large values, quills of gold-dust. the married women among the aztecs were treated kindly and respectfully by their husbands. the feminine occupations were spinning and embroidery, etc., as among the ancient greeks, while listening to ballads and love stories related by their maidens and musicians (ramusio, iii, ). in banquets and other social entertainments the women had an equal share with the men. sometimes the festivities were on a large scale, with costly preparations and numerous attendants. the mexicans, ancient and modern, have always been passionately fond of flowers, and on great occasions not only were the halls and courts strewed and adorned in profusion with blossoms of every hue and sweet odor, but perfumes scented every room. the guests as they sat down found ewers of water before them and cotton napkins, since washing the hands both before and after eating was a national habit of almost religious obligation.[ ] modern europeans believe that tobacco was introduced from america in the time of queen isabella and queen elizabeth, but ages before that period the aztecs at their banquets had the "fragrant weed" offered to the company, "in pipes, mixed up with aromatic substances, or in the form of cigars, inserted in tubes of tortoise-shell or silver." the smoke after dinner was no doubt preliminary to the _siesta_ or nap of "forty winks." it is not known if the aztec ladies, like their descendants in modern mexico, also appreciated the _yetl_, as the mexicans called "tobacco." our word came from the natives of hayti, one of the islands discovered by columbus. [footnote : sahagun (vi, ) quotes the precise instructions of a father to his son: he must wash face and hands before sitting down to table, and must not leave till he has repeated the operation and cleansed his teeth.] the tables of the aztecs abounded in good food--various dishes of meat, especially game, fowl, and fish. the turkey, for example, was introduced into europe from mexico, although stupidly supposed to have come from asia. the french named it _coq d'inde_,[ ] the "indian cock," meaning american, but the ordinary hearer imagined _d'inde_ meant from hindustan. the blunder arose from that misapplication of the word "indian," first made by columbus, as we formerly explained. [footnote : the spanish named this handsome bird _gallopavo_ (lat. _pavo_, the "peacock"). the wild turkey is larger and more beautiful than the tame, and therefore benjamin franklin, when speaking sarcastically of the "american eagle," insisted that the wild turkey was the proper national emblem.] the aztec cooks dressed their viands with various sauces and condiments, the more solid dishes being followed by fruits of many kinds, as well as sweetmeats and pastry. chafing-dishes even were used. besides the varieties of beautiful flowers which adorned the table there were sculptured vases of silver and sometimes gold. at table the favorite beverage was the _chocolatl_ flavored with vanilla and different spices. the fermented juice of the maguey, with a mixture of sweets and acids, supplied also various agreeable drinks, of different degrees of strength. when the young mexicans of both sexes amused themselves with dances, the older people kept their seats in order to enjoy their _pulque_ and gossip, or listen to the discourse of some guest of importance. the music which accompanied the dances was frequently soft and rather plaintive. the early mexicans included the tezcucans as well as the aztecs proper; and since their capitals were on the same lake and both races were closely akin, we may devote some space to these alcohuans or eastern aztecs. their civilization was superior to that of the western aztecs in some respects, and nezahual-coyotl, their greatest prince, formed alliance with the western state, and then remodeled the various departments of his government. he had a council of war, another of finance, and a third of justice. a remarkable institution, under king nezahual-coyotl, was the "council of music," intended to promote the study of science and the practise of art. tezcuco, in fact, became the nursery not only of such sciences as could be compassed by the scholarship of the period, but of various useful and ornamental arts. "its historians, orators, and poets were celebrated throughout the country.... its idiom, more polished than the mexican, continued long after the conquest to be that in which the best productions of the native races were composed. tezcuco was the athens of the western world.... among the most illustrious of her bards was their king himself." a spanish writer adds that it was to the eastern aztecs that noblemen sent their sons "to study poetry, moral philosophy, the heathen theology, astronomy, medicine, and history." [illustration: ancient bridge near tezcuco.] the most remarkable problem connected with ancient mexico is how to reconcile the general refinement and civilization with the sacrifices of human victims. there was no town or city but had its temples in public places, with stairs visibly leading up to the sacrificial stone, ever standing ready before some hideous idol or other--as already described. in all countries there have been public spectacles of bloodshed, not only as in the gladiators in the ancient circus-- butchered to make a roman holiday, or the tournays of the middle ages, but in the prize-ring fights and public executions by ax or guillotine, of the age that is just passing away. the thousands who perished for religious ideas by means of the holy roman inquisition should not be overlooked by the spanish writers who are so indignant that montezuma and his priests sacrificed tens of thousands under the claims of a heathen religion. the very day on which we write these words, august th, is the anniversary of the last sentence for beheading passed by our house of lords. by that sentence three scottish "jacobites" passed under the ax on tower hill, where their remains still rest in a chapel hard by. so lately as , the shah of persia, when resident as a visitor in buckingham palace, was amazed to find that the laws of great britain prevented him from depriving five of his courtiers of their lives. they had just been found guilty of some paltry infringement of persian etiquette. during the last generation or the previous one, both in england and scotland, the country schoolmaster on a certain day had the schoolroom cleared so that the children and their friends should enjoy the treat of seeing all the game-cocks of the parish bleeding on the floor one after another, being either struck by a spur to the brain, or else wounded to a painful death. when james boswell and others regularly attended the spectacles of tyburn and sometimes cheered the wretched victim if he "died game," the philosopher will not wonder at the populace of some city of ancient mexico crowding round the great temple and greedily watching the bloody sacrifice done with full sanction of the priesthood and the king. the primitive religions were derived from sun-worship, and as fire is the nearest representative of the sun, it seemed essential to _burn_ the victim offered as a sacrifice. at carthage, the great phenician colony, children were cruelly sacrificed by fire to the god melkarth of tyre. "melkarth" being simply _melech kiriath_ (i. e., "king of the city"), and therefore identical with the "moloch" or "molech" of the ammonites, moabites, and israelites. in the earliest prehistoric age the children of ammon, moab, and israel were apparently so closely akin that they had practically the same religion and worshiped the same idols. the tribal god was originally the god of syria or canaan. in more than a dozen places of the old testament we find the hebrews accused of burning their children or passing them through the fire to the sun-god, but the ancient mexicans did not burn their victims, and _in no case were the victims their own children_. the victims were captives taken in war, or persons convicted of crime; and thus the mexicans were in atrocity far surpassed by those races akin to the hebrews who are much denounced by the sacred writers, e. g.: josiah ... defiled topheth that no man might make his son or his daughter to pass through the fire to molech ( kings xxiii, ). they have built also the high places to burn their sons with fire for burnt-offerings (jer. xix, ). yea, they shed innocent blood, even the blood of their sons and of their daughters, whom they sacrificed unto the idols of canaan (ps. cvi, ). that a father should offer his own child as a sacrifice to the sun-god or any other, would to the mild and gentle aztec be too dreadful a conception. it is the enormous number who were immolated that shocks the european mind, but to the populace enjoying the spectacle the victims were enemies of the king or criminals deserving execution. perhaps it is a more difficult problem to explain how so civilized a community as the aztec races undoubtedly were could look with complacency upon any one tasting a dish composed of some part of the captive he had taken in battle. it is not only repulsive as an idea, but seems impossible. yet much depends on the point of view as well as the atmosphere. according to archeologists, all the primeval races of men could at a pinch feed on human flesh, but after many generations learned to do better without it. we may have simply outgrown the craving, till at last we call it unnatural, whereas those ancient mexicans, with all their wealth of food, had refined upon it. let us again refer to the old testament: thou hast taken thy sons and thy daughters and these hast thou sacrificed to be devoured (ezek. xvi, ). ... have caused their sons to pass for them through the fire, to devour them (ezek. xxiii, ). we may therefore infer that to the early races of canaan (including israel), as well as to the primeval aztecs, it was a privilege and religious custom to eat part of any sacrifice that had been offered. there can be little doubt, to any one who has studied the earliest human antiquities, that all races indulged in cannibalism, not only during that enormously remote age called paleolithic, but in comparatively recent though still prehistoric times. "this is clearly proved by the number of human bones, chiefly of women and young persons, which have been found charred by fire and split open for extraction of the marrow." such charred bones have frequently been preserved in caves, as at chaleux in belgium, where in some instances they occurred "in such numbers as to indicate that they had been the scene of cannibal feasts." the survival of human sacrifice among the aztecs, with its accompanying traces of cannibalism, was due to the savagery of a long previous condition of their indian race; just as in the greek drama, when that ancient people had attained a high level of culture and refinement, the sacrifice of a human life, sometimes a princess or other distinguished heroine, was not unfrequent. we remember polyxena, the virgin daughter of hecuba, whom her own people resolved to sacrifice on the tomb of achilles; and her touching bravery, as she requests the greeks not to bind her, being ashamed, she says, "having lived a princess to die a slave." a better known example is iphigenia, so beloved by her father, king agamemnon, and yet given up by him a victim for purposes of state and religion. [illustration: teocalli, aztec temple for human sacrifices.] from the greek drama, human sacrifices frequently passed to the roman; nor does such a refined critic as horace object to it, but only suggests that the bloodshed ought to be perpetrated behind the scenes. in seneca's play, medea (quoted in our introduction), that rule was grossly violated, since the children have their throats cut by their heroic mother in full view of the audience. in the same passage (ars poët., , ) horace forbids a banquet of human flesh being prepared before the eyes of the public, as had been done in a play written by ennius, the roman poet. the religious sacrifice of human victims by the "druids" or priests of ancient gaul and britain seems exactly parallel to the wholesale executions on the mexican _teocallis_, since the wretched victims whom our celtic ancestors packed for burning into those huge wicker images, were captives taken in battle, like those stretched for slaughter upon the mexican stone of sacrifice. human sacrifice was so common in civilized rome that it was not till the first century b. c. that a law was passed expressly forbidding it--(pliny, hist. nat., xxx, , ). chapter vi arrival of the spaniards the "new birth" of the world, which characterized the end of the fifteenth century, had an enormous influence upon spain. her queen, the "great catholic isabella," had, by assisting columbus, done much in the great discovery of the western world. spain speedily had substantial reward in the boundless wealth poured into her lap, and the rich colonies added to her dominion. thus in the beginning of the sixteenth century the new consolidated spain, formed by the union of the two kingdoms, castile and aragon, became the richest and greatest of all the european states. the spanish governors in the west indies being ambitious of planting new colonies in the name of the spanish king, conquest and annexation were stimulated in all directions. when cuba and hayti were overrun and annexed to spain, not without much unjust treatment of the simple natives, as we have seen, they became centers of operation, whence expeditions could be sent to trinidad or any other island, to panama, to yucatan, or florida, or any other part of the continent. after the marvelous experience of grijalva in yucatan, then considered an island, and his report that its inhabitants were quite a civilized community compared with the natives of the isles, velasquez, the governor of cuba, resolved at once to invade the new country for purposes of annexation and plunder. velasquez prepared a large expedition for this adventure, consisting of eleven ships with more than armed men on board; and after much deliberation chose fernando cortés to be the commander. who was this cortés, destined by his military genius and unscrupulous policy to be comparable to hannibal or julius cæsar among the ancients, and to clive or napoleon bonaparte among the moderns? velasquez knew him well as one of his subordinates in the cruel conquest of cuba; before that cortés had distinguished himself in hayti as an energetic and skilled officer. of an impetuous and fiery temper which he had learned to keep thoroughly in command, he was characterized by that quality possessed by all commanders of superior genius, the "art of gaining the confidence and governing the minds of men." as a youth in spain he had studied for the bar at the university of salamanca; and in some of his speeches on critical occasions one can find certain traces of his academical training in the adroit arguments and clever appeals. other qualifications as an officer were his manly and handsome appearance, his affable manners, combined with "extraordinary address in all martial exercises, and a constitution of such vigor as to be capable of enduring any fatigue." cortés on reviewing his commission from the governor, velasquez, was too shrewd not to be aware of the importance of his new position. the "great admiral," with reference to the discovery of the new world, had said: "i have only opened the door for others to enter"; and cortés was conscious that now was the moment for that entrance. filled with unbounded ambition he rose to the occasion. velasquez somewhat hypocritically pretended that the object he had in view was merely barter with the natives of new spain--that being the name given by grijalva to yucatan and the neighboring country. he ordered cortés to impress on the natives the grandeur and goodness of his royal master; to invite them to give in their allegiance to him, and to manifest it by regaling him with such comfortable presents of gold, pearls, and precious stones as by showing their own good-will would secure his favor and protection. mustering his forces for the new expedition, cortés found that he had no sailors, soldiers, besides indians of the island; ten heavy guns, four lighter ones, called falconets. he had also sixteen horses, knowing the effect of even a small body of cavalry in dealing with savages. on february , , cortés sailed with eleven vessels for the coast of yucatan. landing at tabasco, where grijalva had found the natives friendly, cortés found that the yucatans had resolved to oppose him, and were presently assembled in great numbers. the result of the fighting, however, was naturally a foregone conclusion, partly on account of "the astonishment and terror excited by the destructive effect" of the european firearms, and the "monstrous apparition" of men on horseback. such quadrupeds they had never seen before, and they concluded that the rider with his horse formed one unaccountable animal. gomara and other chroniclers tell how st. james, the tutelar saint of spain, appeared in the ranks on a gray horse, and led the christians to victory over the heathen. an especially fortunate thing for cortés was that among the female slaves presented after this battle, there was one of remarkable intelligence, who understood both the aztec and the mayan languages, and soon learned the spanish. she proved invaluable to cortés as an interpreter, and afterward had a share in all his campaigns. she is generally called marina. if the spanish accounts are true, stating that the native army consisted of five squadrons of , men each, then this victory is one of the most remarkable on record, as a proof of the value of gunpowder as compared with primitive bows and arrows. to the simple americans the terrible invaders seemed actually to wield the thunder and the lightning. next day cortés made an arrangement with the chiefs; and after confidence was restored, asked where they got their gold from. they pointed to the high grounds on the west, and said _culhua_, meaning mexico. the palm sunday being at hand, the conversion of the "heathen" was duly celebrated by pompous and solemn ceremonial. the army marched in procession with the priests at their head, accompanied by crowds of indians of both sexes, till they reached the principal temple. a new altar being built, the image of the presiding deity was taken from its place and thrown down, to make room for that of the virgin carrying the infant saviour. cortés now learned that the capital of the mexican empire was on the mountain plains nearly seventy leagues inland; and that the ruler was the great and powerful montezuma. it was on the morning of good friday that cortés landed on the site of vera cruz, which after the conquest of mexico speedily grew into a flourishing seaport, becoming the commercial capital of new spain. a friendly conference took place between cortés and teuhtlile, an aztec chief, who asked from what country the strangers had come and why they had come. "i am a servant," replied cortés, "of a mighty monarch beyond the seas, who rules over an immense empire, having kings and princes for his vassals. since my master has heard of the greatness of the mexican emperor he has desired me to enter into communication with him, and has sent me as envoy to wait upon montezuma with a present in token of good-will, and with a message which i must deliver in person. when can i be admitted to your sovereign's presence?" the aztec chief replied with an air of dignity: "how is it that you have been here only two days, and demand to see the emperor? if there is another monarch as powerful as montezuma, i have no doubt my master will be happy to interchange courtesies." the slaves of teuhtlile presented to cortés ten loads of fine cotton, several mantles of that curious feather-work whose rich and delicate dyes might vie with the most beautiful painting, and a wicker basket filled with ornaments of wrought gold, all calculated to inspire the spaniards with high ideas of the wealth and mechanical ingenuity of the mexicans. having duly expressed his thanks, cortés then laid before the aztec chief the presents intended for montezuma. these were "an armchair richly carved and painted; a crimson cap bearing a gold medal emblazoned with st. george and the dragon; collars, bracelets, and other ornaments of cut-glass, which, in a country where glass was unknown, might claim to have the value of real gems." during the interview teuhtlile had been curiously observing a shining gilt helmet worn by a soldier, and said that it was exactly like that of quetzalcoatl. "who is he?" asked cortés. "quetzalcoatl is the god about whom the aztecs have the prophecy that he will come back to them across the sea." cortés promised to send the helmet to montezuma, and expressed a wish that it would be returned filled with the gold-dust of the aztecs, that he might compare it with the spanish gold-dust! one reporter who was present says: he further told governor teuhtlile that the spaniards were troubled with a disease of the heart for which gold was a specific remedy! another incident of this notable interview was that one of the mexican attendants was observed by cortés to be scribbling with a pencil. it was an artist sketching the appearance of the strangers, their dress, arms, and attitude, and filling in the picture with touches of color. struck with the idea of being thus represented to the mexican monarch, cortés ordered the cavalry to be exercised on the beach in front of the artists. the bold and rapid movements of the troops, ... the apparent ease with which they managed the fiery animals on which they were mounted, the glancing of their weapons, and the shrill cry of the trumpet, all filled the spectators with astonishment; but when they heard the thunders of the cannon, which cortés ordered to be fired at the same time, and witnessed the volumes of smoke and flame issuing from these terrible engines, and the rushing sound of the balls, as they dashed through the trees of the neighboring forest, shivering their branches into fragments, they were filled with consternation and wonder, from which the aztec chief himself was not wholly free. this was all faithfully copied by the picture-writers, so far as their art went, in sketching and vivid coloring. they also recorded the ships of the strangers--"the water-houses," as they were named--whose dark hulls and snow-white sails were swinging at anchor in the bay. meantime what had montezuma been doing, the sad-faced[ ] and haughty emperor of mexico, land of the aztecs and the tezcucans? at the beginning of his reign he had as a skilful general led his armies as far as honduras and nicaragua, extending the limits of the empire, so that it had now reached the maximum. [footnote : the name montezuma means "sad or severe man," a title suited to his features, though not to his mild character.] tezcuco, the sister state to mexico, had latterly shown hostility to montezuma, and still more formidable was the republic of tlascala, lying between his capital and the coast. prodigies and prophecies now began to affect all classes of the population in the mexican valley. everybody spoke of the return from over the sea of the popular god quetzalcoatl, the fair-skinned and longhaired (p. ). a generation had already elapsed since the first rumors that white men in great mysterious vessels, bearing in their hands the thunder and lightning, were seizing the islands and must soon seize the mainland. no wonder that montezuma, stern, tyrannical, and disappointed, should be dismayed at the news of grijalva's landing, and still more so when hearing of the fleet and army of cortés, and seeing their horsemen pictured by his artists--the whole accompanied by exaggerated accounts of the guns and cannon able to produce thunder and lightning. after holding a council, montezuma resolved to send an embassy to cortés, presenting him with a present which should reflect the incomparable grandeur and resources of mexico, and at the same time forbidding an approach to the capital. the governor teuhtlile, on this second embassy, was accompanied by two aztec nobles and slaves, bearing the present from montezuma to cortés. as they entered the pavilion of the spanish general the air was filled with clouds of incense which rose from censers carried by some attendants. some delicately wrought mats were then unrolled, and on them the slaves displayed the various articles, ... shields, helmets, cuirasses, embossed with plates and ornaments of pure gold; collars and bracelets of the same metal, sandals, fans, and crests of variegated feathers, intermingled with gold and silver thread, and sprinkled with pearls and precious stones; imitations of birds and animals in wrought and cast gold and silver, of exquisite workmanship; curtains, coverlets, and robes of cotton, fine as silk, of rich and various dyes, interwoven with feather-work that rivaled the delicacy of painting.... the things which excited most admiration were two circular plates of gold and silver, as "large as carriage-wheels"; one representing the sun was richly carved with plants and animals. it was thirty palms in circumference, and was worth about £ , sterling.[ ] [footnote : robertson, the historian, gives £ , ; but prescott reckons a _peso de oro_ at £ s. d.; whence the , of the text gives , x - / = , x = £ , .] cortés was interested in seeing the soldier's helmet brought back to him full to the brim with grains of gold. the courteous message from montezuma, however, did not please him much. montezuma excused himself from having a personal interview by "the distance being too great, and the journey beset with difficulties and dangers from formidable enemies.... all that could be done, therefore, was for the strangers to return to their own land." soon after cortés, by a species of statecraft, formed a new municipality, thus transforming his camp into a civil community. the name of the new city was _villa rica de vera cruz_, i. e., "the rich town of the true cross." once the municipality was formed, cortés resigned before them his office of captain-general, and thus became free from the authority of velasquez. the city council at once chose cortés to be captain-general and chief justice of the colony. he could now go forward unchecked by any superior except the crown. it was a desperate undertaking to climb with an army from the hot region of this flat coast through the varied succession of "slopes" which form the temperate region, and at last, on the high table-land, obtain entrance upon the great enclosed valley of mexico. cortés found that an essential preliminary was to gain the friendship of the totonacs, a nation tributary to montezuma. their subjection to the aztecs he had already verified, since one day when holding a conference with the totonac leaders and a neighboring cazique (i. e., "prince"), cortés saw five men of haughty appearance enter the market-place, followed by several attendants, and at once receive the politest attention from the totonacs. cortés asked marina, his slave interpreter, who or what they were. "they are aztec nobles," she replied, "sent by montezuma to receive tribute." presently the totonac chiefs came to cortés with looks of dire dismay, to inform him of the great emperor's resentment at the entertainment offered to the spaniards, and demanding in expiation twenty young men and women for sacrifice to the aztec gods. cortés, with every look of indignation, insisted that the totonacs should not only refuse to comply, but should seize the aztec messengers and hold them strictly confined in prison. unscrupulous to gain his ends, cortés by lies and cunning duplicity managed to set the mexican nobles free, dismissing them with a friendly message to montezuma, while at the same time securing the confidence of the simple-minded totonacs, urging them to join the spaniards and make a bold effort to regain their independence. some thought that cortés was really the kindly divinity quetzalcoatl, promised by the prophets to bring freedom and happiness. as an instance of the religious enthusiasm of the spanish invaders, we may give the account of the "conversion" of zempoalla, a city in the totonac district. when cortés pressed upon the cazique of zempoalla that his mission was to turn the indians from the abominations of their present religion, that prince replied that he could not accept what the spanish priests had told him about the creator and ruler of the universe; especially that he ever stooped to become a mere man, weak and poor, so as to suffer voluntarily persecution and even death at the hands of some of his own creatures. the cazique added that he "would resist any violence offered to his gods, who would, indeed, avenge the act themselves by the instant destruction of their enemies." cortés and his men seized the opportunity. there is no doubt that, after witnessing some of the barbarous sacrifices of human victims followed by cannibal feasts, their souls had naturally been sickened. they now proceeded to force the work of conversion as soon as cortés had appealed to them and declared that "god and the holy saints would never favor their enterprise, if such atrocities were allowed; and that for his own part, he was resolved the indian idols should be demolished that very hour if it cost him his life. "scarcely waiting for his commands the spaniards moved toward one of the principal _teocallis_, or temples, which rose high on a pyramidal foundation with a steep ascent of stone steps in the middle. the cazique, divining their purpose, instantly called his men to arms. the indian warriors gathered from all quarters, with shrill cries and clashing of weapons, while the priests, in their dark cotton robes, with disheveled tresses matted with blood, rushed frantic among the natives, calling on them to protect their gods from violation! all was now confusion and tumult.... cortés took his usual prompt measures. causing the cazique and some of the principal citizens and priests to be arrested, he commanded them to quiet the people, declaring that if a single arrow was shot against a spaniard, it should cost every one of them his life.... the cazique covered his face with his hands, exclaiming that the gods would avenge their own wrongs. "the christians were not slow in availing themselves of his tacit acquiescence. fifty soldiers, at a signal from their general, sprang up the great stairway of the temple, entered the building on the summit, the walls of which were black with human gore, and dragged the huge wooden idols to the edge of the terrace. their fantastic forms and features, conveying a symbolic meaning which was lost on the spaniards, seemed to their eyes only the hideous lineaments of satan. with great alacrity they rolled the colossal monsters down the steps of the pyramid, amid the triumphant shouts of their own companions and the groans and lamentations of the natives. they then consummated the whole by burning them in the presence of the assembled multitude." after the temple had been cleansed from every trace of the idol-worship and its horrors, a new altar was raised, surmounted by a lofty cross, and hung with garlands of roses. a reaction having now set in among the indians, many were willing to become christians, and some of the aztec priests even joined in a procession to signify their conversion, wearing white robes instead of their former dark mantles, and carrying lighted candles in their hands, "while an image of the virgin half smothered under the weight of flowers was borne aloft, and, as the procession climbed the steps of the temple, was deposited above the altar.... the impressive character of the ceremony and the passionate eloquence of the good priest touched the feelings of the motley audience, until indians as well as spaniards, if we may trust the chronicler, were melted into tears and audible sobs." before finally marching westward toward the temperate "slopes" of the mountains, cortés had another opportunity of proving his generalship and prompt resource at a critical moment. when agathocles, the autocratic ruler of syracuse, sailed over to defeat the carthaginians, the first thing he did on landing in africa was to burn his ships, that his soldiers might have no opportunity of retreat, and no hope but in victory. cortés now acted on exactly the same principle. after discovering that a number of his soldiers had formed a conspiracy to seize one of the ships and sail to cuba, cortés, on conviction, punished two of the ringleaders with death. soon after, he formed the extraordinary resolution of destroying his ships without the knowledge of his army. the five worst ships were first ordered to be dismantled; and, soon after, to be sunk. when the rest were inspected, four of them were condemned in the same manner. when the news reached zempoalla, the army were excited almost to open mutiny. cortés, however, was perfectly cool. addressing the army collectively, he assured them that the ships were not fit for service, as had been shown by due inspection. "there is one important advantage gained to the army, viz., the addition of a hundred able-bodied recruits who were necessary to man the lost ships. besides all that, of what use could ships be to us in the present expedition? as for me, i will remain here even without a comrade. as for those who shrink from the dangers of our glorious enterprise, let them go back, in god's name! let them go home, since there is still one vessel left; let them go on board and return to cuba. they can tell how they deserted their commander and their comrades, and patiently wait till they see us return loaded with the spoils of the aztecs." persuasion is the end of true oratory. the reply of the army to cortés was the unanimous shout "to mexico! to mexico!" after beginning the gradual ascent in their march toward the table-land of mexico, the first place noted by the invaders was jalapa, a town which still retains its aztec name, known to all the world by the well-known drug grown there. it is a favorite resort of the wealthier residents in vera cruz, and that too tropical plain which cortés had just left. the mighty mountain orizaba, one of the guardians of the mexican valley, is now full in sight, towering in solitary grandeur with its robe of snow. at last they reached a town so populous that there were thirteen aztec temples with the usual sacrificial stone for human victims before each idol. in the suburbs the spanish were shocked by a gathering of human skulls, many thousand in number. this appalling reminder of the unspeakable sacrifices soon became a familiar sight as they marched through that country. cortés asked the cazique if he were subject to montezuma. "who is there," replied the local prince, "that is not tributary to that emperor?" "_i_ am not," said the stranger general. cortés assured him that the monarch whom the spaniards served had princes as vassals, who were more powerful than the aztec ruler. the cazique said: montezuma could muster thirty great vassals, each master of , men. his revenues were incalculable, since every subject, however poor, paid something.... more than , victims, the fruit of his wars, were annually sacrificed on the altars of his gods! his capital stood on a lake, in the center of a spacious valley.... the approach to the city was by means of causeways several miles long; and when the connecting bridges were raised all communication with the country was cut off. the indians showed the greatest curiosity respecting the dresses, weapons, horses, and dogs of their strange visitors. the country all around was then well wooded and full of villages and towns, which disappeared after the conquest. humboldt remarked, when he traveled there, that the whole district had, "at the time of the arrival of the spanish, been more inhabited and better cultivated, and that in proportion as they got higher up near the table-land, they found the villages more frequent, the fields more subdivided, and the people more law-abiding." before entering upon the table-land, cortés resolved to visit the republic of tlascala, which was noted for having retained its independence in spite of the aztecs. after sending an embassy, consisting of the four chief zempoallas, who had accompanied the army, he set out toward tlascala, lingering as they proceeded, so that his ambassadors should have time to return. while wondering at the delay, they suddenly reached a remarkable fortification which marked the limits of the republic, and acted as a barrier against the mexican invasions. prescott thus describes it: a stone wall nine feet in height and twenty in thickness, with a parapet a foot and a half broad raised on the summit for the protection of those who defended it. it had only one opening in the center, made by two semicircular lines of wall overlapping each other for the space of forty paces, and affording a passageway between, ten paces wide, so contrived, therefore, as to be perfectly commanded by the inner wall. this fortification, which extended more than two leagues, rested at either end on the bold natural buttresses formed by the sierra. the work was built of immense blocks of stone nicely laid together without cement, and the remains still existing, among which are rocks of the whole breadth of the rampart, fully attest its solidity and size. who were the people of this stout-hearted republic? the tlascalans were a kindred tribe to the aztecs, and after coming to the mexican valley, toward the close of the twelfth century, had settled for many years on the western shore of lake tezcuco. afterward they migrated to that district of fruitful valleys where cortés found them; _tlascala_, meaning "land of bread." they then, as a nation, consisted of four separate states, considerably civilized, and always able to protect their confederacy against foreign invasion. their arts, religion, and architecture were the same as those of the aztecs and tezcucans. more than once had the aztecs attempted to bring the little republic into subjection, but in vain. in one campaign montezuma had lost a favorite, besides having his army defeated; and though a much more formidable invasion followed, "the bold mountaineers withdrew into the recesses of their hills, and coolly watching their opportunity, rushed like a torrent on the invaders, and drove them back with dreadful slaughter from their territories." the tlascalans had of course heard of the redoubtable europeans and their advance upon montezuma's kingdom, but not expecting any visit themselves, they were in doubt about the embassy sent by cortés, and the council had not reached a decision when the arrival of cortés was announced at the head of his cavalry. attacked by a body of several thousand indians, he sent back a horseman to make the infantry hurry up to his assistance. two of the horses were killed, a loss seriously felt by cortés; but when the main body had discharged a volley from their muskets and crossbows, so astounded were the tlascalan indians that they stopped fighting and withdrew from the field. next morning, after cortés had given careful instruction to his army (now more than , in number, with his indian auxiliaries), they had not marched far when they were met by two of the zempoallans, who had been sent as ambassadors. they informed cortés that, as captives, they had been reserved for the sacrificial stone, but had succeeded in breaking out of prison. they also said that forces were being collected from all quarters to meet the spaniards. at the first encounter, the indians, after some spirited fighting, retreated in order to draw the spanish army into a defile impracticable for artillery or cavalry. pressing forward they found, on turning an abrupt corner of the glen, that an army of many thousands was drawn up in order, prepared to receive them. as they came into view, the tlascalans set up a piercing war-cry, shrill and hideous, accompanied by the melancholy beat of a thousand drums. cortés spurred on the cavalry to force a passage for the infantry, and kept exhorting his soldiers, while showing them an example of personal daring. "if we fail now," he cried, "the cross of christ can never be planted in this land. forward, comrades! when was it ever known that a castilian turned his back on a foe?" with desperate efforts the soldiers forced a passage through the indian columns, and then, as soon as the horse opened room for the movements of the gunners, the terrible "thunder and lightning" of the cannon did the rest. the havoc caused in their ranks, combined with the roar and the flash of gunpowder, and the mangled carcasses, filled the whole of the barbarian army with horror and consternation. eight leaders of the tlascalan army having fallen, the prince ordered a retreat. the chief of the tlascalans, xicotencatl, was no ordinary leader. when cortés wished to press on to the capital, he sent two envoys to the tlascalan camp, but all that xicotencatl deigned to reply was that the spaniards might pass on as soon as they chose to tlascala, and when they reached it their flesh would be hewn from their bodies for sacrifice to the gods. if they preferred to remain in their own quarters, he would pay them a visit there the next day. the envoys also told cortés that the chief had now collected another very large army, five battalions of , men each. there was evidently a determination to try the fate of tlascala by a pitched battle and exterminate the bold invaders. the next day, september , , was therefore a critical one in the annals of cortés. he resolved to meet the tlascalan chief in the field, after directing the foot-soldiers to use the point of their swords and not the edge; the horse to charge at half speed, directing their lances at the eyes of their enemies; the gunners and crossbowmen to support each other, some loading while others were discharging their pieces. before cortés and his soldiers had marched a mile they saw the immense tlascalan army stretched far and wide over a vast plain. nothing could be more picturesque than the aspect of these indian battalions, with the naked bodies of the common soldiers gaudily painted, the fantastic helmets of the chiefs bright with ornaments and precious stones, and the glowing panoplies of feather-work.... the golden glitterance and the feather-mail more gay than glittering gold; and round the helm a coronal of high upstanding plumes.... ... with war-songs and wild music they came on.[ ] [footnote : southey (madoc, i, ).] the tlascalan warriors had attained wonderful skill in throwing the javelin. "one species, with a thong attached to it, which remained in the slinger's hand, that he might recall the weapon, was especially dreaded by the spaniards." their various weapons were pointed with bone or obsidian, and sometimes headed with copper. the yell or scream of defiance raised by these indians almost drowned the volume of sound from "the wild barbaric minstrelsy of shell, atabal, and trumpet with which they proclaimed their triumphant anticipations of victory over the paltry forces of the invaders." advancing under a thick shower of arrows and other missiles, the spanish soldiers at a certain distance quickly halted and drew up in order, before delivering a general fire along the whole line. the front ranks of their wild opponents were mowed down and those behind were "petrified with dismay." but for the accident of dissension having arisen between the chiefs of the tlascalans, it almost seemed as if nothing could have saved cortés and his spanish army. before the battle, the haughty treatment of one of those chiefs by xicotencatl, the cazique, provoked the injured man to draw off all his contingent during the battle, and persuade another chief to do the same. with his forces so weakened, the cazique was compelled to resign the field to the spaniards. xicotencatl, in his eagerness for revenge, consulted some of the aztec priests, who recommended a night attack upon cortés's camp in order to take his army by surprise. the tlascalan, therefore, with , warriors, marched secretly toward the spanish camp, but owing to the bright moonlight they were not unseen by the vedettes. besides that, cortés had accustomed his army to sleep with their arms by their side and the horses ready saddled. in an instant, as it were, the whole camp were on the alert and under arms. the indians, meanwhile, were stealthily advancing to the silent camp, and, "no sooner had they reached the slope of the rising ground than they were astounded by the deep battle-cry of the spaniards, followed by the instantaneous appearance of the whole army. scarcely awaiting the shock of their enemy, the panic-struck barbarians fled rapidly and tumultuously across the plain. the horse easily overtook the fugitives, riding them down, and cutting them to pieces without mercy." next day cortés sent new ambassadors to the tlascalan capital, accompanied by his faithful slave interpreter, marina. they found the cazique's council sad and dejected, every gleam of hope being now extinguished. the message of cortés still promised friendship and pardon, if only they agreed to act as allies. if the present offer were rejected, "he would visit their capital as a conqueror, raze every house to the ground, and put every inhabitant to the sword." on hearing this ultimatum, the council chose four leading chiefs to be entrusted with a mission to cortés, "assuring him of a free passage through the country, and a friendly reception in the capital." the ambassadors, on their way back to cortés, called at the camp of xicotencatl, and were there detained by him. he was still planning against the terrible invaders. cortés, in the meantime, had another opportunity of showing his resource and presence of mind. some of his soldiers had shown a grumbling discontent: "the idea of conquering mexico was madness; if they had encountered such opposition from the petty republic, what might they not expect from the great mexican empire? there was now a temporary suspension of hostilities; should they not avail themselves of it to retrace their steps to vera cruz?" to this cortés listened calmly and politely, replying that "he had told them at the outset that glory was to be won only by toil and danger; he had never shrunk from his share of both. to go back now was impossible. what would the tlascalans say? how would the mexicans exult at such a miserable issue! instead of turning your eyes toward cuba, fix them on mexico, the great object of our enterprise." many other soldiers having gathered round, the mutinous party took courage to say that "another such victory as the last would be their ruin; they were going to mexico only to be slaughtered." with some impatience cortés gaily quoted a soldiers' song: better die with honor than live in long disgrace! --a sentiment which the majority of the audience naturally cheered to the echo, while the malcontents slunk away to their quarters. the next event was the arrival of some tlascalans wearing white badges as an indication of peace. they brought a message, they said, from xicotencatl, who now desired an arrangement with cortés, and would soon appear in person. most of them remained in the camp, where they were treated kindly; but marina, with her "woman's wit," became somewhat suspicious of them. perhaps some of them, forgetting that she knew their language, let drop a phrase in talking to each other, which awoke her distrust. she told cortés that the men were spies. he had them arrested and examined separately, ascertaining in that way that they were sent to obtain secret information of the spanish camp, and that, in fact, xicotencatl was mustering his forces to make another determined attack on the invading army. to show the fierceness of his resentment at such treatment, cortés ordered the fifty spy ambassadors to have their hands hacked off, and sent back to tell their lord that "the tlascalans might come by day or night, they would find the spaniards ready for them." the sight of their mutilated comrades filled the indian camp with dread and horror. all thoughts of resistance to the advance of cortés were now abandoned, and not long after the arrival of xicotencatl himself was announced, attended by a numerous train. he advanced with "the firm and fearless step of one who was coming rather to bid defiance than to sue for peace. he was rather above the middle size, with broad shoulders and a muscular frame, intimating great activity and strength. he made the usual salutation by touching the ground with his hand and carrying it to his head." he threw no blame on the tlascalan senate, but assumed all the responsibility of the war. he admitted that the spanish army had beaten him, but hoped they would use their victory with moderation, and not trample on the liberties of the republic. cortés admired the cazique's lofty spirit, while pretending to rebuke him for having so long remained an enemy. "he was willing to bury the past in oblivion, and to receive the tlascalans as vassals to the emperor, his master." before the entry into tlascala, the capital, there arrived an embassy from montezuma, who had been keenly disappointed, no doubt, that cortés had not only not been defeated by the bravest race on the mexican table-land, but had formed a friendly alliance with them. as cortés, with his army, approached the populous city, they were welcomed by great crowds of men and women in picturesque dresses, with nosegays and wreaths of flowers; priests in white robes and long matted tresses, swinging their burning censers of incense. the anniversary of this entry into tlascala, september , , is still celebrated as a day of rejoicing. cortés, in his letter to the emperor, king of spain, compares it for size and appearance to granada, the moorish capital. pottery was one of the industries in which tlascala excelled. the tlascalan was chiefly agricultural in his habits; his honest breast glowed with the patriotic attachment to the soil, which is the fruit of its diligent culture, while he was elevated by that consciousness of independence which is the natural birthright of a child of the mountains. cholula, capital of the republic of that name, is six leagues north of tlascala, and about twenty southeast of mexico. in the time of the conquest of the table-land of anahuac, as the whole district is sometimes termed, this city was large and populous. the people excelled in mechanical arts, especially metal-working, cloth-weaving, and a delicate kind of pottery. reference has already been made to the god quetzalcoatl, in whose honor a huge pyramid was erected here. from the farthest parts of anahuac devotees thronged to cholula, just as the mohammedans to mecca. the spaniards found the people of cholula superior in dress and looks to any of the races they had seen. the higher classes "wore fine embroidered mantles resembling the moorish cloak in texture and fashion.... they showed the same delicate taste for flowers as the other tribes of the plateau, tossing garlands and bunches among the soldiers.... the spaniards were also struck with the cleanliness of the city, the regularity of the streets, the solidity of the houses, and the number and size of the pyramidal temples." after being treated with kindness and hospitality for several days, all at once the scene changed, the cause being the arrival of messengers from montezuma. at the same time some tlascalans told cortés that a great sacrifice, mostly of children, had been offered to propitiate the favor of the gods. at this juncture, marina, the indian slave interpreter, again proved to be the "good angel" of cortés. she had become very friendly with the wife of one of the cholula caziques, who gave her a hint that there was danger in staying at the house of any spaniard; and, when further pressed by marina, said that the spaniards were to be slaughtered when marching out of the capital. the plot had originated with the aztec emperor, and , mexicans were already quartered a little distance out of town. in this most critical position, cortés at once decided to take possession of the great square, placing a strong guard at each of its three gates of entrance. the rest of what troops he had in the town, he posted without with the cannon, to command the avenues. he had already sent orders to the tlascalan chiefs to keep their soldiers in readiness to march, at a given signal, into the city to support the spaniards. presently the caziques of cholula arrived with a larger body of levies than cortés had demanded. he at once charged them with conspiring against the spaniards after receiving them as friends. they were so amazed at his discovery of their perfidy that they confessed everything, laying the blame on montezuma. "that pretense," said cortés, assuming a look of fierce indignation, "is no justification; i shall now make such an example of you for your treachery that the report of it will ring throughout the wide borders of anahuac!" at the firing of a harquebus, the fatal signal, the crowd of unsuspecting cholulans were massacred as they stood, almost without resistance. meantime the other indians without the square commenced an attack on the spaniards, but the heavy guns of the battery played upon them with murderous effect, and cavalry advanced to support the attack. the steeds, the guns, the weapons of the spaniards, were all new to the cholulans. notwithstanding the novelty of the terrific spectacle, the flash of arms mingling with the deafening roar of the artillery, the desperate indians pushed on to take the places of their fallen comrades. while this scene of bloodshed was progressing, the tlascalans, as arranged, were hastening to the assistance of their spanish allies. the cholulans, when thus attacked in rear by their traditional enemies, speedily gave way, and tried to save themselves in the great temple and elsewhere. the "holy city," as it was called, was converted into a pandemonium of massacre. in memory of the signal defeat of the cholulans, cortés converted the chief part of the great temple into a christian church. envoys again arrived from mexico with rich presents and a message vindicating the pusillanimous emperor from any share in the conspiracy against cortés. continuing their march, the allied army of spaniards and tlascalans proceeded till they reached the mountains which separate the table-land of puebla from that of mexico. to cross this range they followed the route which passes between the mighty popocatepetl (i. e., "the smoking mountain") and another called the "white woman" from its broad robe of snow. the first lies about forty miles southeast of the capital to which their march was directed. it is more than , feet higher than mont blanc, and has two principal craters, one of which is about , feet deep and has large deposits of sulfur which are regularly mined. popocatepetl has long been only a quiescent volcano, but during the invasion by cortés it was often burning, especially at the time of the siege of tlascala. that was naturally interpreted all over the district of anahuac to be a bad omen, associated with the landing and approach of the spaniards. cortés insisted on several descents being made into the great crater till sufficient sulfur was collected to supply gunpowder to his army. the icy cold winds, varied by storms of snow and sleet, were more trying to the europeans than the tlascalans, but some relief was found in the stone shelters which had been built at certain intervals along the roads for the accommodation of couriers and other travelers. at last they reached the crest of the sierra which unites popocatepetl, the "great _volcan_," to its sister mountain the "woman in white." soon after, at a turning of the road, the invaders enjoyed their first view of the famous valley of mexico or tenochtitlan, with its beautiful lakes in their setting of cultivated plains, here and there varied by woods and forests. "in the midst, like some indian empress with her coronal of pearls, the fair city with her white towers and pyramidal temples, reposing as it were on the bosom of the waters--the far-famed 'venice of the aztecs.'" this view of the "promised land" will remind some of the picturesque account given by livy (xxi, ) of hannibal reaching the top of the pass over the alps and pointing out the fair prospect of italy to his soldiers. we may thus render the passage: "on the ninth day the ridge of the alps was reached, over ground generally trackless and by roundabout ways.... the order for marching being given at break of day, the army were sluggishly advancing over ground wholly covered with snow, listlessness, and despair depicted on the features of all, hannibal went on in front, and after ordering the soldiers to halt on a height which commanded a distant view, far and wide, points out to them italy and the plains of lombardy on both banks of the po, at the foot of the alps, telling them that at that moment they were crossing not only the walls of italy but of the roman capital; that the rest of the march was easy and downhill." the situation of hannibal and his carthaginians surveying italy for the first time is in some respects closely analogous to that of cortés pointing out the valley of mexico to his spanish soldiers. chapter vii cortÉs and montezuma we have now seen the spanish conquerors with a large contingent of , natives surmounting the mountains to the east of the mexican valley and looking down upon the lake of tezcuco on which were built the sister capitals. montezuma, the aztec monarch, was already in a state of dismay, and sent still another embassy to propitiate the terrible cortés, with a great present of gold and robes of the most precious fabrics and workmanship; and a promise that, if the foreign general would turn back toward vera cruz, the mexicans would pay down four loads of gold for himself and one to each of his captains, besides a yearly tribute to their king in europe. these promises did not reach cortés till he was descending from the sierra. he replied that details were best arranged by a personal interview, and that the spaniards came with peaceful motives. montezuma was now plunged in deep despair. at last he summoned a council to consult his nobles and especially his nephew, the young king of tezcuco, and his warlike brother. the latter advised him to "muster as large an army as possible, and drive back the invaders from his capital or die in its defense." "ah!" replied the monarch, "the gods have declared themselves against us!" still another embassy was prepared, with his nephew, lord of tezcuco, at its head, to offer a welcome to the unwelcome visitors. cortés approached through fertile fields, plantations, and maguey-vineyards till they reached lake chalco. there they found a large town built in the water on piles, with canals instead of streets, full of movement and animation. "the spaniards were particularly struck with the style and commodious structure of the houses, chiefly of stone, and with the general aspect of wealth and even elegance which prevailed." next morning the king of tezcuco came to visit cortés, in a palanquin richly decorated with plates of gold and precious stones, under a canopy of green plumes. he was accompanied by a numerous suite. advancing with the mexican salutation, he said he had been commanded by montezuma to welcome him to the capital, at the same time offering three splendid pearls as a present. cortés "in return threw over the young king's neck a chain of cut glass, which, where glass was as rare as diamonds, might be admitted to have a value as real as the latter." the army of cortés next marched along the southern side of lake chalco, "through noble woods and by orchards glowing with autumnal fruits, of unknown names, but rich and tempting hues." they also passed "through cultivated fields waving with the yellow harvest, and irrigated by canals introduced from the neighboring lake, the whole showing a careful and economical husbandry, essential to the maintenance of a crowded population." a remarkable public work next engaged the attention of the spaniards, viz., a solid causeway of stone and lime running directly through the lake, in some places so wide that eight horsemen could ride on it abreast. its length is some four or five miles. marching along this causeway, they saw other wonders; numbers of the natives darting in all directions in their skiffs, curious to watch the strangers marching, and some of them bearing the products of the country to the neighboring cities. they were amazed also by the sight of the floating gardens, teeming with flowers and vegetables, and moving like rafts over the waters. all round the margin, and occasionally far in the lake, they beheld little towns and villages, which, half concealed by the foliage, and gathered in white clusters round the shore, "looked in the distance like companies of white swans riding quietly on the waves." about the middle of this lake was a town, to which the spaniards gave the name of venezuela[ ] (i. e., "little venice"). from its situation and the style of the buildings, cortés called it the most beautiful town that he had yet seen in new spain. [footnote : not to be confounded with the indian village on the shore of lake maracaibo, to which (with similar motive) vespucci had given that name--now capital of a large republic.] after crossing the isthmus which separates that lake from lake tezcuco they were now at iztapalapan, a royal residence in charge of the emperor's brother. here a ceremonious reception was given to cortés and his staff, "a collation being served in one of the great halls of the palace. the excellence of the architecture here excited the admiration of the general. the buildings were of stone, and the spacious apartments had roofs of odorous cedar-wood, while the walls were tapestried with fine cotton stained with brilliant colors. "but the pride of iztapalapan was its celebrated gardens, covering an immense tract of land and laid out in regular squares. the gardens were stocked with fruit-trees and with the gaudy family of flowers which belonged to the mexican flora, scientifically arranged, and growing luxuriant in the equable temperature of the table-land. in one quarter was an aviary filled with numerous kinds of birds remarkable in this region both for brilliancy of plumage and for song. but the most elaborate piece of work was a huge reservoir of stone, filled to a considerable height with water, well supplied with different sorts of fish. this basin was , paces in circumference, and surrounded by a walk." readers must remember that at that age no beautiful gardens on a large scale were known in any part of europe. the first "garden of plants" (to use the name afterward applied by the french) is said to have been an italian one, at padua, in , a whole generation after the time of the arrival of cortés in mexico. it was only under louis "le magnifique" that france created the versailles gardens, and not till the time of george iii and his tutor bute could we boast of the gardens at kew, now admired by all the world. the ancient mexicans, therefore, under their extinct civilization, had developed this taste for the beautiful many ages before the most cultivated races in europe. cortés took up his quarters at this residence of iztapalapan for the night, expecting to meet montezuma on the morrow. mexico was now distinctly full in view, looking "like a thing of fairy creation," a city of enchantment. there aztlan stood upon the farther shore; amid the shade of trees its dwellings rose, their level roofs with turrets set around and battlements all burnished white, which shone like silver in the sunshine. i beheld the imperial city, her far-circling walls, her garden groves and stately palaces, her temples mountain size, her thousand roofs. and when i saw her might and majesty my mind misgave me then. _madoc_, i, . that following day, november , , should be noted in every calendar, when the great capital of the western world admitted the conquering general from the eastern world. the invaders were now upon a larger causeway, which stretched across the salt waters of lake tezcuco; and "had occasion more than ever to admire the mechanical science of the aztecs." it was wide enough throughout its whole extent for ten horsemen to ride abreast. the spaniards saw everywhere "evidence of a crowded and thriving population, exceeding all they had yet seen." the water was darkened by swarms of canoes filled with indians; and here also were those fairy islands of flowers. half a league from the capital they encountered a solid work of stone, which traversed the road. it was twelve feet high, strengthened by towers at the extremities, and in the center was a battlemented gateway, which opened a passage to the troops. here they were met by several hundred aztec chiefs, who came out to announce the approach of montezuma, and to welcome the spaniards to his capital. they were dressed in the fanciful gala costume of the country, with the cotton sash around their loins, and a broad mantle of the same material, or of the brilliant feather embroidery, flowing gracefully down their shoulders. on their necks and arms they displayed collars and bracelets of turquoise mosaic, with which delicate plumage was curiously mingled, while their ears, under lips, and occasionally their noses were garnished with pendants formed of precious stones, or crescents of fine gold. after all the caziques had performed the same formal salutation separately, there was no further delay till they reached a bridge near the gates of the capital. soon after "they beheld the glittering retinue of the emperor emerging from the great street leading through the heart of the city. amid a crowd of indian nobles preceded by three officers of state bearing golden wands, they saw the royal palanquin blazing with burnished gold. it was borne on the shoulders of nobles, and over it a canopy of gaudy feather-work, covered with jewels and fringed with silver, was supported by four attendants of the same rank." at a certain distance from the spaniards "the train halted, and montezuma, descending from the litter, came forward, leaning on the arms of the lords of tezcuco and iztapalapan"--the emperor's nephew and brother, already mentioned. "as the monarch advanced, his subjects, who lined the sides of the causeway, bent forward, with their eyes fastened on the ground, as he passed." montezuma wore the ample square cloak common to the mexicans, but of the finest cotton sprinkled with pearls and precious stones; his sandals were similarly sprinkled, and had soles of solid gold. his only head ornament was a bunch of feathers of the royal green color. a man about forty; tall and rather thin; black hair, cut rather short for a person of rank; dignified in his movements; his features wearing an expression of benignity not to be expected from his character. after dismounting from horseback, cortés advanced to meet montezuma, who received him with princely courtesy, while cortés responded by profound expressions of respect, with thanks for his experience of the emperor's munificence. he then hung round montezuma's neck a sparkling chain of colored crystal, accompanying this with a movement as if to embrace him, when he was restrained by the two aztec lords, shocked at the menaced profanation of the sacred person of their monarch and master. montezuma appointed his brother to conduct the spaniards to their residence in the capital, and was again carried through the adoring crowds in his litter. "the spaniards quickly followed, and with colors flying and music playing soon made their entrance into the southern quarter." on entering "they found fresh cause for admiration in the grandeur of the city and the superior style of its architecture. the great avenue through which they were now marching was lined with the houses of the nobles, who were encouraged by the emperor to make the capital their residence. the flat roofs were protected by stone parapets, so that every house was a fortress. sometimes these roofs seemed parterres of flowers ... broad terraced gardens laid out between the buildings. occasionally a great square intervened surrounded by its porticoes of stone and stucco; or a pyramidal temple reared its colossal bulk crowned with its tapering sanctuaries, and altars blazing with unextinguishable fires. but what most impressed the spaniards was the throngs of people who swarmed through the streets and on the canals." probably, however, the spectacle of the european army with their horses, their guns, bright swords and helmets of steel, a metal to them unknown; their weird and mysterious music--the whole formed to the aztec populace an inexplicable wonder, combined with those foreigners who had arrived from the distant east, "revealing their celestial origin in their fair complexions." many of the aztec citizens betrayed keen hatred of the tlascalans who marched with the spaniards in friendly alliance. at length cortés with his mixed army halted near the center of the city in a great open space, "where rose the huge pyramidal pile dedicated to the patron war-god of the aztecs, second only to the temple of cholula in size as well as sanctity." the present famous cathedral of modern mexico is built on part of the same site. a palace built opposite the west side of the great temple was assigned to cortés. it was extensive enough to accommodate the whole of the army of cortés. montezuma paid him a visit there, having a long conversation through the indispensable assistance of marina, the slave interpreter. "that evening the spaniards celebrated their arrival in the mexican capital by a general discharge of artillery. the thunders of the ordnance reverberating among the buildings and shaking them to their foundations, the stench of the sulfureous vapor reminding the inhabitants of the explosions of the great volcano (popocatepetl) filled the hearts of the superstitious aztecs with dismay." next day cortés had gracious permission to return the visit of the emperor, and therefore proceeded to wait upon him at the royal palace, dressed in his richest suit of clothes. the spanish general felt the importance of the occasion and resolved to exercise all his eloquence and power of argument in attempting the "conversion" of montezuma to the christian faith. for this purpose, with the assistance of the faithful marina, cortés engaged the emperor in a theological discussion; explaining the creation of the world as taught in the jewish scriptures; the fall of man from his first happy and holy condition by the temptation of satan; the mysterious redemption of the human race by the incarnation and atonement of the son of god himself. "he assured montezuma that the idols worshiped in mexico were satan under different forms. a sufficient proof of this was the bloody sacrifices they imposed, which he contrasted with the pure and simple rite of the mass. it was to snatch the emperor's soul and the souls of his people from the flames of eternal fire that the christians had come to this land." montezuma replied that the god of the spaniards must be a good being, and "my gods also are good to me; there was no need to further discourse on the matter." if he had "resisted their visit to his capital, it was because he had heard such accounts of their cruelties--that they sent the lightning to consume his people, or crushed them to pieces under the hard feet of the ferocious animals on which they rode. he was now convinced that these were idle tales; that the spaniards were kind and generous in their nature." he concluded by admitting the superiority of the sovereign of cortés beyond the seas. "your sovereign is the rightful lord of all: i rule in his name." the rough spanish cavaliers were touched by the kindness and affability of montezuma. as they passed him, says diaz, in his history, they made him the most profound obeisance, hat in hand; and on the way home could discourse of nothing but the gentle breeding and courtesy of the indian monarch. montezuma's capital cortés and his army being now fairly domesticated in mexico, and the emperor having apparently become reconciled to the presence of his formidable guests, we may pause to consider the surroundings. the present capital occupies the site of tenochtitlan, but many changes have occurred in the intervening four centuries. first of all, the salt waters of the great lake have entirely shrunk away, leaving modern mexico high and dry, a league away from the waters that cortés saw flowing in ample canals through all the streets. formerly the houses stood on elevated piles and were independent of the floods which rose in lake tezcuco by the overflowing of other lakes on a higher level. but when the foundations were on solid ground it became necessary to provide against the accumulated volume of water by excavating a tunnel to drain off the flood. this was constructed about one hundred years after the invasion of the spaniards, and has been described by humboldt as "one of the most stupendous hydraulic works in existence." the appearance of the lake and suburbs of the capital have long lost much of the attractive appearance they had at the time of the spanish visit; but the town itself is still the most brilliant city in spanish america, surmounted by a cathedral, which forms "the most sumptuous house of worship in the new world." the great causeway already described as leading north from the royal city of iztapalapan, had another to the north of the capital, which might be called its continuation. the third causeway, leading west to the town tacuba from the island city, will be noticed presently as the scene of the spaniards' retreat. there were excellent police regulations for health and cleanliness. water supplied by earthen pipes was from a hill about two miles distant. besides the palaces and temples there were several important buildings: an armory filled with weapons and military dresses; a granary; various warehouses; an immense aviary, with "birds of splendid plumage assembled from all parts of the empire--the scarlet cardinal, the golden pheasant, the endless parrot tribe, and that miniature miracle of nature, the humming-bird, which delights to revel among the honeysuckle bowers of mexico." the birds of prey had a separate building. the menagerie adjoining the aviary showed wild animals from the mountain forests, as well as creatures from the remote swamps of the hot lands by the seashore. the serpents "were confined in long cages lined with down or feathers, or in troughs of mud and water." wishing to visit the great mexican temple, cortés, with his cavalry and most of his infantry, followed the caziques whom montezuma had politely sent as guides. on their way to the central square the spaniards "were struck with the appearance of the inhabitants, and their great superiority in the style and quality of their dress over the people of the lower countries. the women, as in other parts of the country, seemed to go about as freely as the men. they wore several skirts or petticoats of different lengths, with highly ornamented borders, and sometimes over them loose-flowing robes, which reached to the ankles. no veils were worn here as in some other parts of anahuac. the aztec women had their faces exposed; and their dark raven tresses floated luxuriantly over their shoulders, revealing features which, although of a dusky or rather cinnamon hue, were not unfrequently pleasing, while touched with the serious, even sad expression characteristic of the national physiognomy." when near the great market "the spaniards were astonished at the throng of people pressing toward it, and on entering the place their surprise was still further heightened by the sight of the multitudes assembled there, and the dimensions of the enclosure, twice as large, says one spanish observer, as the celebrated square of salamanca. here were traders from all parts; the goldsmiths from azcapozalco, the potters and jewelers of cholula, the painters of tezcuco, the stone-cutters, hunters, fishermen, fruiterers, mat and chair makers, florists, etc. the pottery department was a large one; so were the armories for implements of war; razors and mirrors--booths for apothecaries with drugs, roots, and medical preparations. in other places again, blank-books or maps for the hieroglyphics or pictographs were to be seen folded together like fans. animals both wild and tame were offered for sale, and near them, perhaps, a gang of slaves with collars round their necks. one of the most attractive features of the market was the display of provisions: meats of all kinds, domestic poultry, game from the neighboring mountains, fish from the lakes and streams, fruits in all the delicious abundance of these temperate regions, green vegetables, and the unfailing maize." this market, like hundreds of smaller ones, was of course held every fifth day--the week of the ancient mexicans being one-fourth of the twenty days which constituted the aztec month. this great market was comparable to "the periodical fairs in europe, not as they now exist, but as they existed in the middle ages," when from the difficulties of intercommunication they served as the great central marts for commercial intercourse, exercising a most important and salutary influence on the community. one of the spaniards in the party accompanying cortés was the historian diaz, and his testimony is remarkable: there were among us soldiers who had been in many parts of the world, constantinople and rome, and through all italy, and who said that a market-place so large, so well ordered and regulated, and so filled with people, they had never seen. proceeding next to the great _teocalli_ or aztec temple, covering the site of the modern cathedral with part of the market-place and some adjoining streets, they found it in the midst of a great open space, surrounded by a high stone wall, ornamented on the outside by figures of serpents raised in relief, and pierced by huge battlemented gateways opening on the four principal streets of the capital. the _teocalli_ itself was a solid pyramidal structure of earth and pebbles, coated on the outside with hewn stones, the sides facing the cardinal points. it was divided into five stories, each of smaller dimensions than that immediately below. the ascent was by a flight of steps on the outside, which reached to the narrow terrace at the bottom of the second story, passing quite round the building, when a second stairway conducted to a similar landing at the base of the third. thus the visitor was obliged to pass round the whole edifice four times in order to reach the top. this had a most imposing effect in the religious ceremonials, when the pompous procession of priests with their wild minstrelsy came sweeping round the huge sides of the pyramid, as they rose higher and higher toward the summit in full view of the populace assembled in their thousands. cortés marched up the steps at the head of his men, and found at the summit "a vast area paved with broad flat stones. the first object that met their view was a large block of jasper, the peculiar shape of which showed it was the stone on which the bodies of the unhappy victims were stretched for sacrifice. its convex surface, by raising the breast, enabled the priest to perform more easily his diabolical task of removing the heart. at the other end of the area were two towers or sanctuaries, consisting of three stories, the lower one of stone, the two upper of wood elaborately carved. in the lower division stood the images of their gods; the apartments above were filled with utensils for their religious services, and with the ashes of some of their aztec princes who had fancied this airy sepulcher. before each sanctuary stood an altar, with that undying fire upon it, the extinction of which boded as much evil to the empire as that of the vestal flame would have done in ancient rome. here also was the huge cylindrical drum made of serpents' skins, and struck only on extraordinary occasions, when it sent forth a melancholy, weird sound, that might be heard for miles" over the country, indicating fierce anger of deity against the enemies of mexico. as cortés reached the summit he was met by the emperor himself attended by the high priest. taking the general by the hand, montezuma pointed out the chief localities in the wide prospect which their position commanded, including not only the capital, "bathed on all sides by the salt floods of the tezcuco, and in the distance the clear fresh waters of lake chalco," but the whole of the valley of mexico to the base of the circular range of mountains, and the wreaths of vapor rolling up from the hoary head of popocatepetl. cortés was allowed "to behold the shrines of the gods. they found themselves in a spacious apartment, with sculptures on the walls, representing the mexican calendar, or the priestly ritual. before the altar in this sanctuary stood the colossal image of huitzilopochtli, the tutelary deity and war-god of the aztecs. his countenance was distorted into hideous lineaments of symbolical import. the huge folds of a serpent, consisting of pearls and precious stones, were coiled round his waist, and the same rich materials were profusely sprinkled over his person. on his left foot were the delicate feathers of the humming-bird, which gave its name to the dread deity. the most conspicuous ornament was a chain of gold and silver hearts alternate, suspended round his neck, emblematical of the sacrifice in which he most delighted. a more unequivocal evidence of this was afforded by three human hearts that now lay smoking on the altar before him. "the adjoining sanctuary was dedicated to a milder deity. this was tezcatlipoca, who created the world, next in honor to that invisible being the supreme god, who was represented by no image, and confined by no temple. he was represented as a young man, and his image of polished black stone was richly garnished with gold plates and ornaments. but the homage to this god was not always of a more refined or merciful character than that paid to his carnivorous brother." according to diaz, whom we have already quoted, the stench of human gore in both those chapels was more intolerable than that of all the slaughter-houses in castile. glad to escape into the open air, cortés expressed wonder that a great and wise prince like montezuma could have faith "in such evil spirits as these idols, the representatives of the devil! permit us to erect here the true cross, and place the images of the blessed virgin and her son in these sanctuaries; you will soon see how your false gods will shrink before them!" this extraordinary speech of the general shocked montezuma, who, in reproof, said: "had i thought you would have offered this outrage to the gods of the aztecs, i would not have admitted you into their presence." cortés, as a general, had some of the great qualities of napoleon, but he also resembled him occasionally in a singular lack of delicacy and good taste. we do not, however, find that he ever showed such mean malignity as the french general did when persecuting madame de staël, because in her germany she had omitted to mention his campaigns and administration. within the same enclosure, cortés and his companions visited a temple dedicated to quetzalcoatl, a god referred to already. other buildings served as seminaries for the instruction of youth of both sexes; and according to the spanish accounts of the teaching and management of these institutions there was "the greatest care for morals and the most blameless deportment." seizure of montezuma after being guest of the mexican emperor for a week, cortés resolved to carry out a most daring and unprecedented scheme--a purely "napoleonic movement," such as could scarcely have entered the brain of any general ancient or modern. he argued with himself that a quarrel might at any moment break out between his men and the citizens; the spaniards again could not remain long quiet unless actively employed; and, thirdly, there was still greater danger with the tlascalans, "a fierce race now in daily contact with a nation that regards them with loathing and detestation." lastly, the governor of cuba, already grossly offended with cortés, might at any moment send after him a sufficient army to wrest from him the glory of conquest. cortés therefore formed the daring resolve to seize montezuma in his palace and carry him as a prisoner to the spanish quarters. he hoped thus to have in his own hands the supreme management of affairs, and at the same time secure his own safety with such a "sacred pledge" in keeping. it was necessary to find a pretext for seizing the hospitable montezuma. news had already come to cortés, when at cholula, that escalante, whom he had left in charge of vera cruz, had been defeated by the aztecs in a pitched battle, and that the head of a spaniard, then slain, had been sent to the emperor, after being shown in triumph throughout some of the chief cities. cortés asked an audience from montezuma, and that being readily granted, he prepared for his plot by having a large body of armed men posted in the courtyard. choosing five companions of tried courage, cortés then entered the palace, and after being graciously received, told montezuma that he knew of the treachery that had taken place near the coast, and that the emperor was said to be the cause. the emperor said that such a charge could only have been concocted by his enemies. he agreed with the proposal of cortés to summon the aztec chief who was accused of treachery to the garrison at vera cruz; and was then persuaded to transfer his residence to the palace occupied by the spaniards. he was there received and treated with ostentatious respect; but his people observed that in front of the palace there was constantly posted a patrol of sixty soldiers, with another equally large in the rear. when the aztec chief arrived from the coast, he and his sixteen aztec companions were condemned to be burned alive before the palace. the next daring act of the spanish general was to order iron fetters to be fastened on montezuma's ankles. the great emperor seemed struck with stupor and spoke never a word. meanwhile the aztec chiefs were executed in the courtyard without interruption, the populace imagining the sentence had been passed upon them by montezuma, and the victims submitting to their fate without a murmur. cortés returning then to the room where montezuma was imprisoned, unclasped the fetters and said he was now at liberty to return to his own palace. the emperor, however, declined the offer. the instinctive sense of human sympathy must have frequently been not only repressed but extinguished by all the great conquering generals who have crushed nations under foot. besides those of prehistoric times in asia and europe, we have examples in alexander the greek, julius cæsar the roman, cortés and pizarro the spaniards, frederick the prussian, and napoleon the corsican. the great french general consciously aimed at dramatic effect in his exploits, but how paltry his seizing the duc d'enghien at dead of night by a troop of soldiers, or his coercing the king of spain to resign his sovereignty after inducing him to cross the border into france. in the unparalleled case of cortés, a powerful emperor is seized by a few strangers at noonday and carried off a prisoner without opposition or bloodshed. so extraordinary a transaction, says robertson, would appear "extravagant beyond the bounds of probability" were it not that all the circumstances are "authenticated by the most unquestionable evidence." the nephew of montezuma, cakama, the lord of tezcuco, had been closely watching all the motions of the spaniards. he "beheld with indignation and contempt the abject condition of his uncle; and now set about forming a league with several of the neighboring caziques to break the detested yoke of the spaniards." news of this league reached the ears of cortés, and arresting him with the permission of montezuma, he deposed him, and appointed a younger brother in his place. the other caziques were seized, each in his own city, and brought to mexico, where cortés placed them in strict confinement along with cakama. the next step taken by cortés was to demand from montezuma an acknowledgment of the supremacy of the spanish emperor. the aztec monarch and chief caziques easily granted this; and even agreed that a gratuity should be sent by each of them as proof of loyalty. collectors were sent out, and "in a few weeks most of them returned, bringing back large quantities of gold and silver plate, rich stuffs, etc." to this montezuma added a huge hoard, the treasures of his father. when brought into the quarters, the gold alone was sufficient to make three great heaps. it consisted partly of native grains, and partly of bars; but the greatest portion was in utensils, and various kinds of ornaments and curious toys, together with imitations of birds, insects, or flowers, executed with uncommon truth and delicacy. there were also quantities of collars, bracelets, wands, fans, and other trinkets, in which the gold and feather-work were richly powdered with pearls and precious stones. montezuma expressed regret that the treasure was no larger; he had "diminished it," he said, "by his former gifts to the white men." the spaniards gazed on this display of riches, far exceeding all hitherto seen in the new world--though small compared with the quantity of treasure found in peru. the whole amount of this mexican gift was about £ , , , according to prescott, dr. robertson making it smaller. it was no easy task to divide the spoil. a fifth had to be deducted for the crown, and an equal share went to the general, besides a "large sum to indemnify him and the governor of cuba for the charges of the expedition and the loss of the fleet. the garrison of vera cruz was also to be provided for. the cavalry, musketeers, and crossbowmen each received double pay." thus for each of the common soldiers there was only gold _pesos_--i. e., £ - / x = £ s. to many this share seemed paltry, compared with their expectations; and it required all the tact and authority of cortés to quell the grumbling. there still remained one important object of the spanish invasion, an object which cortés as a good catholic dared not overlook--the conversion of the aztec nation from heathenism. the bloody ritual of the _teocallis_ was still observed in every city. cortés waited on montezuma, urging a request that the great temple be assigned for public worship according to the christian rites. montezuma was evidently much alarmed, declaring that his people would never allow such a profanation, but at last, after consulting the priest, agreed that one of the sanctuaries on the summit of the temple should be granted to the christians as a place of worship. an altar was raised, surmounted by a crucifix and the image of the virgin. the whole army ascended the steps in solemn procession and listened with silent reverence to the service of the mass. in conclusion, "as the beautiful te deum rose toward heaven, cortés and his soldiers kneeling on the ground, with tears streaming from their eyes, poured forth their gratitude to the almighty for this glorious triumph of the cross." such a union of heathenism and christianity was too unnatural to continue. a few days later the emperor sent for cortés and earnestly advised him to leave the country at once. cortés replied that ships were necessary. montezuma agreed to supply timber and workmen, and in a short time the construction of several ships was begun at vera cruz on the seacoast, while in the capital the garrison kept itself ready by day and by night for a hostile attack. only six months had elapsed since the arrival of the spaniards in the capital, , and now the army was in more uncomfortable circumstances than ever. meanwhile, while cortés had been reducing mexico and humbling the unfortunate montezuma, the governor of cuba had complained to the court of spain, but without success. charles v, since his election to the imperial crown of germany, had neglected the affairs of spain; and when the envoys from vera cruz waited upon him, little came of the conference except the astonishment of the court at the quantity of gold, and the beautiful workmanship of the ornaments and the rich colors of the mexican feather-work. the opposition of the bishop of burgos thwarted the conqueror of mexico, as he had already successfully opposed the schemes of the "great admiral" and his son diego columbus. we shall presently see how this influential ecclesiastic was able to thwart balboa when governor of darien. velasquez was now determined to wreak his revenge upon cortés without waiting longer for assistance from spain. he prepared an expedition of eighteen ships with eighty horsemen, infantry, crossbowmen, and twelve pieces of artillery. to command these velasquez chose a hidalgo named narvaez, who had assisted formerly in subduing cuba and hispaniola. the personal appearance of narvaez, as given by diaz, is worth quoting: he was tall, stout-limbed, with a large head and red beard, an agreeable presence, a voice deep and sonorous, as if it rose from a cavern. he was a good horseman and valiant. meanwhile cortés persuaded montezuma that some friends from spain had arrived at vera cruz, and therefore got permission to leave him and the capital in charge of alvarado and a small garrison. montezuma, in his royal litter, borne on the shoulders of his aztec nobles, accompanied the spanish general to the southern causeway. when cortés was within fifteen leagues' distance of zempoalla, where narvaez was encamped, the latter sent a message that if his authority were acknowledged he would supply ships to cortés and his army so that all who wished might freely leave the country with all their property. cortés, however, with his usual astuteness, replied: "if narvaez bears a royal commission i will readily submit to him. but he has produced none. he is a deputy of my rival, velasquez. for myself, i am a servant of the king; i have conquered the country for him; and for him i and my brave followers will defend it to the last drop of our blood. if we fall it will be glory enough to have perished in the discharge of our duty." narvaez and his army were meantime spending their time frivolously; and when the actual attack was begun in the dead of night, under a pouring rain-storm, it appeared that only two sentinels were on guard. narvaez, badly wounded, was taken prisoner on the top of a _teocalli_; and in a very short time his army was glad to capitulate. the horse-soldiers whom narvaez had sent to waylay one of the roads to zempoalla, rode in soon after to tender their submission. the victorious general, seated in a chair of state, with a richly embroidered mexican mantle on his shoulders, received his congratulations from the officers and soldiers of both armies. narvaez and several others were led in chains. cortés not only defeated narvaez, but, after the battle, enlisted under his standard the spanish soldiers who had been sent to attack him--reminding one of the "magnetism" of hannibal or napoleon, and the consequent enthusiasm caused by mere presence, looks, and words. before the rejoicings were finished, however, tidings were brought to cortés from the mexican capital that the whole city was in a state of revolt against alvarado. on his march back to the great plateau cortés found the inhabitants of tlascala still friendly and willing to assist as allies in the struggle against their ancient foes, the mexicans. on reaching the camp of the spaniards in mexico, cortés found that alvarado had provoked the insurrection by a massacre of the aztec populace. having entered the precincts with his army, cortés at once made anxious preparations for the siege which was threatened by the aztecs, now assembling in thousands. as the assailants approached "they set up a hideous yell, or rather that shrill whistle used in fight by the nations of anahuac," accompanied by the sound of shell and atabal and their other rude instruments of wild music. this was followed by a tempest of missiles, stones, darts, and arrows. the spaniards waited until the foremost column had arrived within distance, when a general discharge of artillery and muskets swept the ranks of the assailants. never till now had the mexicans witnessed the murderous power of these formidable engines. at first they stood aghast, but soon rallying, they rushed forward over the prostrate bodies of their comrades. pressing on, some of them tried to scale the parapet, while others tried to force a breach in it. when the parapet proved too strong they shot burning arrows upon the wooden outworks. next day there were continually fresh supplies of warriors added to the forces of the assailants, so that the danger of the situation was greatly increased. diaz, an onlooker, thus wrote: the mexicans fought with such ferocity that if we had been assisted by , hectors and as many orlandos, we should have made no impression on them. there were several of our troops who had served in the italian wars, but neither there nor in the battles with the turks had they ever seen anything like the desperation shown by these indians. cortés at last drew off his men and sounded a retreat, taking refuge in the fortress. the mexicans encamped round it, and during the night insulted the besieged, shouting, "the gods have at last delivered you into our hands: the stone of sacrifice is ready: the knives are sharpened." cortés now felt that he had not fully understood the character of the mexicans. the patience and submission formerly shown in deference to the injured montezuma was now replaced by concentrated arrogance and ferocity. the spanish general even stooped to request the interposition of the aztec emperor; and, at last, when assured that the foreigners would leave his country if a way were opened through the mexican army he agreed to use his influence. for this purpose he put on his imperial robes; his mantle of white and blue flowed over his shoulders, held together by its rich clasp of the green _chalchivitl_. the same precious gem, with emeralds of uncommon size, set in gold, profusely ornamented other parts of his dress. his feet were shod with the golden sandals, and his brows covered with the mexican diadem, resembling in form the pontifical tiara. thus attired and surrounded by a guard of spaniards, and several aztec nobles, and preceded by the golden wand, the symbol of sovereignty, the indian monarch ascended the central turret of the palace. at the sight of montezuma all the mexican army became silent, partly, no doubt, from curiosity. he assured them that he was no prisoner; that the strangers were his friends, and would leave mexico of their own accord as soon as a way was opened. to call himself a friend of the hateful spaniards was a fatal argument. instead of respecting their monarch, though in his official robes, the populace howled angry curses at him as a degenerate aztec, a coward, no longer a warrior or even a man! a cloud of missiles was hurled at montezuma, and he was struck to the ground by the blow of a stone on his head. the unfortunate monarch only survived his wounds for a few days, disdaining to take any nourishment, or to receive advice from the spanish priests. meanwhile, cortés and his army met with an unexpected danger. a large body of the indian warriors had taken possession of the great temple, at a short distance from the spanish quarters. from this commanding position they kept shooting a deadly flight of arrows on the spaniards. cortés sent his chamberlain, escobar, with a body of men to storm the temple, but, after three efforts, the party had to relinquish the attempt. cortés himself then led a storming party, and after some determined fighting reached the platform at the top of the temple where the two sanctuaries of the aztec deities stood. this large area was now the scene of a desperate battle, fought in sight of the whole capital as well as of the spanish troops still remaining in the courtyard. this struggle between such deadly enemies caused dreadful carnage on both sides: the edge of the area was unprotected by parapet or battlement; and the combatants, as they struggled in mortal agony, were sometimes seen to roll over the sheer sides of the precipice together. cortés himself had a narrow escape from this dreadful fate.... the number of the enemy was double that of the christians; but the invulnerable armor of the spaniard, his sword of matchless temper, and his skill in the use of it, gave him advantages which far outweighed the odds of physical strength and numbers. this unparalleled scene of bloodshed lasted for three hours. of the mexicans "two or three priests only survived to be led away in triumph"; yet the loss of the spaniards was serious enough, amounting to forty-five of their best men. nearly all the others were wounded, some seriously. after dragging the uncouth monster, huitzilopochtli, from his sanctuary, the assailants hurled the repulsive image down the steps of the temple, and then set fire to the building. the same evening they burned a large part of the town. cortés now resolved upon a night retreat from the capital; but when marching along one of the causeways they were attacked by the mexicans in such numbers that, when morning dawned, the shattered battalion was reduced to less than half its number. in after years that disastrous retreat was known to the spanish chroniclers as _noche triste_, the "night of sorrows." after a hurried six days' march before the pursuers, cortés gained a victory so signal that an alliance was speedily formed with tlascala against mexico. cortés built twelve brigantines at vera cruz in order to secure the command of lake tescuco and thus attempt the reduction of the mexican capital. on his return to the great lake he found that the throne was now occupied by guatimozin, a nephew of montezuma. using their brigantines the spanish soldiers now began the siege of mexico--"the most memorable event in the conquest of america." it lasted seventy-five days, during which the whole of the capital was reduced to ruins. guatimozin, the last of the aztec emperors, was condemned by the spanish general to be hanged on the charge of treason. cortés was now master of all mexico. the spanish court and people were full of admiration for his victories and the extent of his conquests; and charles v appointed him "captain-general and governor of new spain." on revisiting europe, the emperor honored him with the order of st. jago and the title of marquis. latterly, however, after some failures in his exploring expeditions, cortés, on his return to spain, found himself treated with neglect. it was then, according to voltaire's story, that when charles asked the courtiers, "who is that man?" referring to cortés, the latter said aloud: "it is one, sire, that has added more provinces to your dominions than any other governor has added towns!" cortés died in his sixty-second year, december , . chapter viii balboa and the isthmus in the spanish conquest of america there are three great generals: cortés, balbao, and pizarro. the third may to many readers seem immeasurably superior as explorer and conqueror to the second, but it must be remembered that pizarro's scheme of discovering and invading peru was precisely that which balboa had already prepared. pizarro could afford to say, "others have labored, and i have merely entered into their labors." what, then, was the work done by balboa, and what prevented him from taking peru? in , the year before the conquest of cuba, balboa was glad to escape from hispaniola, not to avoid the spanish cruelties, like hatuey, the luckless cazique, but to escape from his spanish creditors. so anxious was he to get on board that he concealed himself in a cask to avoid observation. balboa, however, had administrative qualities, and after taking possession of the uncleared district of darien in the name of the king of spain, he was appointed governor of the new province. he built the town santa maria on the coast of the darien gulf; but so pestilential was the district (and still is) that the settlers were glad after a short time to remove to the other side of the isthmus. it was by mere accident that balboa first heard of a great ocean beyond the mountains of darien, and of the enormous wealth of peru, a country hitherto unknown to spain or europe. as several soldiers were one day disputing about the division of some gold-dust, an indian cazique called out: "why quarrel about such a trifle? i can show you a region where the commonest pots and pans are made of that metal." to the inquiries of balboa and his companions, the cazique replied that by traveling six days to the south they should see another ocean, near which lay the wealthy kingdom. resolving to cross the isthmus, notwithstanding a thousand formidable obstructions, balboa formed a party consisting of veterans, accompanied by , indians, and several fierce dogs trained to hunt the naked natives. such were the difficulties that the "six days' journey" occupied twenty-five before the ridge of the isthmus range was reached. balboa commanded his men to halt, and advanced alone to the summit, that he might be the first who should enjoy a spectacle which he had so long desired. as soon as he beheld the sea stretching in endless prospect below him he fell on his knees; ... his followers observing his transports of joy rushed forward to join in his wonder, exultation, and gratitude. that was the moment, september , , immortalized in keats's sonnet: when with eagle eyes he stared at the pacific, and all his men looked at each other with a wild surmise, silent, upon a peak in darien. balboa hurried down the western slope of the isthmus range to take formal possession in the name of the spanish monarch. he found a fishing village there which had been named panama (i. e., "plenty fish") by the indians, but had also a reputation for the pearls found in its bay. in his letter to spain, balboa said, to illustrate the difficulties of the expedition, that of all the men in his party there were never more than eighty fit for service at one time. notwithstanding the wonderful news of the discovery of the "great southern ocean," as the pacific was then called, ferdinand overlooked the great services of balboa, and appointed a new governor of darien called pedrarias, who instituted a judicial inquiry into some previous transactions of balboa, imposing a heavy fine as punishment. the new governor committed other acts of great imprudence, and at length ferdinand felt that he had only superseded the most active and experienced officer he had in the new world. to make amends to balboa, he was appointed "lieutenant-governor of the countries upon the south sea," with great privileges and authority. at the same time pedrarias was commanded to "support balboa in all his operations, and to consult with him concerning every measure which he himself pursued." balboa, in , began his preparations for entering the south sea and conveying troops to the country which he proposed to invade. with four small brigantines and chosen soldiers (a force superior to that with which pizarro afterward undertook the same expedition), he was on the point of sailing toward the coasts of which they had such expectations, when a message arrived from pedrarias. balboa being unconscious of crime, agreed to delay the expedition, and meet pedrarias for conference. on entering the palace balboa was arrested and immediately tried on the charge of disloyalty to the king and intention of revolt against the governor. he was speedily sentenced to death, although the accusation was so absurd that the judges who pronounced the sentence "seconded by the whole colony, interceded warmly for his pardon." "the spaniards beheld with astonishment and sorrow the public execution of a man whom they universally deemed more capable than any who had borne command in america, of forming and accomplishing great designs." this gross injustice amounting to a public scandal was accounted for by the malignant influence of the bishop of burgos, in spain, who was the original cause of balboa being superseded as governor of darien. the expedition designed by balboa was now relinquished; but the removal of the colony soon afterward to the pacific side of the isthmus may be considered a step toward the realization of an exactly similar attempt by pizzaro. to some historical readers the word "darien" only recalls the bitter prejudice entertained against william iii, our "dutch king," notwithstanding the special pleading of lord macaulay and others. some scottish merchants had adopted a scheme recommended by the most reliable authorities[ ] of that age, viz., the settlement of a half-commercial, half-military colony on the atlantic coast of the isthmus. such a company, in the words of paterson, would be masters of the "door of the seas," and the "key of the universe." the east india companies both of england and holland showed an envious jealousy of the scottish merchants, and therefore no assistance was to be expected from the king, although he had given his royal sanction to the scots act of parliament creating the company. the scottish people, however, zealously continued the scheme. some , men "set sail from leith amid the blessings of many thousands of their assembled countrymen. they reached the gulf of darien in safety, and established themselves on the coast in localities to which they gave the names of new caledonia and new st. andrews." the government of spain (secretly instigated, it was believed, by the english king) resolved to attack the embryo colony. the shipwreck of the whole scheme soon followed, due undoubtedly more to the jealousy of the english merchants (who believed that any increase of trade in scotland or ireland was a positive loss to england) and the bad faith of our dutch king, than to all other causes whatever. of the colony, according to dalrymple (ii, ), not more than thirty ever saw their own country again. [footnote : e.g., paterson, founder of the bank of england, fletcher of saltoun, the marquis of tweeddale, then chief minister of scotland, sir john dalrymple, etc.] in a company of english merchants was formed to trade with the west indies and the "spanish main," and commanded great success. other merchants did the same. soon after the spanish court instituted a coast-guard to make war upon these traders; and as they had full power to capture and slay all who did not bear the king of spain's commission, there were terrible tales told in europe of mutilation, torture, and revenge. the windward islands having been gradually settled by french and english adventurers, frederick of toledo was sent with a large fleet to destroy those petty colonies. this harsh treatment rendered the planters desperate, and under the name of buccaneers,[ ] they continued "a retaliation so horribly savage [_v._ notes to rokeby] that the perusal makes the reader shudder. from piracy at sea, they advanced to making predatory descents on the spanish territories; in which they displayed the same furious and irresistible valor, the same thirst of spoil, and the same brutal inhumanity to their captives." the pride and presumption of spain were partly resisted by the english monarchs, but not with real effect before the time of cromwell, strongest of all the rulers of britain. under his government of the seas spain was deprived of the island of jamaica; and the buccaneers to their disgust found that the flag of the great protector was a check against all piracy and injustice. [footnote : named from _boucan_, a kind of preserved meat, used by those rovers. they had learned this peculiar art of preserving from the native caribs.] under charles ii, however, the buccaneers resumed their conflict with the spanish, and in , henry morgan, with , english and french ruffians resolved to cross the isthmus like balboa, to plunder the depositories of gold and silver which lay in the city of panama and other places on the pacific coast. having stormed a strong fortress at the mouth of the chagres river, they forced their way through the entangled forests for ten days, and after much hardship reached panama, to find it defended by a regular army of twice their number. the spaniards, however, were beaten, and morgan thoroughly sacked and plundered the city, taking captive all the chief citizens in order to extort afterward large ransoms. ten years afterward the isthmus of darien was crossed by dampier, another celebrated buccaneer, but his party was too small to attack panama. they seized some spanish vessels in the bay and plundered all the coast for some distance. the following description by the bold buccaneer is not without interest to those who consider the present importance of the place: near the riverside stands new panama, a very handsome city, in a spacious bay of the same name, into which disembogue many long and navigable rivers, some whereof are not without gold; besides that it is beautified by many pleasant isles, the country about it affording a delightful prospect to the sea.... the houses are chiefly of brick and pretty lofty, especially the president's, the churches, the monasteries, and other public structures, which make the best show i have seen in the west indies. the present prosperity of panama is due to its large transit trade, which was recently estimated at £ , , a year. the pearl-fisheries, famous at the time of balboa's visit, have now little value. the narrowest breadth of the isthmus being only thirty miles, there have naturally been many engineering proposals to connect the pacific and atlantic oceans by a canal. m. de lesseps founded a french company in for the construction of a ship-canal with eight locks, and over forty-six miles in length; but in , the excavations stopped after some - / millions of cubic meters of earth and rock had been removed. meanwhile a railway - / miles long connects colon on the atlantic with panama on the pacific. the mexican isthmus of tehuantepec, only miles across, separates the bay of campeachy from the pacific, and failing the panama canal some engineers were in favor of a _ship-railway_ for conveying large vessels _bodily_ from the atlantic to the pacific. the scheme met with great favor in the united states, but has not yet been carried out. the third proposal for connecting the two great oceans is probably the most feasible because it follows the most deeply marked depression of the isthmus. the nicaraguan ship-canal will, if the scheme be carried out, pass from greytown on the atlantic to brito on the pacific, about miles apart, through the republic of nicaragua, which lies north of panama and south of guatemala. one obvious advantage of this ship-canal is that the great lake is utilized, affording already about one-third of the waterway; only twenty-eight miles, in fact, being actual canal, and the rest river, lake, and lagoon navigation. in the latest specifications the engineers proposed to dam up the river (san juan) by a stone wall seventy feet high and , feet long, thus raising the water to a level of feet above the sea. only three locks will be required to work the nicaraguan ship-canal. chapter ix extinct civilization of peru § (a) _peruvian archeology_ as the extinct civilization of the incas of peru is the most important phase of development among all the american races, so also their prehistoric remains are extremely interesting to the archeologist. [illustration: monolith doorway. near lake titicaca. fig. .] . _architecture._--in the interior of the country we find many remarkable examples of stone building, such as walls of huge polygonal stones, four-sided or five-sided or six-sided, some six feet across, laid without mortar, and so finely polished and adjusted that the blade of a knife can not be inserted between them. the strength of the masonry is sometimes assisted by having the projecting parts of a stone fitting into corresponding hollows or recesses in the stone above or below it. the stones being frequently extremely hard granite, or basalt, etc., antiquarian travelers have wondered how in early times the natives could have cut and polished them without any metal tools. the ordinary explanation is that the work was done by patiently rubbing one stone against another, with the aid of sharp sand, "time being no object" in the case of the laborers among savage and primitive races. it is believed by most antiquaries that long before the period of the incas there was a powerful empire to which we must attribute such cyclopean ruins; especially as the construction and style differ so greatly from what is found in the inca period. the huge stones occur at tiahuanacu (near lake titicaca), cuzco, ollantay, and the altar of concacha. fig. is a broken doorway at tiahuanacu, composed of huge monoliths. fig. is an enlargement of an image over the doorway shown in fig. . the doorway forms the entrance to a quadrangular area ( yards by ) surrounded by large stones standing on end. the gateway or doorway of fig. is one of the most marvelous stone monuments existing, being _one block of hard rock_, deeply sunk in the ground. the present height is over seven feet. the whole of the inner side "from a line level with the upper lintel of the doorway to the top" is a mass of sculpture, "which speaks to us," says sir c. r. markham, "in difficult riddles of the customs and art culture, of the beliefs and traditions of an ancient" extinct civilization. the figure in high relief above the doorway (fig. ) is a head surrounded by rays, "each terminating in a circle or the head of an animal." six human heads hang from the girdle, and two more from the elbows. each hand holds a scepter terminating at the lower end with the head of a condor--that huge american vulture familiar to the peruvians. that bird of prey was probably an emblem of royalty to the prehistoric dynasty now long forgotten. [illustration: image over the doorway shown in fig. . near lake titicaca. fig. .] some older historians speak of richly carved statues which formerly stood in this enclosure, and "many cylindrical pillars." of the masonry of these ruins generally, squier says: "the stone is faced with a precision that no skill can excel, its right angles turned with an accuracy that the most careful geometer could not surpass. i do not believe there exists a better piece of stone-cutting, the material considered, on this or the other continent." the fortress above cuzco, the capital of the incas, is considered the grandest monument of extinct american civilization. "like the pyramids and the coliseum, it is imperishable.... a fortified work, yards in length, built of gigantic stones, in three lines, forming walls supporting terraces and parapets.... the stones are of blue limestone, of enormous size and irregular in shape, but fitted into each other with rare precision. one stone is twenty-seven feet high by fourteen; and others fifteen feet high by twelve are common throughout the work." in all the architecture of the prehistoric peruvians the true arch is not found, though there is an approach to the "maya arch," formerly described, finishing the doorway overhead by overlapping stones. the immense fortresses of ollantay and pisac are really hills which, by means of encircling walls, have been transformed into immense pyramids with many terraces rising above each other. all large buildings, such as temples and palaces, were laid out to agree with the "cardinal points," the principal entrance always facing the rising sun. the tomb construction of the ancient peruvians has been already noticed (_v._ chap. iv). to the south of cuzco are the ruins of a temple, cacha, which is considered to be of a date between the cyclopean structures already described and the inca architecture. the chief part is yards long, built of wrought stones; and in the middle of the building from end to end runs a wall pierced by twelve high doorways. there were also two series of pillars which had formerly supported a floor. those traces of the cyclopean builders point to an extremely early date, but several students of the peruvian antiquities point confidently to distinct evidence of a still more primitive race--to be compared, perhaps, with those builders of "druidic monuments" whom it is now the fashion to call "neolithic men." some "cromlechs" or burial-places have been found in bolivia and other parts of peru; and in many respects they are parallel to the stone monuments found in great britain as well as brittany and other parts of europe. some of those peruvian cromlechs consist of four great slabs of slate, each about five feet high, four or five in width, and more than an inch thick. a fifth is placed over them. over the whole a pyramid of clay and rough stones is piled. possibly that race of cromlech builders bore the same relation to the temple builders described above that the builders of kits coty house, between rochester and maidstone, bore to the temple builders of stonehenge on salisbury plain. if they had to retreat, as the ice-sheet was driven farther from the torrid zone, then by the theory of the glacial period the cromlech men in both cases would at last be simply eskimos. . _aqueducts._--the ancient peruvians attained great skill in the distribution of water--especially for irrigation. artificial lakes or reservoirs were formed, so that by damming up the streams in the rainy season a good supply was created for the dry season. some great monuments still remain of their hydraulic engineering, such as extensive cisterns, solid dikes along the rivers to prevent overflow, tunnels to drain lakes during an oversupply, and, in some places, artificial cascades. . _roads and bridges._--the roads and highways of the incas were so excellent that "in many places" they still offer by far the most convenient avenues of transit. they are from fifteen to twenty-five feet in width, bedded with small stones often laid in concrete. as the use of beasts of burden was almost unknown, the roads did not ascend a steep inclination by zigzags but by steps cut in the rock. at certain distances public shelters were erected for travelers, and some of these still offer the best lodging-houses to be found along the routes. bridges were of wood, of ropes made from maguey fiber, or of stone. some of the latter are still in excellent condition, in spite of the violence of the mountain torrents which they have spanned for four centuries. . _sculpture._--the maya race of yucatan and central america were much superior to the prehistoric peruvians in stone sculpture. except those examples already referred to under , their artists have apparently produced nothing to show skill in workmanship, much less fertility of imagination. that is largely explained by their lack of suitable tools. . _goldsmith's work._--in this branch of art the ancient peruvians greatly excelled, especially in inlaying and gilding. gold-beating and gilding had been prosecuted to remarkable delicacy, and the very thin layers of gold-leaf on many articles led the spaniards at first to believe they were of the solid metal. these delicate layers showed ornamental designs, including birds, butterflies, and the like. . _pottery._--in this department of industrial art the prehistoric peruvians showed much aptitude both "in regard to variety of design and technical skill in preparing the material. vases with pointed bottoms and painted sides recalling those of ancient greece and etruria are often disinterred along the coast." the merit of those artists lay in perfect imitation of natural objects, such as birds, fishes, fruits, plants, skulls, persons in various positions, faces (often with graphic individuality). some jars exactly resembled the "magic vases" which are still found in hindustan, and can be emptied only when held at a certain angle. . though ignorant of perspective and the rules of light and shade, these ancient peruvians had an accurate eye for color. "spinning, weaving, and dyeing," to quote sir c. r. markham, "were arts which were sources of employment to a great number, owing to the quantity and variety of the fabrics.... there were rich dresses interwoven with gold or made of gold thread; fine woolen mantles ornamented with borders of small square plates of gold and silver; colored cotton cloths worked in complicated patterns; and fabrics of aloe fiber and sheep's sinews for breeches. coarser cloths of llama wool were also made in vast quantities." [illustration: the quipu.] . the _quipu_ (i e., "knot").--without writing or even any of the simpler forms of pictographs which some indian races inferior to them in refinement had invented, the peruvians had no means of sending a message relating to tribute or the number of warriors in an army, or a date, except the _quipu_. it consisted of one principal cord about two feet long held horizontally, to which other cords of various colors and lengths were attached, hanging vertically. the knots on the vertical cords, and their various lengths served by means of an arranged code to convey certain words and phrases. each color and each knot had so many conventional significations; thus _white_ = silver, _green_ = corn, _yellow_ = gold; but in another quipu, _white_ = peace, _red_ = war, soldiers, etc. the quipu was originally only a means of numeration and keeping accounts, thus: a single knot = a double knot = a triple knot = , two singles = two doubles = etc. . the great stone monuments described in our first section belonged, according to some writers, to a dynasty called pirua, who ruled over the highlands of peru and bolivia long before the times of the incas. that early race had as the center of their civilization the shores of lake titicaca. . _the ancient capital._--cuzco, the center of government till the time of the conquest by the spaniards, and for a long time the only city in the peruvian empire, deserves a paragraph under the head archeology. its wonderful fortress has already been referred to, and there are other cyclopean remains, such as the great wall which contains the "stone of twelve corners." some monuments of the inca period also attract much attention, such as the curi-cancha temple, feet long, the palace of amaru-cancha (i. e., "place of serpents"), so called from the serpents sculptured in relief on the exterior. of these and other buildings squier remarks that the "joints are of a precision unknown in our architecture; the world has nothing to show in the way of stone-cutting and fitting to surpass the skill and accuracy displayed in the inca structures of cuzco." to obtain the site for their capital the incas had to carry out a great engineering work, by confining two mountain torrents between walls of substantial masonry so solid as to serve even to modern times. the valley of cuzco was the source of the peruvian civilization, center and origin of the empire. hence the name, cuzco = "navel," just as the ancient greeks called athens _umbilicus terræ_, and our new england cousins fondly refer to boston, mass., as "the hub of the universe"! [illustration: gold ornament (? zodiac) from a tomb at cuzco.] § (b) _peru before the arrival of the spaniards_ the "national myth" of the peruvians was that at lake titicaca two supernatural beings appeared, both children of the sun. one was manco capac, the first inca, who taught the people agriculture; the other was his wife, who taught the women to spin and weave. from them were lineally derived all the incas. as representing the sun, the inca was high priest and head of the hierarchy, and therefore presided at the great religious festivals. he was the source from which everything flowed--all dignity, all power, all emolument. louis le magnifique when at the height of his power might be taken as a type of the emperor inca: both could literally use the phrase, _l'état c'est moi,_ "the state! i am the state!" in the royal palaces and dress great barbaric pomp was assumed. all the apartments were studded with gold and silver ornaments. the worship of the sun, representing the creator, the dweller in space, the teacher and ruler of the universe,[ ] was the religion of the incas inherited from their distant ancestry. the great temple at cuzco, with its gorgeous display of riches, was called "the place of gold, the abode of the teacher of the universe." an elliptical plate of gold was fixed on the wall to represent the deity. [footnote : according to sir c. r. markham, f. r. s.] sufficient evidence is still visible of the engineering industry evinced by the natives before the arrival of pizarro. we give some particulars of the two principal highways, both joining quito to cuzco, then passing south to chile. first, the high level road, , miles in length, crossing the great peruvian table-land, and conducted over pathless sierras buried in snow; with galleries cut for leagues through the living rock, rivers crossed by means of bridges, and ravines of hideous depth filled up with solid masonry. the roadway consisted of heavy flags of freestone. secondly, the low level highway along the coast country between the andes and the pacific. the prehistoric engineers had here to encounter quite a different task. the causeway was raised on a high embankment of earth, with trees planted along the margin. in the strips of sandy waste, huge piles (many of them to be seen to this day) were driven into the ground to indicate the route. another colossal effort was the conveyance of water to the rainless country by the seacoast, especially to certain parts capable of being reclaimed and made fertile. some of the aqueducts were of great length--one measuring between and miles. the following table gives the peruvian calendar for a year: i. raymi, the _festival of the winter solstice_, in honor of the sun june d. season of plowing july d. season of sowing august d. ii. _festival of the spring equinox_ september d. season of brewing october d. commemoration of the dead november d. iii. _festival of the summer solstice_ december d. season of exercises january d. season of ripening february d. iv. _festival of autumn equinox_ march d. beginning of harvest april d. harvesting month may d. since quito is exactly on the equator, the vertical rays of the sun at noon during the equinox cast no shadow. that northern capital, therefore, was "held in especial veneration as the favored abode of the great deity." at the feast of raymi, or new year's day, the sacrifice usually offered was that of the llama, a fire being kindled by means of a concave mirror of polished metal collecting the rays of the sun into a focus upon a quantity of dried cotton. the national festival of the aztecs we compared to the secular celebration of the romans; so now the raymi of the peruvians may be likened to the panathenæa of ancient athens, when the people of attica ascended in splendid procession to the shrine on the acropolis. in mexico the spanish travelers often experienced severe famines; and in india, even at the present day (to the disgrace perhaps of our management) nearly every year many thousands die of hunger. it was very different under the ancient peruvians, because by law "the product of the lands consecrated to the sun, as well as those set apart for the incas, was deposited in the _tambos_, or public storehouses, as a stated provision for times of scarcity." the spaniards found those prehistoric agriculturists utilizing the inexhaustible supply of guano found on all the islands of the pacific. it was not till the middle of the nineteenth century that the british farmer found the value of this fertilizer. chapter x pizarro and the incas when stout-hearted balboa first reached the summit of the isthmus range and looked south over the bay of panama, he might have seen the "silver bell," which forms the summit of the mighty volcano chimborazo. still farther south in the same direction lay the "land of gold," of which he had heard. balboa was unjustly prevented from exploring that unknown country, but among the spanish soldiers in panama there were two who determined to carry out balboa's scheme. the younger, pizarro, was destined to rival cortés as explorer and conqueror; almagro, his companion in the expedition, was less crafty and cruel. sailing from panama, the spanish first landed on the coast below quito, and found the natives wearing gold and silver trinkets. on a second voyage, with more men, they explored the coast of peru and visited tumbez, a town with a lofty temple and a palace for the incas. they beheld a country fully peopled and cultivated; the natives were decently clothed, and possessed of ingenuity so far surpassing the other inhabitants of the new world as to have the use of tame domestic animals. but what chiefly attracted the notice of the visitors was such a show of gold and silver, not only in ornaments, but in several vessels and utensils for common use, formed of those precious metals as left no room to doubt that they abounded with profusion in the country. after his return pizarro visited spain and secured the patronage of charles v, who appointed him governor and captain-general of the newly discovered country. in the next voyage from panama, pizarro set sail with soldiers in three small ships--"a contemptible force surely to invade the great empire of peru." pizarro was very fortunate in the time of his arrival, because two brothers were fiercely contending in civil war to obtain the sovereignty. their father, huana capac, the twelfth inca in succession from manco capac, had recently died after annexing the kingdom of quito, and thus doubling the power of the empire. pizarro made friends with atahualpa, who had become inca by the defeat and death of his brother, and a friendly meeting was arranged between them. the peruvians are thus described by a spanish onlooker: first of all there arrived men in uniform; the inca himself, on a couch adorned with plumes, and almost covered with plates of gold and silver, enriched with precious stones, was carried on the shoulders of his principal attendants. several bands of singers and dancers accompanied the procession; and the whole plain was covered with troops, more than , men. after engaging in a religious dispute with the inca, who refused to acknowledge the authority of the pope and threw the breviary on the ground, the spanish chaplain exclaimed indignantly that the word of god had been insulted by a heathen. pizarro instantly gave the signal of assault: the martial music struck up, the cannon and muskets began to fire, the horse rallied out fiercely to the charge, the infantry rushed on sword in hand. the peruvians, astonished at the suddenness of the attack, dismayed with the effect of the firearms and the irresistible impression of the cavalry, fled with universal consternation on every side. pizarro, at the head of his chosen band, soon penetrated to the royal seat, and seizing the inca by the arm, carried him as a prisoner to the spanish quarters. for his ransom atahualpa agreed to pay a weight of gold amounting to more than five millions sterling. instead of keeping faith with the inca by restoring him to liberty, pizarro basely allowed him to be tried on several false charges and condemned to be burned alive. after hearing of the enormous ransom many spaniards hurried from guatemala, panama, and nicaragua to share in the newly discovered booty of peru, the "land of gold." pizarro, therefore, being now greatly reenforced with soldiers, forced his way to cuzco, the capital. the riches found there exceeded in value what had been received as atahualpa's ransom. as governor of peru, pizarro chose a new site for his capital, nearer the coast than cuzco, and there founded lima. it is now a great center of trade. pizarro lived here in great state till the year , when his fate reached him by means of a party of conspirators seeking to avenge the death of almagro, his former rival, whom he had cruelly executed as a traitor. on sunday, june th, at midday, while all lima was quiet under the siesta, the conspirators passed unobserved through the two outer courts of the palace, and speedily despatched the soldier-adventurer, intrepidly defending himself with a sword and buckler. "a deadly thrust full in the throat," and the tale of daring pizarro was told. _raro antecedentem scelestum_ _deseruit pede poena claudo._ when did doom, though lame, not bide its time, to clutch the nape of skulking crime? w. e. gladstone. general index. a. agathocles, . agassiz, . alfred, king, . almagro, pizarro's rival, , . alvarado, , . america, discoveries of, - , - , - . america, origin of the name, . american archeology, - (_see_ also aztec, peru, civilization). amerigo (_americus_), (_see_ vespucci). anahuac, , , . archeology, - (see under aztec, mexico, peru, and civilization, extinct). aristotle, shape of the earth, . arthur, king, . atahualpa, inca, , . atlantic, ridge, . atlantis, island or continent, , . avalon, . aztecs, their traditions, , , , , . aztecs, antiquities, . aztecs, kingdom, ; empire founded, . aztecs, letters, etc., , - . aztecs, astronomy, , , , . aztecs, human sacrifices, , , , , ; how explained by comparison with jews, greeks, druids, etc., - . aztecs, priesthood, , . aztecs, religion, , ; laws, . aztecs, natural piety, - . aztecs, secular festival, - . aztecs, soldiery, , . aztecs, agriculture, . aztecs, markets, , . aztecs, banquets, social amusements, , . aztlan, . b. bacon, roger, . bahamas, . balboa, , , , , . balboa scheme--adopted by pizarro, . balboa hears of the land of gold, . balboa crosses the isthmus, , . balboa unjustly treated, , . barcelona, columbus honored at court, . basque discovery, . boston in vinland, , . brandan, st. discoverer, . brito, ship-canal, . buccaneers, origin, etc., , . buffon, . burgos, bishop of, , . c. cabot, , , . cabrera reaches brazil, . cakama, prince of tezcuco, . calendar stone, , . calicut reached by gama, . canaanites, etc., sun-worship, , . cannibalism, , . capac, inca, , . carthage, , . cathay, , , . cazique, , , etc. celtic discoveries, , - . chalco, lake, , . charles v. and cortés, . chiapas, . chibchas, . cholula, , , , . civilization, extinct, chaps, iii, ix. civilization, celtic, . civilization, norse, - , - . civilization, aztec, etc., - , , . civilization, peru, - . colon (_see_ columbus); also an atlantic port on the isthmus of darien, . columbia, , . columbus, - , , - , . columbus, early failures, . columbus, voyage to iceland, . columbus, variation of the compass, , , . columbus, discovers bahamas, cuba, hayti, - . columbus, discovers trinidad and orinoco, . columbus, map by (found in ), . columbus, autograph (cut) and epitaph, . columbus, ferdinand, ; bartholomew, . columbus, diego, , . continent, supposed southern (cut), . continent, western, (_see_ atlantis, hesperides). condor, emblem of prehistoric inca, , (cuts). copan, - . cordova lands on yucatan, . cortés appointed leader, , , , . cortés at cuba and hayti, . cortés at yucatan, . cortés and teuhtile, in, . cortés, generalship, , , , . cortés, resource, , , . cortés, cruelty, , , . cortés at popocatepetl, . cortés and montezuma, , - . cortés, lack of delicacy, . cortés, arrest of montezuma, - . cortés, personal courage, . cortés, retreat, "night of sorrows," . cortés, mexico retaken and its emperor hanged, . cortés and charles v., . cliff-houses, . cotton, az. tec., preparation of, , . cromwell, his influence, . cruz, vera, , , , , , . cuba, - , - , . culhua, . cuzco, , , , , . cuzco, cyclopean remains, , . cuzco, temple, . cyclopean ruins in peru, , , - . cyclopean ruins in peru (cuts), , . d. dalrymple, sir john, , . dampier, buccaneer, . darien, taken by balboa, . darien, scottish expedition, . darien, causes of failure, , . darien, crossed by morgan, , . darien, crossed by dampier, . diaz, navigator, rounds the cape of good hope and names it the "stormy cape," . diaz, historian, quoted, , , , . dighton stone, (cuts, , ). diodorus siculus, . druid sacrifices, . "druidic," , , . e. edward vi and cabot, . elysian fields, , , . erik the red, . escobar, . euripides, quoted, . f. feather-work, , . ferdinand and isabella, , . feudalism ended, . g. gama, de, , . gardens, , . glazier, theory, - . gladstone quoted, . gosnold's expedition, , . greenland, - , , . grijalva and yucatan, , . guatemala, , , . guatimozin, . gunnbiorn, . h. hannibal on the alps, , . harold fair-hair, . hatuey, , . hayti, , . helluland (newfoundland), . henry vii., , . hercules' pillars, , . herodotus, , . hesiod, quoted, . hesperides, isles of the blest, . homer, quoted, , . honduras, , . huitzilopochtli, god of battles, , , , (_see_ mexitl.) humboldt, , , , , , . i. iceland, , . incas, , (_see_ peru). "indian," as a term applied to the new world by mistake, a blunder still perpetuated, (_cf_. .) indians, "red-skins," - , , . ingolf, . iphigenia, . ireland, mickle, , , . italian discovery, - . itztli (obsidian), used as a sharp flint, . iztapalapan, . j. jamaica, . jewish "discovery," . juan, s., ship-canal, . k. katortuk (greenland), , (cut, ). kingsborough, lord, , , . l. leif erikson, - . lesseps de, - . loadstone, , . longfellow, quoted, . lucian, quoted, . m. madoc, , , . magellan reaches the pacific ocean and names it, ; killed at matan, . magnetic pole, . maguey plant, its singular value, . major, mr., on pre-columbian discoveries of america, and site of the greenland colonies, , . malte-brun, . marina, "slave-interpreter," , , , . markham, sir c., quoted, , , , . markland (nova scotia), . marvels, age of, , . maya, mayapan, , . maya, ms., , . maya, trade, . _mayflower_ lands in vinland, . medea, , . merida, . mexico, mexicans (_see also_ aztecs). mexico, archeology, - . mexico, geography, , , - . mexico, valley, , . mexico, town, , , - . mexico, wealth, . mexico, siege, - . mexico, ferocity in war, - . mexitl, the god of battles, another name for huitzilopochtli, . monolith (cuts), , . montezuma i., . montezuma, - . montezuma, meaning of name, . montezuma, power, , , , . montezuma, affability, . montezuma, dress, etc., . montezuma, death, . montgomery, james, , , . morgan, buccaneer, . mound builders, , , . müller, max, quoted, . n. narvaez, , . nicaragua, ship-canal, , . norse discovery, - . norse towns in greenland, . norumbega, . o. ocean, western, , , . ocean, southern, first name for the atlantic (q.v.) oceanus, river, . ogygia, . ollantay, peru, , . orinoco, discovered, . orizaba, . overland route, . p. pacific, first seen, . pacific, first sailed upon, . palenque, , , . palos, , . panama, , , . panama, modern, . paper (prehistoric) of mexico, . pedrarias, , . peru and incas, chaps. ix., x. peru agriculture, , . peru aqueducts, roads, etc., . peru archeology, - . peru architecture, , - . peru calendar, , . peru chulpas, (cut). peru quipu, (cut). peru sculpture and pottery, . peru history and religion, . phenicians, , . pictograph, , . pindar, quoted, . pizarro, , . pizarro and atahualpha, , . pizarro and peru, - . pizarro, first and second voyages, , . pizarro imitated balboa, , . pizarro invades peru, . pizarro, his treachery and cruelty, , . pizarro at cusco, . pizarro founds lima, . pizarro, "doom" at last, . plato, , . plutarch, . polo, marco, , . polyxena, . popocatepetl, , . ptolemy, , . pythagorean theory, . q. quetzalcoatl, , , , , , , . quipu, , (cut, ). r. rafn, , , . raymi, peruvian festival, , . renascence, , , . renascence influence on travel and exploration, . renascence assisted the reformation, . runes in greenland, , . s. sebastian, magellan's basque lieutenant, , . seneca, , (title-page). "scraelings," vinland, . "skeleton in armor," . spain, how consolidated, , . spain, close of its colonial history, . squier, quoted, , . t. tambos, peru, . tehuantepec, isthmus, . tenochtitlan, mexico, . teocalli, , , - , (cut, ). tezcatlipoca, god of youth, . tezcuco, eastern capital, mexico, . tezcuco, , , . tezcuco, king of, . tezcuco, lake, - . thorfinn, . thorwaldsen, . titicaca, lake, , . titicaca (_see_ cyclopean ruins), , . tlaloc, god of rain, . tlascala, , - , , , , . tlascala, people, and siege, , . toltecs, , . totonacs, . trinidad, . tula, . tumbez, peru, . turks, causing civilization, , . u. utatla, . uxmal, , (frontispiece). v. valladolid, . velasquez, - , , , . vesper, (_see_ hesperides). vespucci, , , . vinland (new england), , . vinland, map of, . voltaire, story of cortés, . w. waldseemüller, . watling's island, . welsh discovery, , . william iii. and darien scheme, - . wilson, "prehistoric man," , . world, shape of, - . x. xalapa, . xicotencatl, tlascalan, , , - . xicotencatl appearance, . y. yochicalco, . yucatan, , , - . z. zempoalla, "conversion of," . zempoalla, , , . zeni, italian brothers, - . zeno map, , . zipango (japan), , . zodiac, comparative, . zodiac (cut) from a tomb at cusco, . * * * * * transcriber's note: the many spelling and hyphenation discrepancies in this text are as in the original. produced from scans of public domain material produced by microsoft for their live search books site.) transcriber's note a number of typographical errors have been maintained in this version of this book. they have been marked with a [tn-#], which refers to a description in the complete list found at the end of the text. some observations on the ethnography and archÆology of the american aborigines. by samuel george morton, m. d., author of the crania americana, crania Æygptiaca, &c. extracted from the american journal of science, vol. ii, second series. new haven: printed by b. l. hamlen, printer to yale college. . some observations on the ethnography and archÆology of the american aborigines. nothing in the progress of human knowledge is more remarkable than the recent discoveries in american archæology, whether we regard them as monuments of art or as contributions to science. the names of stephens and norman will ever stand preëminent for their extraordinary revelations in mexico and yucatan; which, added to those previously made by del rio, humboldt, waldeck and d'orbigny in these and other parts of our continent, have thrown a bright, yet almost bewildering light, on the former condition of the western world. cities have been explored, replete with columns, bas-reliefs, tombs and temples; the works of a comparatively civilized people, who were surrounded by barbarous yet affiliated tribes. of the builders we know little besides what we gather from their monuments, which remain to astonish the mind and stimulate research. they teach us the value of archæological facts in tracing the primitive condition and cognate relations of the several great branches of the human family; at the same time that they prove to us, with respect to the american race at least, that we have as yet only entered upon the threshold of investigation. in fact, ethnography and archæology should go hand in hand; and the principal object i have in view in giving publicity to the following too desultory remarks, is to impress on travellers and others who are favorably situated for making observations, the importance of preserving every relic, organic or artificial, that can throw any light on the past and present condition of our native tribes. objects of this nature have been too often thrown aside as valueless; or kept as mere curiosities, until they were finally lost or become so defaced or broken as to be useless. to render such relics available to science and art, their history and characteristics should be recorded in the periodicals of the day; by which means we shall eventually possess an accumulated mass of facts that will be all-important to future generalization. i grant that this course has been ably pursued by many intelligent writers, and the american journal of science is a fruitful depository of such observations.[ -*] with every acknowledgment to these praiseworthy efforts, let us urge their active continuance. time and the progress of civilization are daily effacing the vestiges of our aboriginal race; and whatever can be done to rescue these vestiges from oblivion, must be done quickly. we call attention in the first place, to two skulls from a mound about three miles from the mouth of huron river, ohio. they were obtained by mr. charles w. atwater, and forwarded to mr. b. silliman, jr., through whose kindness they have been placed in my hands. these remains possess the greater interest, because the many articles found with them present no trace of european art; thus confirming the opinion expressed in mr. atwater's letter:--"there are a great many mounds in the township of huron," he observes, "all which appear to have been built a long time previous to the intercourse between the indians and the white men. i have opened a number of these mounds, and have not discovered any articles manufactured by the latter. a piece of copper from a small mound is the only metal i have yet found." the stone utensils obtained by mr. atwater in the present instance, were, as usual, arrow heads, axes, knives for skinning deer, sling-stones, and two spheroidal stones on which i shall offer some remarks in another place. the materials of which these articles are formed, are jasper, quartz, granite stained by copper, and clay slate, all showing that peculiar time-worn polish which such substances acquire by long inhumation. the two skeletons were of a man and a woman. "they had been buried on the surface of the ground and the earth raised over them. they lay on their backs with their feet to the west." the male cranium presents, in every particular, the characteristics of the american race. the forehead recedes less than usual in these people, but the large size of the jaws, the quadrangular orbits, and the width between the cheek bones, are all remarkably developed; while the rounded head, elevated vertex, vertical occiput and great inter-parietal diameter, (which is no less than · inches,) render this skull a type of national conformation. (fig. .) [illustration: fig. .] the female head possesses the same general character, but is more elongated in the occipital region, and of more delicate proportions throughout.[ -*] similar in general conformation to these are all the mound and other skulls i have received since the publication of my work on american crania, viz. five from the country of the araucos, in chili, from dr. thomas s. page of valparaiso; six of ancient otomies, tlascalans and chechemecans, from don j. gomez de la cortina of the city of mexico; three from near tampa, in florida, from dr. r. s. holmes, u. s. a.; one from a mound on blue river, illinois, from dr. brown of st. louis; and four sent me by lieut. meigs, u. s. a., who obtained them from the immediate vicinity of detroit, in michigan. to these may be added two others taken from ancient graves near fort chartres, in illinois, by dr. wistlizenus of st. louis; a single cranium from the cemetery of santiago de tlatelolco, near the city of mexico, which i have received through the kindness of the baron von gerolt, prussian minister at washington; and another very old skull from the indian burying grounds at guamay, in northern peru, for which i am indebted to dr. paul swift. last but not least, i may add the skull obtained by mr. stephens[ -*] from a vault at ticul, a ruined aboriginal city of yucatan, and some mutilated but interesting fragments brought me from the latter country, by my friend mr. norman.[ -+] these crania, together with upwards of four hundred others of nearly sixty tribes and nations, derived from the repositories of the dead in different localities over the whole length and breadth of both americas, present a conformable and national type of organization, showing the origin of one to be equally the origin of all. to this prevading[tn- ] cranial type i have already adverted. even the long-headed aymaras of peru, whom, in common with prof. tiedemann, i at first thought to present a congenitally different form of head from the nations who surrounded them, are proved, by the recent discoveries of m. alcide d'orbigny, to have belonged to the same race as the other americans, and to owe their singularly elongated crania to a peculiar mode of artificial compression from the earliest infancy.[ -++] but there is evidence to the same effect, but of more ancient date than any we have yet mentioned. the recent explorations of dr. lund in the district of minas geraes, in brazil, have brought to light human bones which he regards as fossil, because they accompany the remains of extinct genera and species of quadrupeds, and have undergone the same mineral changes with the latter. he has found several crania, all of which correspond in form to the present aboriginal type.[ -§] even the head of the celebrated _guadaloupe skeleton_ forms no exception to the rule. the skeleton itself is well known to be in the british museum, but wants the cranium, which however is supposed to have been recovered in the one more recently found in guadaloupe by mr. l'hérminier, and brought by him to charleston, south carolina. dr. moultrie, who has described this very interesting relic, makes the following observations:--"compared with the cranium of a peruvian presented to prof. holbrook by dr. morton, in the museum of the state of south carolina, the craniological similarity manifested between them is too striking to permit us to question their national identity. there is in both the same coronal elevation, occipital compression, and lateral protuberance accompanied with frontal depression, which mark the american variety in general."[ -*] [illustration: fig. .] there is additional proof of identity, not only of original conformation, but of conventional modification of the form of the head, which i may be excused from reverting to in this place, inasmuch as the materials i shall use have but recently come to my hands. the first of these subjects is represented by the subjoined wood-cut, (fig. .) it was politely sent me by dr. john houstoun, an intelligent surgeon of the british navy, with the following memorandum: "from an ancient town called chiuhiu, or atacama baja, on the river loa, and on the western edge of the desert of atacama. the bodies are nearly all buried _in the sitting posture_, [the conventional usage of most of the american nations from patagonia to canada,] with the hands either placed on each side of the head, or crossed over the breast."[ -+] this cranium (and another received with it) has that remarkable sugar-loaf form which renders them high and broad in front, with a short antero-posterior diameter, both the forehead and occiput bearing evidence of long continued compression. they correspond precisely with the descriptions given by cieza, torquemada and others among the earliest travellers in peru, who saw the natives in various parts of the country with heads rounded precisely in this manner.[ -*] [illustration: fig. .] the second head figured, (fig. ,) is that of a natchez indian,[ -+] obtained from a mound not far from that city by the late mr. james tooley, jr., and by him presented to me. the face in this, as in the former instance, has all the characteristics of the native indian; and the cranium has undergone precisely the same process of artificial compression, although these tribes were separated from each other by the vast geographical distance of four thousand miles! could we discover the cranial remains of the older mexican nations, we should doubtless find many of them to possess the same fanciful type of conformation;[ -++] for if either of the skulls figured above could be again clothed in flesh and blood, would we not have restored to us the very heads that are so abundantly sculptured on the monuments of central america, and so graphically described by herrera, when he tells us that the people of yucatan _flattened their heads and foreheads_? the following diagrams are copied, on an enlarged scale, from mr. stephens's travels,[ -§] and will serve in further illustration of this interesting subject. they are taken from bas-reliefs in the _palace at palenque_. the personage fig. , (whose head-dress we have partly omitted,) appears to be a king or chieftain, at whose feet are two suppliants, naked and cross-legged, of whom we copy the one that preserves the most perfect outline, (fig. .) [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the principal figure has better features and expression than the other, but their heads are formed on the same model; whence we may infer that if the suppliant is a servant or a slave of the same race with his master, the artificial moulding of the cranium was common to all classes. if, on the other hand, we assume that he is an enemy imploring mercy, we come to the conclusion that the singular custom of which we are speaking, was in use among other and surrounding nations; which latter inference is confirmed by other evidence, that, for example, derived from the natchez tribe, and the clay effigies so abundantly found at the ruined temples of the sun and moon at teotihuacan, near the city of mexico.[ -*] i can aver that sixteen years of almost daily comparisons have only confirmed me in the conclusions announced in my _crania americana_, that all the american nations, excepting the eskimaux, are of one race, and that this race is peculiar and distinct from all others. the first of these propositions may be regarded as an axiom in ethnography; the second still gives rise to a diversity of opinions, of which the most prevalent is that which would merge the american race in the mongolian. it has been objected to a common origin for all the american nations, and even for those of mexico, that their _monuments_ should present so great a variety in the configuration of the head and face; a fact which forcibly impresses every one who examines the numerous effigies in baked clay in the collection of the american philosophical society; yet they are all made of the same material and by the same national artists. the varieties are indeed endless; and mr. norman in his first work, has arrived at a reasonable conclusion, in which we entirely agree with him, "that the people prepared these _penates_ according to their respective tastes, and with little reference to any standard or canon."[ -*] they appear to have exercised much ingenuity in this way, blending almost every conceivable type of the human countenance, and associating this again with those of beasts, birds, and various fanciful animals, which last are equal in uncouthness to any productions of the gothic artists of the middle ages. mr. norman in his late and interesting volume of travels in cuba and mexico, discovered in the latter country some remarkable ruins near the town of panuco, and among them a curious sepulchral effigy. "it was a handsome block or slab of stone, (wider at one end than the other,) measuring seven feet in length, with an average of nearly two and a half feet in width and one foot in thickness. upon its face was beautifully wrought, in bold relief, the full length figure of a man, in a loose robe with a girdle about his loins, his arms crossed on his breast, his head encased in a close cap or casque, resembling the roman helmet (as represented in the etchings of pinelli) without the crest, and his feet and ankles bound with the ties of sandals. the figure is that of a tall muscular man of the finest proportions. the face, in all its features, is of the noblest class of the european or caucasian race."[ -+] mr. norman was himself struck "with the resemblance between this, and the stones that cover the tombs of the knights templar in some of the ancient churches of the old world," but he thinks that neither this nor any other circumstance proves this effigy to have been of european origin or of modern date. "the material," he adds, "is the same as that of all the buildings and works of art in this vicinity, and the style and workmanship are those of the great unknown artists of the western hemisphere;" and he arrives at the conclusion, as many ingenuous minds have done before him, that these and the other archæological remains of mexico and yucatan, "are the works of a people who have long since passed away; and not of the races, _or the progenitors of the races_, who inhabited the country at the epoch of the discovery."[ -*] with the highest respect for this intelligent traveller, i am not able to agree with him in his conclusion; but i should not now revive my published opinions or contest his, were it not that some new light appears to me to have dawned on this very question. in the first place, then, we regard the effigy found near panuco as probably caucasian; so does mr. norman; but instead of referring it to a very remote antiquity, or to some european occupancy of mexico long before the spanish conquest, we will venture to suggest, that even if the town of panuco was itself older than that event, (of which indeed we have no doubt,) it is consistent with collateral facts to infer, that the spaniards may have occupied this very town, in common with, or subsequent to, the native inhabitants, and have left this sepulchral monument. that the spaniards did sometimes practice this joint occupancy, is well known; and that they have, in some instances, left their monuments in places wherein even tradition had almost lost sight of their former sojourn, is susceptible of proof. mr. gregg, in a recent and instructive work on the "commerce of the prairies," states the following particulars, which are the more valuable since he had no opinions of his own in reference to the american aborigines, and merely gives the facts as he found them. mr. gregg describes the ruins called _la gran quivira_, about miles south of santa fé, as larger than the present capital of new mexico. the architecture of this deserted city is of hewn stone, and there are the remains of aqueducts eight or ten miles in length leading from the neighboring mountains. these ruins "have been supposed to be the remains of a _pueblo_ or aboriginal city;" but he adds that the occurrence of the spanish coat of arms in more than one instance sculptured and painted upon the houses, prevents the adoption of such an opinion; and that traditional report (and tradition only) mentions this as a city that was sacked and desolated in the indian insurrection of .[ -*] now had it not been for the occurrence of the heraldic paintings, this city might have been still regarded as of purely indian origin and occupancy; as might also the analogous ruins of abo, tagique and chilili in the same vicinity; for although these may have been originally constructed by the natives, yet as they are supposed to be near the ancient mines, it is not improbable that the conquerors in these, as in many other instances, drove out the rightful owners, and took possession for themselves;[ -+] for that they did possess and inhabit the towns above enumerated is a fact beyond question. why may not events of an analogous character have taken place at panuco? was it not probably an indian city into which the spaniards had intruded themselves, and having left traces of their sojourn, as at _la gran quivira_, subsequently, owing to some dire catastrophe, or some new impulse, abandonded[tn- ] it for another and preferable location? this, we suggest, is a reasonable explanation of the presence of the caucasian effigy found by mr. norman among the deserted ruins of panuco. mr. stephens has, i think, conclusively proved that the past and present indian races of mexico were cognate tribes. i had previously arrived at the same conclusion from a different kind of evidence. what was manifest in the physical man is corroborated by his archæological remains. the reiterated testimony of some of the early spanish travellers, and especially of bernal diaz and herrera, is of the utmost importance to this question; and all that is necessary in the chain of evidence, is some link to connect the demi-civilized nations with the present uncultivated and barbarous tribes. these links have been supplied by mr. gregg. those peculiar dwellings and other structures, with inclined or parapet walls,[ -++] and with or without windows, which are common to all epochs of peruvian and mexican architecture, are constructed and occupied by the indians of mexico even at the present day. after describing the general character of these modern domicils, mr. gregg goes on to observe, that "a very curious feature in these buildings, is that there is most generally no direct communication between the street and the lower rooms, into which they descended from a trap-door from the upper story, the latter being accessible by means of a ladder. even the entrance at the upper stories is frequently at the roof. this style of building appears to have been adopted for security against their marauding neighbors of the wilder tribes, with whom they were often at war. "though this was their most usual style of architecture, there still exists a pueblo of taos, composed, for the most part, of but two edifices of very singular structure--one on each side of a creek, and formerly communicating by a bridge. the base story is a mass of near four hundred feet long, a hundred and fifty wide, and divided into numerous apartments, upon which other tiers of rooms are built, one above another, drawn in by regular grades, forming _a pyramidal pile_ of fifty or sixty feet high, and comprising some six or eight stories. the outer rooms only seem to be used for dwellings, and are lighted by little windows at the sides, but are entered through trap-doors in the _azoteas_ or roofs. most of the inner apartments are employed as granaries and storerooms, but a spacious hall in the centre of the mass, known as the _estufa_, is reserved for their secret councils. these two buildings afford habitation, as is said, for over six hundred souls. there is likewise an edifice in the pueblo of picuris of the same class, and some of those of moqui are also said to be similar."[ -*] the indian city of santo domingo, which has an exclusive aboriginal population, is built in the same manner, the material being, as usual, sun-burnt bricks; and my friend dr. wm. gambel informs me, that in a late journey from santa fé across the continent to california, he constantly observed an analogous style of building, as well in the dwellings of the present native inhabitants, as in those older and abandoned structures of whose date little or nothing is known. who does not see in the builders of these humbler dwellings, the descendants of the architects of palenque, and yucatan? the style is the same in both. the same objects have been arrived at by similar modes of construction. the older structures are formed of a better material, generally of hewn stone, and often elaborately ornamented with sculpture. but the absence of all decoration in the modern buildings, is no proof that they have not been erected by people of the same race with those who have left such profusely ornamented monuments in other parts of mexico; for the ruins of pueblo bonito, in the direction of navajo, and those of the celebrated casas grandes on the western colorado, which were regarded by clavigero as among the oldest toltecan remains in mexico, are destitute of sculpture or other decoration. in fact, these last named ruins appear to date with the primitive wanderings of the cultivated tribes, before they established their seats in yucatan and guatimala, and erected those more finished monuments which could only result from the combined efforts of populous communities, acting under the favorable influence of peace and prosperity. every race has had its center or centers of comparative civilization. the american aborigines had theirs in peru, bogota and mexico. the people, the institutions and the architecture were essentially the same in each, though modified by local wants and conventional usages. humboldt was forcibly impressed by this archæological identity, for he himself had traced it, with occasional interruptions, over an extent of a thousand leagues; and we now find that it gradually merges itself into the ruder dwellings of the more barbarous tribes; showing, as i have often remarked, that there is, in every respect, a gradual ethnographic transition from these into the temple-builders of every american epoch.[ -*] i shall close this communication by a notice of certain _discoidal stones_ occasionally found in the mounds of the united states. of these relics i possess sixteen, of which all but two were found by my friend dr. wm. blanding, during his long residence in camden, south carolina. these disks were accompanied, as usual, by earthern[tn- ] vessels, pipes of baked clay, arrow-heads and other articles, respecting which dr. blanding has given me the following locality:--"all the indian relics, save three or four, which i have sent you, were collected on or near the banks of the wateree river, kershaw district, south carolina; the greater part from the mounds or near the foot of them. all the mounds that i have observed in this state, excepting these, do not amount to as many as are found on the wateree within the distance of twenty four miles up and down the river, between lancaster and sumpter districts. the lowest down is called nixon's mound, the highest up, harrison's." "the discoidal stones," adds dr. blanding, "were found at the foot of the different mounds, not in them. they seemed to be left, where they were no doubt used, on the play grounds." the disks are from an inch and a half to six inches in diameter, and present some varieties in other respects. [illustration] fig. represents a profile of the simplest form and at the same time the smallest size of these stones, being in diameter about an inch and three quarters. the upper and under surfaces are nearly plane, with angular edges and oblique margin, but without concavity or perforation. fig. . a similar form, slightly concave on each surface. fig. . a large disk of white quartz, measuring five inches in diameter and an inch and three fourths in thickness. the margin is rounded, and both surfaces are deeply concave though imperforate. fig. is another specimen four inches in diameter, deeply concave from the margin to the center, with a central perforation. the margin itself is slightly convex. the concave surface is marked by two sets of superficial grooved lines, which meet something in the form of a bird-track. this disk is made of a light-brown ferruginous quartz. fig. is a profile view of a solid lenticular stone, much more convex on the one side than the other, formed of hard syenitic rock. besides these there are other slight modifications of form which it is unnecessary to particularize. these disks are made of the hardest stones, and wrought with admirable symmetry and polish, surpassing any thing we could readily conceive of in the humbler arts of the present indian tribes; and the question arises, whether they are not the works of their seemingly extinct progenitors?--of that people of the same race, (but more directly allied to the toltecans of mexico,) who appear in former times to have constituted populous and cultivated communities throughout the valley of the mississippi, and in the southern and western regions towards the gulf of mexico, and whose last direct and lineal representatives were the ill-fated natchez? i have made much inquiry as to the localities of these and analogous remains, but hitherto with little success. i am assured that they have been found in missouri, perhaps near st. louis; and in very rare instances in the northern part of delaware. dr. ruggles has sent me the plaster model of a small, perforated, but irregularly formed stone of this kind, taken from an ancient indian grave at fall river in rhode island; but dr. edwin h. davis, of chilicothe, in a letter recently received from him, informs me that he had obtained, during his excavations in that vicinity, no less than "two hundred flint disks in a single mound, measuring from three and a half to five inches in diameter, and from half an inch to an inch in thickness, of three different forms, round, oval and triangular." these appear, however, to be of a different construction and designed for some other use than those i have described; and dr. davis himself offers the probable suggestion, that "they were rude darts blocked out at the quarries for easy transportation to the indian towns." the same gentleman speaks of having found other disks formed of a micaceous slate, of a dark color and highly polished. these last appear to correspond more nearly to those we have indicated in the above diagrams. besides these disks, i have met with a few spheroidal stones, about three inches in diameter. one of these accompanies the disks from south carolina, and is marked with a groove to receive the thumb in throwing it. a similar but ruder ball is contained among the articles found by mr. atwater in the mound near huron, ohio. what was the use of the disks in question? those who have examined the series in my possession have offered various explanations; but the only one that seems in any degree plausible, is that of my friend dr. blanding, who supposes them to have been used in a game analogous to that of the quoits of the europeans. it is a curious fact that discoidal stones much resembling these have been found in scandinavia;[ -*] whence i was at first led to suppose it possible, especially in consideration of their apparently circumscribed occurrence in this country, that they might have been introduced here by the northmen; a conjecture that seems to lose all foundation since these relics have been found as far west as the mississippi. * * * * * _note._--since the preceding remarks were written, i have received from my friend, mr. william a. foster, of lima, ten skulls and two entire mummied bodies from the peruvian cemetery at arica. "this cemetery," observes mr. foster, "lies on the face of a sandhill sloping towards the sea. the external surface occupied by these tombs, as far as we explored, i should say was five or six acres. in many of the tombs three or four bodies were found clustered together, always _in the sitting posture_, and wrapped in three or four thicknesses of cloth, with a mat thrown over all." these crania possess an unusual interest, inasmuch as, with two exceptions, they present the horizontally elongated form, in every degree from its incipient stage to its perfect development. by what contrivance has the rounded head of the indian been moulded into this fantastic shape? i have elsewhere[ -+] offered some explanations of this subject; but the present series of skulls throws yet more light on it, and enables me to indicate the precise manner in which this singular object has been attained. it is evident that the forehead was pressed downwards and backwards by two compresses, (probably a folded cloth,) one on each side of the frontal suture, which was left free; a fact that explains the cause of the ridge, which, in every instance, replaces that suture by extending from the root of the nose to the coronal suture. to keep these compresses in place, a bandage was carried over them from the base of the occiput obliquely forwards; and then, in order to confine the lateral portions of the skull, the same bandage was continued by another turn over the top of the head, immediately behind the coronal suture, and probably with an intervening compress; and the bandaging was repeated over these parts until they were immovably confined in the desired position. every one who is acquainted with the pliable condition of the cranial bones at birth, will readily conceive how effectually this apparatus would mould the head in the elongated or cylindrical form; for, while it prevents the forehead from rising, and the sides of the head from expanding, it allows the occipital region an entire freedom of growth; and thus without sensibly diminishing the volume of the brain, merely forces it into a new though unnatural direction, while it preserves, at the same time, a remarkable symmetry of the whole structure. the following outline of one of these skulls, will further illustrate my meaning; merely premising that the course of the bandages is in every instance distinctly marked by a corresponding cavity of the bony structure, excepting on the forehead, where the action of a firm compress has left a plane surface. [illustration] this conformation, as we have already observed, was prevalent among the old aymara tribes which inhabited the shores and islands of the lake of titicaca, and whose civilization seems evidently to antedate that of the inca peruvians. i was in fact at one time led to consider this form of head as peculiar to, and characteristic of, the former people; but mr. foster's extensive observations conclusively prove that it was as common among some tribes of the sea coast, as among those of the mountainous region of bolivia; that it belonged to no particular nation or tribe; and that it was, in every instance, the result of mechanical compression. in my crania americana i have given abundant instances of a remarkable vertical flattening of the occiput, and irregularity of its sides, among the inca peruvians who were buried in the royal cemetery of pachacamac, near lima. these heads present no other deviation from the natural form; and even this irregularity i have thought might be accounted for by a careless mode of binding the infant to the simple board, which, among many indian tribes of both north and south america, is a customary substitute for a cradle. it is probable, however, that even this configuration was intentional, and may have formed a distinctive badge of some particular _caste_ of these singular people, among whom a perfectly natural cranium was of extremely rare occurrence. we are now acquainted with _four_ forms of the head among the old peruvians which were produced by artificial means, viz: . the horizontally elongated, or cylindrical form, above described. . the conical or sugar-loaf form, represented in the preceding diagrams. . the simple flattening or depression of the forehead, causing the rest of the head to expand, both posteriorly and laterally; a practice yet prevalent among the chenooks and other tribes at the north of the columbia river, in oregon. . a simple vertical elevation of the occiput, giving the head in most instances a squared and inequilateral form. a curious decree of the ecclesiastical court of lima, dated a. d. , and quoted by the late prof. blumenbach, alludes to at least four artificial conformations of the head, even then common among the peruvians, and forbids the practice of them under certain specified penalities.[tn- ] these forms were called in the language of the natives, "caito, oma, opalla, &c.;" and the continuance of them at that period, affords another instance of the tenacity with which the peruvians clung to the usages of their forefathers. footnotes: [ -*] see more particularly the communications of mr. r. c. taylor, in vol. xxxiv, of mr. s. taylor, in vol. xxxiv, and of prof. forshey in vol. xlix. [ -*] we take this occasion to observe, that skulls taken from the mounds, should at once be saturated with a solution of glue or gum, or with any kind of varnish, by which precaution further decomposition is effectually prevented. [ -*] incidents of travel in yucatan, i, p. . [ -+] rambles in yucatan, p. . [ -++] l'homme americain, tome i, p. . i corrected my error before i had the pleasure of seeing m. d'orbigny's very interesting work. amer. jour. of science, vol. xxxviii, no. . jour. acad. nat. sciences of philadelphia, vol. viii; and again in my distinctive characteristics of the aboriginal race of america, p. . [ -§] see proceedings of the acad. of nat. sciences of philadelphia for dec. . [ -*] amer. jour. of science, xxxii, p. . [ -+] see proceedings of the acad. of nat. sciences of phila., vol. ii, p. . if i mistake not, i was the first to bring forward this _mode of interment_ practiced by our aboriginal nations, as a strong evidence of the unity of the american race. "thus it is that notwithstanding the diversity of language, customs and intellectual character, we trace this usage throughout both americas, affording, as we have already stated, collateral evidence of the affiliation of all the american tribes."--crania americana, p. , and pl. . mr. bradford in his valuable work, _american antiquities_, has added some examples of the same kind; and the chevalier d'eichthal has also adduced this custom, in connexion with some traces of it in polynesia, to prove an exotic origin for a part at least of the american race. see _mémoires de la société ethnologique de paris_, tome ii, p. . whence arose this conventional position of the body in death? this question has been often asked and variously answered. it is obviously an imitation of the attitude which the living indian habitually assumes when sitting at perfect ease, and which has been naturally transferred to his lifeless remains as a fit emblem of repose. [ -*] crania americana, p. . [ -+] i have been looking to dr. dickerson, of natchez, for more complete details derived from the tumuli of that ancient tribe which formed a link between the mexican nations on the one hand, and the savage hordes on the other. dr. dickerson is amply provided with interesting and important materials for this inquiry, which we trust he will soon make public. [ -++] the skull brought me from ticul by mr. stephens, is that of a young female. it presents the natural rounded form; which accords with the observation of m. d'orbigny, (l'homme americain,) that the artificial moulding of the head among some tribes of peruvians was chiefly confined to the men. [ -§] travels in central america, vol. ii, p. . [ -*] crania americana, p. . [ -*] rambles in yucatan, p. . [ -+] rambles by land and water, p. . [ -*] rambles by land and water, p. . [ -*] commerce of the prairies, i, p. . [ -+] ibid. i, [tn- ] . [ -++] i am aware that the walls of the ancient mexican and peruvian edifices are often vertical; but where this is the case the pyramidal form is attained by piling, one on the other, successive tiers of masonry, each receding from the other and leaving a parapet or platform at its base. [ -*] commerce of the prairies, i, p. . [ -*] see my inquiry into the distinctive characteristics of the aboriginal race of america, d edit., philad. . [ -*] see journal of the antiquarian society of denmark, published in copenhagen in the danish language, vol. i, tab. , figs. , . [ -+] jour. acad. nat. sciences of philad., vol. viii. transcriber's note the following misspellings and typographical errors were maintained. page error tn- prevading should read pervading tn- abandonded should read abandoned tn- earthern should read earthen tn- penalities should read penalties tn- fn. -+ ibid. i, . should read ibid. i, p. . transcriber's note a number of typographical errors have been maintained in this version of this book. they have been marked with a [tn-#], which refers to a description in the complete list found at the end of the text. a record of study in aboriginal american languages by daniel g. brinton, a.m., m.d., ll.d., sc.d., _professor of american archæology and linguistics in the university of pennsylvania_ printed for private distribution media, pa., press of the new era printing company, lancaster, pa. prefatory. if this review of my own work in the field of american linguistics requires an apology, i may say that the preparation of it was suggested to me by my late friend, mr. james constantine pilling, whose admirable volumes on the bibliography of american aboriginal languages are familiar to all students. he had experienced the difficulty of cataloguing the articles of writers whose contributions extend over many years, and have been published in different journals, proceedings of societies and volumes, and was impressed with the advantage of an analytical list composed by the author himself. with this in view, i have arranged the present survey of my writings in this branch of science, extending over a period of two score years. they are grouped geographically, and sufficient reference to their contents subjoined to indicate their aims and conclusions. d. g. brinton. media, penna., november, . i. general articles and works. . the philosophic grammar of american languages as set forth by wilhelm von humboldt; with the translation of an unpublished memoir by him on the american verb. pp. . in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . on polysynthesis and incorporation as characteristics of american languages. pp. . in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . characteristics of american languages. _american antiquarian_, january, . . on certain morphologic traits in american languages. _american antiquarian_, october, . . on various supposed relations between the american and asiatic races. _memoirs_ of the international congress of anthropology, . . the present status of american linguistics. _memoirs_ of the international congress of anthropology, . . american languages and why we should study them. an address delivered before the pennsylvania historical society. pp. . in _pennsylvania magazine of history and biography_, . . the rate of change in american languages. in _science_, vol. x., . . traits of primitive speech, illustrated from american languages. in _proceedings_ of the american association for the advancement of science, august, . . the language of palæolithic man. pp. . in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, october, . . the american race: a linguistic classification and ethnographic description of the native tribes of north and south america. pp. . new york, . . the standard dictionary (indian words in). new york, . . aboriginal american authors and their productions, especially those in the native languages. pp. . philadelphia, . . american aboriginal poetry. pp. . in _proceedings_ of the numismatic and antiquarian society of philadelphia, . . the conception of love in some american languages. pp. . in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, november, . the earlier numbers, ( - ,) in the above list are occupied with the inquiry whether the native american languages, as a group, have peculiar morphological traits, which justify their classification as one of the great divisions of human speech. in this question, i have been a disciple of wilhelm von humboldt and professor h. steinthal, and have argued that the phenomenon of incorporation, in some of its forms, is markedly present in the vast majority, if not in all, american tongues. that which has been called "polysynthesis" is one of these forms. this is nothing more than a familiar, nigh universal, grammatic process carried to an extreme degree. it is the _dvanda_ of the sanscrit grammarians, an excellent study of which has recently appeared from the pen of dr. h. c. müller.[ - ] in its higher forms incorporation subordinates the nominal concepts of the phrase to those of time and relation, which are essentially verbal, and this often where the true verbal concept, that of abstract action, is lacking, and the verb itself is in reality a noun in the possessive relation.[ - ][tn- ] even extremely simple american languages, such as the zoque, display the tendency to energetic synthesis;[ - ] while many of them carry the incorporative quality to such a degree that the sentence becomes one word, a good example of which is the micmac.[ - ] some american and french writers have misunderstood the nature of this trait, and have denied it; but the student who acquaints himself thoroughly with the authors above mentioned, will not be misled.[ - ] the ms. of the memoir by w. von humboldt i obtained from the berlin library. even professor steinthal, in his edition of humboldt's linguistic works, had overlooked it. it is a highly philosophic analysis of the verb, as it occurs in the languages of the following tribes: abipones, achaguas, betoyas, caribs, huastecas, lules, maipures, mayas, mbayas, mexicans (nahuas), mixtecas, mocovis, omaguas, otomis, tamanacas, totonacos, tupis, yaruros. in ( ) i have examined the various alleged affiliations between american and asiatic tongues, and showed they are wholly unfounded. in ( ) i have entered a plea for more attention to american languages. not only for ethnographic purposes are they useful, but their primitive aspects and methods of presenting ideas enable us to solve psychological and grammatic problems more completely than other tongues. in support of this, in ( ) and ( ), i endeavor to outline what must have been the morphology of the language which man spoke when in the very beginning of his existence as man; a speech of marvelous simplicity, but adapted to his wants. the volume, of nearly four hundred pages, entitled _the american race_ (no. ) was the first attempt at a systematic classification of all the tribes of america, north, central and south, on the basis of language. it defines seventy-nine linguistic stocks in north america and sixty-one in south america. the number of tribes named and referred to these stocks is nearly sixteen hundred. several of these stocks are defined for the first time, such as the tequistlatecan of mexico, the matagalpan of central america, and in south america the timote, the paniquita, the cocanuca, the mocoa, the betoya, the lamuca, etc. in the article ( ) i show that, contrary to an oft expressed opinion, the rate of change in these unwritten tongues is remarkably slow, not greater than in cultivated languages. when the publishers of the _standard dictionary_ (new york, ) were preparing that well-known work, they placed in my hands all the words in the english language derived from the native tongues of america. although the etymology of some of them remains obscure, i believe the derivation of all positively traced will be found presented. i early became convinced that the translations of books of devotion, etc., into the native tongues gave no correct impression of those tongues. the ideas conveyed were foreign to the primitive mind, and the translations were generally by foreigners who had not completely mastered the idioms. hence, the only true reflex of a language is in the words and thoughts of the natives themselves, in their indigenous literature. this led me to project the publication of a series of volumes containing writings, preferably on secular subjects, by natives in their own languages. that there is such a literature i undertook to show in ( ) and ( ). the former was the expansion of a paper presented to the international congress of americanists at copenhagen. it contains a list of native american authors and notices of a number of their works composed in their own tongues. that on "aboriginal poetry" vindicates for native american bards a respectable position among lyric and dramatic composers. that some of the central subjects of poetic literature--the emotions of love and friendship--exist, and often in no low form of sentiment, among these natives, i have undertaken to show by an analysis of a number of terms expressing these feelings in five leading american linguistic stocks, the algonkin, nahuatl, maya, quechua and tupi (no. ). following out this plan, i began in the publication of "the library of aboriginal american literature." each volume was to contain a work composed in a native tongue by a native; but those based upon foreign inspiration, such as sermons, etc., were to be excluded. each was to be translated and edited with sufficient completeness to make it available for the general student. of this "library" eight volumes were issued, the first in , the eighth in , when i ceased the publication, not from lack of material, but because i had retired in from my connection with the publishing business and became more engaged in general anthropological pursuits. the "library," as issued, contains the following numbers: no. i. the chronicles of the mayas. edited by daniel g. brinton, m. d. pages. . this volume contains five brief chronicles in the maya language, written shortly after the conquest, and carrying the history of that people back many centuries. to these is added a history of the conquest, written in his native tongue, by a maya chief, in . this interesting account has been published separately, with an excellent grammatical and lexical analysis by the count de charencey, under the title _chrestomathie maya, d'après la chronique de chac-xulub-chen_ (paris, ). the texts are preceded by an introduction on the history of the mayas, their language, calendar, numerical system, etc.; and a vocabulary is added at the close. no. ii. the iroquois book of rites. edited by horatio hale. pages. . this work contains, in the mohawk and onondaga languages, the speeches, songs and rituals with which a deceased chief was lamented and his successor installed in office. the introduction treats of the ethnology and history of the huron-iroquois. a map, notes and glossary complete the work. no. iii. the comedy-ballet of güegüence. edited by daniel g. brinton, m. d. pages. . a curious and unique specimen of the native comic dances, with dialogues, called _bailes_, formerly common in central america. it is in the mixed nahuatl-spanish jargon of nicaragua, and shows distinctive features of native authorship. the introduction treats of the ethnology of nicaragua, and the local dialects, musical instruments and dramatic representations. a map and a number of illustrations are added. no. iv. a migration legend of the creek indians. edited by a. s. gatschet. pages. . offers a survey of the ethnology of the native tribes of the gulf states. the legend told to governor oglethorpe, in , by the creeks, is given in the original. no. v. the lenâpé and their legends. edited by daniel g. brinton, m. d. pages. . contains the complete text and symbols, in number, of the "walum olum," or "red score," of the delaware indians, with the full original text, and a new translation, notes and vocabulary. a lengthy introduction treats of the lenâpé or delawares, their history, customs, myths, language, etc., with numerous references to other tribes of the great algonkin stock. no. vi. the annals of the cakchiquels. edited by daniel g. brinton, m. d. pages. . the original text, written about , by a member of the reigning family, with a translation, introduction, notes and vocabulary. this may be considered one of the most important historical documents relating to the pre-columbian period. no. vii. ancient nahuatl poetry. edited by daniel g. brinton, m. d. pages. . in this volume twenty-seven songs in the original nahuatl are presented, with translation, notes, vocabulary, etc. many of them date from before the conquest and none later than the sixteenth century. the introduction describes the ancient poetry of the nahuas in all its bearings. no. viii. rig veda americanus. edited by daniel g. brinton, m. d. pages. . presents the original text with a gloss in nahuatl of twenty sacred chants of the ancient mexicans. they are preserved in the madrid mss. of father sahagun, and date anterior to the conquest. a paraphrase, notes and a vocabulary are added, and a number of curious illustrations are reproduced from the original. the edition of each of these was about copies, except no. ii., of which were printed. a complete set is now difficult to obtain. ii. north american languages north of mexico. . lenâpé-english dictionary. from an anonymous ms. in the archives of the moravian church at bethlehem, pa., with additions, by daniel g. brinton and rev. albert seqaqkind anthony, to, pp. . philadelphia, . published by the historical society of pennsylvania. . the lenâpé and their legends; with the complete text and symbols of the walum olum, a new translation and an inquiry into its authenticity. pp. . illustrated. philadelphia, . . lenâpé conversations. in _american journal of folk-lore_, vol. i. . the shawnees and their migrations. in _american historical magazine_, january, . . the chief god of the algonkins, in his character as a cheat and liar. in the _american antiquarian_, may, . . on certain supposed nanticoke words shown to be of african origin. _american antiquarian_, . . vocabulary of the nanticoke dialect. proceedings of the _american philosophical society_, november, . . the natchez of louisiana, an offshoot of the civilized nations of central america. in the _historical magazine_ (new york), for january, . . on the language of the natchez. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, december, . . grammar of the choctaw language. by the rev. cyrus byington. edited from the original ms. by d. g. brinton. pp. . in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . contributions to a grammer[tn- ] of the muskokee language. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, march, . . the floridian peninsula, its literary history, indian tribes, and antiquities. vo, cloth, pp. . philadelphia, . . the taensa grammar and dictionary. a deception exposed. in _american antiquarian_, march, . . the taensa grammar and dictionary. a reply to m. lucien adam. in _american antiquarian_, september, . within the area of the united states, my articles have been confined practically to two groups, the algonkian dialects and those spoken in florida and the gulf states. the delaware indians or lenni lenâpé, who occupied the valley of the delaware river and the land east of it to the ocean, although long in peaceful association with the white settlers, were never studied, linguistically, except by the moravian missionaries, in the latter half of the eighteenth century. in examining the mss. in the moravian church at bethlehem, pa., i discovered a ms. dictionary of their tongue, containing about , words. this i had carefully copied, and induced a native delaware, an educated clergyman of the english church, the rev. albert seqaqkind anthony, to pass a fortnight at my house, going over it with me, word by word. the ms. thus revised, was published by the historical society of pennsylvania as the first number of its "student series." various interesting items illustrating the beliefs and customs of the delawares of the present day, communicated to me by mr. anthony, i collected into the article ( ), "lenâpé conversations." a few years previous i had succeeded in obtaining the singular ms. referred to by c. s. rafinesque, in , as the "painted record" of the delaware indians, the _walum olum,_ properly, "painted" or "red" "score." this i reproduced in no. , with the accessories mentioned above (p. ). there is no doubt of the general authenticity of this record. a corroboration of it was sent me in march of this year ( ) by dr. a. s. gatschet, of the u. s. bureau of american ethnology. he writes: "when the delaware delegate, johnnycake, was here for the last time, he told mr. j. b. n. hewitt (also attached to the bureau) that some of the lenâpé indians, near nowata, cherokee nation, had seen your publication on the _walum olum_. they belong to the oldest men of that tribe, and stated that the text was all right, and that they remembered the songs from their youth. they could give many additions, and said that a few passages were in the wrong order and had to be placed elsewhere to give them the full meaning they were intended to convey." this was cheering confirmation to me that my labor had not been expended on a fantastic composition of rafinesque's, as some have been inclined to think. some years ago i contemplated the publication of a work through the american folklore society on algonquian mythology. various reasons led me to lay it aside. part of the material was introduced into my works on the general mythology of the american tribes,[ - ] and one fragment appeared in ( ) in which i offered a psychological explanation of the character of the hero god gluscap, so prominent in the legends of the micmacs and abenakis. at that time i was not acquainted with the ingenious suggestions on the etymology of the name subsequently advocated by the native author, joseph nicolar.[ - ] the nanticokes lived on the eastern shore of chesapeake bay. in collecting their vocabularies i found one alleged to have been obtained from them, but differing completely from the algonquian dialects. it had been partly printed by dr. benjamin smith barton,[ - ] but remained a puzzle. my article ( ) proves that it belongs to the mandingo language of western africa. it was doubtless obtained from some negro slave. the nanticoke vocabulary ( ) was secured in for mr. thomas jefferson. i give the related terms in the other dialects of the stock. the natchez are an interesting people of whose rites we have strange accounts from the early french explorers. their language is a small stock by itself. at one time i thought it related to the maya ( ); but this is probably an error. in ( ) i printed a vocabulary of words obtained for me from a native, together with some slight grammatical material. the taensas were a branch of the natchez, speaking the same tongue; but in , j. parisot presented an article of half a dozen pages to the international congress of americanists on what he called the "hastri or taensa language," totally different from the natchez.[ - ] subsequently this was expanded to a volume, and appeared as tome ix. of the _bibliothêque linguistique américaine_ (maisonneuve et cie, paris) introduced by the well-known scholars lucien adam and albert s. gatschet. it passed unchallenged until , when i proved conclusively that the whole was a forgery of some young seminarists, and had been palmed off on these unsuspecting scientists out of a pleasure in mystification ( ). as i have given the details elsewhere, i shall not repeat them.[ - ] the works of pareja in the timuquana tongue of florida were unknown to linguists when, in , i published the little volume ( ). in it, however, i called attention to them, and from the scanty references in hervas expressed the opinion that it might be related to the carib. this was an error, as no such affinity appears on the fuller examination of the tongue now possible, since pareja's grammar has been republished,[ - ] and texts of the timuquana have been reproduced by buckingham smith.[ - ] the language stands alone, an independent stock. iii. mexican and central american languages. . the native calendar of central america and mexico. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, november, . . the lineal measures of the semi-civilized nations of mexico and central america. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, january, . . on the chontallis and popolucas. in the compte rendu du congrés des américanistes, . . the study of the nahuatl language. in the _american antiquarian_, january, . . the written language of the ancient mexicans. in _transactions_ of the american philosophical society, . . the ancient phonetic alphabet of yucatan. in _american historical magazine_, . . the graphic system and ancient records of the mayas. in _contributions to american ethnology_, vol. v., washington, . . the phonetic elements in the graphic systems of the mayas and mexicans. in _american antiquarian_, november, . . on the "ikonomatic" method of phonetic writing. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . a primer of mayan hieroglyphics. pp. . boston, . . what the mayan inscriptions tell about. in _american archæologist_, . . on the "stone of the giants" near orizaba, mexico. in _proceedings_ of the numismatic and antiquarian society of philadelphia, . . on the nahuatl version of sahagun's historia de la nueva españa, at madrid. in the _compte rendu_ of the congrés international des americanistes, ^eme session. . on the words "anahuac" and "nahuatl." in _american antiquarian_, november, . . on the so-called alagüilac language of guatemala. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, november, . . the güegüence; a comedy ballet in the nahuatl-spanish dialect of nicaragua. pp . philadelphia, . . ancient nahuatl poetry; containing the nahuatl text of twenty-seven ancient mexican poems; with translation, introduction, notes and vocabulary. pp. . . . rig veda americanus. sacred songs of the ancient mexicans, with a gloss in nahuatl. with paraphrase, notes and vocabulary. pp. . illustrated. philadelphia, . . a notice of some manuscripts of central american languages. in the _american journal of science and arts_ (new haven), march, . . the maya chronicles. pp. . philadelphia, . . the books of chilan balam, the prophetic and historic records of the mayas of yucatan. in the _penn monthly_, march, . . the names of the gods in the kiche myths. pp. . in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . on the chane-abal (four-language) tribe and dialect of chiapas. in the _american anthropologist_, january, . . a grammar of the cakchiquel language of guatemala. translated from an ancient spanish ms., with an introduction and numerous additions. pp. . in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . the annals of the cakchiquels. the original text, with a translation, notes and introduction. pp. . illustrated. philadelphia, . . on some affinities of the otomi and tinné stocks. international congress of americanists, . . observations on the chinantec language of mexico and the mazatec language and its affinities. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . notes on the mangue dialect. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, november, . . on the xinca indians of guatemala. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, october, . . the ethnic affinities of the guetares of costa rica. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, december, . . on the matagalpan linguistic stock of central america. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, december, . . some vocabularies from the mosquito coast. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, march, . the _popol vuh_, or "sacred book" of the quiches of guatemala was published by the abbé brasseur in . the study ( ) is an effort to analyze the names of the gods which it contains and to extract their symbolic significance. the chane-abal dialect of chiapas ( ) is a mixed jargon, the component elements of which i have endeavored to set forth from ms. material collected by dr. berendt. another language of chiapas is the "chapanecan." in ( ) and also in the introduction to ( ) i have shown, from unpublished sources, its close relationship to the mangue of nicaragua. the mazatec language of oaxaca, is examined for the first time in ( ) from material supplied me by mr. a. pinart. it is shown to have relations with the chapanecan and others with costa rican tongues. the article on the chinantec, ( ) a little-known tongue of oaxaca, is an analysis of its forms and a vocabulary from the _doctrina_ of father barreda and notes of dr. berendt. the cakchiquels occupied most of the soil of guatemala at the period of the conquest, and their tongue was that chosen to be the "metropolitan" language of the diocess. in ( ) i gave a translation of an unpublished grammar of it, the ms. being one in the archives of the american philosophical society. in some respects it is superior to the grammar of flores. the higher culture of the tribes of central america and mexico gives a special interest to the study of their languages, oral and written; for with some of them we find moderately well-developed methods of recording ideas. much of this culture was intimately connected with their astrological methods and these with their calendar. this remarkable artificial computation of time, based on the relations of the numerals and applied to various periods, was practically the same among the mayas, nahuas, zapotecs, mixtecs, chapanecs, otomis and tarascos--seven different linguistic stocks--and unknown elsewhere on the globe. the study of it ( ) is exclusively from its linguistic and symbolic side. it is strange that nowhere in north america was any measure of weight known to the natives. their lineal measures were drawn chiefly from the proportions of the human body. they are investigated in ( ). under the names _chontalli_ and _popoluca_, both nahuatl words indicating "foreigners," ethnographers have included tribes of wholly diverse lineage. in ( ) i have shown that some are tzentals, others tequistlatecas, ulvas, mixes, zapotecs, nahuas, lencas and cakchiquels, thus doing away with the confusion introduced by these inappropriate ethnic terms. no. ( ) is an article for the use of students of the nahuatl language, mentioning the principal grammars, dictionaries and text-books which are available. the numbers ( ), ( ), ( ), ( ), ( ), ( ), ( ) and ( ), are devoted to the methods of writing invented by the cultured natives of mexico and central america in order to preserve their literature, such as it was. the methods are various, that of the nahuas not being identical with that of the mayas. the former is largely phonetic, but in a peculiar manner, for which i have proposed the term of "ikonomatic," the principle being that of the rebus. that this method can be successfully applied to the decipherment of inscriptions i demonstrated in the translation of one which is quite celebrated, the "stone of the giants" at orizaba, mexico ( ). the translation i proposed has been fully accepted.[ - ] the "primer of mayan hieroglyphics" ( ) was intended as a summary of what had been achieved up to that time ( ) by students in this branch. it endeavored, moreover, to render to each student the credit of his independent work; and as, unfortunately, some, notably in germany, had put forward as their own what belonged to others of earlier date, the book naturally was not very well treated by such reviewers. its aim, however, to present a concise and fair statement of what had been accomplished in its field up to the date of its publication was generally conceded to have been attained. much of the considerable manuscript material which i have accumulated on the languages of this section of the continent was obtained from the collections of the late dr. carl hermann berendt and the abbé e. c. brasseur (de bourbourg). when in spain, in , i found in the royal library the ms. of the earlier portion of sahagun's "history of new spain" in nahuatl. i described it in ( ). the term "anahuac" has long been applied to the territory of mexico. dr. e. seler, of berlin, published an article asserting that this was an error, and devoid of native authority. in ( ) i pointed out that in this he was wrong, as early nahuatl records use it in this sense. the alaguilac language of guatemala, long a puzzle to linguistics, is shown in ( ) to be an isolated dialect of the nahuatl. nos. ( ), ( ), ( ), ( ) and ( ), have been already mentioned. the term _chilan balam_, which may be freely rendered "the inspired speaker," was the title of certain priests of the native mayas. many records in the maya tongue, written after the conquests, go by the name of "the books of chilan balam." they have never been published, but copies of them, made by dr. berendt, are in my possession. their purpose and contents were described in ( ). there are reasons for believing that previous to the arrival of the cakchiquels in guatemala its area was largely peopled by xincas. of this little-known stock i present in ( ) three extended vocabularies, from unpublished sources, with comments on the "culture-words." some apparent but no decisive affinities between the otomi of mexico and the tinné or athapascan dialects are shown in ( ); and in ( ) the ancient guetares of costa rica are proved, on linguistic evidence, to have been members of the talamancan linguistic stock. the matagalpan is an interesting family, first defined in _the american race_, and in ( ) more fully discussed, as they survive in san salvador. in ( ) some unpublished vocabularies from the tribe of the ramas, on the mosquito coast, place them as members of the changuina stock, most of whom dwelt on the isthmus of panama. iv. south american and antillean languages. . remarks on the ms. arawack vocabulary of schultz. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . the arawack language of guiana in its linguistic and ethnological relations. in _transactions_ of the american philosophical society, . . studies in south american languages. pp. . in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . some words from the andagueda dialect of the choco stock. in _proceedings_ of american philosophical society, november, . . vocabulary of the noanama dialect of the choco stock. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, november, . . note on the puquina language of peru. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, november, . . further notes on the betoya dialects. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, october, . . the linguistic cartography of the chaco region. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, october, . . further notes on fuegian languages. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, . . on two recent, unclassified vocabularies from south america. in _proceedings_ of the american philosophical society, october, . the library of the american philosophical society contains a ms. copy of the arawack vocabulary of the missionary schultz, the same work, apparently, which was edited from another copy by m. lucien adam in . a study of this ms. led me to discover the identity of the so-called "lucayan" of the bahamas, the language of cuba, fragments of which have been presented, and the "taino" of haiti, with the arawack. they had previously been considered either of mayan or caribbean affinities. the results are presented in ( ). the "studies" in ( ) are ten in number. no. i. is on the tacana language and its dialects, and is the only attempt, up to the present time, to determine the boundaries and character of this tongue. texts and a vocabulary in five of its dialects are given. no. ii. is on the jivaro or xebero tongue, and is entirely from unpublished sources. a grammatical sketch, texts and a vocabulary give a moderately complete material for comparison. no. iii. presents the first printed account of the cholona language on the river huallaga, drawn from mss. in the british museum. in no. iv. is a discussion of the relations of the leca language spoken on the rio mapiri. no. v. contains a text of some length in the manao dialect of the arawack stock, the original ms. being in the british museum. the bonaris are an extinct tribe of the carib stock. no. vi. contains the only vocabulary which has been preserved of their dialect. on a loose sheet in the british museum, among papers on patagonia, i found a short vocabulary in a tongue called "hongote," which i could not locate and hence published it in no. vii. it subsequently proved to be one of the north pacific coast languages. the same "study" presents a comparative vocabulary in fourteen patagonian dialects, with notes (tsoneca, tehuelche, puelche, tekennika (yahgan), alikuluf, etc.). in study no. viii. are discussed the various dialects of the kechua or quichua tongue of peru, with an unpublished text from the pacasa dialect. no. ix. examines the affinities which have been noted between the languages of north and south america, especially in the mazatec and costa rican dialects of the northern continent. finally, no. x. aims to define for the first time the linguistic stock to which belong the dialects of the betoyas, tucanos, zeonas and other tribes on the rivers napo, meta, apure and their confluents. further information on this stock is given in ( ). the choco stock extends widely over the northwest angle of the southern continent. in ( ) and ( ) i have printed short vocabularies of some of its dialects secured for me from living natives by mr. henry g. granger. the puquina language of peru was quite unknown to linguists when, in , i published the article ( ) containing material in it from the extremely rare work of geronimo de ore, entitled _rituale peruanum_ (naples, ). since then an extended essay upon it has been written by m. de la grasserie. in the "further notes on the fuegian languages" ( ), i have printed an alikuluf vocabulary of , with comparisons, and given a vocabulary of the idiom of the onas, pointing out some affinities with the yahgan. few linguistic areas on the continent have been more obscure than that called "el gran chaco," in northern argentina and southern bolivia. in ( ) i have mapped the area from ° to ° south latitude and ° to ° west longitude, defining the boundaries of each of the seven linguistic stocks which occupied it, to wit, the ennima, guaycuru, lule, mataco, quechua, samucu and tupi, with discussions of some uncertain dialects, as the calchaqui, lengua, querandi, charua, payagua. in ( ) recent vocabularies of the andoa and cataquina tongues are examined and their linguistic relations discussed. many of the above articles, written previous to , were collected by me in that year and published in a volume entitled "essays of an americanist" (pp. . philadelphia). for the convenience of those who may wish to refer to them i add here a complete list of the essays which it contains. part i.--ethnologic and archÆologic.--a review of the data for the study of the prehistoric chronology of america. on palæoliths, american and others. on the alleged mongolian affinities of the american race. the probable nationality of the mound-builders of the ohio valley. the toltecs of mexico and their fabulous empire. part ii.--mythology and folk-lore.--the sacred names in the mythology of the quiches of guatemala. the hero-god of the algonkins as a cheat and liar. the journey of the soul in egyptian, aryan and american mythology. the sacred symbols of the cross, the svastika and the triqetrum in america. the modern folk-lore of the natives of yucatan. the folk-lore of the modern lênapé indians. part iii.--graphic systems and literature.--the phonetic elements in the hieroglyphs of the mayas and mexicans. the ikonomatic method of phonetic writing used by the ancient mexicans. the writings and records of the ancient mayas of yucatan. the books of chilan balam, the sacred volume of the modern mayas. translation of the inscription on "the stone of the giants" at orizaba, mexico. the poetry of the american indians, with numerous examples. part iv.--linguistic.--american aboriginal languages, and why we should study them. wilhelm von humboldt's researches in american languages. some characteristics of american languages. the earliest form of human speech, as revealed by american languages. the conception of love, as expressed in some american languages. the lineal measures of the semi-civilized nations of mexico and central america. the curious hoax about the taensa language. footnotes: [ - ] _beiträge zur lehre der wortzusammensetzung._ leiden. . [ - ] in this connection i would refer students to an instructive passage of heinrich wrinkler on "die hauptformen in den amerikanischen sprachen," in his work _zur sprachgeschichte_ (berlin, ) and to his essay on the pokonchi language in his _weiteres zur sprachgeschichte_, (berlin, ). [ - ] see my remarks on this tongue in the _american anthropologist_, august, , p. . [ - ] interesting examples in the preface to s. t. rand's _micmac dictionary_ (halifax, ). [ - ] notably with steinthal's _charakteristik des hauptsächlichsten typen des sprachbaues._ [ - ] _the myths of the new world_ (third edition, ); _american hero myths_ ( ). [ - ] _life and traditions of the red man_ (bangor, ). [ - ] _new views of the origin of the tribes of america_ (philadelphia, ). [ - ] _actas del congreso internacional de americanistas_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ - ] see the article "the curious hoax of the taensa language," in my _essays of an americanist_, pp. - . (philadelphia, .) [ - ] in tome xi., of the _bibliothêque linguistique américaine_. [ - ] privately printed, . [ - ] see garrick mallery in _ th annual report of the bureau of ethnology_, pp. , sqq. (washington, ). index. abenakis, abipones, achaguas, adam, l., , alaguilac language, algonkin, , algonquian mythology, alikuluf, , american authors, aboriginal, american languages, american race, the, americanists, congress of, "anahuac", andagueda, andoa, anthony, a. s., antillean languages, arawack, , asiatic analogies, _bailes_, barton, b. s., berendt, c. h., , betoya, , , bonaris, brasseur, e. c., , byington, c., cakchiquels, , calchaqui, calendar, native, carib, , , cataquina, chaco, el gran, chane-abal language, changuina, chapanecs, charua, chiapas, chilan balam, chinantec, choco, choctaw grammar, cholona, chontallis, cocanuca, costa rica, , creeks, cuba, language of, delaware, , _dvanda_, the, ennima, floridian peninsula, fuegian languages, gatschet, a. s., , , gluscap, gods, names of, granger, h. g., grasserie, r., guatemala, , guaycuru, güegüence, guetares, haiti, language of, hale, h., "hastri" language, hongote, huasteca, humboldt, w. von, huron, "ikonomatic" method, the, incorporation, iroquois, johnnycake, jefferson, t., jivaro, kechua, kiche myths, leca, lenâpé, , lenâpé dictionary, lenâpé conversations, lencas, lengua, library of aborig. literature, lineal measures, love, conception of, lucayan, lule, , maipure, manao, mandingo language, mangue, mata co, matagalpan, maya, , , mayan hieroglyphics, mayan inscriptions, mazatec, mbaya, measures, lineal, mexican, micmacs, mixes, mixteca, , mocoa, mocovi, mohawk, morphology of amer. langs., mosquito coast[tn- ] muller,[tn- ] h. c., muskokee, mythology, american, myths of new world, nahuatl, , , nahuatl-spanish jargon, nanticoke, natchez, nicaragua, nicolar, j., noanama, omagua, onas, onondaga, ore, g. de, otomi, .[tn- ] , pacasa, paniquita, pareja, f., payagua, pilling, j. c., pinart, a., poetry, aboriginal, polysynthesis, popolucas, primitive speech, puelche, puquina, querandi, quiche, quechua, , , rafinesque, c. s., ramas, rand, s. f., rate of change, rebus writing, red score, the, , rig veda americanus, sahagun, , samucu, schultz, rev., shawnees, smith, b., standard dictionary, the, steinthal, h., "stone of the giants", svastika, the, tacana, taensa, taino, tamanaca, tarascos, tehuelche, teknnika, tequistlatecan, timote., timuquana, tinné, toltecs, the, totonaco, triquetrum, the, tsoneca, tucanos, tupi, , , tzental, ulvas, verb, the american, walum-olum, , winkler, h., written language, xebero, xinca, yahgan, , yaruro, yucatan, zapotecs, zeonas, zoque, the, transcriber's note the following misspellings and typographical errors were maintained. page error tn- the marker for footnote - was not printed and has been inserted based on context. tn- grammer should read grammar tn- mosquito coast should read mosquito coast, , tn- muller, should read müller tn- otomi, . should read otomi, , american hero-myths. a study in the native religions of the western continent. by daniel g. brinton, m.d., member of the american philosophical society; the american antiquarian society; the numismatic and antiquarian society of phila., etc.; author of "the myths of the new world;" "the religious sentiment." etc. . to eli k. price, esq., president of the numismatic and antiquarian society of philadelphia, whose enlightened interest has for many years, and in many ways, furthered the progress of knowledge, this volume is respectfully dedicated by the author. preface. this little volume is a contribution to the comparative study of religions. it is an endeavor to present in a critically correct light some of the fundamental conceptions which are found in the native beliefs of the tribes of america. so little has heretofore been done in this field that it has yielded a very scanty harvest for purposes of general study. it has not yet even passed the stage where the distinction between myth and tradition has been recognized. nearly all historians continue to write about some of the american hero-gods as if they had been chiefs of tribes at some undetermined epoch, and the effort to trace the migrations and affiliations of nations by similarities in such stories is of almost daily occurrence. how baseless and misleading all such arguments must be, it is one of my objects to set forth. at the same time i have endeavored to be temperate in applying the interpretations of mythologists. i am aware of the risk one runs in looking at every legend as a light or storm myth. my guiding principle has been that when the same, and that a very extraordinary, story is told by several tribes wholly apart in language and location, then the probabilities are enormous that it is not a legend but a myth, and must be explained as such. it is a spontaneous production of the mind, not a reminiscence of an historic event. the importance of the study of myths has been abundantly shown of recent years, and the methods of analyzing them have been established with satisfactory clearness. the time has long since passed, at least among thinking men, when the religious legends of the lower races were looked upon as trivial fables, or as the inventions of the father of lies. they are neither the one nor the other. they express, in image and incident, the opinions of these races on the mightiest topics of human thought, on the origin and destiny of man, his motives for duty and his grounds of hope, and the source, history and fate of all external nature. certainly the sincere expressions on these subjects of even humble members of the human race deserve our most respectful heed, and it may be that we shall discover in their crude or coarse narrations gleams of a mental light which their proud aryan brothers have been long in coming to, or have not yet reached. the prejudice against all the lower faiths inspired by the claim of christianity to a monopoly of religious truth--a claim nowise set up by its founder--has led to extreme injustice toward the so-called heathen religions. little effort has been made to distinguish between their good and evil tendencies, or even to understand them. i do not know of a single instance on this continent of a thorough and intelligent study of a native religion made by a protestant missionary. so little real work has been done in american mythology that very diverse opinions as to its interpretation prevail among writers. too many of them apply to it facile generalizations, such as "heliolatry," "animism," "ancestral worship," "primitive philosophizing," and think that such a sesame will unloose all its mysteries. the result has been that while each satisfies himself, he convinces no one else. i have tried to avoid any such bias, and have sought to discover the source of the myths i have selected, by close attention to two points: first, that i should obtain the precise original form of the myth by a rigid scrutiny of authorities; and, secondly, that i should bring to bear upon it modern methods of mythological and linguistic analysis. the first of these requirements has given me no small trouble. the sources of american history not only differ vastly in merit, but many of them are almost inaccessible. i still have by me a list of books of the first order of importance for these studies, which i have not been able to find in any public or private library in the united states. i have been free in giving references for the statements in the text. the growing custom among historians of omitting to do this must be deplored in the interests of sound learning. it is better to risk the charge of pedantry than to leave at fault those who wish to test an author's accuracy or follow up the line of investigation he indicates. on the other hand, i have exercised moderation in drawing comparisons with aryan, semitic, egyptian and other old world mythologies. it would have been easy to have noted apparent similarities to a much greater extent. but i have preferred to leave this for those who write upon general comparative mythology. such parallelisms, to reach satisfactory results, should be attempted only by those who have studied the oriental religions in their original sources, and thus are not to be deceived by superficial resemblances. the term "comparative mythology" reaches hardly far enough to cover all that i have aimed at. the professional mythologist thinks he has completed his task when he has traced a myth through its transformations in story and language back to the natural phenomena of which it was the expression. this external history is essential. but deeper than that lies the study of the influence of the myth on the individual and national mind, on the progress and destiny of those who believed it, in other words, its true _religious_ import. i have endeavored, also, to take some account of this. the usual statement is that tribes in the intellectual condition of those i am dealing with rest their religion on a worship of external phenomena. in contradiction to this, i advance various arguments to show that their chief god was not identified with any objective natural process, but was human in nature, benignant in character, loved rather than feared, and that his worship carried with it the germs of the development of benevolent emotions and sound ethical principles. _media, pa., oct., ._ contents. chapter i. introductory. some kind of religion found among all men--classifications of religions--the purpose of religions--religions of rite and of creed--the myth grows in the first of these--intent and meaning of the myth. processes of myth building in america--personification, paronyms and homonyms--otosis--polyonomy--henotheism--borrowing--rhetorical figures--abstract expressions--esoteric teachings. outlines of the fundamental american myth--the white culture-hero and the four brothers--interpretation of the myth--comparison with the aryan hermes myth--with the aryo-semitic cadmus myth--with osirian myths--the myth of the virgin mother--the interpretation thus supported. chapter ii. the hero-gods of the algonkins and iroquois. § . _the algonkin myth of michabo._ the myth of the giant rabbit--the rabbit creates the world--he marries the muskrat--becomes the all-father--derivation of michabo--of wajashk, the musk-rat--the myth explained--the light-god as god of the east--the four divine brothers--myth of the huarochiris--the day-makers--michabo's contests with his father and brother--explanation of these--the symbolic flint stone--michabo destroys the serpent king--meaning of this myth--relations of the light-god and wind-god--michabo as god of waters and fertility--represented as a bearded man. § . _the iroquois myth of ioskeha._ the creation of the earth--the miraculous birth of ioskeha--he overcomes his brother tawiscara--creates and teaches mankind--visits his people--his grandmother ataensic--ioskeha as father of his mother--similar conceptions in egyptian myths--derivation of ioskeha and ataensic--ioskeha as tharonhiawakon, the sky supporter--his brother tawiscara or tehotennhiaron identified--similarity to algonkin myths. chapter iii. the hero-god op the aztec tribes. § . _the two antagonists._ the contest of quetzalcoatl and tezcatlipoca--quetzalcoatl the light-god--derivation of his name--titles of tezcatlipoca--identified with darkness, night and gloom. § . _quetzalcoatl the god._ myth of the four brothers--the four suns and the elemental conflict--names of the four brothers. § . _quetzalcoatl the hero of tula._ tula, the city of the sun--who were the toltecs?--tlapallan and xalac--the birth of the hero god--his virgin mother chimalmatl--his miraculous conception--aztlan, the land of seven caves, and colhuacan, the bended mount--the maid xochitl and the rose garden of the gods--quetzalcoatl as the white and bearded stranger. the glory of the lord of tula--the subtlety of the sorcerer tezcatlipoca--the magic mirror and the mystic draught--the myth explained--the promise of rejuvenation--the toveyo and the maiden--the juggleries of tezcatlipoca--departure of quetzalcoatl from tula--quetzalcoatl at cholula--his death or departure--the celestial game of ball and tiger skin--quetzalcoatl as the planet venus. § . _quetzalcoatl as lord of the winds._ the lord of the four winds--his symbols, the wheel of the winds, the pentagon and the cross--close relation to the gods of rain and waters--inventor of the calendar--god of fertility and conception--recommends sexual austerity--phallic symbols--god of merchants--the patron of thieves--his pictographic representations. § . _the return of quetzalcoatl._ his expected re-appearance--the anxiety of montezuma--his address to cortes--the general expectation--explanation of his predicted return. chapter iv. the hero-gods of the mayas. civilization of the mayas--whence it originated--duplicate traditions § . _the culture hero itzamna._ itzamna as ruler, priest and teacher--as chief god and creator of the world--las casas' supposed christ myth--the four bacabs--itzamna as lord of the winds and rains--the symbol of the cross--as lord of the light and day--derivation of his various names. § . _the culture hero kukulcan._ kukulcan as connected with the calendar--meaning of the name--the myth of the four brothers--kukulcan's happy rule and miraculous disappearance--relation to quetzalcoatl--aztec and maya mythology--kukulcan a maya divinity--the expected return of the hero-god--the maya prophecies--their explanation. chapter v. the qqichua hero-god viracocha. viracocha as the first cause--his name illa ticci--qquichua prayers--other names and titles of viracocha--his worship a true monotheism--the myth of the four brothers--myth of the twin brothers. viracocha as tunapa, he who perfects--various incidents in his life--relation to manco capac--he disappears in the west. viracocha rises from lake titicaca and journeys to the west--derivation of his name--he was represented as white and bearded--the myth of con and pachacamac--contice viracocha--prophecies of the peruvian seers the white men called viracochas--similarities to aztec myths. chapter vi. the extension and influence op the typical hero-myth. the typical myth found in many parts of the continent--difficulties in tracing it--religious evolution in america similar to that in the old world--failure of christianity in the red race. the culture myth of the tarascos of mechoacan--that of the kiches of guatemala.--the votan myth of the tzendals of chiapas--a fragment of a mixe myth--the hero-god of the muyscas of new granada--of the tupi-guaranay stem of paraguay and brazil--myths of the dènè of british america. sun worship in america--germs of progress in american religions--relation of religion and morality--the light-god a moral and beneficent creation--his worship was elevating--moral condition of native societies before the conquest--progress in the definition of the idea of god in peru, mexico and yucatan--erroneous statements about the morals of the natives--evolution of their ethical principles. index. american hero-myths. chapter i. introductory. some kind of religion found among all men--classifications of religions--the purpose of religions--religions of rite and of creed--the myth grows in the first of these--intent and meaning of the myth. processes of myth-building in america--personification. paronyms and homonyms--otosis--polyonomy--henotheism--borrowing--rhetorical figures--abstract expressions. esoteric teachings. outlines of the fundamental american myth--the white culture-hero and the four brothers--interpretation of the myth--comparison with the aryan hermes myth--with the aryo-semitic cadmus myth--with osirian myths--the myth of the virgin mother--the interpretation thus supported. the time was, and that not so very long ago, when it was contended by some that there are tribes of men without any sort of religion; nowadays the effort is to show that the feeling which prompts to it is common, even among brutes. this change of opinion has come about partly through an extension of the definition of religion. it is now held to mean any kind of belief in spiritual or extra-natural agencies. some learned men say that we had better drop the word "religion," lest we be misunderstood. they would rather use "daimonism," or "supernaturalism," or other such new term; but none of these seems to me so wide and so exactly significant of what i mean as "religion." all now agree that in this very broad sense some kind of religion exists in every human community.[ ] [footnote : i suppose i am not going too far in saying "all agree;" for i think that the latest study of this subject, by gustav roskoff, disposes of sir john lubbock's doubts, as well as the crude statements of the author of _kraft und stoff_, and such like compilations. gustav roskoff, _das religionswesen der rohesten naturvölker_, leipzig, .] the attempt has often been made to classify these various faiths under some few general headings. the scheme of auguste comte still has supporters. he taught that man begins with fetichism, advances to polytheism, and at last rises to monotheism. more in vogue at present is the theory that the simplest and lowest form of religion is individual; above it are the national religions; and at the summit the universal or world religions. comte's scheme has not borne examination. it is artificial and sterile. look at christianity. it is the highest of all religions, but it is not monotheism. look at buddhism. in its pure form it is not even theism. the second classification is more fruitful for historical purposes. the psychologist, however, inquires as to the essence, the real purpose of religions. this has been differently defined by the two great schools of thought. all religions, says the idealist, are the efforts, poor or noble, conscious or blind, to develop the idea of god in the soul of man. no, replies the rationalist, it is simply the effort of the human mind to frame a theory of things; at first, religion is an early system of natural philosophy; later it becomes moral philosophy. explain the universe by physical laws, point out that the origin and aim of ethics are the relations of men, and we shall have no more religions, nor need any. the first answer is too intangible, the second too narrow. the rude savage does not philosophize on phenomena; the enlightened student sees in them but interacting forces: yet both may be profoundly religious. nor can morality be accepted as a criterion of religions. the bloody scenes in the mexican teocalli were merciful compared with those in the torture rooms of the inquisition. yet the religion of jesus was far above that of huitzilopochtli. what i think is the essence, the principle of vitality, in religion, and in all religions, is _their supposed control over the destiny of the individual_, his weal or woe, his good or bad hap, here or hereafter, as it may be. rooted infinitely deep in the sense of personality, religion was recognized at the beginning, it will be recognized at the end, as the one indestructible ally in the struggle for individual existence. at heart, all prayers are for preservation, the burden of all litanies is a begging for life. this end, these benefits, have been sought by the cults of the world through one of two theories. the one, that which characterizes the earliest and the crudest religions, teaches that man escapes dangers and secures safety by the performance or avoidance of certain actions. he may credit this or that myth, he may hold to one or many gods; this is unimportant; but he must not fail in the penance or the sacred dance, he must not touch that which is _taboo_, or he is in peril. the life of these cults is the deed, their expression is the rite. higher religions discern the inefficacy of the mere act. they rest their claim on belief. they establish dogmas, the mental acceptance of which is the one thing needful. in them mythology passes into theology; the act is measured by its motive, the formula by the faith back of it. their life is the creed. the myth finds vigorous and congenial growth only in the first of these forms. there alone the imagination of the votary is free, there alone it is not fettered by a symbol already defined. to the student of religions the interest of the myth is not that of an infantile attempt to philosophize, but as it illustrates the intimate and immediate relations which the religion in which it grew bore to the individual life. thus examined, it reveals the inevitable destinies of men and of nations as bound up with their forms of worship. these general considerations appear to me to be needed for the proper understanding of the study i am about to make. it concerns itself with some of the religions which were developed on the american continent before its discovery. my object is to present from them a series of myths curiously similar in features, and to see if one simple and general explanation of them can be found. the processes of myth-building among american tribes were much the same as elsewhere. these are now too generally familiar to need specification here, beyond a few which i have found particularly noticeable. at the foundation of all myths lies the mental process of _personification_, which finds expression in the rhetorical figure of _prosopopeia_. the definition of this, however, must be extended from the mere representation of inanimate things as animate, to include also the representation of irrational beings as rational, as in the "animal myths," a most common form of religious story among primitive people. some languages favor these forms of personification much more than others, and most of the american languages do so in a marked manner, by the broad grammatical distinctions they draw between animate and inanimate objects, which distinctions must invariably be observed. they cannot say "the boat moves" without specifying whether the boat is an animate object or not, or whether it is to be considered animate, for rhetorical purposes, at the time of speaking. the sounds of words have aided greatly in myth building. names and words which are somewhat alike in sound, _paronyms_, as they are called by grammarians, may be taken or mistaken one for the other. again, many myths spring from _homonymy_, that is, the sameness in sound of words with difference in signification. thus _coatl_, in the aztec tongue, is a word frequently appearing in the names of divinities. it has three entirely different meanings, to wit, a serpent, a guest and twins. now, whichever one of these was originally meant, it would be quite certain to be misunderstood, more or less, by later generations, and myths would arise to explain the several possible interpretations of the word--as, in fact, we find was the case. closely allied to this is what has been called _otosis_. this is the substitution of a familiar word for an archaic or foreign one of similar sound but wholly diverse meaning. this is a very common occurrence and easily leads to myth making. for example, there is a cave, near chattanooga, which has the cherokee name nik-a-jak. this the white settlers have transformed into nigger jack, and are prepared with a narrative of some runaway slave to explain the cognomen. it may also occur in the same language. in an algonkin dialect _missi wabu_ means "the great light of the dawn;" and a common large rabbit was called _missabo_; at some period the precise meaning of the former words was lost, and a variety of interesting myths of the daybreak were transferred to a supposed huge rabbit! rarely does there occur a more striking example of how the deteriorations of language affect mythology. _aztlan_, the mythical land whence the aztec speaking tribes were said to have come, and from which they derived their name, means "the place of whiteness;" but the word was similar to _aztatlan_, which would mean "the place of herons," some spot where these birds would love to congregate, from _aztatl_, the heron, and in after ages, this latter, as the plainer and more concrete signification, came to prevail, and was adopted by the myth-makers. _polyonomy_ is another procedure often seen in these myths. a divinity has several or many titles; one or another of these becomes prominent, and at last obscures in a particular myth or locality the original personality of the hero of the tale. in america this is most obvious in peru. akin to this is what prof. max müller has termed _henotheism_. in this mental process one god or one form of a god is exalted beyond all others, and even addressed as the one, only, absolute and supreme deity. such expressions are not to be construed literally as evidences of a monotheism, but simply that at that particular time the worshiper's mind was so filled with the power and majesty of the divinity to whom he appealed, that he applied to him these superlatives, very much as he would to a great ruler. the next day he might apply them to another deity, without any hypocrisy or sense of logical contradiction. instances of this are common in the aztec prayers which have been preserved. one difficulty encountered in aryan mythology is extremely rare in america, and that is, the adoption of foreign names. a proper name without a definite concrete significance in the tongue of the people who used it is almost unexampled in the red race. a word without a meaning was something quite foreign to their mode of thought. one of our most eminent students[ ] has justly said: "every indian synthesis--names of persons and places not excepted--must preserve the consciousness of its roots, and must not only have a meaning, but be so framed as to convey that meaning with precision, to all who speak the language to which it belongs." hence, the names of their divinities can nearly always be interpreted, though for the reasons above given the most obvious and current interpretation is not in every case the correct one. [footnote : j. hammond trumbull, _on the composition of indian geographical names_, p. (hartford, ).] as foreign names were not adopted, so the mythology of one tribe very rarely influenced that of another. as a rule, all the religions were tribal or national, and their votaries had no desire to extend them. there was little of the proselytizing spirit among the red race. some exceptions can be pointed out to this statement, in the aztec and peruvian monarchies. some borrowing seems to have been done either by or from the mayas; and the hero-myth of the iroquois has so many of the lineaments of that of the algonkins that it is difficult to believe that it was wholly independent of it. but, on the whole, the identities often found in american myths are more justly attributable to a similarity of surroundings and impressions than to any other cause. the diversity and intricacy of american mythology have been greatly fostered by the delight the more developed nations took in rhetorical figures, in metaphor and simile, and in expressions of amplification and hyperbole. those who imagine that there was a poverty of resources in these languages, or that their concrete form hemmed in the mind from the study of the abstract, speak without knowledge. one has but to look at the inexhaustible synonymy of the aztec, as it is set forth by olmos or sahagun, or at its power to render correctly the refinements of scholastic theology, to see how wide of the fact is any such opinion. and what is true of the aztec, is not less so of the qquichua and other tongues. i will give an example, where the english language itself falls short of the nicety of the qquichua in handling a metaphysical tenet. _cay_ in qquichua expresses the real being of things, the _essentia_; as, _runap caynin_, the being of the human race, humanity in the abstract; but to convey the idea of actual being, the _existentia_ as united to the _essentia_, we must add the prefix _cascan_, and thus have _runap-cascan-caynin_, which strictly means "the essence of being in general, as existent in humanity."[ ] i doubt if the dialect of german metaphysics itself, after all its elaboration, could produce in equal compass a term for this conception. in qquichua, moreover, there is nothing strained and nothing foreign in this example; it is perfectly pure, and in thorough accord with the genius of the tongue. [footnote : "el ser existente de hombre, que es el modo de estar el primer ser que es la essentia que en dios y los angeles y el hombre es modo personal." diego gonzalez holguin, _vocabvlario de la lengva qqichua, o del inca; sub voce, cay_. (ciudad de los reyes, .)] i take some pains to impress this fact, for it is an important one in estimating the religious ideas of the race. we must not think we have grounds for skepticism if we occasionally come across some that astonish us by their subtlety. such are quite in keeping with the psychology and languages of the race we are studying. yet, throughout america, as in most other parts of the world, the teaching of religious tenets was twofold, the one popular, the other for the initiated, an esoteric and an exoteric doctrine. a difference in dialect was assiduously cultivated, a sort of "sacred language" being employed to conceal while it conveyed the mysteries of faith. some linguists think that these dialects are archaic forms of the language, the memory of which was retained in ceremonial observances; others maintain that they were simply affectations of expression, and form a sort of slang, based on the every day language, and current among the initiated. i am inclined to the latter as the correct opinion, in many cases. whichever it was, such a sacred dialect is found in almost all tribes. there are fragments of it from the cultivated races of mexico, yucatan and peru; and at the other end of the scale we may instance the guaymis, of darien, naked savages, but whose "chiefs of the law," we are told, taught "the doctrines of their religion in a peculiar idiom, invented for the purpose, and very different from the common language."[ ] [footnote : franco, _noticia de los indios guaymies y de sus costumbres_, p. , in pinart, _coleccion de linguistica y etnografia americana_. tom. iv.] this becomes an added difficulty in the analysis of myths, as not only were the names of the divinities and of localities expressed in terms in the highest degree metaphorical, but they were at times obscured by an affected pronunciation, devised to conceal their exact derivation. the native tribes of this continent had many myths, and among them there was one which was so prominent, and recurred with such strangely similar features in localities widely asunder, that it has for years attracted my attention, and i have been led to present it as it occurs among several nations far apart, both geographically and in point of culture. this myth is that of the national hero, their mythical civilizer and teacher of the tribe, who, at the same time, was often identified with the supreme deity and the creator of the world. it is the fundamental myth of a very large number of american tribes, and on its recognition and interpretation depends the correct understanding of most of their mythology and religious life. the outlines of this legend are to the effect that in some exceedingly remote time this divinity took an active part in creating the world and in fitting it to be the abode of man, and may himself have formed or called forth the race. at any rate, his interest in its advancement was such that he personally appeared among the ancestors of the nation, and taught them the useful arts, gave them the maize or other food plants, initiated them into the mysteries of their religious rites, framed the laws which governed their social relations, and having thus started them on the road to self development, he left them, not suffering death, but disappearing in some way from their view. hence it was nigh universally expected that at some time he would return. the circumstances attending the birth of these hero-gods have great similarity. as a rule, each is a twin or one of four brothers born at one birth; very generally at the cost of their mother's life, who is a virgin, or at least had never been impregnated by mortal man. the hero is apt to come into conflict with his brother, or one of his brothers, and the long and desperate struggle resulting, which often involved the universe in repeated destructions, constitutes one of the leading topics of the myth-makers. the duel is not generally--not at all, i believe, when we can get at the genuine native form of the myth--between a morally good and an evil spirit, though, undoubtedly, the one is more friendly and favorable to the welfare of man than the other. the better of the two, the true hero-god, is in the end triumphant, though the national temperament represented this variously. at any rate, his people are not deserted by him, and though absent, and perhaps for a while driven away by his potent adversary, he is sure to come back some time or other. the place of his birth is nearly always located in the east; from that quarter he first came when he appeared as a man among men; toward that point he returned when he disappeared; and there he still lives, awaiting the appointed time for his reappearance. whenever the personal appearance of this hero-god is described, it is, strangely enough, represented to be that of one of the white race, a man of fair complexion, with long, flowing beard, with abundant hair, and clothed in ample and loose robes. this extraordinary fact naturally suggests the gravest suspicion that these stories were made up after the whites had reached the american shores, and nearly all historians have summarily rejected their authenticity, on this account. but a most careful scrutiny of their sources positively refutes this opinion. there is irrefragable evidence that these myths and this ideal of the hero-god, were intimately known and widely current in america long before any one of its millions of inhabitants had ever seen a white man. nor is there any difficulty in explaining this, when we divest these figures of the fanciful garbs in which they have been clothed by the religious imagination, and recognize what are the phenomena on which they are based, and the physical processes whose histories they embody. to show this i will offer, in the most concise terms, my interpretation of their main details. the most important of all things to life is _light_. this the primitive savage felt, and, personifying it, he made light his chief god. the beginning of the day served, by analogy, for the beginning of the world. light comes before the sun, brings it forth, creates it, as it were. hence the light-god is not the sun-god, but his antecedent and creator. the light appears in the east, and thus defines that cardinal point, and by it the others are located. these points, as indispensable guides to the wandering hordes, became, from earliest times, personified as important deities, and were identified with the winds that blew from them, as wind and rain gods. this explains the four brothers, who were nothing else than the four cardinal points, and their mother, who dies in producing them, is the eastern light, which is soon lost in the growing day. the east, as their leader, was also the supposed ruler of the winds, and thus god of the air and rain. as more immediately connected with the advent and departure of light, the east and west are twins, the one of which sends forth the glorious day-orb, which the other lies in wait to conquer. yet the light-god is not slain. the sun shall rise again in undiminished glory, and he lives, though absent. by sight and light we see and learn. nothing, therefore, is more natural than to attribute to the light-god the early progress in the arts of domestic and social life. thus light came to be personified as the embodiment of culture and knowledge, of wisdom, and of the peace and prosperity which are necessary for the growth of learning. the fair complexion of these heroes is nothing but a reference to the white light of the dawn. their ample hair and beard are the rays of the sun that flow from his radiant visage. their loose and large robes typify the enfolding of the firmament by the light and the winds. this interpretation is nowise strained, but is simply that which, in aryan mythology, is now universally accepted for similar mythological creations. thus, in the greek phoebus and perseus, in the teutonic lif, and in the norse baldur, we have also beneficent hero-gods, distinguished by their fair complexion and ample golden locks. "amongst the dark as well as amongst the fair races, amongst those who are marked by black hair and dark eyes, they exhibit the same unfailing type of blue-eyed heroes whose golden locks flow over their shoulders, and whose faces gleam as with the light of the new risen sun."[ ] [footnote : sir george w. cox, _an introduction to the science of comparative mythology and folk-lore_, p. .] everywhere, too, the history of these heroes is that of a struggle against some potent enemy, some dark demon or dragon, but as often against some member of their own household, a brother or a father. the identification of the light-god with the deity of the winds is also seen in aryan mythology. hermes, to the greek, was the inventor of the alphabet, music, the cultivation of the olive, weights and measures, and such humane arts. he was also the messenger of the gods, in other words, the breezes, the winds, the air in motion. his name hermes, hermeias, is but a transliteration of the sanscrit sarameyas, under which he appears in the vedic songs, as the son of sarama, the dawn. even his character as the master thief and patron saint of the light-fingered gentry, drawn from the way the winds and breezes penetrate every crack and cranny of the house, is absolutely repeated in the mexican hero-god quetzalcoatl, who was also the patron of thieves. i might carry the comparison yet further, for as sarameyas is derived from the root _sar_, to creep, whence _serpo_, serpent, the creeper, so the name quetzalcoatl can be accurately translated, "the wonderful serpent." in name, history and functions the parallelism is maintained throughout. or we can find another familiar myth, partly aryan, partly semitic, where many of the same outlines present themselves. the argive thebans attributed the founding of their city and state to cadmus. he collected their ancestors into a community, gave them laws, invented the alphabet of sixteen letters, taught them the art of smelting metals, established oracles, and introduced the dyonisiac worship, or that of the reproductive principle. he subsequently left them and lived for a time with other nations, and at last did not die, but was changed into a dragon and carried by zeus to elysion. the birthplace of this culture hero was somewhere far to the eastward of greece, somewhere in "the purple land" (phoenicia); his mother was "the far gleaming one" (telephassa); he was one of four children, and his sister was europe, the dawn, who was seized and carried westward by zeus, in the shape of a white bull. cadmus seeks to recover her, and sets out, following the westward course of the sun. "there can be no rest until the lost one is found again. the sun must journey westward until he sees again the beautiful tints which greeted his eyes in the morning."[ ] therefore cadmus leaves the purple land to pursue his quest. it is one of toil and struggle. he has to fight the dragon offspring of ares and the bands of armed men who spring from the dragon's teeth which were sown, that is, the clouds and gloom of the overcast sky. he conquers, and is rewarded, but does not recover his sister. [footnote : sir george w. cox, _ibid._, p. .] when we find that the name cadmus is simply the semitic word _kedem_, the east, and notice all this mythical entourage, we see that this legend is but a lightly veiled account of the local source and progress of the light of day, and of the advantages men derive from it. cadmus brings the letters of the alphabet from the east to greece, for the same reason that in ancient maya myth itzamna, "son of the mother of the morning," brought the hieroglyphs of the maya script also from the east to yucatan--because both represent the light by which we see and learn. egyptian mythology offers quite as many analogies to support this interpretation of american myths as do the aryan god-stories. the heavenly light impregnates the virgin from whom is born the sun-god, whose life is a long contest with his twin brother. the latter wins, but his victory is transient, for the light, though conquered and banished by the darkness, cannot be slain, and is sure to return with the dawn, to the great joy of the sons of men. this story the egyptians delighted to repeat under numberless disguises. the groundwork and meaning are the same, whether the actors are osiris, isis and set, ptah, hapi and the virgin cow, or the many other actors of this drama. there, too, among a brown race of men, the light-god was deemed to be not of their own hue, but "light colored, white or yellow," of comely countenance, bright eyes and golden hair. again, he is the one who invented the calendar, taught the arts, established the rituals, revealed the medical virtues of plants, recommended peace, and again was identified as one of the brothers of the cardinal points.[ ] [footnote : see dr. c.p. tiele, _history of the egyptian religion_, pp. , , , et al.] the story of the virgin-mother points, in america as it did in the old world, to the notion of the dawn bringing forth the sun. it was one of the commonest myths in both continents, and in a period of human thought when miracles were supposed to be part of the order of things had in it nothing difficult of credence. the peruvians, for instance, had large establishments where were kept in rigid seclusion the "virgins of the sun." did one of these violate her vow of chastity, she and her fellow criminal were at once put to death; but did she claim that the child she bore was of divine parentage, and the contrary could not be shown, then she was feted as a queen, and the product of her womb was classed among princes, as a son of the sun. so, in the inscription at thebes, in the temple of the virgin goddess mat, we read where she says of herself: "my garment no man has lifted up; the fruit that i have borne was begotten of the sun."[ ] [footnote : "[greek: ton emon chitona oudeis apechaluphen on ego charpon etechan, aelios egeneto.]" proclus, quoted by tiele, ubi suprá, p. , note.] i do not venture too much in saying that it were easy to parallel every event in these american hero-myths, every phase of character of the personages they represent, with others drawn from aryan and egyptian legends long familiar to students, and which now are fully recognized as having in them nothing of the substance of history, but as pure creations of the religious imagination working on the processes of nature brought into relation to the hopes and fears of men. if this is so, is it not time that we dismiss, once for all, these american myths from the domain of historical traditions? why should we try to make a king of itzamna, an enlightened ruler of quetzalcoatl, a cultured nation of the toltecs, when the proof is of the strongest, that every one of these is an absolutely baseless fiction of mythology? let it be understood, hereafter, that whoever uses these names in an historical sense betrays an ignorance of the subject he handles, which, were it in the better known field of aryan or egyptian lore, would at once convict him of not meriting the name of scholar. in european history the day has passed when it was allowable to construct primitive chronicles out of fairy tales and nature myths. the science of comparative mythology has assigned to these venerable stories a different, though not less noble, interpretation. how much longer must we wait to see the same canons of criticism applied to the products of the religious fancy of the red race? furthermore, if the myths of the american nations are shown to be capable of a consistent interpretation by the principles of comparative mythology, let it be recognized that they are neither to be discarded because they resemble some familiar to their european conquerors, nor does that similarity mean that they are historically derived, the one from the other. each is an independent growth, but as each is the reflex in a common psychical nature of the same phenomena, the same forms of expression were adopted to convey them. chapter ii. the hero-gods of the algonkins and iroquois. § . _the algonkin myth of michabo._ the myth of the giant rabbit--the rabbit creates the world--he marries the muskrat--becomes the all-father--derivation of michabo--of wajashk, the muskrat--the myth explained--the light-god as god of the east--the four divine brothers--myth of the huarochiris--the day-makers--michabo's contests with his father and brother--explanation of these--the symbolic flint stone--michabo destroys the serpent king--meaning of this myth--relations of the light-god and wind-god--michabo as god of waters and fertility--represented as a bearded man. § . _the iroquois myth of ioskeha._ the creation of the earth--the miraculous birth of ioskeha--he overcomes his brother, tawiscara--creates and teaches mankind--visits his people--his grandmother, ataensic--ioskeha as father of his mother--similar conceptions in egyptian myths--derivation of ioskeha and ataensic--ioskeha as tharonhiawakon, the sky supporter--his brother tawiscara or tehotennhiaron identified--similarity to algonkin myths. nearly all that vast area which lies between hudson bay and the savannah river, and the mississippi river and the atlantic coast, was peopled at the epoch of the discovery by the members of two linguistic families--the algonkins and the iroquois. they were on about the same plane of culture, but differed much in temperament and radically in language. yet their religious notions were not dissimilar. § . _the algonkin myth of michabo._ among all the algonkin tribes whose myths have been preserved we find much is said about a certain giant rabbit, to whom all sorts of powers were attributed. he was the master of all animals; he was the teacher who first instructed men in the arts of fishing and hunting; he imparted to the algonkins the mysteries of their religious rites; he taught them picture writing and the interpretation of dreams; nay, far more than that, he was the original ancestor, not only of their nation, but of the whole race of man, and, in fact, was none other than the primal creator himself, who fashioned the earth and gave life to all that thereon is. hearing all this said about such an ignoble and weak animal as the rabbit, no wonder that the early missionaries and travelers spoke of such fables with undisguised contempt, and never mentioned them without excuses for putting on record trivialities so utter. yet it appears to me that under these seemingly weak stories lay a profound truth, the appreciation of which was lost in great measure to the natives themselves, but which can be shown to have been in its origin a noble myth, setting forth in not unworthy images the ceaseless and mighty rhythm of nature in the alternations of day and night, summer and winter, storm and sunshine. i shall quote a few of these stories as told by early authorities, not adding anything to relieve their crude simplicity, and then i will see whether, when submitted to the test of linguistic analysis, this unpromising ore does not yield the pure gold of genuine mythology. the beginning of things, according to the ottawas and other northern algonkins, was at a period when boundless waters covered the face of the earth. on this infinite ocean floated a raft, upon which were many species of animals, the captain and chief of whom was michabo, the giant rabbit. they ardently desired land on which to live, so this mighty rabbit ordered the beaver to dive and bring him up ever so little a piece of mud. the beaver obeyed, and remained down long, even so that he came up utterly exhausted, but reported that he had not reached bottom. then the rabbit sent down the otter, but he also returned nearly dead and without success. great was the disappointment of the company on the raft, for what better divers had they than the beaver and the otter? in the midst of their distress the (female) muskrat came forward and announced her willingness to make the attempt. her proposal was received with derision, but as poor help is better than none in an emergency, the rabbit gave her permission, and down she dived. she too remained long, very long, a whole day and night, and they gave her up for lost. but at length she floated to the surface, unconscious, her belly up, as if dead. they hastily hauled her on the raft and examined her paws one by one. in the last one of the four they found a small speck of mud. victory! that was all that was needed. the muskrat was soon restored, and the giant rabbit, exerting his creative power, moulded the little fragment of soil, and as he moulded it, it grew and grew, into an island, into a mountain, into a country, into this great earth that we all dwell upon. as it grew the rabbit walked round and round it, to see how big it was; and the story added that he is not yet satisfied; still he continues his journey and his labor, walking forever around and around the earth and ever increasing it more and more. the animals on the raft soon found homes on the new earth. but it had yet to be covered with forests, and men were not born. the giant rabbit formed the trees by shooting his arrows into the soil, which became tree trunks, and, transfixing them with other arrows, these became branches; and as for men, some said he formed them from the dead bodies of certain animals, which in time became the "totems" of the algonkin tribes; but another and probably an older and truer story was that he married the muskrat which had been of such service to him, and from this union were born the ancestors of the various races of mankind which people the earth. nor did he neglect the children he had thus brought into the world of his creation. having closely studied how the spider spreads her web to catch flies, he invented the art of knitting nets for fish, and taught it to his descendants; the pieces of native copper found along the shores of lake superior he took from his treasure house inside the earth, where he sometimes lives. it is he who is the master of life, and if he appears in a dream to a person in danger, it is a certain sign of a lucky escape. he confers fortune in the chase, and therefore the hunters invoke him, and offer him tobacco and other dainties, placing them in the clefts of rocks or on isolated boulders. though called the giant rabbit, he is always referred to as a man, a giant or demigod perhaps, but distinctly as of human nature, the mighty father or elder brother of the race.[ ] [footnote : the writers from whom i have taken this myth are nicolas perrot, _mémoire sur les meurs, coustumes et relligion des sauvages de l'amérique septentrionale_, written by an intelligent layman who lived among the natives from to ; and the various _relations des jesuites_, especially for the years and .] such is the national myth of creation of the algonkin tribes, as it has been handed down to us in fragments by those who first heard it. has it any meaning? is it more than the puerile fable of savages? let us see whether some of those unconscious tricks of speech to which i referred in the introductory chapter have not disfigured a true nature myth. perhaps those common processes of language, personification and otosis, duly taken into account, will enable us to restore this narrative to its original sense. in the algonkin tongue the word for giant rabbit is _missabos_, compounded from _mitchi_ or _missi_, great, large, and _wabos_, a rabbit. but there is a whole class of related words, referring to widely different perceptions, which sound very much like _wabos_. they are from a general root _wab_, which goes to form such words of related signification as _wabi_, he sees, _waban_, the east, the orient, _wabish_, white, _bidaban_ (_bid-waban_), the dawn, _wában_, daylight, _wasseia_, the light, and many others. here is where we are to look for the real meaning of the name _missabos_. it originally meant the great light, the mighty seer, the orient, the dawn--which you please, as all distinctly refer to the one original idea, the bringer of light and sight, of knowledge and life. in time this meaning became obscured, and the idea of the rabbit, whose name was drawn probably from the same root, as in the northern winters its fur becomes white, was substituted, and so the myth of light degenerated into an animal fable. i believe that a similar analysis will explain the part which the muskrat plays in the story. she it is who brings up the speck of mud from the bottom of the primal ocean, and from this speck the world is formed by him whom we now see was the lord of the light and the day, and subsequently she becomes the mother of his sons. the word for muskrat in algonkin is _wajashk_, the first letter of which often suffers elision, as in _nin nod-ajashkwe_, i hunt muskrats. but this is almost the word for mud, wet earth, soil, _ajishki_. there is no reasonable doubt but that here again otosis and personification came in and gave the form and name of an animal to the original simple statement. that statement was that from wet mud dried by the sunlight, the solid earth was formed; and again, that this damp soil was warmed and fertilized by the sunlight, so that from it sprang organic life, even man himself, who in so many mythologies is "the earth born," _homo ab humo, homo chamaigenes_.[ ] [footnote : mr. j. hammond trumbull has pointed out that in algonkin the words for father, _osh_, mother, _okas_, and earth, _ohke_ (narraganset dialect), can all be derived, according to the regular rules of algonkin grammar, from the same verbal root, signifying "to come out of, or from." (note to roger williams' _key into the language of america_, p. ). thus the earth was, in their language, the parent of the race, and what more natural than that it should become so in the myth also?] this, then, is the interpretation i have to offer of the cosmogonical myth of the algonkins. does some one object that it is too refined for those rude savages, or that it smacks too much of reminiscences of old-world teachings? my answer is that neither the early travelers who wrote it down, nor probably the natives who told them, understood its meaning, and that not until it is here approached by modern methods of analysis, has it ever been explained. therefore it is impossible to assign to it other than an indigenous and spontaneous origin in some remote period of algonkin tribal history. after the darkness of the night, man first learns his whereabouts by the light kindling in the orient; wandering, as did the primitive man, through pathless forests, without a guide, the east became to him the first and most important of the fixed points in space; by it were located the west, the north, the south; from it spread the welcome dawn; in it was born the glorious sun; it was full of promise and of instruction; hence it became to him the home of the gods of life and light and wisdom. as the four cardinal points are determined by fixed physical relations, common to man everywhere, and are closely associated with his daily motions and well being, they became prominent figures in almost all early myths, and were personified as divinities. the winds were classified as coming from them, and in many tongues the names of the cardinal points are the same as those of the winds that blow from them. the east, however, has, in regard to the others, a pre-eminence, for it is not merely the home of the east wind, but of the light and the dawn as well. hence it attained a marked preponderance in the myths; it was either the greatest, wisest and oldest of the four brothers, who, by personification, represented the cardinal points and the four winds, or else the light-god was separated from the quadruplet and appears as a fifth personage governing the other four, and being, in fact, the supreme ruler of both the spiritual and human worlds. such was the mental processes which took place in the algonkin mind, and gave rise to two cycles of myths, the one representing wabun or michabo as one of four brothers, whose names are those of the cardinal points, the second placing him above them all. the four brothers are prominent characters in algonkin legend, and we shall find that they recur with extraordinary frequency in the mythology of all american nations. indeed, i could easily point them out also in the early religious conceptions of egypt and india, greece and china, and many other old-world lands, but i leave these comparisons to those who wish to treat of the principles of general mythology. according to the most generally received legend these four brothers were quadruplets--born at one birth--and their mother died in bringing them into life. their names are given differently by the various tribes, but are usually identical with the four points of the compass, or something relating to them. wabun the east, kabun the west, kabibonokka the north, and shawano the south, are, in the ordinary language of the interpreters, the names applied to them. wabun was the chief and leader, and assigned to his brothers their various duties, especially to blow the winds. these were the primitive and chief divinities of the algonkin race in all parts of the territory they inhabited. when, as early as , captain argoll visited the tribes who then possessed the banks of the river potomac, and inquired concerning their religion, they replied, "we have five gods in all; our chief god often appears to us in the form of a mighty great hare; the other four have no visible shape, but are indeed the four winds, which keep the four corners of the earth."[ ] [footnote : william strachey, _historie of travaile into virginia_, p. .] here we see that wabun, the east, was distinguished from michabo (_missi-wabun_), and by a natural and transparent process, the eastern light being separated from the eastern wind, the original number four was increased to five. precisely the same differentiation occurred, as i shall show, in mexico, in the case of quetzalcoatl, as shown in his _yoel_, or wheel of the winds, which was his sacred pentagram. or i will further illustrate this development by a myth of the huarochiri indians, of the coast of peru. they related that in the beginning of things there were five eggs on the mountain condorcoto. in due course of time these eggs opened and from them came forth five falcons, who were none other than the creator of all things, pariacaca, and his brothers, the four winds. by their magic power they transformed themselves into men and went about the world performing miracles, and in time became the gods of that people.[ ] [footnote : doctor francisco de avila, _narrative of the errors and false gods of the indians of huarochiri_ ( ). this interesting document has been partly translated by mr. c.b. markham, and published in one of the volumes of the hackluyt society's series.] these striking similarities show with what singular uniformity the religious sense developes itself in localities the furthest asunder. returning to michabo, the duplicate nature thus assigned him as the light-god, and also the god of the winds and the storms and rains they bring, led to the production of two cycles of myths which present him in these two different aspects. in the one he is, as the god of light, the power that conquers the darkness, who brings warmth and sunlight to the earth and knowledge to men. he was the patron of hunters, as these require the light to guide them on their way, and must always direct their course by the cardinal points. the morning star, which at certain seasons heralds the dawn, was sacred to him, and its name in ojibway is _wabanang_, from _waban_, the east. the rays of light are his servants and messengers. seated at the extreme east, "at the place where the earth is cut off," watching in his medicine lodge, or passing his time fishing in the endless ocean which on every side surrounds the land, michabo sends forth these messengers, who, in the myth, are called _gijigouai_, which means "those who make the day," and they light the world. he is never identified with the sun, nor was he supposed to dwell in it, but he is distinctly the impersonation of light.[ ] [footnote : see h.r. schoolcraft, _indian tribes_, vol. v, pp. , . _relations des jesuites_, , p. , , p. .] in one form of the myth he is the grandson of the moon, his father is the west wind, and his mother, a maiden who has been fecundated miraculously by the passing breeze, dies at the moment of giving him birth. but he did not need the fostering care of a parent, for he was born mighty of limb and with all knowledge that it is possible to attain.[ ] immediately he attacked his father, and a long and desperate struggle took place. "it began on the mountains. the west was forced to give ground. his son drove him across rivers and over mountains and lakes, and at last, he came to the brink of the world. 'hold!' cried he, 'my son, you know my power, and that it is impossible to kill me.'" the combat ceased, the west acknowledging the supremacy of his mighty son.[ ] [footnote : in the ojibway dialect of the algonkins, the word for day, sky or heaven, is _gijig_. this same word as a verb means to be an adult, to be ripe (of fruits), to be finished, complete. rev. frederick baraga, _a dictionary of the olchipwe language_, cincinnati, . this seems to correspond with the statement in the myth.] [footnote : h.e. schoolcraft, _algic researches_, vol. i, pp. , et seq.] it is scarcely possible to err in recognizing under this thin veil of imagery a description of the daily struggle between light and darkness, day and night. the maiden is the dawn from whose virgin womb rises the sun in the fullness of his glory and might, but with his advent the dawn itself disappears and dies. the battle lasts all day, beginning when the earliest rays gild the mountain tops, and continues until the west is driven to the edge of the world. as the evening precedes the morning, so the west, by a figure of speech, may be said to fertilize the dawn. in another form of the story the west was typified as a flint stone, and the twin brother of michabo. the feud between them was bitter, and the contest long and dreadful. the face of the land was seamed and torn by the wrestling of the mighty combatants, and the indians pointed out the huge boulders on the prairies as the weapons hurled at each other by the enraged brothers. at length michabo mastered his fellow twin and broke him into pieces. he scattered the fragments over the earth, and from them grew fruitful vines. a myth which, like this, introduces the flint stone as in some way connected with the early creative forces of nature, recurs at other localities on the american continent very remote from the home of the algonkins. in the calendar of the aztecs the day and god tecpatl, the flint-stone, held a prominent position. according to their myths such a stone fell from heaven at the beginning of things and broke into sixteen hundred pieces, each of which became a god. the hun-pic-tok, eight thousand flints, of the mayas, and the toh of the kiches, point to the same association.[ ] [footnote : brasseur de bourbourg, _dissertation sur les mythes de l'antiquite americaine_, §vii.] probably the association of ideas was not with the flint as a fire-stone, though the fact that a piece of flint struck with a nodule of pyrites will emit a spark was not unknown. but the flint was everywhere employed for arrow and lance heads. the flashes of light, the lightning, anything that darted swiftly and struck violently, was compared to the hurtling arrow or the whizzing lance. especially did this apply to the phenomenon of the lightning. the belief that a stone is shot from the sky with each thunderclap is shown in our word "thunderbolt," and even yet the vulgar in many countries point out certain forms of stones as derived from this source. as the refreshing rain which accompanies the thunder gust instills new life into vegetation, and covers the ground parched by summer droughts with leaves and grass, so the statement in the myth that the fragments of the flint-stone grew into fruitful vines is an obvious figure of speech which at first expressed the fertilizing effects of the summer showers. in this myth michabo, the light-god, was represented to the native mind as still fighting with the powers of darkness, not now the darkness of night, but that of the heavy and gloomy clouds which roll up the sky and blind the eye of day. his weapons are the lightning and the thunderbolt, and the victory he achieves is turned to the good of the world he has created. this is still more clearly set forth in an ojibway myth. it relates that in early days there was a mighty serpent, king of all serpents, whose home was in the great lakes. increasing the waters by his magic powers, he began to flood the land, and threatened its total submergence. then michabo rose from his couch at the sun-rising, attacked the huge reptile and slew it by a cast of his dart. he stripped it of its skin, and clothing himself in this trophy of conquest, drove all the other serpents to the south.[ ] as it is in the south that, in the country of the ojibways, the lightning is last seen in the autumn, and as the algonkins, both in their language and pictography, were accustomed to assimilate the lightning in its zigzag course to the sinuous motion of the serpent,[ ] the meteorological character of this myth is very manifest. [footnote : h.r. schoolcraft, _algic researches_, vol. i, p. , vol. ii, p. . the word _animikig_ in ojibway means "it thunders and lightnings;" in their myths this tribe says that the west wind is created by animiki, the thunder. (ibid. _indian tribes_, vol. v, p. .)] [footnote : when father buteux was among the algonkins, in , they explained to him the lightning as "a great serpent which the manito vomits up." (_relation de la nouvelle france_, an. , p. .) according to john tanner, the symbol for the lightning in ojibway pictography was a rattlesnake. (_narrative_, p. .)] thus we see that michabo, the hero-god of the algonkins, was both the god of light and day, of the winds and rains, and the creator, instructor and teacher of mankind. the derivation of his name shows unmistakably that the earliest form under which he was a mythological existence was as the light-god. later he became more familiar as god of the winds and storms, the hero of the celestial warfare of the air-currents. this is precisely the same change which we are enabled to trace in the early transformations of aryan religion. there, also, the older god of the sky and light, dyâus, once common to all members of the indo-european family, gave way to the more active deities, indra, zeus and odin, divinities of the storm and the wind, but which, after all, are merely other aspects of the ancient deity, and occupied his place to the religious sense.[ ] it is essential, for the comprehension of early mythology, to understand this twofold character, and to appreciate how naturally the one merges into and springs out of the other. [footnote : this transformation is well set forth in mr. charles francis keary's _outlines of primitive belief among the indo-european races_ (london, ), chaps, iv, vii. he observes: "the wind is a far more physical and less abstract conception than the sky or heaven; it is also a more variable phenomenon; and by reason of both these recommendations the wind-god superseded the older dyâus. * * * just as the chief god of greece, having descended to be a divinity of storm, was not content to remain only that, but grew again to some likeness of the older dyâus, so odhinn came to absorb almost all the qualities which belong of right to a higher god. yet he did this without putting off his proper nature. he was the heaven as well as the wind; he was the all-father, embracing all the earth and looking down upon mankind."] in almost every known religion the _bird_ is taken as a symbol of the sky, the clouds and the winds. it is not surprising, therefore, to find that by the algonkins birds were considered, especially singing birds, as peculiarly sacred to michabo. he was their father and protector. he himself sent forth the east wind from his home at the sun-rising; but he appointed an owl to create the north wind, which blows from the realms of darkness and cold; while that which is wafted from the sunny south is sent by the butterfly.[ ] [footnote : h.r. schoolcraft, _algic researches_, vol. i, p. . _indian tribes_, vol. v, p. .] michabo was thus at times the god of light, at others of the winds, and as these are the rain-bringers, he was also at times spoken of as the god of waters. he was said to have scooped out the basins of the lakes and to have built the cataracts in the rivers, so that there should be fish preserves and beaver dams.[ ] [footnote : "michabou, le dieu des eaux," etc. charlevoix, _journal historique_, p. (paris, ).] in his capacity as teacher and instructor, it was he who had pointed out to the ancestors of the indians the roots and plants which are fit for food, and which are of value as medicine; he gave them fire, and recommended them never to allow it to become wholly extinguished in their villages; the sacred rites of what is called the _meday_ or ordinary religious ceremonial were defined and taught by him; the maize was his gift, and the pleasant art of smoking was his invention.[ ] [footnote : john tanner, _narrative of captivity and adventure_, p. . schoolcraft, _indian tribes_, vol. v, p. , etc.] a curious addition to the story was told the early swedish settlers on the river delaware by the algonkin tribe which inhabited its shores. these related that their various arts of domestic life and the chase were taught them long ago by a venerable and eloquent man who came to them from a distance, and having instructed them in what was desirable for them to know, he departed, not to another region or by the natural course of death, but by ascending into the sky. they added that this ancient and beneficent teacher _wore a long beard_.[ ] we might suspect that this last trait was thought of after the bearded europeans had been seen, did it not occur so often in myths elsewhere on the continent, and in relics of art finished long before the discovery, that another explanation must be found for it. what this is i shall discuss when i come to speak of the more southern myths, whose heroes were often "white and bearded men from the east." [footnote : thomas campanius (holm), _description of the province of new sweden_, book iii, ch. xi. campanius does not give the name of the hero-god, but there can be no doubt that it was the "great hare."] § . _the iroquois myth of ioskeha._[ ] [footnote : the sources from which i draw the elements of the iroquois hero-myth of ioskeha are mainly the following: _relations de la nouvelle france_, , , , etc. sagard, _histoire du canada_, pp. , (paris, ); david cusick, _ancient history of the six nations_, and manuscript material kindly furnished me by horatio hale, esq., who has made a thorough study of the iroquois history and dialects.] the most ancient myth of the iroquois represents this earth as covered with water, in which dwelt aquatic animals and monsters of the deep. far above it were the heavens, peopled by supernatural beings. at a certain time one of these, a woman, by name ataensic, threw herself through a rift in the sky and fell toward the earth. what led her to this act was variously recorded. some said that it was to recover her dog which had fallen through while chasing a bear. others related that those who dwelt in the world above lived off the fruit of a certain tree; that the husband of ataensic, being sick, dreamed that to restore him this tree must be cut down; and that when ataensic dealt it a blow with her stone axe, the tree suddenly sank through the floor of the sky, and she precipitated herself after it. however the event occurred, she fell from heaven down to the primeval waters. there a turtle offered her his broad back as a resting-place until, from a little mud which was brought her, either by a frog, a beaver or some other animal, she, by magic power, formed dry land on which to reside. at the time she fell from the sky she was pregnant, and in due time was delivered of a daughter, whose name, unfortunately, the legend does not record. this daughter grew to womanhood and conceived without having seen a man, for none was as yet created. the product of her womb was twins, and even before birth one of them betrayed his restless and evil nature, by refusing to be born in the usual manner, but insisting on breaking through his parent's side (or armpit). he did so, but it cost his mother her life. her body was buried, and from it sprang the various vegetable productions which the new earth required to fit it for the habitation of man. from her head grew the pumpkin vine; from her breast, the maize; from her limbs, the bean and other useful esculents. meanwhile the two brothers grew up. the one was named ioskeha. he went about the earth, which at that time was arid and waterless, and called forth the springs and lakes, and formed the sparkling brooks and broad rivers. but his brother, the troublesome tawiscara, he whose obstinacy had caused their mother's death, created an immense frog which swallowed all the water and left the earth as dry as before. ioskeha was informed of this by the partridge, and immediately set out for his brother's country, for they had divided the earth between them. soon he came to the gigantic frog, and piercing it in the side (or armpit), the waters flowed out once more in their accustomed ways. then it was revealed to ioskeha by his mother's spirit that tawiscara intended to slay him by treachery. therefore, when the brothers met, as they soon did, it was evident that a mortal combat was to begin. now, they were not men, but gods, whom it was impossible really to kill, nor even could either be seemingly slain, except by one particular substance, a secret which each had in his own keeping. as therefore a contest with ordinary weapons would have been vain and unavailing, they agreed to tell each other what to each was the fatal implement of war. ioskeha acknowledged that to him a branch of the wild rose (or, according to another version, a bag filled with maize) was more dangerous than anything else; and tawiscara disclosed that the horn of a deer could alone reach his vital part. they laid off the lists, and tawiscara, having the first chance, attacked his brother violently with a branch of the wild rose, and beat him till he lay as one dead; but quickly reviving, ioskeha assaulted tawiscara with the antler of a deer, and dealing him a blow in the side, the blood flowed from the wound in streams. the unlucky combatant fled from the field, hastening toward the west, and as he ran the drops of his blood which fell upon the earth turned into flint stones. ioskeha did not spare him, but hastening after, finally slew him. he did not, however, actually kill him, for, as i have said, these were beings who could not die; and, in fact, tawiscara was merely driven from the earth and forced to reside in the far west, where he became ruler of the spirits of the dead. these go there to dwell when they leave the bodies behind them here. ioskeha, returning, peaceably devoted himself to peopling the land. he opened a cave which existed in the earth and allowed to come forth from it all the varieties of animals with which the woods and prairies are peopled. in order that they might be more easily caught by men, he wounded every one in the foot except the wolf, which dodged his blow; for that reason this beast is one of the most difficult to catch. he then formed men and gave them life, and instructed them in the art of making fire, which he himself had learned from the great tortoise. furthermore he taught them how to raise maize, and it is, in fact, ioskeha himself who imparts fertility to the soil, and through his bounty and kindness the grain returns a hundred fold. nor did they suppose that he was a distant, invisible, unapproachable god. no, he was ever at hand with instruction and assistance. was there to be a failure in the harvest, he would be seen early in the season, thin with anxiety about his people, holding in his hand a blighted ear of corn. did a hunter go out after game, he asked the aid of ioskeha, who would put fat animals in the way, were he so minded. at their village festivals he was present and partook of the cheer. once, in , when the smallpox was desolating the villages of the hurons, we are told by father lalemant that an indian said there had appeared to him a beautiful youth, of imposing stature, and addressed him with these words: "have no fear; i am the master of the earth, whom you hurons adore under the name _ioskeha_. the french wrongly call me jesus, because they do not know me. it grieves me to see the pestilence that is destroying my people, and i come to teach you its cause and its remedy. its cause is the presence of these strangers; and its remedy is to drive out these black robes (the missionaries), to drink of a certain water which i shall tell you of, and to hold a festival in my honor, which must be kept up all night, until the dawn of day." the home of ioskeha is in the far east, at that part of the horizon where the sun rises. there he has his cabin, and there he dwells with his grandmother, the wise ataensic. she is a woman of marvelous magical power, and is capable of assuming any shape she pleases. in her hands is the fate of all men's lives, and while ioskeha looks after the things of life, it is she who appoints the time of death, and concerns herself with all that relates to the close of existence. hence she was feared, not exactly as a maleficent deity, but as one whose business is with what is most dreaded and gloomy. it was said that on a certain occasion four bold young men determined to journey to the sun-rising and visit the great ioskeha. they reached his cabin and found him there alone. he received them affably and they conversed pleasantly, but at a certain moment he bade them hide themselves for their life, as his grandmother was coming. they hastily concealed themselves, and immediately ataensic entered. her magic insight had warned her of the presence of guests, and she had assumed the form of a beautiful girl, dressed in gay raiment, her neck and arms resplendent with collars and bracelets of wampum. she inquired for the guests, but ioskeha, anxious to save them, dissembled, and replied that he knew not what she meant. she went forth to search for them, when he called them forth from their hiding place and bade them flee, and thus they escaped. it was said of ioskeha that he acted the part of husband to his grandmother. in other words, the myth presents the germ of that conception which the priests of ancient egypt endeavored to express when they taught that osiris was "his own father and his own son," that he was the "self-generating one," even that he was "the father of his own mother." these are grossly materialistic expressions, but they are perfectly clear to the student of mythology. they are meant to convey to the mind the self-renewing power of life in nature, which is exemplified in the sowing and the seeding, the winter and the summer, the dry and the rainy seasons, and especially the sunset and sunrise. they are echoes in the soul of man of the ceaseless rhythm in the operations of nature, and they become the only guarantors of his hopes for immortal life.[ ] [footnote : such epithets were common, in the egyptian religion, to most of the gods of fertility. amun, called in some of the inscriptions "the soul of osiris," derives his name from the root _men_, to impregnate, to beget. in the karnak inscriptions he is also termed "the husband of his mother." this, too, was the favorite appellation of chem, who was a form of horos. see dr. c.p. tiele, _history of the egyptian religion_, pp. , . , , etc.] let us look at the names in the myth before us, for confirmation of this. _ioskeha_ is in the oneida dialect of the iroquois an impersonal verbal form of the third person singular, and means literally, "it is about to grow white," that is, to become light, to dawn. _ataensic_ is from the root _aouen_, water, and means literally, "she who is in the water."[ ] plainly expressed, the sense of the story is that the orb of light rises daily out of the boundless waters which are supposed to surround the land, preceded by the dawn, which fades away as soon as the sun has risen. each day the sun disappears in these waters, to rise again from them the succeeding morning. as the approach of the sun causes the dawn, it was merely a gross way of stating this to say that the solar god was the father of his own mother, the husband of his grandmother. [footnote : i have analyzed these words in a note to another work, and need not repeat the matter here, the less so, as i am not aware that the etymology has been questioned. see _myths of the new world_, d ed., p. , note.] the position of ioskeha in mythology is also shown by the other name under which he was, perhaps, even more familiar to most of the iroquois. this is _tharonhiawakon_, which is also a verbal form of the third person, with the dual sign, and literally means, "he holds (or holds up) the sky with his two arms."[ ] in other words, he is nearly allied to the ancient aryan dyâus, the sky, the heavens, especially the sky in the daytime. [footnote : a careful analysis of this name is given by father j.a. cuoq, probably the best living authority on the iroquois, in his _lexique de la langue iroquoise_, p. (montreal, ). here also the iroquois followed precisely the line of thought of the ancient egyptians. shu, in the religion of heliopolis, represented the cosmic light and warmth, the quickening, creative principle. it is he who, as it is stated in the inscriptions, "holds up the heavens," and he is depicted on the monuments as a man with uplifted arms who supports the vault of heaven, because it is the intermediate light that separates the earth from the sky. shu was also god of the winds; in a passage of the book of the dead, he is made to say: "i am shu, who drives the winds onward to the confines of heaven, to the confines of the earth, even to the confines of space." again, like ioskeha, shu is said to have begotten himself in the womb of his mother, nu or nun, who was, like ataensic, the goddess of water, the heavenly ocean, the primal sea. tiele, _history of the egyptian religion_, pp. - .] the signification of the conflict with his twin brother is also clearly seen in the two names which the latter likewise bears in the legends. one of these is that which i have given, _tawiscara_, which, there is little doubt, is allied to the root, _tiokaras_, it grows dark. the other is _tehotennhiaron_, the root word of which is _kannhia_, the flint stone. this name he received because, in his battle with his brother, the drops of blood which fell from his wounds were changed into flints.[ ] here the flint had the same meaning which i have already pointed out in algonkin myth, and we find, therefore, an absolute identity of mythological conception and symbolism between the two nations. [footnote : cuoq, _lexique de la langue iroquoise_, p. , who gives a full analysis of the name.] could these myths have been historically identical? it is hard to disbelieve it. yet the nations were bitter enemies. their languages are totally unlike. these same similarities present themselves over such wide areas and between nations so remote and of such different culture, that the theory of a parallelism of development is after all the more credible explanation. the impressions which natural occurrences make on minds of equal stages of culture are very much alike. the same thoughts are evoked, and the same expressions suggest themselves as appropriate to convey these thoughts in spoken language. this is often exhibited in the identity of expression between master-poets of the same generation, and between cotemporaneous thinkers in all branches of knowledge. still more likely is it to occur in primitive and uncultivated conditions, where the most obvious forms of expression are at once adopted, and the resources of the mind are necessarily limited. this is a simple and reasonable explanation for the remarkable sameness which prevails in the mental products of the lower stages of civilization, and does away with the necessity of supposing a historic derivation one from the other or both from a common stock. chapter iii. the hero-god of the aztec tribes. § . _the two antagonists._ the contest of quetzalcoatl and tezcatlipoca--quetzalcoatl the light-god--derivation of his name--titles of tezcatlipoca--identified with darkness, night and gloom. § . _quetzalcoatl the god._ myth of the four brothers--the four suns and the elemental conflict--names of the four brothers. § . _quetzalcoatl the hero of tula._ tula the city of the sun--who were the toltecs?--tlapallan and xalac--the birth of the hero-god--his virgin mother, chimalmatl--his miraculous conception--aztlan, the land of seven caves, and colhuacan, the bended mount--the maid xochitl and the rose garden of the gods--quetzalcoatl as the white and bearded stranger. the glory of the lord of tula--the subtlety of the sorcerer, tezcatlipoca--the magic mirror and the mystic draught--the myth explained--the promise of rejuvenation--the toveyo and the maiden--the juggleries of tezcatlipoca--departure of quetzalcoatl from tula--quetzalcoatl at cholula--his death or departure--the celestial game of ball and tiger skin--quetzalcoatl as the planet venus. § . _quetzalcoatl as lord of the winds._ the lord of the four winds--his symbols the wheel of the winds, the pentagon and the cross--close relation to the gods of rain and waters--inventor of the calendar--god of fertility and conception--recommends sexual austerity--phallic symbols--god of merchants--the patron of thieves--his pictographic representations. § . _the return of quetzalcoatl._ his expected re-appearance--the anxiety of montezuma--his address to cortes--the general expectation--explanation of his predicted return. i now turn from the wild hunting tribes who peopled the shores of the great lakes and the fastnesses of the northern forests to that cultivated race whose capital city was in the valley of mexico, and whose scattered colonies were found on the shores of both oceans from the mouths of the rio grande and the gila, south, almost to the isthmus of panama. they are familiarly known as aztecs or mexicans, and the language common to them all was the _nahuatl_, a word of their own, meaning "the pleasant sounding." their mythology has been preserved in greater fullness than that of any other american people, and for this reason i am enabled to set forth in ampler detail the elements of their hero-myth, which, indeed, may be taken as the most perfect type of those i have collected in this volume. § . _the two antagonists._ the culture hero of the aztecs was quetzalcoatl, and the leading drama, the central myth, in all the extensive and intricate theology of the nahuatl speaking tribes was his long contest with tezcatlipoca, "a contest," observes an eminent mexican antiquary, "which came to be the main element in the nahuatl religion and the cause of its modifications, and which materially influenced the destinies of that race from its earliest epochs to the time of its destruction."[ ] [footnote : alfredo chavero, _la piedra del sol_, in the _anales del museo nacional de mexico_, tom. ii, p. .] the explanations which have been offered of this struggle have varied with the theories of the writers propounding them. it has been regarded as a simple historical fact; as a figure of speech to represent the struggle for supremacy between two races; as an astronomical statement referring to the relative positions of the planet venus and the moon; as a conflict between christianity, introduced by saint thomas, and the native heathenism; and as having other meanings not less unsatisfactory or absurd. placing it side by side with other american hero-myths, we shall see that it presents essentially the same traits, and undoubtedly must be explained in the same manner. all of them are the transparent stories of a simple people, to express in intelligible terms the daily struggle that is ever going on between day and night, between light and darkness, between storm and sunshine. like all the heroes of light, quetzalcoatl is identified with the east. he is born there, and arrives from there, and hence las casas and others speak of him as from yucatan, or as landing on the shores of the mexican gulf from some unknown land. his day of birth was that called ce acatl, one reed, and by this name he is often known. but this sign is that of the east in aztec symbolism.[ ] in a myth of the formation of the sun and moon, presented by sahagun,[ ] a voluntary victim springs into the sacrificial fire that the gods have built. they know that he will rise as the sun, but they do not know in what part of the horizon that will be. some look one way, some another, but quetzalcoatl watches steadily the east, and is the first to see and welcome the orb of light. he is fair in complexion, with abundant hair and a full beard, bordering on the red,[ ] as are all the dawn heroes, and like them he was an instructor in the arts, and favored peace and mild laws. [footnote : chavero, _anales del museo nacional de mexico_, tom. ii, p. , .] [footnote : _historia de las cosas de nueva españa_, lib. vii, cap. ii.] [footnote : "la barba longa entre cana y roja; el cabello largo, muy llano." diego duran, _historia_, in kingsborough, vol. viii, p. .] his name is symbolic, and is capable of several equally fair renderings. the first part of it, _quetzalli_, means literally a large, handsome green feather, such as were very highly prized by the natives. hence it came to mean, in an adjective sense, precious, beautiful, beloved, admirable. the bird from which these feathers were obtained was the _quetzal-tototl_ (_tototl_, bird) and is called by ornithologists _trogon splendens_. the latter part of the name, _coatl_, has in aztec three entirely different meanings. it means a guest, also twins, and lastly, as a syncopated form of _cohuatl_, a serpent. metaphorically, _cohuatl_ meant something mysterious, and hence a supernatural being, a god. thus montezuma, when he built a temple in the city of mexico dedicated to the whole body of divinities, a regular pantheon, named it _coatecalli_, the house of the serpent.[ ] [footnote : "coatecalli, que quiere decir el _templo de la culebra_, que sin metáfora quiere decir _templo de diversos dioses_." duran, _historia de las indias de nueva españa_, cap. lviii.] through these various meanings a good defence can be made of several different translations of the name, and probably it bore even to the natives different meanings at different times. i am inclined to believe that the original sense was that advocated by becerra in the seventeenth century, and adopted by veitia in the eighteenth, both competent aztec scholars.[ ] they translate quetzalcoatl as "the admirable twin," and though their notion that this refers to thomas didymus, the apostle, does not meet my views, i believe they were right in their etymology. the reference is to the duplicate nature of the light-god as seen in the setting and rising sun, the sun of to-day and yesterday, the same yet different. this has its parallels in many other mythologies.[ ] [footnote : becerra, _felicidad de méjico_, , quoted in veitia, _historia del origen de las gentes que poblaron la américa septentrional_, cap. xix.] [footnote : in the egyptian "book of the dead," ra, the sun-god, says, "i am a soul and its twins," or, "my soul is becoming two twins." "this means that the soul of the sun-god is one, but, now that it is born again, it divides into two principal forms. ra was worshipped at an, under his two prominent manifestations, as tum the primal god, or more definitely, god of the sun at evening, and as harmachis, god of the new sun, the sun at dawn." tiele, _history of the egyptian religion_, p. .] the correctness of this supposition seems to be shown by a prevailing superstition among the aztecs about twins, and which strikingly illustrates the uniformity of mythological conceptions throughout the world. all readers are familiar with the twins romulus and remus in roman story, one of whom was fated to destroy their grandfather amulius; with edipus and telephos, whose father laios, was warned that his death would be by one of his children; with theseus and peirithoos, the former destined to cause the suicide of his father aigeus; and with many more such myths. they can be traced, without room for doubt, back to simple expressions of the fact that the morning and the evening of the one day can only come when the previous day is past and gone; expressed figuratively by the statement that any one day must destroy its predecessor. this led to the stories of "the fatal children," which we find so frequent in aryan mythology.[ ] [footnote : sir george w. cox, _the science of comparative mythology and folk lore_, pp. , , , etc.] the aztecs were a coarse and bloody race, and carried out their superstitions without remorse. based, no doubt, on this mythical expression of a natural occurrence, they had the belief that if twins were allowed to live, one or the other of them would kill and eat his father or mother; therefore, it was their custom when such were brought into the world to destroy one of them.[ ] [footnote : gerónimo de mendieta, _historia eclesiastica indiana_. lib. ii, cap. xix.] we shall see that, as in algonkin story michabo strove to slay his father, the west wind, so quetzalcoatl was in constant warfare with his father, tezcatlipoca-camaxtli, the spirit of darkness. the effect of this oft-repeated myth on the minds of the superstitious natives was to lead them to the brutal child murder i have mentioned. it was, however, natural that the more ordinary meaning, "the feathered or bird-serpent," should become popular, and in the picture writing some combination of the serpent with feathers or other part of a bird was often employed as the rebus of the name quetzalcoatl. he was also known by other names, as, like all the prominent gods in early mythologies, he had various titles according to the special attribute or function which was uppermost in the mind of the worshipper. one of these was _papachtic_, he of the flowing locks, a word which the spaniards shortened to papa, and thought was akin to their title of the pope. it is, however, a pure nahuatl word,[ ] and refers to the abundant hair with which he was always credited, and which, like his ample beard, was, in fact, the symbol of the sun's rays, the aureole or glory of light which surrounded his face. [footnote : "_papachtic_, guedejudo; _papachtli_, guedeja o vedija de capellos, o de otra cosa assi." molina, _vocabulario de la lengua mexicana_. sub voce. juan de tobar, in kingsborough, vol. viii, p. , note.] his fair complexion was, as usual, significant of light. this association of ideas was so familiar among the mexicans that at the time of an eclipse of the sun they sought out the whitest men and women they could find, and sacrificed them, in order to pacify the sun.[ ] [footnote : mendieta, _historia eclesiastica indiana_, lib. ii, cap. xvi.] his opponent, tezcatlipoca, was the most sublime figure in the aztec pantheon. he towered above all other gods, as did jove in olympus. he was appealed to as the creator of heaven and earth, as present in every place, as the sole ruler of the world, as invisible and omniscient. the numerous titles by which he was addressed illustrate the veneration in which he was held. his most common name in prayers was _titlacauan_, we are his slaves. as believed to be eternally young, he was telpochtli, the youth; as potent and unpersuadable, he was _moyocoyatzin_, the determined doer;[ ] as exacting in worship, _monenegui_, he who demands prayers; as the master of the race, _teyocoyani_, creator of men, and _teimatini_, disposer of men. as he was jealous and terrible, the god who visited on men plagues, and famines, and loathsome diseases, the dreadful deity who incited wars and fomented discord, he was named _yaotzin_, the arch enemy, _yaotl necoc_, the enemy of both sides, _moquequeloa_, the mocker, _nezaualpilli_, the lord who fasts, _tlamatzincatl_, he who enforces penitence; and as dark, invisible and inscrutable, he was _yoalli ehecatl_, the night wind.[ ] [footnote : _moyocoyatzin_, is the third person singular of _yocoya_, to do, to make, with the reverential termination _tzin_. sahagun says this title was given him because he could do what he pleased, on earth or in heaven, and no one could prevent him. (historia de nueva españa, lib. iii. cap. ii.) it seems to me that it would rather refer to his demiurgic, creative power.] [footnote : all these titles are to be found in sahagun, _historia de nueva españa_.] he was said to be formed of thin air and darkness; and when he was seen of men it was as a shadow without substance. he alone of all the gods defied the assaults of time, was ever young and strong, and grew not old with years.[ ] against such an enemy who could hope for victory? [footnote : the description of clavigero is worth quoting: "tezcatlipoca: questo era il maggior dio, che in que paesi si adorava, dopo il dio invisible, o supremo essere. era il dio della providenza, l' anima del mondo, il creator del cielo e della terra, ed il signor di tutle le cose. rappresentavanlo tuttora giovane per significare, che non s' invecchiava mai, nè s' indeboliva cogli anni." _storia antica di messico_, lib. vi, p. .] the name "tezcatlipoca" is one of odd significance. it means the smoking mirror. this strange metaphor has received various explanations. the mirrors in use among the aztecs were polished plates of obsidian, trimmed to a circular form. there was a variety of this black stone called _tezcapoctli_, smoky mirror stone, and from this his images were at times made.[ ] this, however, seems too trivial an explanation. [footnote : sahagun, _historia_, lib. ii, cap. xxxvii.] others have contended that tezcatlipoca, as undoubtedly the spirit of darkness and the night, refers, in its meaning, to the moon, which hangs like a bright round mirror in the sky, though partly dulled by what the natives thought a smoke.[ ] [footnote : _anales del museo nacional_, tom. ii, p. .] i am inclined to believe, however, that the mirror referred to is that first and most familiar of all, the surface of water: and that the smoke is the mist which at night rises from lake and river, as actual smoke does in the still air. as presiding over the darkness and the night, dreams and the phantoms of the gloom were supposed to be sent by tezcatlipoca, and to him were sacred those animals which prowl about at night, as the skunk and the coyote.[ ] [footnote : sahagun, _historia_. lib. vi, caps. ix, xi, xii.] thus his names, his various attributes, his sacred animals and his myths unite in identifying this deity as a primitive personification of the darkness, whether that of the storm or of the night.[ ] [footnote : señor alfredo chavero believes tezcatlipoca to have been originally the moon, and there is little doubt at times this was one of his symbols, as the ruler of the darkness. m. girard de rialle, on the other hand, claims him as a solar deity. "il est la personnification du soleil sous son aspect corrupteur et destructeur, ennemi des hommes et de la nature." _la mythologie comparée_, p. (paris, ). a closer study of the original authorities would, i am sure, have led m. de rialle to change this opinion. he is singularly far from the conclusion reached by m. ternaux-compans, who says: "tezcatlipoca fût la personnification du bon principe." _essai sur la théogonie mexicaine_, p. (paris, ). both opinions are equally incomplete. dr. schultz-sellack considers him the "wassergott," and assigns him to the north, in his essay, _die amerikanischen götter der vier weltgegenden, zeitschrift für ethnologie_, bd. xi, . this approaches more closely to his true character.] this is further shown by the beliefs current as to his occasional appearance on earth. this was always at night and in the gloom of the forest. the hunter would hear a sound like the crash of falling trees, which would be nothing else than the mighty breathings of the giant form of the god on his nocturnal rambles. were the hunter timorous he would die outright on seeing the terrific presence of the god; but were he of undaunted heart, and should rush upon him and seize him around the waist, the god was helpless and would grant him anything he wished. "ask what you please," the captive deity would say, "and it is yours. only fail not to release me before the sun rises. for i must leave before it appears."[ ] [footnote : torquemada, _monarquía indiana_, lib. xiv, cap. xxii.] § . _quetzalcoatl the god._ in the ancient and purely mythical narrative, quetzalcoatl is one of four divine brothers, gods like himself, born in the uttermost or thirteenth heaven to the infinite and uncreated deity, which, in its male manifestations, was known as _tonaca tecutli_, lord of our existence, and _tzin teotl_, god of the beginning, and in its female expressions as _tonaca cihuatl_, queen of our existence, _xochiquetzal_, beautiful rose, _citlallicue_, the star-skirted or the milky way, _citlalatonac_, the star that warms, or the morning, and _chicome coatl_, the seven serpents.[ ] [footnote : the chief authorities on the birth of the god quetzalcoatl, are ramirez de fuen-leal _historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas_, cap. i, printed in the _anales del museo nacional_; the _codex telleriano-remensis_, and the _codex vaticanus_, both of which are in kingsborough's _mexican antiquities_. the usual translation of _tonaca tecutli_ is "god of our subsistence," _to_, our, _naca_, flesh, _tecutli_, chief or lord. it really has a more subtle meaning. _naca_ is not applied to edible flesh--that is expressed by the word _nonoac_--but is the flesh of our own bodies, our life, existence. see _anales de cuauhtitlan_, p. , note.] of these four brothers, two were the black and the red tezcatlipoca, and the fourth was huitzilopochtli, the left handed, the deity adored beyond all others in the city of mexico. tezcatlipoca--for the two of the name blend rapidly into one as the myth progresses--was wise beyond compute; he knew all thoughts and hearts, could see to all places, and was distinguished for power and forethought. at a certain time the four brothers gathered together and consulted concerning the creation of things. the work was left to quetzalcoatl and huitzilopochtli. first they made fire, then half a sun, the heavens, the waters and a certain great fish therein, called cipactli, and from its flesh the solid earth. the first mortals were the man, cipactonal, and the woman, oxomuco,[ ] and that the son born to them might have a wife, the four gods made one for him out of a hair taken from the head of their divine mother, xochiquetzal. [footnote : the names cipactli and cipactonal have not been satisfactorily analyzed. the derivation offered by señor chavero (_anales del museo nacional_, tom. ii, p. ), is merely fanciful; _tonal_ is no doubt from _tona_, to shine, to warn; and i think _cipactli_ is a softened form with the personal ending from _chipauac_, something beautiful or clear. hence the meaning of the compound is the beautiful shining one. oxomuco, which chavero derives from _xomitl_, foot, is perhaps the same as _xmukane_, the mother of the human race, according to the _popol vuh_, a name which, i have elsewhere shown, appears to be from a maya root, meaning to conceal or bury in the ground. the hint is of the fertilizing action of the warm light on the seed hidden in the soil. see _the names of the gods in the kiche myths, trans. of the amer. phil. soc._ .] now began the struggle between the two brothers, tezcatlipoca and quetzalcoatl, which was destined to destroy time after time the world, with all its inhabitants, and to plunge even the heavenly luminaries into a common ruin. the half sun created by quetzalcoatl lighted the world but poorly, and the four gods came together to consult about adding another half to it. not waiting for their decision, tezcatlipoca transformed himself into a sun, whereupon the other gods filled the world with great giants, who could tear up trees with their hands. when an epoch of thirteen times fifty-two years had passed, quetzalcoatl seized a great stick, and with a blow of it knocked tezcatlipoca from the sky into the waters, and himself became sun. the fallen god transformed himself into a tiger, and emerged from the waves to attack and devour the giants with which his brothers had enviously filled the world which he had been lighting from the sky. after this, he passed to the nocturnal heavens, and became the constellation of the great bear. for an epoch the earth flourished under quetzalcoatl as sun, but tezcatlipoca was merely biding his time, and the epoch ended, he appeared as a tiger and gave quetzalcoatl such a blow with his paw that it hurled him from the skies. the overthrown god revenged himself by sweeping the earth with so violent a tornado that it destroyed all the inhabitants but a few, and these were changed into monkeys. his victorious brother then placed in the heavens, as sun, tlaloc, the god of darkness, water and rains, but after half an epoch, quetzalcoatl poured a flood of fire upon the earth, drove tlaloc from the sky, and placed in his stead, as sun, the goddess chalchiutlicue, the emerald skirted, wife of tlaloc. in her time the rains poured so upon the earth that all human beings were drowned or changed into fishes, and at last the heavens themselves fell, and sun and stars were alike quenched. then the two brothers whose strife had brought this ruin, united their efforts and raised again the sky, resting it on two mighty trees, the tree of the mirror (_tezcaquahuitl_) and the beautiful great rose tree (_quetzalveixochitl_), on which the concave heavens have ever since securely rested; though we know them better, perhaps, if we drop the metaphor and call them the "mirroring sea" and the "flowery earth," on one of which reposes the horizon, in whichever direction we may look. again the four brothers met together to provide a sun for the now darkened earth. they decided to make one, indeed, but such a one as would eat the hearts and drink the blood of victims, and there must be wars upon the earth, that these victims could be obtained for the sacrifice. then quetzalcoatl builded a great fire and took his son--his son born of his own flesh, without the aid of woman--and cast him into the flames, whence he rose into the sky as the sun which lights the world. when the light-god kindles the flames of the dawn in the orient sky, shortly the sun emerges from below the horizon and ascends the heavens. tlaloc, god of waters, followed, and into the glowing ashes of the pyre threw his son, who rose as the moon. tezcatlipoca had it now in mind to people the earth, and he, therefore, smote a certain rock with a stick, and from it issued four hundred barbarians (_chichimeca_).[ ] certain five goddesses, however, whom he had already created in the eighth heaven, descended and slew these four hundred, all but three. these goddesses likewise died before the sun appeared, but came into being again from the garments they had left behind. so also did the four hundred chichimecs, and these set about to burn one of the five goddesses, by name coatlicue, the serpent skirted, because it was discovered that she was with child, though yet unmarried. but, in fact, she was a spotless virgin, and had known no man. she had placed some white plumes in her bosom, and through these the god huitzilopochtli entered her body to be born again. when, therefore, the four hundred had gathered together to burn her, the god came forth fully armed and slew them every one. [footnote : the name chichimeca has been a puzzle. the derivation appears to be from _chichi_, a dog, _mecatl_, a rope. according to general tradition the chichimecs were a barbarous people who inhabited mexico before the aztecs came. yet sahagun says the toltecs were the real chichimecs (lib. x, cap. xxix). in the myth we are now considering, they were plainly the stars.] it is not hard to guess who are these four hundred youths slain before the sun rises, destined to be restored to life and yet again destroyed. the veil of metaphor is thin which thus conceals to our mind the picture of the myriad stars quenched every morning by the growing light, but returning every evening to their appointed places. and did any doubt remain, it is removed by the direct statement in the echo of this tradition preserved by the kiches of guatemala, wherein it is plainly said that the four hundred youths who were put to death by zipacna, and restored to life by hunhun ahpu, "rose into the sky and became the stars of heaven."[ ] [footnote : _popol vuh, le livre sacré des quichés_, p. .] indeed, these same ancient men whose explanations i have been following added that the four hundred men whom tezcatlipoca created continued yet to live in the third heaven, and were its guards and watchmen. they were of five colors, yellow, black, white, blue and red, which in the symbolism of their tongue meant that they were distributed around the zenith and to each of the four cardinal points.[ ] [footnote : see h. de charencey, _des couleurs considérées comme symboles des points de l'horizon chez les peuples du nouveau monde_, in the _actes de la société philologiques_, tome vi. no. .] nor did these sages suppose that the struggle of the dark tezcatlipoca to master the light-god had ceased; no, they knew he was biding his time, with set purpose and a fixed certainty of success. they knew that in the second heaven there were certain frightful women, without flesh or bones, whose names were the terrible, or the thin dart-throwers, who were waiting there until this world should end, when they would descend and eat up all mankind.[ ] asked concerning the time of this destruction, they replied that as to the day or season they knew it not, but it would be "when tezcatlipoca should steal the sun from heaven for himself"; in other words, when eternal night should close in upon the universe.[ ] [footnote : these frightful beings were called the _tzitzimime_, a word which molina in his vocabulary renders "cosa espantosa ó cosa de aguero." for a thorough discussion of their place in mexican mythology, see _anales del museo nacional_, tom. ii, pp. - .] [footnote : the whole of this version of the myth is from the work of ramirez de fuen-leal, which i consider in some respects the most valuable authority we possess. it was taken directly from the sacred books of the aztecs, as explained by the most competent survivors of the conquest.] the myth which i have here given in brief is a prominent one in aztec cosmogony, and is known as that of the ages of the world or the suns. the opinion was widely accepted that the present is the fifth age or period of the world's history; that it has already undergone four destructions by various causes, and that the present period is also to terminate in another such catastrophe. the agents of such universal ruin have been a great flood, a world-wide conflagration, frightful tornadoes and famine, earthquakes and wild beasts, and hence the ages, suns or periods were called respectively, from their terminations, those of water, fire, air and earth. as we do not know the destiny of the fifth, the present one, it has as yet no name. i shall not attempt to go into the details of this myth, the less so as it has recently been analyzed with much minuteness by the mexican antiquary chavero.[ ] i will merely point out that it is too closely identified with a great many similar myths for us to be allowed to seek an origin for it peculiar to mexican or even american soil. we can turn to the tualati who live in oregon, and they will tell us of the four creations and destructions of mankind; how at the end of the first age all human beings were changed into stars; at the end of the second they became stones; at the end of the third into fishes; and at the close of the fourth they disappeared, to give place to the tribes that now inhabit the world.[ ] or we can read from the cuneiform inscriptions of ancient babylon, and find the four destructions of the race there specified, as by a flood, by wild beasts, by famine and by pestilence.[ ] [footnote : alfredo chavero, _la piedra del sol_, in the _anales del museo nacional_, tom. i, p. , et seq.] [footnote : a.s. gatschet, _the four creations of mankind_, a tualati myth, in _transactions of the anthropological society of washington_, vol. i, p. ( ).] [footnote : paul haupt, _der keilinschriftliche sintfluthbericht_, p. (leipzig, ).] the explanation which i have to give of these coincidences--which could easily be increased--is that the number four was chosen as that of the four cardinal points, and that the fifth or present age, that in which we live, is that which is ruled by the ruler of the four points, by the spirit of light, who was believed to govern them, as, in fact, the early dawn does, by defining the relations of space, act as guide and governor of the motions of men. all through aztec mythology, traditions and customs, we can discover this ancient myth of the four brothers, the four ancestors of their race, or the four chieftains who led their progenitors to their respective habitations. the rude mountaineers of meztitlan, who worshiped with particular zeal tezcatlipoca and quetzalcoatl, and had inscribed, in gigantic figures, the sacred five points, symbol of the latter, on the side of a vast precipice in their land, gave the symbolic titles to the primeval quadruplet;-- _ixcuin_, he who has four faces. _hueytecpatl_, the ancient flint-stone. _tentetemic_, the lip-stone that slays. _nanacatltzatzi_, he who speaks when intoxicated with the poisonous mushroom, called _nanacatl_. these four brothers, according to the myth, were born of the goddess, hueytonantzin, which means "our great, ancient mother," and, with unfilial hands, turned against her and slew her, sacrificing her to the sun and offering her heart to that divinity.[ ] in other words, it is the old story of the cardinal points, defined at daybreak by the dawn, the eastern aurora, which is lost in or sacrificed to the sun on its appearance. [footnote : gabriel de chaves, _relacion de la provincia de meztitlan_, , in the _colecion de documentos ineditos del archivo de indias_, tom. iv, pp. and . the translations of the names are not given by chaves, but i think they are correct, except, possibly, the third, which may be a compound of _tentetl_, lipstone, _temictli_, dream, instead of with _temicti_, slayer.] of these four brothers i suspect the first, ixcuin, "he who looks four ways," or "has four faces," is none other than quetzalcoatl,[ ] while the ancient flint is probably tezcatlipoca, thus bringing the myth into singularly close relationship with that of the iroquois, given on a previous page. [footnote : _ixcuina_ was also the name of the goddess of pleasure. the derivation is from _ixtli_, face, _cui_, to take, and _na_, four. see the note of mm. jourdanet and simeon to their translation of sahagun, _historia_ p. .] another myth of the aztecs gave these four brothers or primitive heroes, as:-- huitzilopochtli. huitznahua. itztlacoliuhqui. pantecatl. of these dr. schultz-sellack advances plausible reasons for believing that itztlacoliuhqui, which was the name of a certain form of head-dress, was another title of quetzalcoatl; and that pantecatl was one of the names of tezcatlipoca.[ ] if this is the case we have here another version of the same myth. [footnote : dr. schultz sellack, _die amerikanischen götter der vier weltgegenden und ihre tempel in palenque_, in the _zeitschrift für ethnologie_, bd. xi, ( ).] § . _quetzalcoatl, the hero of tula._ but it was not quetzalcoatl the god, the mysterious creator of the visible world, on whom the thoughts of the aztec race delighted to dwell, but on quetzalcoatl, high priest in the glorious city of tollan (tula), the teacher of the arts, the wise lawgiver, the virtuous prince, the master builder and the merciful judge. here, again, though the scene is transferred from heaven to earth and from the cycles of other worlds to a date not extremely remote, the story continues to be of his contest with tezcatlipoca, and of the wiles of this enemy, now diminished to a potent magician and jealous rival, to dispossess and drive him from famous tollan. no one versed in the metaphors of mythology can be deceived by the thin veil of local color which surrounds the myth in this its terrestrial and historic form. apart from its being but a repetition or continuation of the genuine ancient account of the conflict of day and night, light and darkness, which i have already given, the name tollan is enough to point out the place and the powers with which the story deals. for this tollan, where quetzalcoatl reigned, is not by any means, as some have supposed, the little town of tula, still alive, a dozen leagues or so northwest from the city of mexico; nor was it, as the legend usually stated, in some undefined locality from six hundred to a thousand leagues northwest of that city; nor yet in asia, as some antiquaries have maintained; nor, indeed, anywhere upon this weary world; but it was, as the name denotes, and as the native historian tezozomoc long since translated it, where the bright sun lives, and where the god of light forever rules so long as that orb is in the sky. tollan is but a syncopated form of _tonatlan_, the place of the sun.[ ] [footnote : "tonalan, ô lugar del sol," says tezozomoc (_cronica mexicana_, chap. i). the full form is _tonatlan_, from _tona_, "hacer sol," and the place ending _tlan_. the derivation from _tollin_, a rush, is of no value, and it is nothing to the point that in the picture writing tollan was represented by a bundle of rushes (kingsborough, vol. vi, p. , note), as that was merely in accordance with the rules of the picture writing, which represented names by rebuses. still more worthless is the derivation given by herrera (_historia de las indias occidentals_, dec. iii, lib. i, cap. xi), that it means "lugar de tuna" or the place where the tuna (the fruit of the opuntia) is found; inasmuch as the word _tuna_ is not from the aztec at all, but belongs to that dialect of the arawack spoken by the natives of cuba and haiti.] it is worth while to examine the whereabouts and character of this marvelous city of tollan somewhat closely, for it is a place that we hear of in the oldest myths and legends of many and different races. not only the aztecs, but the mayas of yucatan and the kiches and cakchiquels of guatemala bewailed, in woful songs, the loss to them of that beautiful land, and counted its destruction as a common starting point in their annals.[ ] well might they regret it, for not again would they find its like. in that land the crop of maize never failed, and the ears grew as long as a man's arm; the cotton burst its pods, not white only, but naturally of all beautiful colors, scarlet, green, blue, orange, what you would; the gourds could not be clasped in the arms; birds of beauteous plumage filled the air with melodious song. there was never any want nor poverty. all the riches of the world were there, houses built of silver and precious jade, of rosy mother of pearl and of azure turquoises. the servants of the great king quetzalcoatl were skilled in all manner of arts; when he sent them forth they flew to any part of the world with infinite speed; and his edicts were proclaimed from the summit of the mountain tzatzitepec, the hill of shouting, by criers of such mighty voice that they could be heard a hundred leagues away.[ ] his servants and disciples were called "sons of the sun" and "sons of the clouds."[ ] [footnote : the _books of chilan balam_, of the mayas, the _record from tecpan atitlan_, of the cakchiquels, and the _popol vuh_, national book, of the kiches, have much to say about tulan. these works were all written at a very early date, by natives, and they have all been preserved in the original tongues, though unfortunately only the last mentioned has been published.] [footnote : sahagun, _historia_, lib. iii, cap. iii.] [footnote : duran, _historia de los indios_, in kingsborough, vol. viii, p. .] where, then, was this marvelous land and wondrous city? where could it be but where the light-god is on his throne, where the life-giving sun is ever present, where are the mansions of the day, and where all nature rejoices in the splendor of its rays? but this is more than in one spot. it may be in the uppermost heavens, where light is born and the fleecy clouds swim easily; or in the west, where the sun descends to his couch in sanguine glory; or in the east, beyond the purple rim of the sea, whence he rises refreshed as a giant to run his course; or in the underworld, where he passes the night. therefore, in ancient cakchiquel legend it is said: "where the sun rises, there is one tulan; another is in the underworld; yet another where the sun sets; and there is still another, and there dwells the god. thus, o my children, there are four tulans, as the ancient men have told us."[ ] [footnote : francisco ernantez arana xahila, _memorial de tecpan atitlan_. ms. in cakchiquel, in my possession.] the most venerable traditions of the maya race claimed for them a migration from "tollan in zuyva." "thence came we forth together," says the kiche myth, "there was the common parent of our race, thence came we, from among the yaqui men, whose god is yolcuat quetzalcoat."[ ] this tollan is certainly none other than the abode of quetzalcoatl, named in an aztec manuscript as _zivena vitzcatl_, a word of uncertain derivation, but applied to the highest heaven. [footnote : _le popol vuh_, p. . the name _yaqui_ means in kiche civilized or polished, and was applied to the aztecs, but it is, in its origin, from an aztec root _yauh_, whence _yaque_, travelers, and especially merchants. the kiches recognizing in the aztec merchants a superior and cultivated class of men, adopted into their tongue the name which the merchants gave themselves, and used the word in the above sense. compare sahagun, _historia de nueva españa_, lib. ix, cap. xii.] where quetzalcoatl finally retired, and whence he was expected back, was still a tollan--tollan tlapallan--and montezuma, when he heard of the arrival of the spaniards, exclaimed, "it is quetzalcoatl, returned from tula." the cities which selected him as their tutelary deity were named for that which he was supposed to have ruled over. thus we have tollan and tollantzinco ("behind tollan") in the valley of mexico, and the pyramid cholula was called "tollan-cholollan," as well as many other tollans and tulas among the nahuatl colonies. the natives of the city of tula were called, from its name, the _tolteca_, which simply means "those who dwell in tollan." and who, let us ask, were these toltecs? they have hovered about the dawn of american history long enough. to them have been attributed not only the primitive culture of central america and mexico, but of lands far to the north, and even the earthworks of the ohio valley. it is time they were assigned their proper place, and that is among the purely fabulous creations of the imagination, among the giants and fairies, the gnomes and sylphs, and other such fancied beings which in all ages and nations the popular mind has loved to create. toltec, toltecatl,[ ] which in later days came to mean a skilled craftsman or artificer, signifies, as i have said, an inhabitant of tollan--of the city of the sun--in other words, a child of light. without a metaphor, it meant at first one of the far darting, bright shining rays of the sun. not only does the tenor of the whole myth show this, but specifically and clearly the powers attributed to the ancient toltecs. as the immediate subjects of the god of light they were called "those who fly the whole day without resting,"[ ] and it was said of them that they had the power of reaching instantly even a very distant place. when the light-god himself departs, they too disappear, and their city is left uninhabited and desolate. [footnote : toltecatl, according to molina, is "oficial de arte mecanica ò maestro," (_vocabulario de la lengua mexicana_, s.v.). this is a secondary meaning. veitia justly says, "toltecatl quiere decir artifice, porque en thollan comenzaron a enseñar, aunque a thollan llamaron tula, y por decir toltecatl dicen tuloteca" (_historia_, cap. xv).] [footnote : their title was _tlanqua cemilhuique_, compounded of _tlanqua_, to set the teeth, as with strong determination, and _cemilhuitia_, to run during a whole day. sahagun, _historia_, lib. iii, cap. iii, and lib. x, cap. xxix; compare also the myth of tezcatlipoca disguised as an old woman parching corn, the odor of which instantly attracted the toltecs, no matter how far off they were. when they came she killed them. id. lib. iii, cap. xi.] in some, and these i consider the original versions of the myth, they do not constitute a nation at all, but are merely the disciples or servants of quetzalcoatl.[ ] they have all the traits of beings of supernatural powers. they were astrologers and necromancers, marvelous poets and philosophers, painters as were not to be found elsewhere in the world, and such builders that for a thousand leagues the remains of their cities, temples and fortresses strewed the land. "when it has happened to me," says father duran, "to ask an indian who cut this pass through the mountains, or who opened that spring of water, or who built that old ruin, the answer was, 'the toltecs, the disciples of papa.'"[ ] [footnote : "discipulos," duran, _historia_, in kingsborough, vol. vii, p. .] [footnote : ibid.] they were tall in stature, beyond the common race of men, and it was nothing uncommon for them to live hundreds of years. such was their energy that they allowed no lazy person to live among them, and like their master they were skilled in every art of life and virtuous beyond the power of mortals. in complexion they are described as light in hue, as was their leader, and as are usually the personifications of light, and not the less so among the dark races of men.[ ] [footnote : for the character of the toltecs as here portrayed, see ixtlilxochitl, _relaciones historicas_, and veitia, _historia, passion_.] when quetzalcoatl left tollan most of the toltecs had already perished by the stratagems of tezcatlipoca, and those that survived were said to have disappeared on his departure. the city was left desolate, and what became of its remaining inhabitants no one knew. but this very uncertainty offered a favorable opportunity for various nations, some speaking nahuatl and some other tongues, to claim descent from this mysterious, ancient and wondrous race. the question seems, indeed, a difficult one. when the light-god disappears from the sky, shorn of his beams and bereft of his glory, where are the bright rays, the darting gleams of light which erewhile bathed the earth in refulgence? gone, gone, we know not whither. the original home of the toltecs was said to have been in tlapallan--the very same red land to which quetzalcoatl was fabled to have returned; only the former was distinguished as old tlapallan--hue tlapallan--as being that from which he and they had emerged. other myths called it the place of sand, xalac, an evident reference to the sandy sea strand, the same spot where it was said that quetzalcoatl was last seen, beyond which the sun rises and below which he sinks. thither he returned when driven from tollan, and reigned over his vassals many years in peace.[ ] [footnote : "se metió (quetzalcoatl) la tierra adentro hasta tlapallan ó segun otros huey xalac, antigua patria de sus antepasados, en donde vivió muchos años." ixtlilxochitl, _relaciones historicas_, p. , in kingsborough, vol. ix. xalac, is from _xalli_, sand, with the locative termination. in nahuatl _xalli aquia_, to enter the sand, means to die.] we cannot mistake this tlapallan, new or old. whether it is bathed in the purple and gold of the rising sun or in the crimson and carnation of his setting, it always was, as sahagun tells us, with all needed distinctness, "the city of the sun," the home of light and color, whence their leader, quetzalcoatl had come, and whither he was summoned to return.[ ] [footnote : "dicen que caminó acia el oriente, y que se fué á la ciudad del sol, llamada tlapallan, y fué llamado del sol." libro. viii, prologo.] the origin of the earthly quetzalcoatl is variously given; one cycle of legends narrates his birth in tollan in some extraordinary manner; a second cycle claims that he was not born in any country known to the aztecs, but came to them as a stranger. of the former cycle probably one of the oldest versions is that he was a son or descendant of tezcatlipoca himself, under his name camaxtli. this was the account given to the chancellor ramirez,[ ] and it is said by torquemada to have been the canonical doctrine taught in the holy city of cholollan, the centre of the worship of quetzalcoatl.[ ] it is a transparent metaphor, and could be paralleled by a hundred similar expressions in the myths of other nations. the night brings forth the day, the darkness leads on to the light, and though thus standing in the relation of father and son, the struggle between them is forever continued. [footnote : ramirez de fuen-leal, _hist. de los mexicanos_, cap. viii.] [footnote : _monarquia indiana_, lib. vi, cap. xxiv. _camaxtli_ is also found in the form _yoamaxtli_; this shows that it is a compound of _maxtli_, covering, clothing, and _ca_, the substantive verb, or in the latter instance, _yoalli_, night; hence it is, "the mantle," or, "the garb of night" ("la faja nocturna," _anales del museo nacional_, tom. ii, p. ).] another myth represents him as the immediate son of the all-father tonaca tecutli, under his title citlallatonac, the morning, by an earth-born maiden in tollan. in that city dwelt three sisters, one of whom, an unspotted virgin, was named chimalman. one day, as they were together, the god appeared to them. chimalman's two sisters were struck to death by fright at his awful presence, but upon her he breathed the breath of life, and straightway she conceived. the son she bore cost her life, but it was the divine quetzalcoatl, surnamed _topiltcin_, our son, and, from the year of his birth, _ce acatl_, one reed. as soon as he was born he was possessed of speech and reason and wisdom. as for his mother, having perished on earth, she was transferred to the heavens, where she was given the honored name chalchihuitzli, the precious stone of sacrifice.[ ] [footnote : _codex vaticanus_, tab. x; _codex telleriano-remensis_, pt. ii, lam. ii. the name is from _chalchihuitl_, jade, and _vitztli_, the thorn used to pierce the tongue, ears and penis, in sacrifice. _chimalman_, more correctly, _chimalmatl_, is from _chimalli_, shield, and probably, _matlalin_, green.] this, also, is evidently an ancient and simple figure of speech to express that the breath of morning announces the dawn which brings forth the sun and disappears in the act. the virgin mother chimalman, in another legend, is said to have been brought with child by swallowing a jade or precious green stone (_chalchihuitl_);[ ] while another averred that she was not a virgin, but the wife of camaxtli (tezcatlipoca);[ ] or again, that she was the second wife of that venerable old man who was the father of the seven sons from whom all tribes speaking the nahuatl language, and several who did not speak it (otomies, tarascos), were descended.[ ] this latter will repay analysis. [footnote : mendieta, _historia eclesiastica indiana_, lib. ii, cap. vi.] [footnote : ibid.] [footnote : motolinia, _historia de los indios de nueva españa, epistola proemial_, p. . the first wife was ilancueitl, from _ilantli_, old woman, and _cueitl_, skirt. gomara, _conquista de méjico_, p. .] all through mexico and central america this legend of the seven sons, seven tribes, the seven caves whence they issued, or the seven cities where they dwelt, constantly crops out. to that land the aztecs referred as their former dwelling place. it was located at some indefinite distance to the north or northwest--in the same direction as tollan. the name of that land was significant. it was called the white or bright land, _aztlan_.[ ] in its midst was situated the mountain or hill colhuacan the divine, _teoculhuacan_.[ ] in the base of this hill were the seven caverns, _chicomoztoc_, whence the seven tribes with their respective gods had issued, those gods including quetzalcoatl, huitzilopochtli and the tezcatlipocas. there continued to live their mother, awaiting their return. [footnote : the derivation of aztlan from _aztatl_, a heron, has been rejected by buschmann and the best aztec scholars. it is from the same root as _izlac_, white, with the local ending _tlan_, and means the white or bright land. see the subject discussed in buschmann, _ueber die atzekischen ortsnamen_. p. , and recently by señor orozco y berra, in _anales del museo nacional_, tom. ii, p. .] [footnote : colhuacan, is a locative form. it is usually derived from _coloa_, to curve, to round. father duran says it is another name for aztlan: "estas cuevas son en teoculacan, _que por otro nombre_ se llama aztlan." _historia de los indios de nueva españa_, lib. i, cap. i.] _teo_ is from _teotl_, god, deity. the description in the text of the relations of land and water in this mythical land, is also from duran's work. the lord of this land and the father of the seven sons is variously and indistinctly named. one legend calls him the white serpent of the clouds, or the white cloud twin, _iztac mixcoatl_.[ ] whoever he was we can hardly mistake the mountain in which or upon which he dwelt. _colhuacan_ means the bent or curved mountain. it is none other than the hill of heaven, curving down on all sides to the horizon; upon it in all times have dwelt the gods, and from it they have come to aid the men they favor. absolutely the same name was applied by the choctaws to the mythical hill from which they say their ancestors first emerged into the light of day. they call it _nane waiyah_, the bent or curved hill[ ]. such identity of metaphorical expression leaves little room for discussion. [footnote : mendieta, _historia eclesiastica indiana_, lib. ii, cap. xxxiii.] [footnote : see my work, _the myths of the new world_, p. .] if it did, the other myths which surround the mystic mountain would seem to clear up doubt. colhuacan, we are informed, continued to be the residence of the great mother of the gods. on it she dwelt, awaiting their return from earth. no one can entirely climb the mountain, for from its middle distance to the summit it is of fine and slippery sand; but it has this magical virtue, that whoever ascends it, however old he is, grows young again, in proportion as he mounts, and is thus restored to pristine vigor. the happy dwellers around it have, however, no need of its youth restoring power; for in that land no one grows old, nor knows the outrage of years.[ ] [footnote : "en esta tierra nunca envejecen los hombres. * * * este cerro tiene esta virtud, que el que ya viejo se quiere remozar, sube hasta donde le parece, y vuelve de la edad que quiere." duran, in kingsborough, vol. viii, p. .] when quetzalcoatl, therefore, was alleged to be the son of the lord of the seven caves, it was nothing more than a variation of the legend that gave him out as the son of the lord of the high heavens. they both mean the same thing. chimalman, who appears in both myths as his mother, binds the two together, and stamps them as identical, while mixcoatl is only another name for tezcatlipoca. such an interpretation, if correct, would lead to the dismissal from history of the whole story of the seven cities or caves, and the pretended migration from them. in fact, the repeated endeavors of the chroniclers to assign a location to these fabulous residences, have led to no result other than most admired disorder and confusion. it is as vain to seek their whereabouts, as it is that of the garden of eden or the isle of avalon. they have not, and never had a place on this sublunary sphere, but belong in that ethereal world which the fancy creates and the imagination paints. a more prosaic account than any of the above, is given by the historian, alva ixtlilxochitl, so prosaic that it is possible that it has some grains of actual fact in it.[ ] he tells us that a king of tollan, tecpancaltzin, fell in love with the daughter of one of his subjects, a maiden by name xochitl, the rose. her father was the first to collect honey from the maguey plant, and on pretence of buying this delicacy the king often sent for xochitl. he accomplished her seduction, and hid her in a rose garden on a mountain, where she gave birth to an infant son, to the great anger of the father. casting the horoscope of the infant, the court astrologer found all the signs that he should be the last king of tollan, and should witness the destruction of the toltec monarchy. he was named _meconetzin_, the son of the maguey, and in due time became king, and the prediction was accomplished.[ ] [footnote : ixtlilxochitl, _relaciones historicas_, p. , in kingsborough, vol. ix.] [footnote : in the work of ramirez de fuen-leal (cap. viii), tezcatlipoca is said to have been the discoverer of pulque, the intoxicating wine of the maguey. in meztitlan he was associated with the gods of this beverage and of drunkenness. hence it is probable that the name _meconetzin_ applied to quetzalcoatl in this myth meant to convey that he was the son of tezcatlipoca.] in several points, however, this seemingly historic narrative has a suspicious resemblance to a genuine myth preserved to us in a certain aztec manuscript known as the _codex telleriano-remensis_. this document tells how quetzalcoatl, tezcatlipoca and their brethren were at first gods, and dwelt as stars in the heavens. they passed their time in paradise, in a rose garden, _xochitlycacan_ ("where the roses are lifted up"); but on a time they began plucking the roses from the great rose tree in the centre of the garden, and tonaca-tecutli, in his anger at their action, hurled them to the earth, where they lived as mortals. the significance of this myth, as applied to the daily descent of sun and stars from the zenith to the horizon, is too obvious to need special comment; and the coincidences of the rose garden on the mountain (in the one instance the hill of heaven, in the other a supposed terrestrial elevation) from which quetzalcoatl issues, and the anger of the parent, seem to indicate that the supposed historical relation of ixtlilxochitl is but a myth dressed in historic garb. the second cycle of legends disclaimed any miraculous parentage for the hero of tollan. las casas narrates his arrival from the east, from some part of yucatan, he thinks, with a few followers,[ ] a tradition which is also repeated with definitiveness by the native historian, alva ixtlilxochitl, but leaving the locality uncertain.[ ] the historian, veytia, on the other hand, describes him as arriving from the north, a full grown man, tall of stature, white of skin, and full-bearded, barefooted and bareheaded, clothed in a long white robe strewn with red crosses, and carrying a staff in his hand.[ ] [footnote : torquemada, _monarquia indiana_, lib. vi, cap. xxiv. this was apparently the canonical doctrine in cholula. mendieta says: "el dios ó idolo de cholula, llamado quetzalcoatl, fué el mas celebrado y tenido por mejor y mas digno sobre los otro dioses, segun la reputacion de todos. este, segun sus historias (aunque algunos digan que de tula) vino de las partes de yucatan á la ciudad de cholula." _historia eclesiastica indiana_, lib. ii, cap. x.] [footnote : _historia chichimeca_, cap. i.] [footnote : _historia_, cap. xv.] whatever the origin of quetzalcoatl, whether the child of a miraculous conception, or whether as an adult stranger he came from some far-off land, all accounts agree as to the greatness and purity of his character, and the magnificence of tollan under his reign. his temple was divided into four apartments, one toward the east, yellow with gold; one toward the west, blue with turquoise and jade; one toward the south, white with pearls and shells, and one toward the north, red with bloodstones; thus symbolizing the four cardinal points and four quarters of the world over which the light holds sway.[ ] [footnote : sahagun, lib. ix, cap. xxix.] through the midst of tollan flowed a great river, and upon or over this river was the house of quetzalcoatl. every night at midnight he descended into this river to bathe, and the place of his bath was called, in the painted vase, or, in the precious waters.[ ] for the orb of light dips nightly into the waters of the world stream, and the painted clouds of the sun-setting surround the spot of his ablutions. [footnote : the name of the bath of quetzalcoatl is variously given as _xicàpoyan_, from _xicalli_, vases made from gourds, and _poyan_, to paint (sahagun, lib. iii, cap. iii); _chalchiuhapan_, from _atl_, water _pan_, in, and _chalchiuitl_, precious, brilliant, the jade stone (_id._, lib. x, cap. xxix); and _atecpanamochco_, from _atl_, water, _tecpan_, royal, _amochtli_, any shining white metal, as tin, and the locative _co_, hence, in the shining royal water (_anales de cuauhtitlan_, p. ). these names are interesting as illustrating the halo of symbolism which surrounded the history of the light-god.] i have said that the history of quetzalcoatl in tollan is but a continuation of the conflict of the two primal brother gods. it is still the implacable tezcatlipoca who pursues and finally conquers him. but there is this significant difference, that whereas in the elemental warfare portrayed in the older myth mutual violence and alternate destruction prevail, in all these later myths quetzalcoatl makes no effort at defence, scarcely remonstrates, but accepts his defeat as a decree of fate which it is vain to resist. he sees his people fall about him, and the beautiful city sink into destruction, but he knows it is the hand of destiny, and prepares himself to meet the inevitable with what stoicism and dignity he may. the one is the quenching of the light by the darkness of the tempest and the night, represented as a struggle; in the other it is the gradual and calm but certain and unavoidable extinction of the sun as it noiselessly sinks to the western horizon. the story of the subtlety of tezcatlipoca is variously told. in what may well be its oldest and simplest version it is said that in his form as camaxtli he caught a deer with two heads, which, so long as he kept it, secured him luck in war; but falling in with one of five goddesses he had created, he begat a son, and through this act he lost his good fortune. the son was quetzalcoatl, surnamed ce acatl, and he became lord of tollan, and a famous warrior. for many years he ruled the city, and at last began to build a very great temple. while engaged in its construction tezcatlipoca came to him one day and told him that toward honduras, in a place called tlapallan, a house was ready for him, and he must quit tollan and go there to live and die. quetzalcoatl replied that the heavens and stars had already warned him that after four years he must go hence, and that he would obey. the time past, he took with him all the inhabitants of tula, and some he left in cholula, from whom its inhabitants are descended, and some he placed in the province of cuzcatan, and others in cempoal, and at last he reached tlapallan, and on the very day he arrived there, he fell sick and died. as for tula, it remained without an inhabitant for nine years.[ ] [footnote : ramirez de fuen-leal, _historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas_, cap. viii.] a more minute account is given by the author of the _annals of cuauhtitlan_, a work written at an early date, in the aztec tongue. he assures his readers that his narrative of these particular events is minutely and accurately recorded from the oldest and most authentic traditions. it is this:-- when those opposed to quetzalcoatl did not succeed in their designs, they summoned to their aid a demon or sorcerer, by name tezcatlipoca, and his assistants. he said: "we will give him a drink to dull his reason, and will show him his own face in a mirror, and surely he will be lost." then tezcatlipoca brewed an intoxicating beverage, the _pulque_, from the maguey, and taking a mirror he wrapped it in a rabbit skin, and went to the house of quetzalcoatl. "go tell your master," he said to the servants, "that i have come to show him his own flesh." "what is this?" said quetzalcoatl, when the message was delivered. "what does he call my own flesh? go and ask him." but tezcatlipoca refused. "i have not come to see you, but your master," he said to the servants. then he was admitted, and quetzalcoatl said:-- "welcome, youth, you have troubled yourself much. whence come you? what is this, my flesh, that you would show me?" "my lord and priest," replied the youth, "i come from the mountain-side of nonoalco. look, now, at your flesh; know yourself; see yourself as you are seen of others;" and with that he handed him the mirror. as soon as quetzalcoatl saw his face in the mirror he exclaimed:-- "how is it possible my subjects can look on me without affright? well might they flee from me. how can a man remain among them filled as i am with foul sores, his face wrinkled and his aspect loathsome? i shall be seen no more; i shall no longer frighten my people." then tezcatlipoca went away to take counsel, and returning, said:-- "my lord and master, use the skill of your servant. i have come to console you. go forth to your people. i will conceal your defects by art." "do what you please," replied quetzalcoatl. "i will see what my fate is to be." tezcatlipoca painted his cheeks green and dyed his lips red. the forehead he colored yellow, and taking feathers of the _quechol_ bird, he arranged them as a beard. quetzalcoatl surveyed himself in the mirror, and rejoiced at his appearance, and forthwith sallied forth to see his people. tezcatlipoca withdrew to concoct another scheme of disgrace. with his attendants he took of the strong _pulque_ which he had brewed, and came again to the palace of the lord of tollan. they were refused admittance and asked their country. they replied that they were from the mountain of the holy priest, from the hill of tollan. when quetzalcoatl heard this, he ordered them to be admitted, and asked their business. they offered him the _pulque_, but he refused, saying that he was sick, and, moreover, that it would weaken his judgment and might cause his death. they urged him to dip but the tip of his finger in it to taste it; he complied, but even so little of the magic liquor overthrew his self control, and taking the bowl he quaffed a full draught and was drunk. then these perverse men ridiculed him, and cried out:-- "you feel finely now, my son; sing us a song; sing, worthy priest." thereupon quetzalcoatl began to sing, as follows:-- "my pretty house, my coral house, i call it zacuan by name; and must i leave it, do you say? oh my, oh me, and ah for shame."[ ] [footnote : the original is-- quetzal, quetzal, no calli, zacuan, no callin tapach no callin nic yacahuaz an ya, an ya, an quilmach. literally-- beautiful, beautiful (is) my house zacuan, my house of coral; my house, i must leave it. alas, alas, they say. zacuan, instead of being a proper name, may mean a rich yellow leather from the bird called _zacuantototl_.] as the fumes of the liquor still further disordered his reason, he called his attendants and bade them hasten to his sister quetzalpetlatl, who dwelt on the mountain nonoalco, and bring her, that she too might taste the divine liquor. the attendants hurried off and said to his sister:-- "noble lady, we have come for you. the high priest quetzalcoatl awaits you. it is his wish that you come and live with him." she instantly obeyed and went with them. on her arrival quetzalcoatl seated her beside him and gave her to drink of the magical pulque. immediately she felt its influence, and quetzalcoatl began to sing, in drunken fashion-- "sister mine, beloved mine, quetzal--petlatl--tzin, come with me, drink with me, 'tis no sin, sin, sin." soon they were so drunken that all reason was forgotten; they said no prayers, they went not to the bath, and they sank asleep on the floor.[ ] [footnote : it is not clear, at least in the translations, whether the myth intimates an incestuous relation between quetzalcoatl and his sister. in the song he calls her "nohueltiuh," which means, strictly, "my elder sister;" but mendoza translates it "querida esposa mia." _quetzalpetlatl_ means "the beautiful carpet," _petlatl_ being the rug or mat used on floors, etc. this would be a most appropriate figure of speech to describe a rich tropical landscape, "carpeted with flowers," as we say; and as the earth is, in primitive cosmogony, older than the sun, i suspect that this story of quetzalcoatl and his sister refers to the sun sinking from heaven, seemingly, into the earth. "los nahoas," remarks chavero, "figuraban la tierra en forma de un cuadrilátero dividido en pequeños quatros, lo que semijaba una estera, _petlatl_" (_anales del museo nacional_, tom. ii, p. ).] sad, indeed, was quetzalcoatl the next morning. "i have sinned," he said; "the stain on my name can never be erased. i am not fit to rule this people. let them build for me a habitation deep under ground; let them bury my bright treasures in the earth; let them throw the gleaming gold and shining stones into the holy fountain where i take my daily bath." all this was done, and quetzalcoatl spent four days in his underground tomb. when he came forth he wept and told his followers that the time had come for him to depart for tlapallan, the red land, tlillan, the dark land, and tlatlallan, the fire land, all names of one locality. he journeyed eastward until he came to a place where the sky, and land, and water meet together.[ ] there his attendants built a funeral pile, and he threw himself into the flames. as his body burned his heart rose to heaven, and after four days became the planet venus.[ ] [footnote : designated in the aztec original by the name _teoapan ilhuicaatenco_, from _teotl_, divine, _atl_, water, _pan_, in or near, _ilhuicac_, heaven, _atenco_, the waterside: "near the divine water, where the sky meets the strand."] [footnote : the whole of this account is from the _anales de cuauhtitlan_, pp. - .] that there is a profound moral significance in this fiction all will see; but i am of opinion that it is accidental and adventitious. the means that tezcatlipoca employs to remove quetzalcoatl refer to the two events that mark the decline of day. the sun is reflected by a long lane of beams in the surface waters of lake or sea; it loses the strength of its rays and fails in vigor; while the evening mists, the dampness of approaching dewfall, and the gathering clouds obscure its power and foretell the extinction which will soon engulf the bright luminary. as quetzalcoatl cast his shining gold and precious stones into the water where he took his nightly bath, or buried them in underground hiding places, so the sun conceals his glories under the waters, or in the distant hills, into which he seems to sink. as he disappears at certain seasons, the star of evening shines brightly forth amid the lingering and fading rays, rising, as it were, from the dying fires of the sunset. to this it may be objected that the legend makes quetzalcoatl journey toward the east, and not toward the sunset. the explanation of this apparent contradiction is easy. the aztec sages had at some time propounded to themselves the question of how the sun, which seems to set in the west, can rise the next morning in the east? mungo parke tells us that when he asked the desert arabs this conundrum, they replied that the inquiry was frivolous and childish, as being wholly beyond the capacities of the human mind. the aztecs did not think so, and had framed a definite theory which overcame the difficulty. it was that, in fact, the sun only advances to the zenith, and then returns to the east, from whence it started. what we seem to see as the sun between the zenith and the western horizon is, in reality, not the orb itself, but only its _brightness_, one of its accidents, not its substance, to use the terms of metaphysics. hence to the aztec astronomer and sage, the house of the sun is always toward the east.[ ] [footnote : ramirez de fuen-leal, _historia_, cap. xx, p. .] we need not have recourse even to this explanation. the sun, indeed, disappears in the west; but his journey must necessarily be to the east, for it is from that point that he always comes forth each morning. the light-god must necessarily daily return to the place whence he started. the symbols of the mirror and the mystic drink are perfectly familiar in aryan sun-myths. the best known of the stories referring to the former is the transparent tale of narcissus forced by nemesis to fall in love with his own image reflected in the waters, and to pine away through unsatisfied longing; or, as pausanias tells the story, having lost his twin sister (the morning twilight), he wasted his life in noting the likeness of his own features to those of his beloved who had passed away. "the sun, as he looks down upon his own face reflected in a lake or sea, sinks or dies at last, still gazing on it."[ ] [footnote : sir george a. cox, _the science of mythology and folk lore_, p. .] some later writers say that the drink which quetzalcoatl quaffed was to confer immortality. this is not stated in the earliest versions of the myth. the beverage is health-giving and intoxicating, and excites the desire to seek tlapallan, but not more. it does not, as the soma of the vedas, endow with unending life. nevertheless, there is another myth which countenances this view and explains it. it was told in the province of meztitlan, a mountainous country to the northwest of the province of vera cruz. its inhabitants spoke the nahuatl tongue, but were never subject to the montezumas. their chief god was tezcatlipoca, and it was said of him that on one occasion he slew ometochtli (two rabbits), the god of wine, at the latter's own request, he believing that he thus would be rendered immortal, and that all others who drank of the beverage he presided over would die. his death, they added, was indeed like the stupor of a drunkard, who, after his lethargy has passed, rises healthy and well. in this sense of renewing life after death, he presided over the native calendar, the count of years beginning with tochtli, the rabbit.[ ] thus we see that this is a myth of the returning seasons, and of nature waking to life again after the cold months ushered in by the chill rains of the late autumn. the principle of fertility is alone perennial, while each individual must perish and die. the god of wine in mexico, as in greece, is one with the mysterious force of reproduction. [footnote : gabriel de chaves, _relacion de la provincia de meztitlan_, , in the _colecion de documentos ineditos del archivo de indias_, tom. iv, p. .] no writer has preserved such numerous traditions about the tricks of tezcatlipoca in tollan, as father sahagun. they are, no doubt, almost verbally reported as he was told them, and as he wrote his history first in the aztec tongue, they preserve all the quaintness of the original tales. some of them appear to be idle amplifications of story tellers, while others are transparent myths. i shall translate a few of them quite literally, beginning with that of the mystic beverage. the time came for the luck of quetzalcoatl and the toltecs to end; for there appeared against them three sorcerers, named vitzilopochtli, titlacauan and tlacauepan,[ ] who practiced many villanies in the city of tullan. titlacauan began them, assuming the disguise of an old man of small stature and white hairs. with this figure he approached the palace of quetzalcoatl and said to the servants:-- [footnote : titlacauan was the common name of tezcatlipoca. the three sorcerers were really quetzalcoatl's three brothers, representing the three other cardinal points.] "i wish to see the king and speak to him." "away with you, old man;" said the servants. "you cannot see him. he is sick. you would only annoy him." "i must see him," answered the old man. the servants said, "wait," and going in, they told quetzalcoatl that an old man wished to see him, adding, "sire, we put him out in vain; he refuses to leave, and says that he absolutely must see you." quetzalcoatl answered:-- "let him in. i have been waiting his coming for a long time." they admitted the old man and he entered the apartment of quetzalcoatl, and said to him:-- "my lord and son, how are you? i have with me a medicine for you to drink." "you are welcome, old man," replied quetzalcoatl. "i have been looking for your arrival for many days." "tell me how you are," asked the old man. "how is your body and your health?" "i am very ill," answered quetzalcoatl. "my whole body pains me, and i cannot move my hands or feet." then the old man said:-- "sire, look at this medicine which i bring you. it is good and healthful, and intoxicates him who drinks it. if you will drink it, it will intoxicate you, it will heal you, it will soothe your heart, it will prepare you for the labors and fatigues of death, or of your departure." "whither, oh ancient man," asked quetzalcoatl, "whither must i go?" the old man answered:-- "you must without fail go to tullan tlapallan, where there is another old man awaiting you; you and he will talk together, and at your return you will be transformed into a youth, and you will regain the vigor of your boyhood." when quetzalcoatl heard these words, his heart was shaken with strong emotion, and the old man added:-- "my lord, drink this medicine." "oh ancient man," answered the king, "i do not want to drink it." "drink it, my lord," insisted the old man, "for if you do not drink it now, later you will long for it; at least, lift it to your mouth and taste a single drop." quetzalcoatl took the drop and tasted it, and then quaffed the liquor, exclaiming:-- "what is this? it seems something very healthful and well-flavored. i am no longer sick. it has cured me. i am well." "drink again," said the old man. "it is a good medicine, and you will be healthier than ever." again did quetzalcoatl drink, and soon he was intoxicated. he began to weep; his heart was stirred, and his mind turned toward the suggestion of his departure, nor did the deceit of the old sorcerer permit him to abandon the thought of it. the medicine which quetzalcoatl drank was the white wine of the country, made of those magueys call _teometl_.[ ] [footnote : from _teotl_, deity, divine, and _metl_, the maguey. of the twenty-nine varieties of the maguey, now described in mexico, none bears this name; but hernandez speaks of it, and says it was so called because there was a superstition that a person soon to die could not hold a branch of it; but if he was to recover, or escape an impending danger, he could hold it with ease and feel the better for it. see nieremberg, _historia naturae_, lib. xiv, cap. xxxii. "teomatl, vitae et mortis index."] this was but the beginning of the guiles and juggleries of tezcatlipoca. transforming himself into the likeness of one of those indians of the maya race, called _toveyome_,[ ] he appeared, completely nude, in the market place of tollan, having green peppers to sell. now huemac, who was associated with quetzalcoatl in the sovereignty of tollan (although other myths apply this name directly to quetzalcoatl, and this seems the correct version),[ ] had an only daughter of surpassing beauty, whom many of the toltecs had vainly sought in marriage. this damsel looked forth on the market where tezcatlipoca stood in his nakedness, and her virginal eyes fell upon the sign of his manhood. straightway an unconquerable longing seized her, a love so violent that she fell ill and seemed like to die. her women told her father the reason, and he sent forth and had the false toveyo brought before him. huemac addressed him:-- [footnote : _toveyome_ is the plural of _toveyo_, which molina, in his dictionary, translates "foreigner, stranger." sahagun says that it was applied particularly to the huastecs, a maya tribe living in the province of panuco. _historia_, etc., lib. x, cap. xxix, § .] [footnote : _huemac_ is a compound of _uey_, great, and _maitl_, hand. tezozomoc, duran, and various other writers assign this name to quetzalcoatl.] "whence come you?" "my lord," replied the toveyo, "i am a stranger, and i have come to sell green peppers." "why," asked the king "do you not wear a _maxtli_ (breech-cloth), and cover your nakedness with a garment?" "my lord," answered the stranger, "i follow the custom of my country." then the king added:-- "you have inspired in my daughter a longing; she is sick with desire; you must cure her." "nay, my lord," said the stranger, "this may not be. rather slay me here; i wish to die; for i am not worthy to hear such words, poor as i am, and seeking only to gain my bread by selling green peppers." but the king insisted, and said:-- "have no fear; you alone can restore my daughter; you must do so." thereupon the attendants cut the sham toveyo's hair; they led him to the bath, and colored his body black; they placed a _maxtli_ and a robe upon him, and the king said:-- "go in unto my daughter." tezcatlipoca went in unto her, and she was healed from that hour. thus did the naked stranger become the son-in-law of the great king of tula. but the toltecs were deeply angered that the maiden had given his black body the preference over their bright forms, and they plotted to have him slain. he was placed in the front of battle, and then they left him alone to fight the enemy. but he destroyed the opposing hosts and returned to tula with a victory all the more brilliant for their desertion of him. then he requited their treachery with another, and pursued his intended destruction of their race. he sent a herald to the top of the hill of shouting, and through him announced a magnificent festival to celebrate his victory and his marriage. the toltecs swarmed in crowds, men, women and children, to share in the joyous scene. tezcatlipoca received them with simulated friendship. taking his drum, he began to beat upon it, accompanying the music with a song. as his listeners heard the magic music, they became intoxicated with the strains, and yielding themselves to its seductive influence, they lost all thought for the future or care for the present. the locality to which the crafty tezcatlipoca had invited them was called, the rock upon the water.[ ] it was the summit of a lofty rock at the base of which flowed the river called, by the rock of light.[ ] when the day had departed and midnight approached, the magician, still singing and dancing, led the intoxicated crowd to the brink of the river, over which was a stone bridge. this he had secretly destroyed, and as they came to the spot where it should have been and sought to cross, the innumerable crowd pressing one upon the other, they all fell into the water far below, where they sank out of sight and were changed into stones. [footnote : _texcalapan_, from _texcalli_, rock, and _apan_, upon or over the water.] [footnote : _texcaltlauhco_, from _texcalli_, rock, _tlaulli_, light, and the locative ending _co_, by, in or at.] is it pushing symbolism too far to attempt an interpretation of this fable, recounted with all the simplicity of the antique world, with greater directness, indeed, than i have thought wise to follow? i am strongly inclined to regard it as a true myth, which, in materialistic language, sets forth the close of the day and the extinction of the light. may we not construe the maiden as the evening twilight, the child of the day at the close of its life? the black lover with whom she is fatally enamored, is he not the darkness, in which the twilight fades away? the countless crowds of toltecs that come to the wedding festivities, and are drowned before midnight in the waters of the strangely named river, are they not the infinitely numerous light-rays which are quenched in the world-stream, when the sun has sunk, and the gloaming is lost in the night? may we not go farther, and in this rock of light which stands hard by the river, recognize the heavenly hill which rises beside the world stream? the bright light of one day cannot extend to the next. the bridge is broken by the intervening night, and the rays are lost in the dark waters. but whether this interpretation is too venturesome or not, we cannot deny the deep human interest in the story, and its poetic capacities. the overmastering passion of love was evidently as present to the indian mind as to that of the mediaeval italian. in new as well as in old spain it could break the barriers of rank and overcome the hesitations of maidenly modesty. love clouding the soul, as night obscures the day, is a figure of speech, used, i remember, by the most pathetic of ireland's modern bards:-- "love, the tyrant, evinces, alas! an omnipotent might; he treads on the necks of princes, he darkens the mind, like night."[ ] [footnote : clarence mangan, _poems_, "the mariner's bride."] i shall not detail the many other wiles with which tezcatlipoca led the toltecs to their destruction. a mere reference to them must suffice. he summoned thousands to come to labor in the rose-garden of quetzalcoatl, and when they had gathered together, he fell upon them and slew them with a hoe. disguised with huitzilopochtli, he irritated the people until they stoned the brother gods to death, and from the corrupting bodies spread a pestilential odor, to which crowds of the toltecs fell victims. he turned the thought of thousands into madness, so that they voluntarily offered themselves to be sacrificed. by his spells all articles of food soured, and many perished of famine. at length quetzalcoatl, wearied with misfortune, gave orders to burn the beautiful houses of tollan, to bury his treasures, and to begin the journey to tlapallan. he transformed the cacao trees into plants of no value, and ordered the birds of rich plumage to leave the land before him. the first station he arrived at was quauhtitlan, where there was a lofty and spreading tree. here he asked of his servants a mirror, and looking in it said: "i am already old." gathering some stones, he cast them at the tree. they entered the wood and remained there. as he journeyed, he was preceded by boys playing the flute. thus he reached a certain spot, where he sat upon a stone by the wayside, and wept for the loss of tollan. the marks of his hands remained upon the stone, and the tears he dropped pierced it through. to the day of the conquest these impressions on the solid rock were pointed out. at the fountain of cozcapan, sorcerers met him, minded to prevent his departure:-- "where are you going?" they asked. "why have you left your capital? in whose care is it? who will perform the sacred rites?" but quetzalcoatl answered:-- "you can in no manner hinder my departure. i have no choice but to go." the sorcerers asked again: "whither are you going?" "i am going," replied quetzalcoatl, "to tlapallan. i have been sent for. the sun calls me." "go, then, with good luck," said they. "but leave with us the art of smelting silver, of working stone and wood, of painting, of weaving feathers and other such arts." thus they robbed him, and taking the rich jewels he carried with him he cast them into the fountain, whence it received its name _cozcapan_, jewels in the water. again, as he journeyed, a sorcerer met him, who asked him his destination:-- "i go," said quetzalcoatl, "to tlallapan." "and luck go with you," replied the sorcerer, "but first take a drink of this wine." "no," replied quetzalcoatl, "not so much as a sip." "you must taste a little of it," said the sorcerer, "even if it is by force. to no living person would i give to drink freely of it. i intoxicate them all. come and drink of it." quetzalcoatl took the wine and drank of it through a reed, and as he drank he grew drunken and fell in the road, where he slept and snored. thus he passed from place to place, with various adventures. his servants were all dwarfs or hunchbacks, and in crossing the sierra nevada they mostly froze to death. by drawing a line across the sierra he split it in two and thus made a passage. he plucked up a mighty tree and hurling it through another, thus formed a cross. at another spot he caused underground houses to be built, which were called mictlancalco, at the house of darkness. at length he arrived at the sea coast where he constructed a raft of serpents, and seating himself on it as in a canoe, he moved out to sea. no one knows how or in what manner he reached tlapallan.[ ] [footnote : these myths are from the third book of sahagun's _historia de las cosas de nueva españa_. they were taken down in the original nahuatl, by him, from the mouth of the natives, and he gives them word for word, as they were recounted.] the legend which appears to have been prevalent in cholula was somewhat different. according to that, quetzalcoatl was for many years lord of tollan, ruling over a happy people. at length, tezcatlipoca let himself down from heaven by a cord made of spider's web, and, coming to tollan, challenged its ruler to play a game of ball. the challenge was accepted, and the people of the city gathered in thousands to witness the sport. suddenly tezcatlipoca changed himself into a tiger, which so frightened the populace that they fled in such confusion and panic that they rushed over the precipice and into the river, where nearly all were killed by the fall or drowned in the waters. quetzalcoatl then forsook tollan, and journeyed from city to city till he reached cholula, where he lived twenty years. he was at that time of light complexion, noble stature, his eyes large, his hair abundant, his beard ample and cut rounding. in life he was most chaste and honest. they worshiped his memory, especially for three things: first, because he taught them the art of working in metals, which previous to his coming was unknown in that land; secondly, because he forbade the sacrifice either of human beings or the lower animals, teaching that bread, and roses, and flowers, incense and perfumes, were all that the gods demanded; and lastly, because he forbade, and did his best to put a stop to, wars, fighting, robbery, and all deeds of violence. for these reasons he was held in high esteem and affectionate veneration, not only by those of cholula, but by the neighboring tribes as well, for many leagues around. distant nations maintained temples in his honor in that city, and made pilgrimages to it, on which journeys they passed in safety through their enemy's countries. the twenty years past, quetzalcoatl resumed his journey, taking with him four of the principal youths of the city. when he had reached a point in the province of guazacoalco, which is situated to the southeast of cholula, he called the four youths to him, and told them they should return to their city; that he had to go further; but that they should go back and say that at some future day white and bearded men like himself would come from the east, who would possess the land.[ ] [footnote : for this version of the myth, see mendieta, _historia eclesiastica indiana_, lib. ii, caps, v and x.] thus he disappeared, no one knew whither. but another legend said that he died there, by the seashore, and they burned his body. of this event some particulars are given by ixtlilxochitl, as follows:[ ]-- [footnote : ixtlilxochitl, _relaciones historicas_, p. , in kingsborough, vol. ix.] quetzalcoatl, surnamed topiltzin, was lord of tula. at a certain time he warned his subjects that he was obliged to go "to the place whence comes the sun," but that after a term he would return to them, in that year of their calendar of the name _ce acatl_, one reed, which returns every fifty-two years. he went forth with many followers, some of whom he left in each city he visited. at length he reached the town of ma tlapallan. here he announced that he should soon die, and directed his followers to burn his body and all his treasures with him. they obeyed his orders, and for four days burned his corpse, after which they gathered its ashes and placed them in a sack made of the skin of a tiger. the introduction of the game of ball and the tiger into the story is not so childish as it seems. the game of ball was as important an amusement among the natives of mexico and central america as were the jousts and tournaments in europe in the middle ages.[ ] towns, nations and kings were often pitted against each other. in the great temple of mexico two courts were assigned to this game, over which a special deity was supposed to preside.[ ] in or near the market place of each town there were walls erected for the sport. in the centre of these walls was an orifice a little larger than the ball. the players were divided into two parties, and the ball having been thrown, each party tried to drive it through or over the wall. the hand was not used, but only the hip or shoulders. [footnote : torquemada gives a long but obscure description of it. _monarquia indiana_, lib. xiv, cap. xii.] [footnote : nieremberg, "de septuaginta et octo partibus maximi templi mexicani," in his _historia naturae_, lib. viii, cap. xxii (antwerpt, ). one of these was called "the ball court of the mirror," perhaps with special reference to this legend. "trigesima secunda tezcatlacho, locus erat ubi ludebatur pilâ ex gumi olli, inter templa." the name is from _tezcatl_, mirror, _tlachtli_, the game of ball, and locative ending _co_.] from the earth the game was transferred to the heavens. as a ball, hit by a player, strikes the wall and then bounds back again, describing a curve, so the stars in the northern sky circle around the pole star and return to the place they left. hence their movement was called the ball-play of the stars.[ ] [footnote : "_citlaltlachtli_," from _citlalin_, star, and _tlachtli_, the game of ball. alvarado tezozomoc, _cronica mexicana_, cap. lxxxii. the obscure passage in which tezozomoc refers to this is ingeniously analyzed in the _anales del museo nacional_, tom. ii, p. .] a recent writer asserts that the popular belief of the aztecs extended the figure to a greater game than this.[ ] the sun and moon were huge balls with which the gods played an unceasing game, now one, now the other, having the better of it. if this is so, then the game between tezcatlipoca and quetzalcoatl is again a transparent figure of speech for the contest between night and day. [footnote : _anales del museo nacional_, tom. ii, p. .] the mexican tiger, the _ocelotl_, was a well recognized figure of speech, in the aztec tongue, for the nocturnal heavens, dotted with stars, as is the tiger skin with spots.[ ] the tiger, therefore, which destroyed the subjects of quetzalcoatl--the swift-footed, happy inhabitants of tula--was none other than the night extinguishing the rays of the orb of light. in the picture writings tezcatlipoca appears dressed in a tiger's skin, the spots on which represent the stars, and thus symbolize him in his character as the god of the sky at night. [footnote : "segun los anales de cuauhtitlan el _ocelotl_ es el cielo manchado de estrellas, como piel de tigre." _anales del mus. nac._, ii, p. .] the apotheosis of quetzalcoatl from the embers of his funeral pyre to the planet venus has led several distinguished students of mexican mythology to identify his whole history with the astronomical relations of this bright star. such an interpretation is, however, not only contrary to results obtained by the general science of mythology, but it is specifically in contradiction to the uniform statements of the old writers. all these agree that it was not till _after_ he had finished his career, _after_ he had run his course and disappeared from the sight and knowledge of men, that he was translated and became the evening or morning star.[ ] this clearly signifies that he was represented by the planet in only one, and that a subordinate, phase of his activity. we can readily see that the relation of venus to the sun, and the evening and morning twilights, suggested the pleasing tale that as the light dies in the west, it is, in a certain way, preserved by the star which hangs so bright above the horizon. [footnote : _codex telleriano-remensis_, plate xiv.] § . _quetzalcoatl as lord of the winds._ as i have shown in the introductory chapter, the light-god, the lord of the east, is also master of the cardinal points and of the winds which blow from them, and therefore of the air. this was conspicuously so with quetzalcoatl. as a divinity he is most generally mentioned as the god of the air and winds. he was said to sweep the roads before tlaloc; god of the rains, because in that climate heavy down-pours are preceded by violent gusts. torquemada names him as "god of the air," and states that in cholula this function was looked upon as his chief attribute,[ ] and the term was distinctly applied to him _nanihe-hecatli_, lord of the four winds. [footnote : sahagun, _historia_, lib. i, cap. v. torquemada, _monarquia indiana_, lib. vi, cap. xxiv.] in one of the earliest myths he is called _yahualli ehecatl_, meaning "the wheel of the winds,"[ ] the winds being portrayed in the picture writing as a circle or wheel, with a figure with five angles inscribed upon it, the sacred pentagram. his image carried in the left hand this wheel, and in the right a sceptre with the end recurved. [footnote : "queçalcoatl y por otro nombre yagualiecatl." ramirez de fuen-leal, _historia_, cap. i. _yahualli_ is from the root _yaual_ or _youal_, circular, rounding, and was applied to various objects of a circular form. the sign of quetzalcoatl is called by sahagun, using the native word, "el _yoel_ de los vientos" (_historia_, ubi supra).] another reference to this wheel, or mariner's box, was in the shape of the temples which were built in his honor as god of the winds. these, we are informed, were completely circular, without an angle anywhere.[ ] [footnote : "se llaman (á quetzalcoatl) señor de el viento * * * a este le hacian las yglesias redondas, sin esquina ninguna." _codex telleriano-remensis_. parte ii, lam. ii. describing the sacred edifices of mexico, motolinia says: "habio en todos los mas de estos grandes patios un otro templo que despues de levantada aquella capa quadrada, hecho su altar, cubrianlo con una pared redonda, alta y cubierta con su chapital. este era del dios del aire, cual dijimos tener su principal sella en cholollan, y en toda esta provincia habia mucho de estos. a este dios del aire llamaban en su lengua quetzalcoatl," _historia de los indios_, epistola proemial. compare also herrera, _historia de las indias occidentals_, dec. ii, lib. vii, cap. xvii, who describes the temple of quetzalcoatl, in the city of mexico, and adds that it was circular, "porque asi como el aire anda al rededor del cielo, asi le hacian el templo redondo."] still another symbol which was sacred to him as lord of the four winds was the cross. it was not the latin but the greek cross, with four short arms of equal length. several of these were painted on the mantle which he wore in the picture writings, and they are occasionally found on the sacred jades, which bear other of his symbols. this has often been made use of by one set of writers to prove that quetzalcoatl was some christian teacher; and by others as evidence that these native tales were of a date subsequent to the conquest. but a moment's consideration of the meaning of this cruciform symbol as revealed in its native names shows where it belongs and what it refers to. these names are three, and their significations are, "the rain-god," "the tree of our life," "the god of strength."[ ] as the rains fertilize the fields and ripen the food crops, so he who sends them is indeed the prop or tree of our subsistence, and thus becomes the giver of health and strength. no other explanation is needed, or is, in fact, allowable. [footnote : the aztec words are _quiahuitl teotl, quiahuitl_, rain, _teotl_, god; _tonacaquahuitl_, from _to_, our, _naca_, flesh or life, _quahuitl_, tree; _chicahualizteotl_, from _chicahualiztli_, strength or courage, and _teotl_, god. these names are given by ixtlilxochitl, _historia chichimeca_, cap. i.] the winds and rains come from the four cardinal points. this fact was figuratively represented by a cruciform figure, the ends directed toward each of these. the god of the four winds bore these crosses as one of his emblems. the sign came to be connected with fertility, reproduction and life, through its associations as a symbol of the rains which restore the parched fields and aid in the germination of seeds. their influence in this respect is most striking in those southern countries where a long dry season is followed by heavy tropical showers, which in a few days change the whole face of nature, from one of parched sterility to one of a wealth of vegetable growth. as there is a close connection, in meteorology, between the winds and the rains, so in aztec mythology, there was an equally near one between quetzalcoatl, as the god of the winds, and the gods of rain, tlaloc and his sister, or wife, or mother, chalchihuitlicue. according to one myth, these were created by the four primeval brother-gods, and placed in the heavens, where they occupy a large mansion divided into four apartments, with a court in the middle. in this court stand four enormous vases of water, and an infinite number of very small slaves (the rain drops) stand ready to dip out the water from one or the other vase and pour it on the earth in showers.[ ] [footnote : ramirez de fuen-leal, _historia de los mexicanos_, cap. ii.] _tlaloc_ means, literally, "the wine of the earth,"[ ] the figure being that as man's heart is made glad, and his strength revived by the joyous spirit of wine, so is the soil refreshed and restored by the rains. _tlaloc tecutli_, the lord of the wine of the earth, was the proper title of the male divinity, who sent the fertilizing showers, and thus caused the seed to grow in barren places. it was he who gave abundant crops and saved the parched and dying grain after times of drought. therefore, he was appealed to as the giver of good things, of corn and wine; and the name of his home, tlalocan, became synonymous with that of the terrestrial paradise. [footnote : _tlalli_, earth, _oc_ from _octli_, the native wine made from the maguey, enormous quantities of which are consumed by the lower classes in mexico at this day, and which was well known to the ancients. another derivation of the name is from _tlalli_, and _onoc_, being, to be, hence, "resident on the earth." this does not seem appropriate.] his wife or sister, chalchihuitlicue, she of the emerald skirts, was goddess of flowing streams, brooks, lakes and rivers. her name, probably, has reference to their limpid waters.[ ] it is derived from _chalchihuitl_, a species of jade or precious green stone, very highly esteemed by the natives of mexico and central america, and worked by them into ornaments and talismans, often elaborately engraved and inscribed with symbols, by an art now altogether lost.[ ] according to one myth, quetzalcoatl's mother took the name of _chalchiuitl_ "when she ascended to heaven;"[ ] by another he was engendered by such a sacred stone;[ ] and by all he was designated as the discoverer of the art of cutting and polishing them, and the patron deity of workers in this branch.[ ] [footnote : from _chalchihuitl_, jade, and _cueitl_, skirt or petticoat, with the possessive prefix, _i_, her.] [footnote : see e.g. squier, _observations on a collection of chalchihuitls from central america_, new york, , and heinrich fischer, _nephrit und jadeit nach ihrer urgeschichtlichen und ethnographischen bedeutung_, stuttgart, , for a full discussion of the subject.] [footnote : _codex telleriano-remensis_, pt. ii, lam. ii.] [footnote : see above, chapter iii, § ] [footnote : torquemada, _monarquia indiana_, lib. vi, cap. xxiv.] the association of this stone and its color, a bluish green of various shades, with the god of light and the air, may have reference to the blue sky where he has his home, or to the blue and green waters where he makes his bed. whatever the connection was, it was so close that the festivals of all three, tlaloc, chalchihuitlicue and quetzalcoatl, were celebrated together on the same day, which was the first of the first month of the aztec calendar, in february.[ ] [footnote : sahagun, _hisioria_, lib. ii, cap. i. a worthy but visionary mexican antiquary, don j.m. melgar, has recognized in aztec mythology the frequency of the symbolism which expresses the fertilizing action of the sky (the sun and rains) upon the earth. he thinks that in some of the manuscripts, as the _codex borgia_, it is represented by the rabbit fecundating the frog. see his _examen comparativo entre los signos simbolicos de las teogonias y cosmogonias antiguas y los que existen en los manuscritos mexicanos_, p. (vera cruz, ).] in his character as god of days, the deity who brings back the diurnal suns, and thus the seasons and years, quetzalcoatl was the reputed inventor of the mexican calendar. he himself was said to have been born on ce acatl, one cane, which was the first day of the first month, the beginning of the reckoning, and the name of the day was often added to his own.[ ] as the count of the days really began with the beginning, it was added that heaven itself was created on this same day, ce acatl.[ ] [footnote : _codex vaticanus_, pl. xv.] [footnote : _codex telleriano remensis_, pl. xxxiii.] in some myths quetzalcoatl was the sole framer of the calendar; in others he was assisted by the first created pair, cipactli and oxomuco, who, as i have said, appear to represent the sky and the earth. a certain cave in the province of cuernava (quauhnauac) was pointed out as the scene of their deliberations. cipactonal chose the first name, oxomuco the second, and quetzalcoatl the third, and so on in turn.[ ] [footnote : mendieta, _hist. eclesiastia indiana_, lib. ii, cap. xiv. "una tonta ficcion," comments the worthy chronicler upon the narrative, "como son las demas que creian cerca de sus dioses." this has been the universal opinion. my ambition in writing this book is, that it will be universal no longer.] in many mythologies the gods of light and warmth are, by a natural analogy, held to be also the deities which preside over plenty, fertility and reproduction. this was quite markedly the case with quetzalcoatl. his land and city were the homes of abundance; his people, the toltecs, "were skilled in all arts, all of which they had been taught by quetzalcoatl himself. they were, moreover, very rich; they lacked nothing; food was never scarce and crops never failed. they had no need to save the small ears of corn, so all the use they made of them was to burn them in heating their baths."[ ] [footnote : sahagun, _historia_, lib. iii, cap. iii.] as thus the promoter of fertility in the vegetable world, he was also the genius of reproduction in the human race. the ceremonies of marriage which were in use among the aztecs were attributed to him,[ ] and when the wife found she was with child it was to him that she was told to address her thanks. one of her relatives recited to her a formal exhortation, which began as follows:-- [footnote : veitia, cap. xvii, in kingsborough.] "my beloved little daughter, precious as sapphire and jade, tender and generous! our lord, who dwells everywhere and rains his bounties on whom he pleases, has remembered you. the god now wishes to give you the fruit of marriage, and has placed within you a jewel, a rich feather. perhaps you have watched, and swept, and offered incense; for such good works the kindness of the lord has been made manifest, and it was decreed in heaven and hell, before the beginning of the world, that this grace should be accorded you. for these reasons our lord, quetzalcoatl, who is the author and creator of things, has shown you this favor; thus has resolved he in heaven, who is at once both man and woman, and is known under the names twice master and twice mistress."[ ] [footnote : sahagun, _historia_, lib. vi, cap. xxv. the bisexual nature of the mexican gods, referred to in this passage, is well marked in many features of their mythology. quetzalcoatl is often addressed in the prayers as "father and mother," just as, in the egyptian ritual, chnum was appealed to as "father of fathers and mother of mothers" (tiele, _hist. of the egyptian religion_, p. ). i have endeavored to explain this widespread belief in hermaphroditic deities in my work entitled, _the religious sentiment, its source and aim_, pp. - , (new york, ).] it is recorded in the old histories that the priests dedicated to his service wore a peculiar head-dress, imitating a snail shell, and for that reason were called _quateczizque_.[ ] no one has explained this curiously shaped bonnet. but it was undoubtedly because quetzalcoatl was the god of reproduction, for among the aztecs the snail was a well known symbol of the process of parturition.[ ] [footnote : duran, in kingsborough, vol. viii, p. . the word is from _quaitl_, head or top, and _tecziztli_, a snail shell.] [footnote : "mettevanli in testa una lumaca marina per dimostrare que siccome il piscato esce dalle pieghe di quell'osso, o conca. cosi vá ed esce l'uomo _ab utero matris suae_." _codice vaticana, tavola xxvi._] quetzalcoatl was that marvelous artist who fashions in the womb of the mother the delicate limbs and tender organs of the unborn infant. therefore, when a couple of high rank were blessed with a child, an official orator visited them, and the baby being placed naked before him, he addressed it beginning with these words:-- "my child and lord, precious gem, emerald, sapphire, beauteous feather, product of a noble union, you have been formed far above us, in the ninth heaven, where dwell the two highest divinities. his divine majesty has fashioned you in a mould, as one fashions a ball of gold; you have been chiseled as a precious stone, artistically dressed by your father and mother, the great god and the great goddess, assisted by their son, quetzalcoatl."[ ] [footnote : sahagun, _historia_, lib. vi, cap. xxxiv.] as he was thus the god on whom depended the fertilization of the womb, sterile women made their vows to him, and invoked his aid to be relieved from the shame of barrenness.[ ] [footnote : torquemada, _monarquia indiana_, lib. xi, cap. xxiv.] in still another direction is this function of his godship shown. the worship of the genesiac principle is as often characterized by an excessive austerity as by indulgence in sexual acts. here we have an example. nearly all the accounts tell us that quetzalcoatl was never married, and that he held himself aloof from all women, in absolute chastity. we are told that on one occasion his subjects urged upon him the propriety of marriage, and to their importunities he returned the dark answer that, yes, he had determined to take a wife; but that it would be when the oak tree shall cast chestnuts, when the sun shall rise in the west, when one can cross the sea dry-shod, and when nightingales grow beards.[ ] [footnote : duran, in kingsborough, vol. viii, p. . i believe alva ixtlilxochitl is the only author who specifically assigns a family to quetzalcoatl. this author does not mention a wife, but names two sons, one, xilotzin, who was killed in war, the other, pochotl, who was educated by his nurse, toxcueye, and who, after the destruction of tollan, collected the scattered toltecs and settled with them around the lake of tezcuco (_relaciones historicas_, p. , in kingsborough, vol. ix). all this is in contradiction to the reports of earlier and better authorities. for instance, motolinia says pointedly, "no fué casado, ni se le conoció mujer" (_historia de los indios, epistola proemial_).] following the example of their master, many of the priests of his cult refrained from sexual relations, and as a mortification of the flesh they practiced a painful rite by transfixing the tongue and male member with the sharp thorns of the maguey plant, an austerity which, according to their traditions, he was the first to institute.[ ] there were also in the cities where his special worship was in vogue, houses of nuns, the inmates of which had vowed perpetual virginity, and it was said that quetzalcoatl himself had founded these institutions.[ ] [footnote : _codex vaticanus_, tab. xxii.] [footnote : veitia, _historia_, cap. xvii.] his connection with the worship of the reproductive principle seems to be further indicated by his surname, _ce acatl_. this means one reed, and is the name of a day in the calendar. but in the nahuatl language, the word _acatl_, reed, cornstalk, is also applied to the virile member; and it has been suggested that this is the real signification of the word when applied to the hero-god. the suggestion is plausible, but the word does not seem to have been so construed by the early writers. if such an understanding had been current, it could scarcely have escaped the inquiries of such a close student and thorough master of the nahuatl tongue as father sahagun. on the other hand, it must be said, in corroboration of this identification, that the same idea appears to be conveyed by the symbol of the serpent. one correct translation of the name quetzalcoatl is "the beautiful serpent;" his temple in the city of mexico, according to torquemada, had a door in the form of a serpent's mouth; and in the _codex vaticanus_, no. , published by lord kingsborough, of which we have an explanation by competent native authority, he is represented as a serpent; while in the same codex, in the astrological signs which were supposed to control the different parts of the human body, the serpent is pictured as the sign of the male member.[ ] this indicates the probability that in his function as god of reproduction quetzalcoatl may have stood in some relation to phallic rites. [footnote : compare the _codex vaticanus_, no. , plates and , kingsborough, _mexican antiquities_, vol. ii.] this same sign, _ce coatl_, one serpent, used in their astrology, was that of one of the gods of the merchants, and apparently for this reason, some writers have identified the chief god of traffic, yacatecutli (god of journeying), with quetzalcoatl. this seems the more likely as another name of this divinity was _yacacoliuhqui_, with the end curved, a name which appears to refer to the curved rod or stick which was both his sign and one of those of quetzalcoatl.[ ] the merchants also constantly associated in their prayers this deity with huitzilopochtli, which is another reason for supposing their patron was one of the four primeval brothers, and but another manifestation of quetzalcoatl. his character, as patron of arts, the model of orators, and the cultivator of peaceful intercourse among men, would naturally lend itself to this position. [footnote : compare torquemada, _monarquia indiana_, lib. vi, cap. xxviii and sahagun, _historia de nueva españa_, lib. ix, _passim_. _yacatecutli_, is from _tecutli_, lord, and either _yaqui_, traveler, or else _yacana_, to conduct. _yacacoliuhqui_, is translated by torquemada, "el que tiene la nariz aquileña." it is from _yaque_, a point or end, and hence, also, the nose, and _coliuhqui_, bent or curved. the translation in the text is quite as allowable as that of torquemada, and more appropriate. i have already mentioned that this divinity was suspected, by dr. schultz-sellack, to be merely another form of quetzalcoatl. see above, chapter iii, § ] but quetzalcoatl, as god of the violent wind-storms, which destroy the houses and crops, and as one, who, in his own history, was driven from his kingdom and lost his all, was not considered a deity of invariably good augury. his day and sign, _ce acatl_, one reed, was of bad omen. a person born on it would not succeed in life.[ ] his plans and possessions would be lost, blown away, as it were, by the wind, and dissipated into thin air. [footnote : sahagun. _historia_, lib. iv, cap. viii.] through the association of his person with the prying winds he came, curiously enough, to be the patron saint of a certain class of thieves, who stupefied their victims before robbing them. they applied to him to exercise his maleficent power on those whom they planned to deprive of their goods. his image was borne at the head of the gang when they made their raids, and the preferred season was when his sign was in the ascendant.[ ] this is a singular parallelism to the aryan hermes myth, as i have previously observed (chap. i). [footnote : ibid. lib. iv, cap. xxxi.] the representation of quetzalcoatl in the aztec manuscripts, his images and the forms of his temples and altars, referred to his double functions as lord of the light and the winds. he was not represented with pleasing features. on the contrary, sahagun tells us that his face, that is, that of his image, was "very ugly, with a large head and a full beard."[ ] the beard, in this and similar instances, was to represent the rays of the sun. his hair at times was also shown rising straight from his forehead, for the same reason.[ ] [footnote : "la cara que tenia era muy fea y la cabeza larga y barbuda." _historia_, lib. iii, cap. iii. on the other hand ixtlilxochitl speaks of him as "de bella figura." _historia chichimeca_, cap. viii. he was occasionally represented with his face painted black, probably expressing the sun in its absence.] [footnote : he is so portrayed in the codex vaticanus. and ixtlilxochitl says, "tubiese el cabello levantado desde la frente hasta la nuca como á manera de penacho." _historia chichimeca_, cap. viii.] at times he was painted with a large hat and flowing robe, and was then called "father of the sons of the clouds," that is, of the rain drops.[ ] [footnote : diego duran, _historia_, in kingsborough, viii, p. .] these various representations doubtless referred to him at different parts of his chequered career, and as a god under different manifestations of his divine nature. the religious art of the aztecs did not demand any uniformity in this respect. § . _the return of quetzalcoatl._ quetzalcoatl was gone. whether he had removed to the palace prepared for him in tlapallan, whether he had floated out to sea on his wizard raft of serpent skins, or whether his body had been burned on the sandy sea strand and his soul had mounted to the morning star, the wise men were not agreed. but on one point there was unanimity. quetzalcoatl was gone; but _he would return_. in his own good time, in the sign of his year, when the ages were ripe, once more he would come from the east, surrounded by his fair-faced retinue, and resume the sway of his people and their descendants. tezcatlipoca had conquered, but not for aye. the immutable laws which had fixed the destruction of tollan assigned likewise its restoration. such was the universal belief among the aztec race. for this reason quetzalcoatl's statue, or one of them, was in a reclining position and covered with wrappings, signifying that he was absent, "as of one who lays him down to sleep, and that when he should awake from that dream of absence, he should rise to rule again the land."[ ] [footnote : torquemada, _monarquia indiana_, lib. vi, cap. xxiv. so in egyptian mythology tum was called "the concealed or imprisoned god, in a physical sense the sun-god in the darkness of night, not revealing himself, but alive, nevertheless." tiele, _history of the egyptian religion_, p. .] he was not dead. he had indeed built mansions underground, to the lord of mictlan, the abode of the dead, the place of darkness, but he himself did not occupy them.[ ] where he passed his time was where the sun stays at night. as this, too, is somewhere beneath the level of the earth, it was occasionally spoken of as _tlillapa_, the murky land,[ ] and allied therefore to mictlan. caverns led down to it, especially one south of chapultepec, called _cincalco_, "to the abode of abundance," through whose gloomy corridors one could reach the habitation of the sun and the happy land still governed by quetzalcoatl and his lieutenant totec.[ ] [footnote : sahagun, _historia_, lib. iii. cap. ult.] [footnote : mendieta, _hist. eclesiast. indiana_, lib. ii, cap. v. the name is from _tlilli_, something dark, obscure.] [footnote : sahagun, _historia_, lib. xii, cap. ix; duran, _historia_, cap. lxviii; tezozomoc, _cron. mexicana_, cap. ciii. sahagun and tezozomoc give the name _cincalco_, to the house of maize, _i.e._, fertility, abundance, the paradise. duran gives _cicalco_, and translates it "casa de la liebre," _citli_, hare, _calli_, house, _co_ locative. but this is, no doubt, an error, mistaking _citli_ for _cintli_, maize.] but the real and proper names of that land were tlapallan, the red land, and tizapan, the white land, for either of these colors is that of the sun-light.[ ] [footnote : _tizapan_ from _tizatl_, white earth or other substance, and _pan_, in. mendicta, lib. ii, cap. iv.] it was generally understood to be the same land whence he and the toltecs had come forth in ancient times; or if not actually the same, nevertheless, very similar to it. while the myth refers to the latter as tlapallan, it speaks of the former as huey tlapallan, old tlapallan, or the first tlapallan. but old tlapallan was usually located to the west, where the sun disappears at night;[ ] while new tlapallan, the goal of quetzalcoatl's journey, was in the east, where the day-orb rises in the morning. the relationship is obvious, and is based on the similarity of the morning and the evening skies, the heavens at sunset and at sunrise. [footnote : "huitlapalan, que es la que al presente llaman de cortes, que por parecer vermeja le pusieron el nombre referido." alva ixtlilxochitl, _historia chichimeca_, cap. ii.] in his capacity as master of arts, and, at the same time, ruler of the underground realm, in other words, as representing in his absence the sun at night, he was supposed to preside over the schools where the youth were shut up and severely trained in ascetic lives, previous to coming forth into the world. in this function he was addressed as _quetzalcoatl tlilpotonqui_, the dark or black plumed, and the child, on admittance, was painted this color, and blood drawn from his ears and offered to the god.[ ] probably for the same reason, in many picture writings, both his face and body were blackened. [footnote : sahagun, lib. iii, append, cap. vii. and cf. lib. i, cap v. the surname is from _tlilli_, black, and _potonia_, "emplumar á otro."] it is at first sight singular to find his character and symbols thus in a sense reversed, but it would not be difficult to quote similar instances from aryan and egyptian mythology. the sun at night was often considered to be the ruler of the realm of the dead, and became associated with its gloomy symbolism. wherever he was, quetzalcoatl was expected to return and resume the sceptre of sovereignty, which he had laid down at the instigation of tezcatlipoca. in what cycle he would appear the sages knew not, but the year of the cycle was predicted by himself of old. here appears an extraordinary coincidence. the sign of the year of quetzalcoatl was, as i have said, one reed, ce acatl. in the mexican calendar this recurs only once in their cycle of fifty-two years. the myth ran that on some recurrence of this year his arrival was to take place. the year of the christian era was the year one reed, and in that year hernan cortes landed his army on mexican soil! the approach of the year had, as usual, revived the old superstition, and possibly some vague rumors from yucatan or the islands had intensified the dread with which the mexican emperor contemplated the possible loss of his sovereignty. omens were reported in the sky, on earth and in the waters. the sages and diviners were consulted, but their answers were darker than the ignorance they were asked to dispel. yes, they agreed, a change is to come, the present order of things will be swept away, perhaps by quetzalcoatl, perhaps by hideous beings with faces of serpents, who walk with one foot, whose heads are in their breasts, whose huge hands serve as sun shades, and who can fold themselves in their immense ears.[ ] [footnote : the names of these mysterious beings are given by tezozomoc as _tezocuilyoxique, zenteicxique_ and _coayxaques. cronica mexicana_, caps, cviii and civ.] little satisfied with these grotesque prophecies the monarch summoned his dwarfs and hunchbacks--a class of dependents he maintained in imitation of quetzalcoatl--and ordered them to proceed to the sacred cave of cincalco. "enter its darknes," he said, "without fear. there you will find him who ages ago lived in tula, who calls himself huemac, the great hand.[ ] if one enters, he dies indeed, but only to be born to an eternal life in a land where food and wine are in perennial plenty. it is shady with trees, filled with fruit, gay with flowers, and those who dwell there know nought but joy. huemac is king of that land, and he who lives with him is ever happy." [footnote : huemac, as i have already said, is stated by sahagun to have been the war chief of tula, as quetzalcoatl was the sacerdotal head (lib. iii, cap. v). but duran and most writers state that it was simply another name of quetzalcoatl.] the dwarfs and hunchbacks departed on their mission, under the guidance of the priests. after a time they returned and reported that they had entered the cave and reached a place where four roads met. they chose that which descended most rapidly, and soon were accosted by an old man with a staff in his hand. this was totec, who led them to his lord huemac, to whom they stated the wish of montezuma for definite information. the reply was vague and threatening, and though twice afterwards the emperor sent other embassies, only ominous and obscure announcements were returned by the priests.[ ] clearly they preferred to be prophets of evil, and quite possibly they themselves were the slaves of gloomy forebodings. [footnote : tezozomoc, _cronica mexicana_, caps. cviii, cix; sahagun, _historia_, lib. xii, cap. ix. the four roads which met one on the journey to the under world are also described in the _popol vuh_, p. . each is of a different color, and only one is safe to follow.] dissatisfied with their reports, montezuma determined to visit the underground realm himself, and by penetrating through the cave of cincalco to reach the mysterious land where his attendants and priests professed to have been. for obvious reasons such a suggestion was not palatable to them, and they succeeded in persuading him to renounce the plan, and their deceptions remained undiscovered. their idle tales brought no relief to the anxious monarch, and at length, when his artists showed him pictures of the bearded spaniards and strings of glittering beads from cortes, the emperor could doubt no longer, and exclaimed: "truly this is the quetzalcoatl we expected, he who lived with us of old in tula. undoubtedly it is he, _ce acatl inacuil_, the god of one reed, who is journeying."[ ] [footnote : tezozomoc, _cronica mexicana_, cap. cviii.] on his very first interview with cortes, he addressed him through the interpreter marina in remarkable words which have been preserved to us by the spanish conqueror himself. cortes writes:-- "having delivered me the presents, he seated himself next to me and spoke as follows:-- "'we have known for a long time, by the writings handed down by our forefathers, that neither i nor any who inhabit this land are natives of it, but foreigners who came here from remote parts. we also know that we were led here by a ruler, whose subjects we all were, who returned to his country, and after a long time came here again and wished to take his people away. but they had married wives and built houses, and they would neither go with him nor recognize him as their king; therefore he went back. we have ever believed that those who were of his lineage would some time come and claim this land as his, and us as his vassals. from the direction whence you come, which is where the sun rises, and from what you tell me of this great lord who sent you, we believe and think it certain that he is our natural ruler, especially since you say that for a long time he has known about us. therefore you may feel certain that we shall obey you, and shall respect you as holding the place of that great lord; and in all the land i rule you may give what orders you wish, and they shall be obeyed, and everything we have shall be put at your service. and since you are thus in your own heritage and your own house, take your ease and rest from the fatigue of the journey and the wars you have had on the way.'"[ ] [footnote : cortes, _carta segunda_, october th, . according to bernal diaz montezuma referred to the prediction several times. _historia verdadera de la conquista de la nueva españa_, cap. lxxxix, xc. the words of montezuma are also given by father sahagun, _historia de nueva españa_, lib. xii, cap. xvi. the statement of montezuma that quetzalcoatl _had already returned_, but had not been well received by the people, and had, therefore, left them again, is very interesting. it is a part of the quetzalcoatl myth which i have not found in any other aztec source. but it distinctly appears in the kiche which i shall quote on a later page, and is also in close parallelism with the hero-myths of yucatan, peru and elsewhere. it is, to my mind, a strong evidence of the accuracy of marina's translation of montezuma's words, and the fidelity of cortes' memory.] such was the extraordinary address with which the spaniard, with his handful of men, was received by the most powerful war chief of the american continent. it confessed complete submission, without a struggle. but it was the expression of a general sentiment. when the spanish ships for the first time reached the mexican shores the natives kissed their sides and hailed the white and bearded strangers from the east as gods, sons and brothers of quetzalcoatl, come back from their celestial home to claim their own on earth and bring again the days of paradise; [ ] a hope, dryly observes father mendieta, which the poor indians soon gave up when they came to feel the acts of their visitors.[ ] [footnote : sahagun, _historia_, lib. xii, cap. ii.] [footnote : "los indios siempre esperaron que se habia de cumplir aquella profecia y cuando vieron venir á los cristianos luego los llamaron dioses, hijos, y hermanos de quetzalcoatl, aunque despues que conocieron y experimentaron sus obras, no los tuvieron por celestiales." _historia eclesiastica indiana_, lib. ii, cap. x.] such presentiments were found scattered through america. they have excited the suspicion of historians and puzzled antiquaries to explain. but their interpretation is simple enough. the primitive myth of the sun which had sunk but should rise again, had in the lapse of time lost its peculiarly religious sense, and had been in part taken to refer to past historical events. the light-god had become merged in the divine culture hero. he it was who was believed to have gone away, not to die, for he was immortal, but to dwell in the distant east, whence in the fullness of time he would return. this was why montezuma and his subjects received the whites as expected guests, and quoted to them prophecies of their coming. the mayas of yucatan, the muyscas of bogota, the qquichuas of peru, all did the same, and all on the same grounds--the confident hope of the return of the light-god from the under world. this hope is an integral part of this great myth of light, in whatever part of the world we find it. osiris, though murdered, and his body cast into "the unclean sea," will come again from the eastern shores. balder, slain by the wiles of loki, is not dead forever, but at the appointed time will appear again in nobler majesty. so in her divine fury sings the prophetess of the völuspa:-- "shall arise a second time, earth from ocean, green and fair, the waters ebb, the eagles fly, snatch the fish from out the flood. "once again the wondrous runes, golden tablets, shall be found; mystic runes by aesir carved, gods who ruled fiolnir's line. "then shall fields unseeded bear, ill shall flee, and balder come, dwell in odin's highest hall, he and all the happy gods. "outshines the sun that mighty hall, glitters gold on heaven's hill; there shall god-like princes dwell, and rule for aye a happy world." chapter iv. the hero-gods of the mayas. civilization of the mayas--whence it originated--duplicate traditions. § . _the culture hero itzamna._ itzamna as ruler, priest and teacher--as chief god and creator of the world--las casas' supposed christ myth--the four bacabs--itzamna as lord of the winds and rains--the symbol of the cross--as lord of the light and day--derivation of his various names. § . _the culture hero kukulcan_. kukulcan as connected with the calendar--meaning of the name--the myth of the four brothers--kukulcan's happy rule and miraculous disappearance--relation to quetzalcoatl--aztec and maya mythology--kukulcan a maya divinity--the expected return of the hero-gods--the maya prophecies--their explanation. the high-water mark of ancient american civilization was touched by the mayas, the race who inhabited the peninsula of yucatan and vicinity. its members extended to the pacific coast and included the tribes of vera paz, guatemala, and parts of chiapas and honduras, and had an outlying branch in the hot lowlands watered by the river panuco, north of vera cruz. in all, it has been estimated that they numbered at the time of the conquest perhaps two million souls. to them are due the vast structures of copan, palenque and uxmal, and they alone possessed a mode of writing which rested distinctly on a phonetic basis. the zenith of their prosperity had, however, been passed a century before the spanish conquerors invaded their soil. a large part of the peninsula of yucatan had been for generations ruled in peace by a confederation of several tribes, whose capital city was mayapan, ten leagues south of where mérida now stands, and whose ruins still cover many hundred acres of the plain. somewhere about the year there was a general revolt of the eastern provinces; mayapan itself was assaulted and destroyed, and the peninsula was divided among a number of petty chieftains. such was its political condition at the time of the discovery. there were numerous populous cities, well built of stone and mortar, but their inhabitants were at war with each other and devoid of unity of purpose.[ ] hence they fell a comparatively easy prey to the conquistadors. [footnote : francisco de montejo, who was the first to explore yucatan ( ), has left strong testimony to the majesty of its cities and the agricultural industry of its inhabitants. he writes to the king, in the report of his expedition: "la tierra es muy poblada y de muy grandes ciudades y villas muy frescas. todos los pueblos son una huerta de frutales." _carta á su magestad, abril, _, in the _coleccion de documentos ineditos del archivo de indias_, tom. xiii.] whence came this civilization? was it an offshoot of that of the aztecs? or did it produce the latter? these interesting questions i cannot discuss in full at this time. all that concerns my present purpose is to treat of them so far as they are connected with the mythology of the race. incidentally, however, this will throw some light on these obscure points, and at any rate enable us to dismiss certain prevalent assumptions as erroneous. one of these is the notion that the toltecs were the originators of yucatan culture. i hope i have said enough in the previous chapter to exorcise permanently from ancient american history these purely imaginary beings. they have served long enough as the last refuge of ignorance. let us rather ask what accounts the mayas themselves gave of the origin of their arts and their ancestors. most unfortunately very meagre sources of information are open to us. we have no sahagun to report to us the traditions and prayers of this strange people. only fragments of their legends and hints of their history have been saved, almost by accident, from the general wreck of their civilization. from these, however, it is possible to piece together enough to give us a glimpse of their original form, and we shall find it not unlike those we have already reviewed. there appear to have been two distinct cycles of myths in yucatan, the most ancient and general that relating to itzamná, the second, of later date and different origin, referring to kukulcan. it is barely possible that these may be different versions of the same; but certainly they were regarded as distinct by the natives at and long before the time of the conquest. this is seen in the account they gave of their origin. they did not pretend to be autochthonous, but claimed that their ancestors came from distant regions, in two bands. the largest and most ancient immigration was from the east, across, or rather through, the ocean--for the gods had opened twelve paths through it--and this was conducted by the mythical civilizer itzamná. the second band, less in number and later in time, came in from the west, and with them was kukulcan. the former was called the great arrival; the latter, the less arrival[ ]. [footnote : cogolludo contradicts himself in describing these events; saying first that the greater band came from the west, but later in the same chapter corrects himself, and criticizes father lizana for having committed the same error. cogolludo's authority was the original mss. of gaspar antonio, an educated native, of royal lineage, who wrote in . _historia de yucatan_, lib. iv, caps, iii, iv. lizana gives the names of these arrivals as _nohnial_ and _cenial_. these words are badly mutilated. they should read _noh emel_ (_noh_, great, _emel_, descent, arrival) and _cec, emel_ (_cec_, small). landa supports the position of cogolludo. _relacion de las cosas de yucatan_, p. . it is he who speaks of the "doce caminos por el mar."] § . _the culture hero, itzamná._ to this ancient leader, itzamná, the nation alluded as their guide, instructor and civilizer. it was he who gave names to all the rivers and divisions of land; he was their first priest, and taught them the proper rites wherewith to please the gods and appease their ill-will; he was the patron of the healers and diviners, and had disclosed to them the mysterious virtues of plants; in the month _uo_ they assembled and made new fire and burned to him incense, and having cleansed their books with water drawn from a fountain from which no woman had ever drunk, the most learned of the sages opened the volumes to forecast the character of the coming year. it was itzamná who first invented the characters or letters in which the mayas wrote their numerous books, and which they carved in such profusion on the stone and wood of their edifices. he also devised their calendar, one more perfect even than that of the mexicans, though in a general way similar to it[ ]. [footnote : the authorities on this phase of itzamná's character are cogolludo, _historia de yucatan_, lib. iv, cap. iii; landa, _cosas de yucatan_, pp. , , and beltran de santa rosa maria, _arte del idioma maya_, p. . the latter has a particularly valuable extract from the now lost maya dictionary of f. gabriel de san buenaventura. "el primero que halló las letras de la lengua maya é hizo el computo de los años, meses y edades, y lo enseño todo á los indios de esta provincia, fué un indio llamado kinchahau, y por otro nombre tzamná. noticia que debemos á dicho r.f. gabriel, y trae en su calepino, lit. k. verb. kinchahau, fol. , vuelt."] as city-builder and king, his history is intimately associated with the noble edifices of itzamal, which he laid out and constructed, and over which he ruled, enacting wise laws and extending the power and happiness of his people for an indefinite period. thus itzamna, regarded as ruler, priest and teacher, was, no doubt, spoken of as an historical personage, and is so put down by various historians, even to the most recent[ ]. but another form in which he appears proves him to have been an incarnation of deity, and carries his history from earth to heaven. this is shown in the very earliest account we have of the maya mythology. [footnote : crescencio carrillo, _historia antigua de yucatan_, p. , mérida, . though obliged to differ on many points with this indefatigable archaeologist, i must not omit to state my appreciation and respect for his earnest interest in the language and antiquities of his country. i know of no other yucatecan who has equal enthusiasm or so just an estimate of the antiquarian riches of his native land.] for this account we are indebted to the celebrated las casas, the "apostle of the indians." in he sent a certain priest, francisco hernandez by name, into the peninsula as a missionary. hernandez had already traversed it as chaplain to montejo's expedition, in , and was to some degree familiar with the maya tongue. after nearly a year spent among the natives he forwarded a report to las casas, in which, among other matters, he noted a resemblance which seemed to exist between the myths recounted by the maya priests and the christian dogmas. they told him that the highest deity they worshiped was izona, who had made men and all things. to him was born a son, named bacab or bacabab, by a virgin, chibilias, whose mother was ixchel. bacab was slain by a certain eopuco, on the day called _hemix_, but after three days rose from the dead and ascended into heaven. the holy ghost was represented by echuac, who furnished the world with all things necessary to man's life and comfort. asked what bacab meant, they replied, "the son of the great father," and echuac they translated by "the merchant."[ ] [footnote : las casas, _historia apologetica de las indias occidentales_, cap. cxxiii.] this is the story that a modern writer says, "ought to be repudiated without question."[ ] but i think not. it is not difficult to restore these names to their correct forms, and then the fancied resemblance to christian theology disappears, while the character of the original myth becomes apparent. [footnote : john t. short, _the north americans of antiquity_, p. .] cogolludo long since justly construed _izona_ as a misreading for _izamna_. _bacabab_ is the plural form of _bacab_, and shows that the sons were several. we are well acquainted with the bacabab. bishop landa tells us all about them. they were four in number, four gigantic brothers, who supported the four corners of the heavens, who blew the four winds from the four cardinal points, and who presided over the four dominical signs of the calendar. as each year in the calendar was supposed to be under the influence of one or the other of these brothers, one bacab was said to die at the close of the year; and after the "nameless" or intercalary days had passed the next bacab would live; and as each computation of the year began on the day _imix_, which was the third before the close of the maya week, this was said figuratively to be the day of death of the bacab of that year. and whereas three (or four) days later a new year began, with another bacab, the one was said to have died and risen again. the myth further relates that the bacabs were sons of ix-chel. she was the goddess of the rainbow, which her name signifies. she was likewise believed to be the guardian of women in childbirth, and one of the patrons of the art of medicine. the early historians, roman and landa, also associate her with itzamna[ ], thus verifying the legend recorded by hernandez. [footnote : fray hieronimo roman, _de la republica de las indias occidentales_, lib. ii, cap. xv; diego de landa, _relacion de las cosas de yucatan_, p. . cogolludo also mentions _ix chel_, _historia de yucatan_, lib. iv, cap. vi. the word in maya for rainbow is _chel_ or _cheel_; _ix_ is the feminine prefix, which also changes the noun from the inanimate to the animate sense.] that the rainbow should be personified as wife of the light-god and mother of the rain-gods, is an idea strictly in accordance with the course of mythological thought in the red race, and is founded on natural relations too evident to be misconstrued. the rainbow is never seen but during a shower, and while the sun is shining; hence it is always associated with these two meteorological phenomena. i may quote in comparison the rainbow myth of the moxos of south america. they held it to be the wife of arama, their god of light, and her duty was to pour the refreshing rains on the soil parched by the glaring eye of her mighty spouse. hence they looked upon her as goddess of waters, of trees and plants, and of fertility in general.[ ] [footnote : "fabula, ridicula adspersam superstitione, habebant de iride. ajebant illam esse aramam feminam, solis conjugem, cujus officium sit terras a viro exustas imbrium beneficio recreare. cum enim viderent arcum illum non nisi pluvio tempore in conspectu venire, et tunc arborum cacuminibus velut insidere, persuadebant sibi aquarum illum esse praesidem, arboresque proceras omnes sua in tutela habere." franc. xav., eder, _descriptio provinciae moxitarum in regno peruano_ p. (budae, ).] or we may take the muyscas, a cultivated and interesting nation who dwelt on the lofty plateau where bogota is situated. they worshiped the rainbow under the name _cuchaviva_ and personified it as a goddess, who took particular care of those sick with fevers and of women in childbirth. she was also closely associated in their myth with their culture-hero bochica, the story being that on one occasion, when an ill-natured divinity had inundated the plain of bogota, bochica appeared to the distressed inhabitants in company with cuchaviva, and cleaving the mountains with a blow of his golden sceptre, opened a passage for the waters into the valley below.[ ] [footnote : e. uricoechea, _gramatica de la lengua chibcha_, introd., p. xx. the similarity of these to the biblical account is not to be attributed to borrowing from the latter, but simply that it, as they, are both the mythological expressions of the same natural phenomenon. in norse mythology, freya is the rainbow goddess. she wears the bow as a necklace or girdle. it was hammered out for her by four dwarfs, the four winds from the cardinal points, and odin seeks to get it from her. schwartz, _ursprung der mythologie_, s. .] as goddess of the fertilizing showers, of growth and life, it is easily seen how ixchel came to be the deity both of women in childbirth and of the medical art, a juno sospita as well as a juno lucina. the statement is also significant, that the bacabs were supposed to be the victims of ah-puchah, the despoiler or destroyer,[ ] though the precise import of that character in the mythical drama is left uncertain.[ ] [footnote : _eopuco_ i take to be from the verb _puch_ or _puk_, to melt, to dissolve, to shell corn from the cob, to spoil; hence _puk_, spoiled, rotten, _podrida_, and possibly _ppuch_, to flog, to beat. the prefix _ah_, signifies one who practices or is skilled in the action which the verb denotes.] [footnote : the mother of the bacabs is given in the myth as _chibilias_ (or _chibirias_, but there is no _r_ in the maya alphabet). cogolludo mentions a goddess _ix chebel yax_, one of whose functions was to preside over drawing and painting. the name is from _chebel_, the brush used in these arts. but the connection is obscure.] the supposed holy ghost, echuac, properly ah-kiuic, master of the market, was the god of the merchants and the cacao plantations. he formed a triad with two other gods, chac, one of the rain gods, and hobnel, also a god of the food supply. to this triad travelers, on stopping for the night, set on end three stones and placed in front of them three flat stones, on which incense was burned. at their festival in the month _muan_ precisely three cups of native wine (mead) were drained by each person present.[ ] [footnote : landa, _relacion de las cosas de yucatan_, pp. , .] the description of some such rites as these is, no doubt, what led the worthy hernandez to suppose that the mayas had trinitarian doctrines. when they said that the god of the merchants and planters supplied the wants of men and furnished the world with desirable things, it was but a slightly figurative way of stating a simple truth. the four bacabs are called by cogolludo "the gods of the winds." each was identified with a particular color and a certain cardinal point. the first was that of the south. he was called hobnil, the belly; his color was yellow, which, as that of the ripe ears, was regarded as a favorable and promising hue; the augury of his year was propitious, and it was said of him, referring to some myth now lost, that he had never sinned as had his brothers. he answered to the day _kan_. which was the first of the maya week of thirteen days.[ ] the remaining bacabs were the red, assigned to the east, the white, to the north, and the black, to the west, and the winds and rains from those directions were believed to be under the charge of these giant caryatides. [footnote : landa, _relacion_, pp. ,- , etc. _hobnil_ is the ordinary word for belly, stomach, from _hobol_, hollow. figuratively, in these dialects it meant subsistence, life, as we use in both these senses the word "vitals." among the kiches of guatemala, a tribe of maya stock, we find, as terms applied to their highest divinity, _u pam uleu, u pam cah_, literally belly of the earth, belly of the sky, meaning that by which earth and sky exist. _popol vuh_, p. .] their close relation with itzamná is evidenced, not only in the fragmentary myth preserved by hernandez, but quite amply in the descriptions of the rites at the close of each year and in the various festivals during the year, as narrated by bishop landa. thus at the termination of the year, along with the sacrifices to the bacab of the year were others to itzamná, either under his surname _canil_, which has various meanings,[ ] or as _kinich-ahau_, lord of the eye of the day,[ ] or _yax-coc-ahmut_, the first to know and hear of events,[ ] or finally as _uac-mètun-ahau_, lord of the wheel of the months.[ ] [footnote : _can_, of which the "determinative" form is _canil_, may mean a serpent, or the yellow one, or the strong one, or he who gives gifts, or the converser.] [footnote : _kin_, the day; _ich_, eye; _ahau_, lord.] [footnote : _yax_, first; _coc_, which means literally deaf, and hence to listen attentively (whence the name cocomes, for the ancient royal family of chichen itza, an appellation correctly translated "escuchadores") and _ah-mut_, master of the news, _mut_ meaning news, good or bad.] [footnote : _uac_, the months, is a rare and now obsolete form of the plural of _u_, month, "_uac_, i.e. _u_, por meses y habla de tiempo pasado." _diccionario maya-español del convento de motul_, ms. _metun_ (landa, _mitun_) is from _met_, a wheel. the calendars, both in yucatan and mexico, were represented as a wheel.] the word _bacab_ means "erected," "set up."[ ] it was applied to the bacabs because they were imagined to be enormous giants, standing like pillars at the four corners of the earth, supporting the heavens. in this sense they were also called _chac_, the giants, as the rain senders. they were also the gods of fertility and abundance, who watered the crops, and on whose favor depended the return of the harvests. they presided over the streams and wells, and were the divinities whose might is manifested in the thunder and lightning, gods of the storms, as well as of the gentle showers.[ ] the festival to these gods of the harvest was in the month _mac_, which occurred in the early spring. in this ceremony, itzamná was also worshiped as the leader of the bacabs, and an important rite called "the extinction of the fire" was performed. "the object of these sacrifices and this festival," writes bishop landa, "was to secure an abundance of water for their crops."[ ] [footnote : the _diccionario maya del convento de motul_, ms., the only dictionary in which i find the exact word, translates _bacab_ by "representante, juglar, bufon." this is no doubt a late meaning taken from the scenic representations of the supposed doings of the gods in the ritual ceremonies. the proper form of the word is _uacab_ or _vacab_, which the dictionary mentioned renders "cosa que esta en pié ó enhiesta delante de otra." the change from the initial _v_ to _b_ is quite common, as may be seen by comparing the two letters in pio perez's _diccionario de la lengua maya_, e.g. _balak_, the revolution of a wheel, from _ualak_, to turn, to revolve.] [footnote : the entries in the _diccionario maya-español del convento de motul_, ms., are as follows:-- "_chaac_: gigante, hombre de grande estatura. "_chaac_: fué un hombre asi grande que enseño la agricultura, al cual tuvieron despues por dios de los panes, del agua, de los truenos y relámpagos. y asi se dice, _hac chaac_, el rayo: _u lemba chaac_ el relámpago; _u pec chaac_, el trueno," etc.] [footnote : _relacion, etc._, p. .] these four chac or bacabab were worshiped under the symbol of the cross, the four arms of which represented the four cardinal points. both in language and religious art, this was regarded as a tree. in the maya tongue it was called "the tree of bread," or "the tree of life."[ ] the celebrated cross of palenque is one of its representations, as i believe i was the first to point out, and has now been generally acknowledged to be correct.[ ] there was another such cross, about eight feet high, in a temple on the island of cozumel. this was worshiped as "the god of rain," or more correctly, as the symbol of the four rain gods, the bacabs. in periods of drought offerings were made to it of birds (symbols of the winds) and it was sprinkled with water. "when this had been done," adds the historian, "they felt certain that the rains would promptly fall."[ ] [footnote : the maya word is _uahomche_, from _uah_, originally the tortilla or maize cake, now used for bread generally. it is also current in the sense of _life_ ("la vida en cierta manera," _diccionario maya español del convento de motul_, ms.). _che_ is the generic word for tree. i cannot find any particular tree called _homche_. _hom_ was the name applied to a wind instrument, a sort of trumpet. in the _codex troano_, plates xxv, xxvii, xxxiv, it is represented in use. the four bacabs were probably imagined to blow the winds from the four corners of the earth through such instruments. a similar representation is given in the _codex borgianus_, plate xiii, in kingsborough. as the chac was the god of bread, _dios de los panes_, so the cross was the tree of bread.] [footnote : see the _myths of the new world_, p. ( st ed., new york, ). this explanation has since been adopted by dr. carl schultz-sellack, although he omits to state whence he derived it. his article is entitled _die amerikanischen götter der vier weltgegenden und ihre tempel in palenque_ in the _zeitschrift für ethnologie_, . compare also charles rau, _the palenque tablet_, p. (washington, ).] [footnote : "al pié de aquella misma torre estaba un cercado de piedra y cal, muy bien lucido y almenado, en medio del cual habia una cruz de cal tan alta como diez palmos, á la cual tenian y adoraban por dios de la lluvia, porque quando no llovia y habia falta de agua, iban á ella en procesion y muy devotos; ofrescianle codornices sacrificadas por aplacarle la ira y enojo con que ellos tenia ô mostraba tener, con la sangre de aquella simple avezica." francisco lopez de gomara, _conquista de mejico_, p. (ed. paris, ).] each of the four bacabs was also called _acantun_, which means "a stone set up," such a stone being erected and painted of the color sacred to the cardinal point that the bacab represented[ ]. some of these stones are still found among the ruins of yucatecan cities, and are to this day connected by the natives with reproductive signs[ ]. it is probable, however, that actual phallic worship was not customary in yucatan. the bacabs and itzamná were closely related to ideas of fertility and reproduction, indeed, but it appears to have been especially as gods of the rains, the harvests, and the food supply generally. the spanish writers were eager to discover all the depravity possible in the religion of the natives, and they certainly would not have missed such an opportunity for their tirades, had it existed. as it is, the references to it are not many, and not clear. [footnote : the feasts of the bacabs acantun are described in landa's work. the name he does not explain. i take it to be _acaan_, past participle of _actal_, to erect, and _tun_, stone. but it may have another meaning. the word _acan_ meant wine, or rather, mead, the intoxicating hydromel the natives manufactured. the god of this drink also bore the name acan ("acan; el dios del vino que es baco," _diccionario del convento de motul_, ms.). it would be quite appropriate for the bacabs to be gods of wine.] [footnote : stephens, _travels in yucatan_, vol. i, p. .] from what i have now presented we see that itzamná came from the distant east, beyond the ocean marge; that he was the teacher of arts and agriculture; that he, moreover, as a divinity, ruled the winds and rains, and sent at his will harvests and prosperity. can we identify him further with that personification of light which, as we have already seen, was the dominant figure in other american mythologies? this seems indicated by his names and titles. they were many, some of which i have already analyzed. that by which he was best known was _itzamná_, a word of contested meaning but which contains the same radicals as the words for the morning and the dawn[ ], and points to his identification with the grand central fact at the basis of all these mythologies, the welcome advent of the light in the eastern horizon after the gloom of the night. [footnote : some have derived itzamua from _i_, grandson by a son, used only by a female; _zamal_, morning, morrow, from _zam_, before, early, related to _yam_, first, whence also _zamalzam_, the dawn, the aurora; and _ná_, mother. without the accent _na_, means house. crescencio carrillo prefers the derivation from _itz_, anything that trickles in drops, as gum from a tree, rain or dew from the sky, milk from teats, and semen ("leche de amor," _dicc. de motul_, ms.). he says: "_itzamna_, esto es, rocio diario, ó sustancia cuotidiana del cielo, es el mismo nombre del fundador (de itzamal)." _historia antigua de yucatan_, p. . (mérida, .) this does not explain the last syllable, _ná_, which is always strongly accented. it is said that itzamná spoke of himself only in the words _itz en caan_, "i am that which trickles from the sky;" _itz en muyal_, "i am that which trickles from the clouds." this plainly refers to his character as a rain god. lizana, _historia de yucatan_, lib. i, cap. . if a compound of _itz, amal, ná_, the name, could be translated, "the milk of the mother of the morning," or of the dawn, i. e., the dew; while _i, zamal, ná_ would be "son of the mother of the morning."] his next most frequent title was _kin-ich-ahau_, which may be translated either, "lord of the sun's face," or, "the lord, the eye of the day."[ ] as such he was the deity who presided in the sun's disk and shot forth his scorching rays. there was a temple at itzamal consecrated to him as _kin-ich-kak-mo_, "the eye of the day, the bird of fire."[ ] in a time of pestilence the people resorted to this temple, and at high noon a sacrifice was spread upon the altar. the moment the sun reached the zenith, a bird of brilliant plumage, but which, in fact, was nothing else than a fiery flame shot from the sun, descended and consumed the offering in the sight of all. at campeche he had a temple, as _kin-ich-ahau-haban_, "the lord of the sun's face, the _hunter_," where the rites were sanguinary.[ ] [footnote : cogolludo, who makes a distinction between kinich-ahau and itzamná (_hist. de yucatan_, lib. iv, cap. viii), may be corrected by landa and buenaventura, whom i have already quoted.] [footnote : _kin_, the sun, the day; _ich_, the face, but generally the eye or eyes; _kak_, fire; _mo_, the brilliant plumaged, sacred bird, the ara or guacamaya, the red macaw. this was adopted as the title of the ruler of itzamal, as we learn from the chronicle of chichen itza--"ho ahau paxci u cah yahau ah itzmal kinich kakmo"--"in the fifth age the town (of chichen itza) was destroyed by king kinich kakmo, of itzamal." _el libro de chilan balam de chumayel_, ms.] [footnote : cogolludo, _historia de yucatan_, lib. iv, cap. viii.] another temple at itzamal was consecrated to him, under one of his names, _kabil_, he of the lucky hand,[ ] and the sick were brought there, as it was said that he had cured many by merely touching them. this fane was extremely popular, and to it pilgrimages were made from even such remote regions as tabasco, guatemala and chiapas. to accommodate the pilgrims four paved roads had been constructed, to the north, south, east and west, straight toward the quarters of the four winds. [footnote : lizana says: "se llama y nombra _kab-ul_ que quiere decir mano obradora," and all writers have followed him, although no such meaning can be made out of the name thus written. the proper word is _kabil_, which is defined in the _diccionario del convento de motul_, ms., "el que tiene buena mano para sembrar, ó para poner colmenas, etc." landa also gives this orthography, _relacion_, p. .] § . _the culture hero, kukulcan._ the second important hero-myth of the mayas was that about kukulcan. this is in no way connected with that of itzamna, and is probably later in date, and less national in character. the first reference to it we also owe to father francisco hernandez, whom i have already quoted, and who reported it to bishop las casas in . his words clearly indicate that we have here to do with a myth relating to the formation of the calendar, an opinion which can likewise be supported from other sources. the natives affirmed, says las casas, that in ancient times there came to that land twenty men, the chief of whom was called "cocolcan," and him they spoke of as the god of fevers or agues, two of the others as gods of fishing, another two as the gods of farms and fields, another was the thunder god, etc. they wore flowing robes and sandals on their feet, they had long beards, and their heads were bare. they ordered that the people should confess and fast, and some of the natives fasted on fridays, because on that day the god bacab died; and the name of that day in their language is _himix_, which they especially honor and hold in reverence as the day of the death of bacab.[ ] [footnote : las casas, _historia apologetica de las indias occidentales_, cap. cxxii.] in the manuscript of hernandez, which las casas had before him when he was writing his _apologetical history_, the names of all the twenty were given; but unfortunately for antiquarian research, the good bishop excuses himself from quoting them, on account of their barbarous appearance. i have little doubt, however, that had he done so, we should find them to be the names of the twenty days of the native calendar month. these are the visitors who come, one every morning, with flowing robes, full beard and hair, and bring with them our good or bad luck--whatever the day brings forth. hernandez made the same mistake as did father francisco de bobadilla, when he inquired of the nicaraguans the names of their gods, and they gave him those of the twenty days of the month.[ ] each day was, indeed, personified by these nations, and supposed to be at once a deity and a date, favorable or unfavorable to fishing or hunting, planting or fighting, as the case might be. [footnote : oviedo, _historia general de las indias_, lib. xlii, cap. iii.] kukulcan seems, therefore, to have stood in the same relation in yucatan to the other divinities of the days as did votan in chiapa and quetzalcoatl ce acatl in cholula. his name has usually been supposed to be a compound, meaning "a serpent adorned with feathers," but there are no words in the maya language to justify such a rendering. there is some variation in its orthography, and its original pronunciation may possibly be lost; but if we adopt as correct the spelling which i have given above, of which, however, i have some doubts, then it means, "the god of the mighty speech."[ ] [footnote : eligio ancona, after giving the rendering, "serpiente adornada de plumas," adds, "ha sido repetido por tal número de etimologistas que tendremos necesidad de aceptarla, aunque nos parece un poco violento," _historia de yucatan_, vol. i, p. . the abbé brasseur, in his _vocabulaire maya_, boldly states that _kukul_ means "emplumado ó adornado con plumas." this rendering is absolutely without authority, either modern or ancient. the word for feathers in maya is _kukum_; _kul_, in composition, means "very" or "much," as "_kulvinic_, muy hombre, hombre de respeto ó hecho," _diccionario de motul_, ms. _ku_ is god, divinity. for _can_ see chapter iv, § . _can_ was and still is a common surname in yucatan. (berendt, _nombres proprios en lengua maya_, ms.) i should prefer to spell the name _kukulkan_, and have it refer to the first day of the maya week, _kan_.] the reference probably was to the fame of this divinity as an oracle, as connected with the calendar. but it is true that the name could with equal correctness be translated "the god, the mighty serpent," for can is a homonym with these and other meanings, and we are without positive proof which was intended. to bring kukulcan into closer relations with other american hero-gods we must turn to the locality where he was especially worshiped, to the traditions of the ancient and opulent city of chichen itza, whose ruins still rank among the most imposing on the peninsula. the fragments of its chronicles, as preserved to us in the books of chilan balam and by bishop landa, tell us that its site was first settled by four bands who came from the four cardinal points and were ruled over by four brothers. these brothers chose no wives, but lived chastely and ruled righteously, until at a certain time one died or departed, and two began to act unjustly and were put to death. the one remaining was kukulcan. he appeased the strife which his brothers' acts had aroused, directed the minds of the people to the arts of peace, and caused to be built various important structures. after he had completed his work in chichen itza, he founded and named the great city of mayapan, destined to be the capital of the confederacy of the mayas. in it was built a temple in his honor, and named for him, as there was one in chichen itza. these were unlike others in yucatan, having circular walls and four doors, directed, presumably, toward the four cardinal points[ ]. [footnote : _el libro de chilan balam de chumayel_, ms.; landa, _relacion_, pp. - . and ; herrera, _historia de las indias_, dec. iv, lib. x, cap ii.] in gratifying confirmation of the legend, travelers do actually find in mayapan and chichen itza, and nowhere else in yucatan, the ruins of two circular temples with doors opening toward the cardinal points[ ]. [footnote : stephens, _incidents of travel in yucatan_, vol. ii, p. .] under the beneficent rule of kukulcan, the nation enjoyed its halcyon days of peace and prosperity. the harvests were abundant and the people turned cheerfully to their daily duties, to their families and their lords. they forgot the use of arms, even for the chase, and contented themselves with snares and traps. at length the time drew near for kukulcan to depart. he gathered the chiefs together and expounded to them his laws. from among them he chose as his successor a member of the ancient and wealthy family of the cocoms. his arrangements completed, he is said, by some, to have journeyed westward, to mexico, or to some other spot toward the sun-setting. but by the people at large he was confidently believed to have ascended into the heavens, and there, from his lofty house, he was supposed to watch over the interests of his faithful adherents. such was the tradition of their mythical hero told by the itzas. no wonder that the early missionaries, many of whom, like landa, had lived in mexico and had become familiar with the story of quetzalcoatl and his alleged departure toward the east, identified him with kukulcan, and that, following the notion of this assumed identity, numerous later writers have framed theories to account for the civilization of ancient yucatan through colonies of "toltec" immigrants. it can, indeed, be shown beyond doubt that there were various points of contact between the aztec and maya civilizations. the complex and artificial method of reckoning time was one of these; certain architectural devices were others; a small number of words, probably a hundred all told, have been borrowed by the one tongue from the other. mexican merchants traded with yucatan, and bands of aztec warriors with their families, from tabasco, dwelt in mayapan by invitation of its rulers, and after its destruction, settled in the province of canul, on the western coast, where they lived strictly separate from the maya-speaking population at the time the spaniards conquered the country.[ ] [footnote : _el libro de chilan balam de chumayel_, ms.; landa, _relacion_, p. .] but all this is very far from showing that at any time a race speaking the aztec tongue ruled the peninsula. there are very strong grounds to deny this. the traditions which point to a migration from the west or southwest may well have referred to the depopulation of palenque, a city which undoubtedly was a product of maya architects. the language of yucatan is too absolutely dissimilar from the nahuatl for it ever to have been moulded by leaders of that race. the details of maya civilization are markedly its own, and show an evolution peculiar to the people and their surroundings. how far they borrowed from the fertile mythology of their nahuatl visitors is not easily answered. that the circular temple in mayapan, with four doors, specified by landa as different from any other in yucatan, was erected to quetzalcoatl, by or because of the aztec colony there, may plausibly be supposed when we recall how peculiarly this form was devoted to his worship. again, one of the maya chronicles--that translated by pio perez and published by stephens in his _travels in yucatan_--opens with a distinct reference to tula and nonoal, names inseparable from the quetzalcoatl myth. a statue of a sleeping god holding a vase was disinterred by dr. le plongeon at chichen itza, and it is too entirely similar to others found at tlaxcala and near the city of mexico, for us to doubt but that they represented the same divinity, and that the god of rains, fertility and the harvests.[ ] [footnote : i refer to the statue which dr. leplongeon was pleased to name "chac mool." see the _estudio acerca de la estatua llamada chac-mool ó rey tigre_, by sr. jesus sanchez, in the _anales del museo nacional de mexico_, tom. i. p. . there was a divinity worshiped in yucatan, called cum-ahau, lord of the vase, whom the _diccionario de motul_, ms. terms, "lucifer, principal de los demónios." the name is also given by pio perez in his manuscript dictionary in my possession, but is omitted in the printed copy. as lucifer, the morning star, was identified with quetzalcoatl in mexican mythology, and as the word _cum_, vase, aztec _comitl_, is the same in both tongues, there is good ground to suppose that this lord of the vase, the "prince of devils," was the god of fertility, common to both cults.] the version of the tradition which made kukulcan arrive from the west, and at his disappearance return to the west--a version quoted by landa, and which evidently originally referred to the westward course of the sun, easily led to an identification of him with the aztec quetzalcoatl, by those acquainted with both myths. the probability seems to be that kukulcan was an original maya divinity, one of their hero-gods, whose myth had in it so many similarities to that of quetzalcoatl that the priests of the two nations came to regard the one as the same as the other. after the destruction of mayapan, about the middle of the fifteenth century, when the aztec mercenaries were banished to canul, and the reigning family (the xiu) who supported them became reduced in power, the worship of kukulcan fell, to some extent, into disfavor. of this we are informed by landa, in an interesting passage. he tells us that many of the natives believed that kukulcan, after his earthly labors, had ascended into heaven and become one of their gods. previous to the destruction of mayapan temples were built to him, and he was worshiped throughout the land, but after that event he was paid such honor only in the province of mani (governed by the xiu). nevertheless, in gratitude for what all recognized they owed to him, the kings of the neighboring provinces sent yearly to mani, on the occasion of his annual festival, which took place on the th of the month xul (november th), either four or five magnificent feather banners. these were placed in his temple, with appropriate ceremonies, such as fasting, the burning of incense, dancing, and with simple offerings of food cooked without salt or pepper, and drink from beans and gourd seeds. this lasted five nights and five days; and, adds bishop landa, they said, and held it for certain, that on the last day of the festival kukulcan himself descended from heaven and personally received the sacrifices and offerings which were made in his honor. the celebration itself was called the festival of the founder[ ], with reference, i suppose, to the alleged founding of the cities of mayapan and chichen itza by this hero-god. the five days and five sacred banners again bring to mind the close relation of this with the quetzalcoatl symbolism. [footnote : "llamaban a esta fiesta _chic kaban_;" landa, _relacion_, p. . i take it this should read _chiic u kaba_ (_chiic_; fundar ó poblar alguna cosa, casa, pueblo, etc. _diccionario de motul_, ms.)] as itzamná had disappeared without undergoing the pains of death, as kukulcan had risen into the heavens and thence returned annually, though but for a moment, on the last day of the festival in his honor, so it was devoutly believed by the mayas that the time would come when the worship of other gods should be done away with, and these mighty deities alone demand the adoration of their race. none of the american nations seems to have been more given than they to prognostics and prophecies, and of none other have we so large an amount of this kind of literature remaining. some of it has been preserved by the spanish missionaries, who used it with good effect for their own purposes of proselyting; but that it was not manufactured by them for this purpose, as some late writers have thought, is proved by the existence of copies of these prophecies, made by native writers themselves, at the time of the conquest and at dates shortly subsequent. these prophecies were as obscure and ambiguous as all successful prophets are accustomed to make their predictions; but the one point that is clear in them is, that they distinctly referred to the arrival of white and bearded strangers from the east, who should control the land and alter the prevailing religion.[ ] [footnote : nakuk pech, _concixta yetel mapa_, . ms.; _el libro de chilan balam de mani_, , ms. the former is a history of the conquest written in maya, by a native noble, who was an adult at the time that mérida was founded ( ).] even that portion of the itzas who had separated from the rest of their nation at the time of the destruction of mayapan (about - ) and wandered off to the far south, to establish a powerful nation around lake peten, carried with them a forewarning that at the "eighth age" they should be subjected to a white race and have to embrace their religion; and, sure enough, when that time came, and not till then, that is, at the close of the seventeenth century of our reckoning, they were driven from their island homes by governor ursua, and their numerous temples, filled with idols, leveled to the soil.[ ] [footnote : juan de villagutierre sotomayor, _historia de la provincia de el itza_, passim (madrid, ).] the ground of all such prophecies was, i have no doubt, the expected return of the hero-gods, whose myths i have been recording. both of them represented in their original forms the light of day, which disappears at nightfall but returns at dawn with unfailing certainty. when the natural phenomenon had become lost in its personification, this expectation of a return remained and led the priests, who more than others retained the recollection of the ancient forms of the myth, to embrace this expectation in the prognostics which it was their custom and duty to pronounce with reference to the future. chapter v. the qquichua hero-god viracocha. viracocha as the first cause--his name, illa ticci--qquichua prayers--other names and titles of viracocha--his worship a true monotheism--the myth of the four brothers--myth of the twin brothers. viracocha as tunapa, he who perfects--various incidents in his life--relation to manco capac--he disappears in the west. viracocha rises from lake titicaca and journeys to the west--derivation of his name--he was represented as white and bearded--the myth of con and pachacamac--contice viracocha--prophecies of the peruvian seers--the white men called viracochas--similarities to aztec myths. the most majestic empire on this continent at the time of its discovery was that of the incas. it extended along the pacific, from the parallel of ° north latitude to ° south, and may be roughly said to have been miles in length, with an average width of miles. the official and principal tongue was the qquichua, the two other languages of importance being the yunca, spoken by the coast tribes, and the aymara, around lake titicaca and south of it. the latter, in phonetics and in many root-words, betrays a relationship to the qquichua, but a remote one. the qquichuas were a race of considerable cultivation. they had a developed metrical system, and were especially fond of the drama. several specimens of their poetical and dramatic compositions have been preserved, and indicate a correct taste. although they did not possess a method of writing, they had various mnemonic aids, by which they were enabled to recall their verses and their historical traditions. in the mythology of the qquichuas, and apparently also of the aymaras, the leading figure is _viracocha_. his august presence is in one cycle of legends that of infinite creator, the primal cause; in another he is the beneficent teacher and wise ruler; in other words, he too, like quetzalcoatl and the others whom i have told about, is at one time god, at others the incarnation of god. as the first cause and ground of all things, viracocha's distinctive epithet was _ticci_, the cause, the beginning, or _illa ticci_, the ancient cause[ ], the first beginning, an endeavor in words to express the absolute priority of his essence and existence. he it was who had made and moulded the sun and endowed it with a portion of his own divinity, to wit, the glory of its far-shining rays; he had formed the moon and given her light, and set her in the heavens to rule over the waters and the winds, over the queens of the earth and the parturition of women; and it was still he, the great viracocha, who had created the beautiful chasca, the aurora, the dawn, goddess of all unspotted maidens like herself, her who in turn decked the fields and woods with flowers, whose time was the gloaming and the twilight, whose messengers were the fleecy clouds which sail through the sky, and who, when she shakes her clustering hair, drops noiselessly pearls of dew on the green grass fields.[ ] [footnote : "_ticci_, origen, principio, fundamento, cimiento, causa. _ylla_; todo lo que es antiguo." holguin, _vocabulario de la lengua qquichua ó del inga_ (ciudad de los reyes, ). _ticci_ is not to be confounded with _aticsi_, he conquers, from _atini_, i conquer, a term also occasionally applied to viracocha.] [footnote : _relacion anónyma, de los costumbres antiguos de los naturales del piru_, p. . . (published, madrid, ).] invisible and incorporeal himself, so, also, were his messengers (the light-rays), called _huaminca_, the faithful soldiers, and _hayhuaypanti_, the shining ones, who conveyed his decrees to every part.[ ] he himself was omnipresent, imparting motion and life, form and existence, to all that is. therefore it was, says an old writer, with more than usual insight into man's moral nature, with more than usual charity for a persecuted race, that when these natives worshiped some swift river or pellucid spring, some mountain or grove, "it was not that they believed that some particular divinity was there, or that it was a living thing, but because they believed that the great god, illa ticci, had created and placed it there and impressed upon it some mark of distinction, beyond other objects of its class, that it might thus be designated as an appropriate spot whereat to worship the maker of all things; and this is manifest from the prayers they uttered when engaged in adoration, because they are not addressed to that mountain, or river, or cave, but to the great illa ticci viracocha, who, they believed, lived in the heavens, and yet was invisibly present in that sacred object."[ ] [footnote : ibid., p. .] [footnote : ibid., p. .] in the prayers for the dead, illa ticci was appealed to, to protect the body, that it should not see corruption nor become lost in the earth, and that he should not allow the soul to wander aimlessly in the infinite spaces, but that it should be conducted to some secure haven of contentment, where it might receive the sacrifices and offerings which loving hands laid upon the tomb.[ ] were other gods also called upon, it was that they might intercede with the supreme divinity in favor of these petitions of mortals. [footnote : ibid., p. .] to him, likewise, the chief priest at certain times offered a child of six years, with a prayer for the prosperity of the inca, in such terms as these:-- "oh, lord, we offer thee this child, in order that thou wilt maintain us in comfort, and give us victory in war, and keep to our lord, the inca, his greatness and his state, and grant him wisdom that he may govern us righteously."[ ] [footnote : herrera, _historia de las indias_, dec. v, lib. iv, cap. i.] or such a prayer as this was offered up by the assembled multitude:-- "oh, viracocha ever present, viracocha cause of all, viracocha the helper, the ceaseless worker, viracocha who gives the beginnings, viracocha who encourages, viracocha the always fortunate, viracocha ever near, listen to this our prayer, send health, send prosperity to us thy people."[ ] [footnote : christoval de molina, _the fables and rites of the incas_, p. . molina gives the original qquichua, the translation of which is obviously incomplete, and i have extended it.] thus viracocha was placed above and beyond all other gods, the essential first cause, infinite, incorporeal, invisible, above the sun, older than the beginning, but omnipresent, accessible, beneficent. does this seem too abstract, too elevated a notion of god for a race whom we are accustomed to deem gross and barbaric? i cannot help it. the testimony of the earliest observers, and the living proof of language, are too strong to allow of doubt. the adjectives which were applied to this divinity by the native priests are still on record, and that they were not a loan from christian theology is conclusively shown by the fact that the very writers who preserved them often did not know their meaning, and translated them incorrectly. thus even garcilasso de la vega, himself of the blood of the incas, tells us that neither he nor the natives of that day could translate _ticci_.[ ] thus, also, garcia and acosta inform us that viracocha was surnamed _usapu_, which they translate "admirable,"[ ] but really it means "he who accomplishes all that he undertakes, he who is successful in all things;" molina has preserved the term _ymamana_, which means "he who controls or owns all things;"[ ] the title _pachayachachi_, which the spanish writers render "creator," really means the "teacher of the world;" that of _caylla_ signifies "the ever-present one;" _taripaca_, which has been guessed to be the same as _tarapaca_, an eagle, is really a derivative of _taripani_, to sit in judgment, and was applied to viracocha as the final arbiter of the actions and destinies of man. another of his frequent appellations for which no explanation has been offered, was _tokay_ or _tocapo_, properly _tukupay_.[ ] it means "he who finishes," who completes and perfects, and is antithetical to _ticci_, he who begins. these two terms express the eternity of divinity; they convey the same idea of mastery over time and the things of time, as do those words heard by the evangelist in his vision in the isle called patmos, "i am alpha and omega; i am the beginning and the end." [footnote : "dan (los indios), otro nombre á dios, que es tici viracocha, que yo no se que signifique, ni ellos tampoco." garcilasso de la vega, _comentarios reales_, lib. ii, cap. ii.] [footnote : garcia, _origen de los indios_, lib. iii, cap. vi; acosta, _historia, natural y moral de las indias_, fol. (barcelona ).] [footnote : christoval de molina, _the fables and rites of the incas_, eng. trans., p. .] [footnote : melchior hernandez, one of the earliest writers, whose works are now lost, but who is quoted in the _relacion anónima_, gives this name _tocapu_; christoval de molina (ubi sup.) spells it _tocapo_; la vega _tocay_; molina gives its signification, "the maker." it is from the word _tukupay_ or _tucuychani_, to finish, complete, perfect.] yet another epithet of viracocha was _zapala_.[ ] it conveys strongly and positively the monotheistic idea. it means "the one," or, more strongly, "the only one." [footnote : gomara, _historia de las indias_, p. (ed. paris, ).] nor must it be supposed that this monotheism was unconscious; that it was, for example, a form of "henotheism," where the devotion of the adorer filled his soul, merely to the forgetfulness of other deities; or that it was simply the logical law of unity asserting itself, as was the case with many of the apparently monotheistic utterances of the greek and roman writers. no; the evidence is such that we are obliged to acknowledge that the religion of peru was a consciously monotheistic cult, every whit as much so as the greek or roman catholic churches of christendom. those writers who have called the inca religion a "sun worship" have been led astray by superficial resemblances. one of the best early authorities, christoval de molina, repeats with emphasis the statement, "they did not recognize the sun as their creator, but as created by the creator," and this creator was "not born of woman, but was unchangeable and eternal."[ ] for conclusive testimony on this point, however, we may turn to an _informacion_ or inquiry as to the ancient belief, instituted in , by order of the viceroy don francisco de toledo. the oldest indians, especially those of noble birth, including many descendants of the incas, were assembled at different times and in different parts of the country, and carefully questioned, through the official interpreter, as to just what the old religion was. the questions were not leading ones, and the replies have great uniformity. they all agreed that viracocha was worshiped as creator, and as the ever-present active divinity; he alone answered prayers, and aided in time of need; he was the sole efficient god. all prayers to the sun or to the deceased incas, or to idols, were directed to them as intercessors only. on this point the statements were most positive[ ]. the sun was but one of viracocha's creations, not itself the creator. [footnote : christoval de molina, _the fables and rites of the incas_, pp. , . eng. trans. ] [footnote : "ellos solo viracocha tenian por hacedor de todas las cosas, y que el solo los podia socorrer, y que de todos los demas los tenian por sus intercesores, y que ansi los decian ellos en sus oraciones antiguas, antes que fuesen cristianos, y que ansi lo dicen y declaran por cosa muy cierta y verdadera." _information de las idolatras de los incas é indios_, in the _coleccion de documentos ineditos del archivo de indias_, vol. xxi, p. . other witnesses said: "los dichos ingas y sus antepasados tenian por criador al solo viracocha, y que solo los podia socorrer," id. p. . "adoraban á viracocha por hacedor de todas las cosas, como á el sol y a hachaccuna los adoraban porque los tenia por hijos de viracocha y por cosa muy allegada suya," p. .] it is singular that historians have continued to repeat that the qquichuas adored the sun as their principal divinity, in the face of such evidence to the contrary. if this inquiry and its important statements had not been accessible to them, at any rate they could readily have learned the same lesson from the well known history of father joseph de acosta. that author says, and repeats with great positiveness, that the sun was in peru a secondary divinity, and that the supreme deity, the creator and ruler of the world, was viracocha.[ ] [footnote : "sientan y confiessan un supremo señor, y hazedor de todo, al qual los del piru llamavan viracocha. * * despues del viracocha, o supremo dios, fui, y es en los infieles, el que mas comunmente veneran y adoran el sol." acosta, _de la historia moral de las indias_, lib, v. cap. iii, iv, (barcelona, ).] another misapprehension is that these natives worshiped directly their ancestors. thus, mr. markham writes: "the incas worshiped their ancestors, the _pacarina_, or forefather of the _ayllu_, or lineage, being idolized as the soul or essence of his descendants."[ ] but in the _inquiry_ above quoted it is explained that the belief, in fact, was that the soul of the inca went at death to the presence of the deity viracocha, and its emblem, the actual body, carefully preserved, was paid divine honors in order that the soul might intercede with viracocha for the fulfillment of the prayers.[ ] [footnote : clements r. markham, _journal of the royal geographical society_, , p. . _pacarina_ is the present participle of _pacarini_, to dawn, to begin, to be born.] [footnote : _informacion_, etc., p. .] we are compelled, therefore, by the best evidence now attainable, to adopt the conclusion that the inca religion, in its purity, deserved the name of monotheism. the statements of the natives and the terms of their religious language unite in confirming this opinion. it is not right to depreciate the force of these facts simply because we have made up our minds that a people in the intellectual stage of the peruvians could not have mounted to such a pure air of religion. a prejudgment of this kind is unworthy of a scientific mind. the evidence is complete that the terms i have quoted did belong to the religious language of ancient peru. they express the conception of divinity which the thinkers of that people had formed. and whether it is thought to be in keeping or not with the rest of their development, it is our bounden duty to accept it, and explain it as best we can. other instances might be quoted, from the religious history of the old world, where a nation's insight into the attributes of deity was singularly in advance of their general state of cultivation. the best thinkers of the semitic race, for example, from moses to spinoza, have been in this respect far ahead of their often more generally enlightened aryan contemporaries. the more interesting, in view of this lofty ideal of divinity they had attained, become the peruvian myths of the incarnation of viracocha, his life and doings as a man among men. these myths present themselves in different, but to the reader who has accompanied me thus far, now familiar forms. once more we meet the story of the four brothers, the first of men. they appeared on the earth after it had been rescued from the primeval waters, and the face of the land was divided between them. manco capac took the north, colla the south, pinahua the west, and the east, the region whence come the sun and the light, was given to tokay or tocapa, to viracocha, under his name of the finisher, he who completes and perfects.[ ] [footnote : garcilasso de la vega, _comentarios reales_, lib. i, cap. xviii.] the outlines of this legend are identical with another, where viracocha appears under the name of ayar cachi. this was, in its broad outlines, the most general myth, that which has been handed down by the most numerous authorities, and which they tell us was taken directly from the ancient songs of the indians, as repeated by those who could recall the days of the incas huascar and atahualpa.[ ] [footnote : "parece por los cantares de los indios; * * * afirmaron los orejones que quedaron de los tiempos de guascar i de atahualpa; * * * cuentan los indios del cuzco mas viejos, etc.," repeats the historian herrera, _historia de las indias occidentals_, dec. v, lib. iii, cap. vii, viii.] it ran in this wise: in the beginning of things there appeared on the earth four brothers, whose names were, of the oldest, ayar cachi, which means he who gives being, or who causes;[ ] of the youngest, ayar manco, and of the others, ayar aucca (the enemy), and ayar uchu. their father was the sun, and the place of their birth, or rather of their appearance on earth, was paccari-tampu, which means _the house of the morning_ or the _mansion of the dawn_.[ ] in after days a certain cave near cuzco was so called, and pointed out as the scene of this momentous event, but we may well believe that a nobler site than any the earth affords could be correctly designated. [footnote : "_cachini_; dar el ser y hazer que sea; _cachi chiuachic_, el autor y causa de algo." holguin, _vocabvlario de la lengva qquichua, sub voce, cachipuni_. the names differ little in herrera (who, however, omits uchu), montesinos, balboa, oliva, la vega and pachacuti; i have followed the orthography of the two latter, as both were native qquichuas.] [footnote : holguin (_ubi suprá_,) gives _paccarin_, the morning, _paccarini_, to dawn; _tampu_, _venta ó meson_.] these brothers were clothed in long and flowing robes, with short upper garments without sleeves or collar, and this raiment was worked with marvelous skill, and glittered and shone like light. they were powerful and proud, and determined to rule the whole earth, and for this purpose divided it into four parts, the north, the south, the east, and the west. hence they were called by the people, _tahuantin suyu kapac_, lords of all four quarters of the earth.[ ] [footnote : _tahuantin_, all four, from _tahua_, four; _suyu_, division, section; _kapac_, king.] the most powerful of these was ayar cachi. he possessed a sling of gold, and in it a stone with which he could demolish lofty mountains and hurl aloft to the clouds themselves. he gathered together the natives of the country at pacari tampu, and accumulated at the house of the dawn a great treasure of yellow gold. like the glittering hoard which we read of in the lay of the nibelung, the treasure brought with it the destruction of its owner, for his brothers, envious of the wondrous pile, persuaded ayar cachi to enter the cave where he kept his hoard, in order to bring out a certain vase, and also to pray to their father, the sun, to aid them to rule their domains. as soon as he had entered, they stopped the mouth of the cave with huge stones; and thus rid of him, they set about collecting the people and making a settlement at a certain place called _tampu quiru_ (the teeth of the house). but they did not know the magical power of their brother. while they were busy with their plans, what was their dismay to see ayar cachi, freed from the cave, and with great wings of brilliantly colored feathers, hovering like a bird in the air over their heads. they expected swift retribution for their intended fratricide, but instead of this they heard reassuring words from his lips. "have no fear," he said, "i left you in order that the great empire of the incas might be known to men. leave, therefore, this settlement of tampu quiru, and descend into the valley of cuzco, where you shall found a famous city, and in it build a sumptuous temple to the sun. as for me, i shall remain in the form in which you see me, and shall dwell in the mountain peak guanacaure, ready to help you, and on that mountain you must build me an altar and make to me sacrifices. and the sign that you shall wear, whereby you shall be feared and respected of your subjects, is that you shall have your ears pierced, as are mine," saying which he showed them his ears pierced and carrying large, round plates of gold. they promised him obedience in all things, and forthwith built an altar on the mountain guanacaure, which ever after was esteemed a most holy place. here again ayar cachi appeared to them, and bestowed on ayar manco the scarlet fillet which became the perpetual insignia of the reigning inca. the remaining brothers were turned into stone, and manco, assuming the title of _kapac_, king, and the metaphorical surname of _pirhua_, the granary or treasure house, founded the city of cuzco, married his four sisters, and became the first of the dynasty of the incas. he lived to a great age, and during the whole of his life never omitted to pay divine honors to his brothers, and especially to ayar cachi. in another myth of the incarnation the infinite creator ticci viracocha duplicates himself in the twin incarnation of _ymamana viracocha_ and _tocapu viracocha_, names which we have already seen mean "he who has all things," and "he who perfects all things." the legend was that these brothers started in the distant east and journeyed toward the west. the one went by way of the mountains, the other by the paths of the lowlands, and each on his journey, like itzamna in yucatecan story, gave names to the places he passed, and also to all trees and herbs of the field, and to all fruits, and taught the people which were good for food, which of virtue as medicines, and which were poisonous and to be shunned. thus they journeyed westward, imparting knowledge and doing good works, until they reached the western ocean, the great pacific, whose waves seem to stretch westward into infinity. there, "having accomplished all they had to do in this world, they ascended into heaven," once more to form part of the infinite being; for the venerable authority whom i am following is careful to add, most explicitly, that "these indians believed for a certainty that neither the creator nor his sons were born of woman, but that they all were unchangeable and eternal."[ ] [footnote : christoval de molina, _fables and rites of the incas_, p. .] still more human does viracocha become in the myth where he appears under the surnames _tunapa_ and _taripaca_. the latter i have already explained to mean he who judges, and the former is a synonym of tocapu, as it is from the verb _ttaniy_ or _ttanini_, and means he who finishes completes or perfects, although, like several other of his names, the significance of this one has up to the present remained unexplained and lost. the myth has been preserved to us by a native indian writer, joan de santa cruz pachacuti, who wrote it out somewhere about the year .[ ] [footnote : _relacion de antiguedades deste reyno del piru_, por don joan de santacruz pachacuti yamqui, passim. pachacuti relates the story of tunapa as being distinctly the hero-myth of the qquichuas. he was also the hero-god of the aymaras, and about him, says father ludovico bertonio, "they to this day relate many fables and follies." _vocabulario de la lengua aymara_, s.v. another name he bore in aymara was _ecaco_, which in that language means, as a common noun, an ingenious, shifty man of many plans (_bertonio, vocabulario_, s.v.). "thunnupa," as bertonio spells it, does not lend itself to any obvious etymology in aymara, which is further evidence that the name was introduced from the qquichua. this is by no means a singular example of the identity of religious thought and terms between these nations. in comparing the two tongues, m. alcide d'orbigny long since observed: "on retrouve même à peu prés un vingtième des mots qui ont evidemment la même origine, surtout ceux qui expriment les idées religieuses." _l'homme américain, considéré sous ses rapports physiologiques et moraux_, tome i, p. (paris, ). this author endeavors to prove that the qquichua religion was mainly borrowed from the aymaras, and of the two he regards the latter as the senior in civilization. but so far as i have been able to study the mythology of the aymaras, which is but very superficially, on account of the lack of sources, it does not seem to be entitled to this credit.] he tells us that at a very remote period, shortly after the country of peru had been populated, there came from lake titicaca to the tribes an elderly man with flowing beard and abundant white hair, supporting himself on a staff and dressed in wide-spreading robes. he went among the people, calling them his sons and daughters, relieving their infirmities and teaching them the precepts of wisdom. often, however, he met the fate of so many other wise teachers, and was rejected and scornfully entreated by those whom he was striving to instruct. swift retribution sometimes fell upon such stiff-necked listeners. thus he once entered the town of yamquesupa, the principal place in the province of the south, and began teaching the inhabitants; but they heeded him not, and seized him, and with insult and blows drove him from the town, so that he had to sleep in the open fields. thereupon he cursed their town, and straightway it sank into the earth with all its inhabitants, and the depression was filled with water, and all were drowned. to this day it is known as the lake of yamquesupa, and all the people about there well know that what is now a sheet of water was once the site of a flourishing city. at another time he visited tiahuanaco, where may yet be seen the colossal ruins of some ancient city, and massive figures in stone of men and women. in his time this was a populous mart, its people rich and proud, given to revelry, to drunkenness and dances. little they cared for the words of the preacher, and they treated him with disdain. then he turned upon them his anger, and in an instant the dancers were changed into stone, just as they stood, and there they remain to this day, as any one can see, perpetual warnings not to scorn the words of the wise. on another occasion he was seized by the people who dwelt by the great lake of carapaco, and tied hands and feet with stout cords, it being their intention to put him to a cruel death the next day. but very early in the morning, just at the time of the dawn, a beautiful youth entered and said, "fear not, i have come to call you in the name of the lady who is awaiting you, that you may go with her to the place of joys." with that he touched the fetters on tunapa's limbs, and the ropes snapped asunder, and they went forth untouched by the guards, who stood around. they descended to the lake shore, and just as the dawn appeared, tunapa spread his mantle on the waves, and he and his companion stepping upon it, as upon a raft, were wafted rapidly away into the rays of the morning light. the cautious pachacuti does not let us into the secret of this mysterious assignation, either because he did not know or because he would not disclose the mysteries of his ancestral faith. but i am not so discreet, and i vehemently suspect that the lady who was awaiting the virtuous tunapa, was chasca, the dawn maiden, she of the beautiful hair which distills the dew, and that the place of joys whither she invited him was the mansion of the sky, into which, daily, the light-god, at the hour of the morning twilight, is ushered by the chaste maiden aurora. as the anger of tunapa was dreadful, so his favors were more than regal. at the close of a day he once reached the town of the chief apotampo, otherwise pacari tampu, which means the house or lodgings of the dawn, where the festivities of a wedding were in progress. the guests, intent upon the pleasures of the hour, listened with small patience to the words of the old man, but the chief himself heard them with profound attention and delight. therefore, as tunapa was leaving he presented to the chief, as a reward for his hospitality and respect, the staff which had assisted his feeble limbs in many a journey. it was of no great seemliness, but upon it were inscribed characters of magic power, and the chief wisely cherished it among his treasures. it was well he did, for on the day of the birth of his next child the staff turned into fine gold, and that child was none other than the far-famed manco capac, destined to become the ancestor of the illustrious line of the incas, sons of the sun, and famous in all countries that it shines upon; and as for the golden staff, it became, through all after time until the spanish conquest, the sceptre of the incas and the sign of their sovereignty, the famous and sacred _tupa yauri_, the royal wand.[ ] [footnote : "_tupa yauri_; el cetro real, vara insignia real del inca." holguin, _vocabvlario de la lengva qquichua o del inca_, s.v.] it became, indeed, to manco capac a mentor and guide. his father and mother having died, he started out with his brothers and sisters, seven brothers and seven sisters of them, to seek new lands, taking this staff in his hand. like the seven brothers who, in mexican legend, left aztlan, the white land, to found nations and cities, so the brothers of manco capac, leaving pacari tampu, the lodgings of the dawn, became the _sinchi_, or heads of various noble houses and chiefs of tribes in the empire of the incas. as for manco, it is well known that with his golden wand he journeyed on, overcoming demons and destroying his enemies, until he reached the mountain over against the spot where the city of cuzco now stands. here the sacred wand sunk of its own motion into the earth, and manco capac, recognizing the divine monition, named the mountain _huanacauri_, the place of repose. in the valley at the base he founded the great city which he called _cuzco_, the navel. its inhabitants ever afterwards classed huanacauri as one of their principal deities.[ ] [footnote : don gavino pacheco zegarra derives huanacauri from _huanaya_, to rest oneself, and _cayri_, here; "c'est ici qu'il faut se reposer." _ollantai_, introd., p. xxv. it was distinctly the _huzca_, or sacred fetish of the incas, and they were figuratively said to have descended from it. its worship was very prominent in ancient peru. see the _information de las idolatras de los incas y indios_, , previously quoted.] when manco capac's work was done, he did not die, like other mortals, but rose to heaven, and became the planet jupiter, under the name _pirua_. from this, according to some writers, the country of peru derived its name.[ ] [footnote : the identification of manco capac with the planet jupiter is mentioned in the _relacion anonima_, on the authority of melchior hernandez.] it may fairly be supposed that this founder of the inca dynasty was an actual historical personage. but it is evident that much that is told about him is imagery drawn from the legend of the light-god. and what became of tunapa? we left him sailing on his outspread mantle, into the light of the morning, over lake carapace. but the legend does not stop there. whereever he went that day, he returned to his toil, and pursued his way down the river chacamarca till he reached the sea. there his fate becomes obscure; but, adds pachacuti, "i understand that he passed by the strait (of panama) into the other sea (back toward the east). this is what is averred by the most ancient sages of the inca line, (_por aquellos ingas antiquissimos_)." we may well believe he did; for the light of day, which is quenched in the western ocean, passes back again, by the straits or in some other way, and appears again the next morning, not in the west, where we watched its dying rays, but in the east, where again it is born to pursue its daily and ever recurring journey. according to another, and also very early account, viracocha was preceded by a host of attendants, who were his messengers and soldiers. when he reached the sea, he and these his followers marched out upon the waves as if it had been dry land, and disappeared in the west.[ ] [footnote : garcia, _origen de los indios_, lib. v, cap. vii.] these followers were, like himself, white and bearded. just as, in mexico, the natives attributed the erection of buildings, the history of which had been lost, to the white toltecs, the subjects of quetzalcoatl (see above, chapter iii, § ), so in peru various ancient ruins, whose builders had been lost to memory, were pointed out to the spaniards as the work of a white and bearded race who held the country in possession long before the incas had founded their dynasty.[ ] the explanation in both cases is the same. in both the early works of art of unknown origin were supposed to be the productions of the personified light rays, which are the source of skill, because they supply the means indispensable to the acquisition of knowledge. [footnote : speaking of certain "grandes y muy antiquissimos edificios" on the river vinaque, cieza de leon says: "preguntando a los indios comarcanos quien hizo aquella antigualla, responden que otras gentes barbadas y blancas como nosotros: los cuales, muchos tiempos antes que los ingas reinasen, dicen que vinieron a estas partes y hicieron alli su morada." _la crónica del peru_, cap. lxxxvi.] the versions of these myths which have been preserved to us by juan de betanzos, and the documents on which the historian herrera founded his narrative, are in the main identical with that which i have quoted from the narrative of pachacuti. i shall, however, give that of herrera, as it has some interesting features. he tells us that the traditions and songs which the indians had received from their remote ancestors related that in very early times there was a period when there was no sun, and men lived in darkness. at length, in answer to their urgent prayers, the sun emerged from lake titicaca, and soon afterwards there came a man from the south, of fair complexion, large in stature, and of venerable presence, whose power was boundless. he removed mountains, filled up valleys, caused fountains to burst from the solid rocks, and gave life to men and animals. hence the people called him the "beginning of all created things," and "father of the sun." many good works he performed, bringing order among the people, giving them wise counsel, working miracles and teaching. he went on his journey toward the north, but until the latest times they bore his deeds and person in memory, under the names of tici viracocha and tuapaca, and elsewhere as arnava. they erected many temples to him, in which they placed his figure and image as described. they also said that after a certain length of time there re-appeared another like this first one, or else he was the same, who also gave wise counsel and cured the sick. he met disfavor, and at one spot the people set about to slay him, but he called down upon them fire from heaven, which burned their village and scorched the mountains into cinders. then they threw away their weapons and begged of him to deliver them from the danger, which he did[ ]. he passed on toward the west until he reached the shore of the sea. there he spread out his mantle, and seating himself upon it, sailed away and was never seen again. for this reason, adds the chronicler, "the name was given to him, _viracocha_, which means foam of the sea, though afterwards it changed in signification."[ ] [footnote : this incident is also related by pachacuti and betanzos. all three locate the scene of the event at carcha, eighteen leagues from cuzco, where the canas tribe lived at the conquest. pachacuti states that the cause of the anger of viracocha was that upon the sierra there was the statue of a woman to whom human victims were sacrificed. if this was the tradition, it would offer another point of identity with that of quetzalcoatl, who was also said to have forbidden human sacrifices.] [footnote : herrera, _historia de las indias occidentales_, dec. v, lib. iii, cap. vi.] this leads me to the etymology of the name. it is confessedly obscure. the translation which herrera gives, is that generally offered by the spanish writers, but it is not literal. the word _uira_ means fat, and _cocha_, lake, sea, or other large body of water; therefore, as the genitive must be prefixed in the qquichua tongue, the translation must be "lake or sea of fat." this was shown by garcilasso de la vega, in his _royal commentaries_, and as he could see no sense or propriety in applying such a term as "lake of grease" to the supreme divinity, he rejected this derivation, and contented himself by saying that the meaning of the name was totally unknown.[ ] in this mr. clements r. markham, who is an authority on peruvian matters, coincides, though acknowledging that no other meaning suggests itself.[ ] i shall not say anything about the derivations of this name from the sanskrit,[ ] or the ancient egyptian;[ ] these are etymological amusements with which serious studies have nothing to do. [footnote : "donde consta claro no ser nombre compuesto, sino proprio de aquella fantasma que dijó llamarse viracocha y que era hijo del sol." _com, reales_, lib. v, cap. xxi.] [footnote : introduction to _narratives of the rites and laws of the incas_, p. xi.] [footnote : "le nom de viracocha dont la physionomie sanskrite est si frappante," etc. desjardins, _le perou avant la conquête espagnole_, p. (paris ).] [footnote : viracocha "is the il or ra of the babylonian monuments, and thus the ra of egypt," etc. professor john campbell, _compte-rendu du congrés international des américanistes_, vol. i, p. ( ).] the first and accepted derivation has been ably and to my mind successfully defended by probably the most accomplished qquichua scholar of our age, señor gavino pacheco zegarra, who, in the introduction to his most excellent edition of the drama of _ollantaï_, maintains that viracocha, literally "lake of fat," was a simile applied to the frothing, foaming sea, and adds that as a personal name in this signification it is in entire conformity with the genius of the qquichua tongue[ ]. [footnote : _ollantai, drame en vers quechuas_, introd., p. xxxvi (paris, ). there was a class of diviners in peru who foretold the future by inspecting the fat of animals; they were called vira-piricuc. molina, _fables and rites_, p. .] to quote his words:--"the tradition was that viracocha's face was extremely white and bearded. from this his name was derived, which means, taken literally, 'lake of fat;' by extension, however, the word means 'sea-foam,' as in the qquichua language the foam is called _fat_, no doubt on account of its whiteness." it had a double appropriateness in its application to the hero-god. not only was he supposed in the one myth to have risen from the waves of lake titicaca, and in another to have appeared when the primeval ocean left the land dry, but he was universally described as of fair complexion, _a white man_. strange, indeed, it is that these people who had never seen a member of the white race, should so persistently have represented their highest gods as of this hue, and what is more, with the flowing beard and abundant light hair which is their characteristic. there is no denying, however, that such is the fact. did it depend on legend alone we might, however strong the consensus of testimony, harbor some doubt about it. but it does not. the monuments themselves attest it. there is, indeed, a singular uniformity of statement in the myths. viracocha, under any and all his surnames, is always described as white and bearded, dressed in flowing robes and of imposing mien. his robes were also white, and thus he was figured at the entrance of one of his most celebrated temples, that of urcos. his image at that place was of a man with a white robe falling to his waist, and thence to his feet; by him, cut in stone, were his birds, the eagle and the falcon.[ ] so, also, on a certain occasion when he was said to have appeared in a dream to one of the incas who afterwards adopted his name, he was said to have come with beard more than a span in length, and clothed in a large and loose mantle, which fell to his feet, while with his hand he held, by a cord to its neck, some unknown animal. and thus in after times he was represented in painting and statue, by order of that inca.[ ] [footnote : christoval de molina, _ubi supra_, p. .] [footnote : garcilasso de la vega, _comentarios reales_, lib. iv, cap. xxi.] an early writer tells us that the great temple of cuzco, which was afterwards chosen for the cathedral, was originally that of illa ticci viracocha. it contained only one altar, and upon it a marble statue of the god. this is described as being, "both as to the hair, complexion, features, raiment and sandals, just as painters represent the apostle, saint bartholomew."[ ] [footnote : _relacion anonima_, p. .] misled by the statements of the historian garcilasso de la vega, some later writers, among whom i may note the eminent german traveler von tschudi, have supposed that viracocha belonged to the historical deities of peru, and that his worship was of comparatively recent origin.[ ] la vega, who could not understand the name of the divinity, and, moreover, either knew little about the ancient religion, or else concealed his knowledge (as is shown by his reiterated statement that human sacrifices were unknown), pretended that viracocha first came to be honored through a dream of the inca who assumed his name. but the narrative of the occurrence that he himself gives shows that even at that time the myth was well known and of great antiquity.[ ] [footnote : "la principal de estas deidades historicas era _viracocha_. * * * dos siglos contaba el culto de viracocha á la llegada de los españoles." j. diego de tschudi, _antiguedades peruanas_, pp. , (vienna, ).] [footnote : compare the account in garcilasso de la vega, _comentarios reales_, lib. ii, cap. iv; lib. iv, cap. xxi, xxiii, with that in acosta, _historia natural y moral de las indias_, lib. vi, cap. xxi.] the statements which he makes on the authority of father blas valera, that the inca tupac yupanqui sought to purify the religion of his day by leading it toward the contemplation of an incorporeal god,[ ] is probably, in the main, correct. it is supported by a similar account given by acosta, of the famous huayna capac. indeed, they read so much alike that they are probably repetitions of teachings familiar to the nobles and higher priests. both incas maintained that the sun could not be the chief god, because he ran daily his accustomed course, like a slave, or an animal that is led. he must therefore be the subject of a mightier power than himself. [footnote : _comentarios reales_, pt. i, lib. viii, cap. viii.] we may reasonably suppose that these expressions are proof of a growing sense of the attributes of divinity. they are indications of the evolution of religious thought, and go to show that the monotheistic ideas which i have pointed out in the titles and names of the highest god, were clearly recognized and publicly announced. viracocha was also worshiped under the title _con-ticci-viracocha_. various explanations of the name _con_ have been offered. it is not positively certain that it belongs to the qquichua tongue. a myth preserved by gomara treats con as a distinct deity. he is said to have come from the north, to have been without bones, muscles or members, to have the power of running with infinite swiftness, and to have leveled mountains, filled up valleys, and deprived the coast plains of rain. at the same time he is called a son of the sun and the moon, and it was owing to his good will and creative power that men and women were formed, and maize and fruits given them upon which to subsist. another more powerful god, however, by name pachacamac, also a son of the sun and moon, and hence brother to con, rose up against him and drove him from the land. the men and women whom con had formed were changed by pachacamac into brutes, and others created who were the ancestors of the present race. these he supplied with what was necessary for their support, and taught them the arts of war and peace. for these reasons they venerated him as a god, and constructed for his worship a sumptuous temple, a league and a half from the present city of lima.[ ] [footnote : francisco lopez de gomara, _historia de las indias_, p. (ed. paris, ).] this myth of the conflict of the two brothers is too similar to others i have quoted for its significance to be mistaken. unfortunately it has been handed down in so fragmentary a condition that it does not seem possible to assign it its proper relations to the cycle of viracocha legends. as i have hinted, we are not sure of the meaning of the name con, nor whether it is of qquichua origin. if it is, as is indeed likely, then we may suppose that it is a transcription of the word _ccun_, which in qquichua is the third person singular, present indicative, of _ccuni_, i give. "he gives;" the giver, would seem an appropriate name for the first creator of things. but the myth itself, and the description of the deity, incorporeal and swift, bringer at one time of the fertilizing rains, at another of the drought, seems to point unmistakably to a god of the winds. linguistic analogy bears this out, for the name given to a whirlwind or violent wind storm was _conchuy_, with an additional word to signify whether it was one of rain or merely a dust storm.[ ] for this reason i think m. wiener's attempt to make of con (or _qquonn_, as he prefers to spell it) merely a deity of the rains, is too narrow.[ ] [footnote : a whirlwind with rain was _paria conchuy_ (_paria_, rain), one with clouds of dust, _allpa conchuy_ (_allpa_, earth, dust); holguin, _vocabulario qquichua_, s.v. _antay conchuy_.] [footnote : _le perou et bolivie_, p. . (paris, .)] the legend would seem to indicate that he was supposed to have been defeated and quite driven away. but the study of the monuments indicates that this was not the case. one of the most remarkable antiquities in peru is at a place called _concacha_, three leagues south of abancay, on the road from cuzco to lima. m. leonce angrand has observed that this "was evidently one of the great religious centres of the primitive peoples of peru." here is found an enormous block of granite, very curiously carved to facilitate the dispersion of a liquid poured on its summit into varied streams and to quaint receptacles. whether the liquid was the blood of victims, the intoxicating beverage of the country, or pure water, all of which have been suggested, we do not positively know, but i am inclined to believe, with m. wiener, that it was the last mentioned, and that it was as the beneficent deity of the rains that con was worshiped at this sacred spot. its name _con cacha_, "the messenger of con," points to this.[ ] [footnote : these remains are carefully described by charles wiener, _perou et bolivie_, p. , seq; from the notes of m. angrand, by desjardins, _le perou avant la conquête espagnole_, p. ; and in a superficial manner by squier, _peru_, p. .] the words _pacha camac_ mean "animating" or "giving life to the world." it is said by father acosta to have been one of the names of viracocha,[ ] and in a sacred song preserved by garcilasso de la vega he is appealed to by this title.[ ] the identity of these two divinities seems, therefore, sufficiently established. [footnote : _historia natural y moral de las indias_, lib. v, cap. iii.] [footnote : _comentarios reales_, lib. ii, cap. xxviii.] the worship of pachacamac is asserted by competent antiquarian students to have been more extended in ancient peru than the older historians supposed. this is indicated by the many remains of temples which local tradition attribute to his worship, and by the customs of the natives.[ ] for instance, at the birth of a child it was formally offered to him and his protection solicited. on reaching some arduous height the toiling indian would address a few words of thanks to pachacamac; and the piles of stones, which were the simple signs of their gratitude, are still visible in all parts of the country. [footnote : von tschudi, who in one part of his work maintains that sun-worship was the prevalent religion of peru, modifies the assertion considerably in the following passage: "el culto de pachacamac se hallaba mucho mas extendido de lo que suponen los historiadores; y se puede sin error aventurar la opinion de que era la deidad popular y acatada por las masas peruanas; mientras que la religion del sol era la de la corte, culto que, por mas adoptado que fuese entre los indios, nunca llegó á desarraigar la fe y la devocion al numen primitivo. en effecto, en todas las relaciones de la vida de los indios, resalta la profunda veneracion que tributavan á pachacamac." _antiguedades peruanas_, p. . inasmuch as elsewhere this author takes pains to show that the incas discarded the worship of the sun, and instituted in place of it that of viracocha, the above would seem to diminish the sphere of sun-worship very much.] this variation of the story of viracocha aids to an understanding of his mythical purport. the oft-recurring epithet "contice viracocha" shows a close relationship between his character and that of the divinity con, in fact, an identity which deserves close attention. it is explained, i believe, by the supposition that viracocha was the lord of the wind as well as of the light. like all the other light gods, and deities of the cardinal points, he was at the same time the wind from them. what has been saved from the ancient mythology is enough to show this, but not enough to allow us to reconcile the seeming contradictions which it suggests. moreover, it must be ever remembered that all religions repose on contradictions, contradictions of fact, of logic, and of statement, so that we must not seek to force any one of them into consistent unity of form, even with itself. i have yet to add another point of similarity between the myth of viracocha and those of quetzalcoatl, itzamna and the others, which i have already narrated. as in mexico, yucatan and elsewhere, so in the realms of the incas, the spaniards found themselves not unexpected guests. here, too, texts of ancient prophecies were called to mind, words of warning from solemn and antique songs, foretelling that other viracochas, men of fair complexion and flowing beards, would some day come from the sun, the father of existent nature, and subject the empire to their rule. when the great inca, huayna capac, was on his death-bed, he recalled these prophecies, and impressed them upon the mind of his successor, so that when de soto, the lieutenant of pizarro, had his first interview with the envoy of atahuallpa, the latter humbly addressed him as viracocha, the great god, son of the sun, and told him that it was huayna capac's last command to pay homage to the white men when they should arrive.[ ] [footnote : garcilasso de la vega, _comentarios reales_, lib. ix, caps. xiv, xv; cieza de leon, _relacion_, ms. in prescott, _conquest of peru_, vol. i, p. . the latter is the second part of cieza de leon.] we need no longer entertain about such statements that suspicion or incredulity which so many historians have thought it necessary to indulge in. they are too generally paralleled in other american hero-myths to leave the slightest doubt as to their reality, or as to their significance. they are again the expression of the expected return of the light-god, after his departure and disappearance in the western horizon. modifications of what was originally a statement of a simple occurrence of daily routine, they became transmitted in the limbeck of mythology to the story of the beneficent god of the past, and the promise of golden days when again he should return to the people whom erstwhile he ruled and taught. the qquichuas expected the return of viracocha, not merely as an earthly ruler to govern their nation, but as a god who, by his divine power, would call the dead to life. precisely as in ancient egypt the literal belief in the resurrection of the body led to the custom of preserving the corpses with the most sedulous care, so in peru the cadaver was mummied and deposited in the most secret and inaccessible spots, so that it should remain undisturbed to the great day of resurrection. and when was that to be? we are not left in doubt on this point. it was to be when viracocha should return to earth in his bodily form. then he would restore the dead to life, and they should enjoy the good things of a land far more glorious than this work-a-day world of ours.[ ] [footnote : "dijeron quellos oyeron decir a sus padres y pasados que un viracocha habia de revolver la tierra, y habia de resucitar esos muertos, y que estos habian de bibir en esta tierra.". _information de las idolatras de los incas é indios_, in the _coll. de docs. ineditos del archivo de indias_, vol. xxi, p. .] as at the first meeting between the races the name of the hero-god was applied to the conquering strangers, so to this day the custom has continued. a recent traveler tells us, "among _los indios del campo_, or indians of the fields, the llama herdsmen of the _punas_, and the fishermen of the lakes, the common salutation to strangers of a fair skin and blue eyes is '_tai-tai viracocha_.'"[ ] even if this is used now, as m. wiener seems to think,[ ] merely as a servile flattery, there is no doubt but that at the beginning it was applied because the white strangers were identified with the white and bearded hero and his followers of their culture myth, whose return had been foretold by their priests. [footnote : e.g. squier, _travels in peru_, p. .] [footnote : c. wiener, _perou et bolivie_, p. .] are we obliged to explain these similarities to the mexican tradition by supposing some ancient intercourse between these peoples, the arrival, for instance, and settlement on the highlands around lake titicaca, of some "toltec" colony, as has been maintained by such able writers on peruvian antiquities as leonce angrand and j.j. von tschudi?[ ] i think not. the great events of nature, day and night, storm and sunshine, are everywhere the same, and the impressions they produced on the minds of this race were the same, whether the scene was in the forests of the north temperate zone, amid the palms of the tropics, or on the lofty and barren plateaux of the andes. these impressions found utterance in similar myths, and were represented in art under similar forms. it is, therefore, to the oneness of cause and of racial psychology, not to ancient migrations, that we must look to explain the identities of myth and representation that we find between such widely sundered nations. [footnote : l. angrand, _lettre sur les antiquités de tiaguanaco et l'origine présumable de la plus ancienne civilisation du haut-perou_. extrait du eme vol. de la _revue generale d'architecture_, . von tschudi, _das ollantadrama_, p. - . the latter says: "der von dem plateau von anahuac ausgewanderte stamm verpflanzte seine gesittung und die hauptzüge seiner religion durch das westliche südamerica, etc."] chapter vi. the extension and influence of the typical hero-myth. the typical myth found in many parts of the continent--difficulties in tracing it--religious evolution in america similar to that in the old world--failure of christianity in the red race. the culture myth of the tarascos of mechoacan--that of the riches of guatemala--the votan myth of the tzendals of chiapas--a fragment of a mixe myth--the hero-god of the muyscas of new granada--of the tupi-guaranay stem of paraguay and brazil--myths of the dÈnÈ of british america. sun worship in america--germs of progress in american religions--relation of religion and morality--the light-god a moral and beneficent creation--his worship was elevating--moral condition of native societies before the conquest--progress in the definition of the idea of god in peru, mexico, and yucatan--erroneous statements about the morals of the natives--evolution of their ethical principles. in the foregoing chapters i have passed in review the hero-myths of five nations widely asunder in location, in culture and in language. i have shown the strange similarity in their accounts of their mysterious early benefactor and teacher, and their still more strange, because true, presentiments of the arrival of pale-faced conquerors from the east. i have selected these nations because their myths have been most fully recorded, not that they alone possessed this striking legend. it is, i repeat, the fundamental myth in the religious lore of american nations. not, indeed, that it can be discovered in all tribes, especially in the amplitude of incident which it possesses among some. but there are comparatively few of the native mythologies that do not betray some of its elements, some fragments of it, and, often enough to justify us in the supposition that had we the complete body of their sacred stories, we should find this one in quite as defined a form as i have given it. the student of american mythology, unfortunately, labors under peculiar disadvantages. when he seeks for his material, he finds an extraordinary dearth of it. the missionaries usually refused to preserve the native myths, because they believed them harmful, or at least foolish; while men of science, who have had such opportunities, rejected all those that seemed the least like a biblical story, as they suspected them to be modern and valueless compositions, and thus lost the very life of the genuine ancient faiths. a further disadvantage is the slight attention which has been paid to the aboriginal american tongues, and the sad deficiency of material for their study. it is now recognized on all hands that the key of a mythology is to be found in the language of its believers. as a german writer remarks, "the formation of the language and the evolution of the myth go hand in hand."[ ] we must know the language of a tribe, at least we must understand the grammatical construction and have facilities to trace out the meaning and derivation of names, before we can obtain any accurate notion of the foundation in nature of its religious beliefs. no convenient generality will help us. [footnote : "in der sprache herrscht immer und erneut sich stets die sinnliche anschauung, die vor jahrtausenden mit dem gläubigen sinn vermählt die mythologien schuf, und gerade durch sie wird es am klarsten, wie sprachenschöpfung und mythologische entwicklung, der ausdruck des denkens und glaubens, einst hand in hand gegangen." dr. f.l.w. schwartz, _der ursprung der mythologie dargelegt an griechischer und deutscher sage_, p. (berlin, ).] i make these remarks as a sort of apology for the shortcomings of the present study, and especially for the imperfections of the fragments i have still to present. they are, however, sufficiently defined to make it certain that they belonged to cycles of myths closely akin to those already given. they will serve to support my thesis that the seemingly confused and puerile fables of the native americans are fully as worthy the attention of the student of human nature as the more poetic narratives of the veda or the edda. the red man felt out after god with like childish gropings as his white brother in central asia. when his course was interrupted, he was pursuing the same path toward the discovery of truth. in the words of a thoughtful writer: "in a world wholly separated from that which it is customary to call the old world, the religious evolution of man took place precisely in the same manner as in those surroundings which produced the civilization of western europe."[ ] [footnote : girard de rialle, _la mythologie comparée_, vol. i, p. (paris, ).] but this religious development of the red man was violently broken by the forcible imposition of a creed which he could not understand, and which was not suited to his wants, and by the heavy yoke of a priesthood totally out of sympathy with his line of progress. what has been the result? "has christianity," asks the writer i have just quoted, "exerted a progressive action on these peoples? has it brought them forward, has it aided their natural evolution? we are obliged to answer, no."[ ] this sad reply is repeated by careful observers who have studied dispassionately the natives in their homes.[ ] the only difference in the results of the two great divisions of the christian world seems to be that on catholic missions has followed the debasement, on protestant missions the destruction of the race. [footnote : girard de rialle, _ibid_, p. .] [footnote : those who would convince themselves of this may read the work of don francisco pimentel, _memoria sobre las causas que han originado la situation actual de la raza indigena de mexico_ (mexico, ), and that of the licentiate apolinar garcia y garcia, _historia de la guerra de castas de yucatan_, prologo (mérida, ). that the indians of the united states have directly and positively degenerated in moral sense as a race, since the introduction of christianity, was also very decidedly the opinion of the late prof. theodor waitz, a most competent ethnologist. see _die indianer nordamerica's. eine studie_, von theodor waitz, p. , etc. (leipzig, ). this opinion was also that of the visiting committee of the society of friends who reported on the indian tribes in ; see the _report of a visit to some of the tribes of indians west of the mississippi river_, by john d. lang and samuel taylor, jr. (new york, ). the language of this report is calm, but positive as to the increased moral degradation of the tribes, as the, direct result of contact with the whites.] it may be objected to this that it was not christianity, but its accompaniments, the greedy horde of adventurers, the profligate traders, the selfish priests, and the unscrupulous officials, that wrought the degradation of the native race. be it so. then i merely modify my assertion, by saying that christianity has shown itself incapable of controlling its inevitable adjuncts, and that it would have been better, morally and socially, for the american race never to have known christianity at all, than to have received it on the only terms on which it has been possible to offer it. with the more earnestness, therefore, in view of this acknowledged failure of christian effort, do i turn to the native beliefs, and desire to vindicate for them a dignified position among the faiths which have helped to raise man above the level of the brute, and inspired him with hope and ambition for betterment. for this purpose i shall offer some additional evidence of the extension of the myth i have set forth, and then proceed to discuss its influence on the minds of its believers. the tarascos were an interesting nation who lived in the province of michoacan, due west of the valley of mexico. they were a polished race, speaking a sonorous, vocalic language, so bold in war that their boast was that they had never been defeated, and yet their religious rites were almost bloodless, and their preference was for peace. the hardy aztecs had been driven back at every attempt they made to conquer michoacan, but its ruler submitted himself without a murmur to cortes, recognizing in him an opponent of the common enemy, and a warrior of more than human powers. among these tarascos we find the same legend of a hero-god who brought them out of barbarism, gave them laws, arranged their calendar, which, in principles, was the same as that of the aztecs and mayas, and decided on the form of their government. his name was _surites_ or _curicaberis_, words which, from my limited resources in that tongue, i am not able to analyze. he dwelt in the town cromuscuaro, which name means the watch-tower or look-out, and the hour in which he gave his instructions was always at sunrise, just as the orb of light appeared on the eastern horizon. one of the feasts which he appointed to be celebrated in his honor was called _zitacuarencuaro_, which melodious word is said by the spanish missionaries to mean "the resurrection from death." when to this it is added that he distinctly predicted that a white race of men should arrive in the country, and that he himself should return,[ ] his identity with the light-gods of similar american myths is too manifest to require argument. [footnote : p. francisco xavier alegre, _historia de la compañia de jesus en la nueva españa_, tomo i, pp. , (mexico, ). the authorities whom alegre quotes are p.p. alonso de la rea, _cronica de mechoacan_ (mexico, ), and d. basalenque, _cronica de san augustin de mechoacan_ (mexico, ). i regret that i have been unable to find either of these books in any library in the united states. it is a great pity that the student of american history is so often limited in his investigations in this country, by the lack of material. it is sad to think that such an opulent and intelligent land does not possess a single complete library of its own history.] the king of the tarascos was considered merely the vicegerent of the absent hero-god, and ready to lay down the sceptre when curicaberis should return to earth. we do not know whether the myth of the four brothers prevailed among the tarascos; but there is hardly a nation on the continent among whom the number four was more distinctly sacred. the kingdom was divided into four parts (as also among the itzas, qquichuas and numerous other tribes), the four rulers of which constituted, with the king, the sacred council of five, in imitation, i can hardly doubt, of the hero-god, and the four deities of the winds. the goddess of water and the rains, the female counterpart of curicaberis, was the goddess _cueravaperi_. "she is named," says the authority i quote, "in all their fables and speeches. they say that she is the mother of all the gods of the earth, and that it is she who bestows the harvests and the germination of seeds." with her ever went four attendant goddesses, the personifications of the rains from the four cardinal points. at the sacred dances, which were also dramatizations of her supposed action, these attendants were represented by four priests clad respectively in white, yellow, red and black, to represent the four colors of the clouds.[ ] in other words, she doubtless bore the same relation to curicaberis that ixchel did to itzamna in the mythology of the mayas, or the rainbow goddess to arama in the religious legends of the moxos.[ ] she was the divinity that presided over the rains, and hence over fertility and the harvests, standing in intimate relation to the god of the sun's rays and the four winds. [footnote : _relacion de las ceremonias y ritos, etc., de mechoacan_, in the _coleccion de documentos para la historia de españa_, vol. liii, pp. , , . this account is anonymous, but was written in the sixteenth century, by some one familiar with the subject. a handsome ms. of it, with colored illustrations (these of no great value, however), is in the library of congress, obtained from the collection of the late col. peter force.] [footnote : see above, chapter iv, § ] the kiches of guatemala were not distant relatives of the mayas of yucatan, and their mythology has been preserved to us in a rescript of their national book, the _popol vuh_. evidently they had borrowed something from aztec sources, and a flavor of christian teaching is occasionally noticeable in this record; but for all that it is one of the most valuable we possess on the subject. it begins by connecting the creation of men and things with the appearance of light. in other words, as in so many mythologies, the history of the world is that of the day; each begins with a dawn. thus the _popol vuh_ reads:-- "this is how the heaven exists, how the heart of heaven exists, he, the god, whose name is qabauil." "his word came in the darkness to the lord, to gucumatz, and it spoke with the lord, with gucumatz." "they spoke together; they consulted and planned; they understood; they united in words and plans." "as they consulted, the day appeared, the white light came forth, mankind was produced, while thus they held counsel about the growth of trees and vines, about life and mankind, in the darkness, in the night (the creation was brought about), by the heart of heaven, whose name is hurakan."[ ] [footnote : _popol vuh, le livre sacré des quichés_, p. (paris, ).] but the national culture-hero of the kiches seems to have been _xbalanque_, a name which has the literal meaning, "little tiger deer," and is a symbolical appellation referring to days in their calendar. although many of his deeds are recounted in the _popol vuh_, that work does not furnish us his complete mythical history. from it and other sources we learn that he was one of the twins supposed to have been born of a virgin mother in utatlan, the central province of the kiches, to have been the guide and protector of their nation, and in its interest to have made a journey to the underworld, in order to revenge himself on his powerful enemies, its rulers. he was successful, and having overcome them, he set free the sun, which they had seized, and restored to life four hundred youths whom they had slain, and who, in fact, were the stars of heaven. on his return, he emerged from the bowels of the earth and the place of darkness, at a point far to the east of utatlan, at some place located by the kiches near coban, in vera paz, and came again to his people, looking to be received with fitting honors. but like viracocha, quetzalcoatl, and others of these worthies, the story goes that they treated him with scant courtesy, and in anger at their ingratitude, he left them forever, in order to seek a nobler people. i need not enter into a detailed discussion of this myth, many points in which are obscure, the less so as i have treated them at length in a monograph readily accessible to the reader who would push his inquiries further. enough if i quote the conclusion to which i there arrive. it is as follows:-- "suffice it to say that the hero-god, whose name is thus compounded of two signs in the calendar, who is one of twins born of a virgin, who performs many surprising feats of prowess on the earth, who descends into the world of darkness and sets free the sun, moon and stars to perform their daily and nightly journeys through the heavens, presents in these and other traits such numerous resemblances to the divinity of light, the day-maker of the northern hunting tribes, reappearing in so many american legends, that i do not hesitate to identify the narrative of xbalanque and his deeds as but another version of this wide-spread, this well-nigh universal myth."[ ] [footnote : _the names of the gods in the kiche myths, central america_, by daniel g. brinton, m.d., in the _proceedings of the american philosophical society_ for .] few of our hero-myths have given occasion for wilder speculation than that of votan. he was the culture hero of the tzendals, a branch of the maya race, whose home was in chiapas and tabasco. even the usually cautious humboldt suggested that his name might be a form of odin or buddha! as for more imaginative writers, they have made not the least difficulty in discovering that it is identical with the odon of the tarascos, the oton of the othomis, the poudan of the east indian tamuls, the vaudoux of the louisiana negroes, etc. all this has been done without any attempt having been made to ascertain the precise meaning and derivation of the name votan. superficial phonetic similarities have been the only guide. we are not well acquainted with the votan myth. it appears to have been written down some time in the seventeenth century, by a christianized native. his manuscript of five or six folios, in the tzendal tongue, came into the possession of nuñez de la vega, bishop of chiapas, about , and later into the hands of don ramon ondonez y aguiar, where it was seen by dr. paul felix cabrera, about . what has become of it is not known. no complete translation of it was made; and the extracts or abstracts given by the authors just named are most unsatisfactory, and disfigured by ignorance and prejudice. none of them, probably, was familiar with the tzendal tongue, especially in its ancient form. what they tell us runs as follows:-- at some indefinitely remote epoch, votan came from the far east. he was sent by god to divide out and assign to the different races of men the earth on which they dwell, and to give to each its own language. the land whence he came was vaguely called _ualum uotan_, the land of votan. his message was especially to the tzendals. previous to his arrival they were ignorant, barbarous, and without fixed habitations. he collected them into villages, taught them how to cultivate the maize and cotton, and invented the hieroglyphic signs, which they learned to carve on the walls of their temples. it is even said that he wrote his own history in them. he instituted civil laws for their government, and imparted to them the proper ceremonials of religious worship. for this reason he was also called "master of the sacred drum," the instrument with which they summoned the votaries to the ritual dances. they especially remembered him as the inventor of their calendar. his name stood third in the week of twenty days, and was the first dominical sign, according to which they counted their year, corresponding to the _kan_ of the mayas. as a city-builder, he was spoken of as the founder of palenque, nachan, huehuetlan--in fact, of any ancient place the origin of which had been forgotten. near the last mentioned locality, huehuetlan in soconusco, he was reported to have constructed an underground temple by merely blowing with his breath. in this gloomy mansion he deposited his treasures, and appointed a priestess to guard it, for whose assistance he created the tapirs. votan brought with him, according to one statement, or, according to another, was followed from his native land by, certain attendants or subordinates, called in the myth _tzequil_, petticoated, from the long and flowing robes they wore. these aided him in the work of civilization. on four occasions he returned to his former home, dividing the country, when he was about to leave, into four districts, over which he placed these attendants. when at last the time came for his final departure, he did not pass through the valley of death, as must all mortals, but he penetrated through a cave into the under-earth, and found his way to "the root of heaven." with this mysterious expression, the native myth closes its account of him.[ ] [footnote : the references to the votan myth are nuñez de la vega, _constituciones diocesanas, prologo_ (romae, ); boturini, _idea de una nueva historia de la america septentrional_, pp. , et seq., who discusses the former; dr. paul felix cabrera, _teatro critico americano_, translated, london, ; brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. des nations civilisées de mexique_, vol. i, chap, ii, who gives some additional points from ordoñez; and h. de charencey, _le mythe de votan; etude sur les origines asiatiques de la civilization américaine_. (alencon, ).] he was worshiped by the tzendals as their principal deity and their beneficent patron. but he had a rival in their religious observances, the feared _yalahau_ lord of blackness, or lord of the waters. he was represented as a terrible warrior, cruel to the people, and one of the first of men.[ ] [footnote : _yalahau_ is referred to by bishop nuñez de la vega as venerated in occhuc and other tzendal towns of chiapas. he translates it "señor de los negros." the terminal _ahau_ is pure maya, meaning king, ruler, lord; _yal_ is also maya, and means water. the god of the waters, of darkness, night and blackness, is often one and the same in mythology, and probably had we the myth complete, he would prove to be votan's brother and antagonist.] according to an unpublished work by fuentes, votan was one of four brothers, the common ancestors of the southwestern branches of the maya family.[ ] [footnote : quoted in emeterio pineda, _descripcion geografica de chiapas y soconusco_, p. (mexico, ).] all these traits of this popular hero are too exactly similar to those of the other representatives of this myth, for them to leave any doubt as to what we are to make of votan. like the rest of them, he and his long-robed attendants are personifications of the eastern light and its rays. though but uncritical epitomes of a fragmentary myth about him remain, they are enough to stamp it as that which meets us so constantly, no matter where we turn in the new world.[ ] [footnote : the title of the tzendal mss., is said by cabrera to be "proof that i am a chan." the author writes in the person of votan himself, and proves his claim that he is a chan, "because he is a chivim." chan has been translated _serpent_; on _chivim_ the commentators have almost given up. supposing that the serpent was a totem of one of the tzendal clans, then the effort would be to show that their hero-god was of that totem; but how this is shown by his being proved a _chivim_ is not obvious. the term _ualum chivim_, the land of the _chivim_. appears to be that applied, in the ms., to the country of the tzendals, or a part of it. the words _chi uinic_ would mean, "men of the shore," and might be a local name applied to a clan on the coast. but in default of the original text we can but surmise as to the precise meaning of the writer.] it scarcely seems necessary for me to point out that his name votan is in no way akin to othomi or tarasco roots, still less to the norse wodan or the indian buddha, but is derived from a radical in pure maya. yet i will do so, in order, if possible, to put a stop to such visionary etymologies. as we are informed by bishop nuñez de la vega, _uotan_ in tzendal means _heart_. votan was spoken of as "the heart or soul of his people." this derivation has been questioned, because the word for the heart in the other maya dialects is different, and it has been suggested that this was but an example of "otosis," where a foreign proper name was turned into a familiar common noun. but these objections do not hold good. in regard to derivation, _uotan_ is from the pure maya root-word _tan_, which means primarily "the breast," or that which is in front or in the middle of the body; with the possessive prefix it becomes _utan_. in tzendal this word means both _breast_ and _heart_. this is well illustrated by an ancient manuscript, dating from , in my possession. it is a guide to priests for administering the sacraments in spanish and tzendal. i quote the passage in point[ ]:-- [footnote : _modo de administrar los sacramentos en castellano y tzendal_, . to ms., p. .] "con todo tu corazón, hiriendote en los pechos, di, conmigo." _ta zpizil auotan, xatigh zny auotan, zghoyoc, alagh ghoyoc_.-- here, _a_ is the possessive of the second person, and _uotan_ is used both for heart and breast. thus the derivation of the word from the maya radical is clear. the figure of speech by which the chief divinity is called "the heart of the earth," "the heart of the sky," is common in these dialects, and occurs repeatedly in the _popol vuh_, the sacred legend of the kiches of guatemala.[ ] [footnote : thus we have (_popol vuh_, part i, p. ) _u qux cho_, heart of the lakes, and _u qux palo_, heart of the ocean, as names of the highest divinity; later, we find _u qux cah_, heart of the sky (p. ), _u qux uleu_, heart of the earth, p. , , etc. i may here repeat what i have elsewhere written on this figurative expression in the maya languages: "the literal or physical sense of the word heart is not that which is here intended. in these dialects this word has a richer metaphorical meaning than in our tongue. it stands for all the psychical powers, the memory, will and reasoning faculties, the life, the spirit, the soul. it would be more correct to render these names the 'spirit' or 'soul' of the lake, etc., than the 'heart.' they indicate a dimly understood sense of the unity of spirit or energy in all the various manifestations of organic and inorganic existence." _the names of the gods in the kiche myths, central america_, by daniel g. brinton, in _proceedings of the american philosophical society_, vol. xix, , p. .] the immediate neighbors of the tzendals were the mixes and zoques, the former resident in the central mountains of the isthmus of tehuantepec, the latter rather in the lowlands and toward the eastern coast. the mixes nowadays number but a few villages, whose inhabitants are reported as drunken and worthless, but the time was when they were a powerful and warlike nation. they are in nowise akin to the maya stock, although they are so classed in mr. h.h. bancroft's excellent work.[ ] they have, however, a distinct relationship with the zoques, about thirty per cent of the words in the two languages being similar.[ ] the zoques, whose mythology we unfortunately know little or nothing about, adjoined the tzendals, and were in constant intercourse with them. [footnote : "mijes, maya nation," _the native races of the pacific states_, vol. v, p. .] [footnote : _apuntes sobre la lengua mije_, por c.h. berendt, m.d., ms., in my hands. the comparison is made of words in the two languages, of which have marked affinity, besides the numerals, eight out of ten of which are the same. many of the remaining words are related to the zapotec, and there are very few and faint resemblances to maya dialects. one of them may possibly be in this name, votan (_uotan_), heart, however. in mixe the word for heart is _hot_. i note this merely to complete my observations on the votan myth.] we have but faint traces of the early mythology of these tribes; but they preserved some legends which show that they also partook of the belief, so general among their neighbors, of a beneficent culture-god. this myth relates that their first father, who was also their supreme god, came forth from a cave in a lofty mountain in their country, to govern and direct them. he covered the soil with forests, located the springs and streams, peopled them with fish and the woods with game and birds, and taught the tribe how to catch them. they did not believe that he had died, but that after a certain length of time, he, with his servants and captives, all laden with bright gleaming gold, retired into the cave and closed its mouth, not to remain there, but to reappear at some other part of the world and confer similar favors on other nations. the name, or one of the names, of this benefactor was condoy, the meaning of which my facilities do not enable me to ascertain.[ ] [footnote : juan b. carriedo, _estudios historicos y estadisticos del estado libre de oaxaca_, p. (oaxaca, ).] there is scarcely enough of this to reveal the exact lineaments of their hero; but if we may judge from these fragments as given by carriedo, it appears to be of precisely the same class as the other hero-myths i have collected in this volume. historians of authority assure us that the mixes, zoques and zapotecs united in the expectation, founded on their ancient myths and prophecies, of the arrival, some time, of men from the east, fair of hue and mighty in power, masters of the lightning, who would occupy the land.[ ] [footnote : ibid., p. , _note_, quoting from the works of las casas and francisco burgoa.] on the lofty plateau of the andes, in new granada, where, though nearly under the equator, the temperature is that of a perpetual spring, was the fortunate home of the muyscas. it is the true el dorado of america; every mountain stream a pactolus, and every hill a mine of gold. the natives were peaceful in disposition, skilled in smelting and beating the precious metal that was everywhere at hand, lovers of agriculture, and versed in the arts of spinning, weaving and dying cotton. their remaining sculptures prove them to have been of no mean ability in designing, and it is asserted that they had a form of writing, of which their signs for the numerals have alone been preserved. the knowledge of these various arts they attributed to the instructions of a wise stranger who dwelt among them many cycles before the arrival of the spaniards. he came from the east, from the llanos of venezuela or beyond them, and it was said that the path he made was broad and long, a hundred leagues in length, and led directly to the holy temple at his shrine at sogamoso. in the province of ubaque his footprints on the solid rock were reverently pointed out long after the conquest. his hair was abundant, his beard fell to his waist, and he dressed in long and flowing robes. he went among the nations of the plateaux, addressing each in its own dialect, taught them to live in villages and to observe just laws. near the village of coto was a high hill held in special veneration, for from its prominent summit he was wont to address the people who gathered round its base. therefore it was esteemed a sanctuary, holy to the living and the dead. princely families from a distance carried their dead there to be interred, because this teacher had said that man does not perish when he dies, but shall rise again. it was held that this would be more certain to occur in the very spot where he announced this doctrine. every sunset, when he had finished his discourse, he retired into a cave in the mountain, not to reappear again until the next morning. for many years, some said for two thousand years, did he rule the people with equity, and then he departed, going back to the east whence he came, said some authorities, but others averred that he rose up to heaven. at any rate, before he left, he appointed a successor in the sovereignty, and recommended him to pursue the paths of justice.[ ] [footnote : "afirman que fue trasladado al cielo, y que al tiempo de su partida dexó al cacique de aquella provincia por heredero de su santidad i poderio." lucas fernaudez piedrahita, _historia general de las conquistas del nueoo reyno de granada_, lib. i, cap. iii (amberes, ).] what led the spanish missionaries to suspect that this was one of the twelve apostles, was not only these doctrines, but the undoubted fact that they found the symbol of the cross already a religious emblem among this people. it appeared in their sacred paintings, and especially, they erected one over the grave of a person who had died from the bite of a serpent. a little careful investigation will permit us to accept these statements as quite true, and yet give them a very different interpretation. that this culture-hero arrives from the east and returns to the east are points that at once excite the suspicion that he was the personification of the light. but when we come to his names, no doubt can remain. these were various, but one of the most usual was _chimizapagua_, which, we are told, means "a messenger from _chiminigagua_." in the cosmogonical myths of the muyscas this was the home or source of light, and was a name applied to the demiurgic force. in that mysterious dwelling, so their account ran, light was shut up, and the world lay in primeval gloom. at a certain time the light manifested itself, and the dawn of the first morning appeared, the light being carried to the four quarters of the earth by great black birds, who blew the air and winds from their beaks. modern grammarians profess themselves unable to explain the exact meaning of the name _chiminigagua_, but it is a compound, in which, evidently, appear the words _chie_, light, and _gagua_, sun.[ ] [footnote : uricoechea says, "al principio del mundo la luz estaba encerrada en una cosa que no podian describir i que llamaban _chiminigague_, ó el criador." _gramatica de la lengua chibcha_, introd., p. xix. _chie_ in this tongue means light, moon, month, honor, and is also the first person plural of the personal pronoun. _ibid_., p. . father simon says _gagua_ is "el nombre del mismo sol," though ordinarily sun is _sua_.] other names applied to this hero-god were nemterequeteba, bóchica, and zuhe, or sua, the last mentioned being also the ordinary word for the sun. he was reported to have been of light complexion, and when the spaniards first arrived they were supposed to be his envoys, and were called _sua_ or _gagua_, just as from the memory of a similar myth in peru they were addressed as viracochas. in his form as bóchica, he is represented as the supreme male divinity, whose female associate is the rainbow, cuchaviva, goddess of rains and waters, of the fertility of the fields, of medicine, and of child-bearing in women, a relationship which i have already explained.[ ] [footnote : the principal authority for the mythology of the mayscas, or chibchas, is padre pedro simon, _noticias historiales de las conquistas de tierra firme en el nuevo reyno de granada_, pt. iv, caps. ii, iii, iv, printed in kingsborough, _mexican antiquities_, vol. viii, and piedrahita as above quoted.] wherever the widespread tupi-guaranay race extended--from the mouth of the rio de la plata and the boundless plains of the pampas, north to the northernmost islands of the west indian archipelago--the early explorers found the natives piously attributing their knowledge of the arts of life to a venerable and benevolent old man whom they called "our ancestor," _tamu_, or _tume_, or _zume_. the early jesuit missionaries to the guaranis and affiliated tribes of paraguay and southern brazil, have much to say of this personage, and some of them were convinced that he could have been no other than the apostle st. thomas on his proselytizing journey around the world. the legend was that pay zume, as he was called in paraguay (_pay_ = magician, diviner, priest), came from the east, from the sun-rising, in years long gone by. he instructed the people in the arts of hunting and agriculture, especially in the culture and preparation of the manioca plant, their chief source of vegetable food. near the city of assumption is situated a lofty rock, around which, says the myth, he was accustomed to gather the people, while he stood above them on its summit, and delivered his instructions and his laws, just as did quetzalcoatl from the top of the mountain tzatzitepec, the hill of shouting. the spot where he stood is still marked by the impress of his feet, which the pious natives of a later day took pride in pointing out as a convincing proof that their ancestors received and remembered the preachings of st. thomas.[ ] this was not a suggestion of their later learning, but merely a christianized term given to their authentic ancient legend. as early as , when father emanuel nobrega was visiting the missions of brazil, he heard the legend, and learned of a locality where not only the marks of the feet, but also of the hands of the hero-god had been indelibly impressed upon the hard rock. not satisfied with the mere report, he visited the spot and saw them with his own eyes, but indulged in some skepticism as to their origin.[ ] [footnote : "juxta paraquariae metropolim rupes utcumque cuspidata, sed in modicam planitiem desinens cernitur, in cujus summitate vestigia pedum humanorum saxo impressa adhuc manent, affirmantibus constanter indigenis, ex eo loco apostolum thomam multitudini undequaque ad eum audiendum confluenti solitum fuisse legem divinam tradere: et addunt mandiocae, ex qua farinam suam ligneam conficiunt, plantandae rationem ab eodem accepisse." p. nicolao del techo, _historia provincial paraquariae societatis jesu_, lib. vi, cap. iv (folio, leodii, ).] [footnote : "ipse abii," he writes in his well known letter, "et propriis oculis inspexi, quatuor pedum et digitorum satis alté impressa vestigia, quae nonnunquam aqua excrescens cooperit." the reader will remember the similar event in the history of quetzalcoatl (see above, chapter iii, § )] the story was that wherever this hero-god walked, he left behind him a well-marked path, which was permanent, and as the muyscas of new granada pointed out the path of bochica, so did the guaranays that of zume, which the missionaries regarded "not without astonishment."[ ] he lived a certain length of time with his people and then left them, going back over the ocean toward the east, according to some accounts. but according to others, he was driven away by his stiff-necked and unwilling auditors, who had become tired of his advice. they pursued him to the bank of a river, and there, thinking that the quickest riddance of him was to kill him, they discharged their arrows at him. but he caught the arrows in his hand and hurled them back, and dividing the waters of the river by his divine power he walked between them to the other bank, dry-shod, and disappeared from their view in the distance. [footnote : "e brasiliâ in guairaniam euntibus spectabilis adhuc semita viditur, quam ab sancto thoma ideo incolae vocant, quod per eam apostolus iter fecisse credatur; quae semita quovis anni tempore eumdem statum conservat, modicé in ea crescendibus herbis, ab adjacenti campo multum herbescenti prorsus dissimilibus, praebetque speciem viae artificiosé ductae; quam socii nostri guairaniam excolentes persaepe non sine stupore perspexisse se testantur." nicolao del techo, _ubi suprá_, lib. vi, cap. iv. the connection of this myth with the course of the sun in the sky, "the path of the bright god," as it is called in the veda, appears obvious. so also in later legend we read of the wonderful slot or trail of the dragon fafnir across the glittering heath, and many cognate instances, which mythologists now explain by the same reference.] like all the hero-gods, he left behind him the well-remembered promise that at some future day he should return to them, and that a race of men should come in time, to gather them into towns and rule them in peace.[ ] these predictions were carefully noted by the missionaries, and regarded as the "unconscious prophecies of heathendom" of the advent of christianity; but to me they bear too unmistakably the stamp of the light-myth i have been following up in so many localities of the new world for me to entertain a doubt about their origin and meaning. [footnote : "ilium quoque pollicitum fuisse, se aliquando has regiones revisurum." father nobrega, _ubi suprá_. for the other particulars i have given see nicolao del techo, _historia provinciae paraquariae_, lib. vi, cap. iv, "de d. thomae apostoli itineribus;" and p. antonio ruiz, _conquista espiritual hecha por los religiosos de la compañia de jesus en las provincias del paraguay, parana, uruguay y tape_, fol. , ( to., madrid, ). the remarkable identity of the words relating to their religious beliefs and observances throughout this widespread group of tribes has been demonstrated and forcibly commented on by alcide d'orbigny, _l'homme americain_, vol. ii, p. . the vicomte de porto seguro identifies zume with the _cemi_ of the antilles, and this etymology is at any rate not so fanciful as most of those he gives in his imaginative work, _l'origine touranienne des americaines tupis-caribes_, p. (vienna, ).] i have not yet exhausted the sources from which i could bring evidence of the widespread presence of the elements of this mythical creation in america. but probably i have said enough to satisfy the reader on this point. at any rate it will be sufficient if i close the list with some manifest fragments of the myth, picked out from the confused and generally modern reports we have of the religions of the athabascan race. this stem is one of the most widely distributed in north america, extending across the whole continent south of the eskimos, and scattered toward the warmer latitudes quite into mexico. it is low down in the intellectual scale, its component tribes are usually migratory savages, and its dialects are extremely synthetic and of difficult phonetics, requiring as many as sixty-five letters for their proper orthography. no wonder, therefore, that we have but limited knowledge of their mental life. conspicuous in their myths is the tale of the two brothers. these mysterious beings are upon the earth before man appears. though alone, they do not agree, and the one attacks and slays the other. another brother appears on the scene, who seems to be the one slain, who has come to life, and the two are given wives by the being who was the creator of things. these two women were perfectly beautiful, but invisible to the eyes of mortals. the one was named, the woman of the light or the woman of the morning; the other was the woman of darkness or the woman of evening. the brothers lived together in one tent with these women, who each in turn went out to work. when the woman of light was at work, it was daytime; when the woman of darkness was at her labors, it was night. in the course of time one of the brothers disappeared and the other determined to select a wife from one of the two women, as it seems he had not yet chosen. he watched what the woman of darkness did in her absence, and discovered that she descended into the waters and enjoyed the embraces of a monster, while the woman of light passed her time in feeding white birds. in course of time the former brought forth black man-serpents, while the woman of light was delivered of beautiful boys with white skins. the master of the house killed the former with his arrows, but preserved the latter, and marrying the woman of light, became the father of the human race, and especially of the dènè dindjié, who have preserved the memory of him.[ ] [footnote : _monographie des dènè dindjié, par_ c.r.p.e. petitot, pp. - (paris, ). elsewhere the writer says: "tout d'abord je dois rappeler mon observation que presque toujours, dans les traditions dènè, le couple primitif se compose de _deux frères_." ibid., p. .] in another myth of this stock, clearly a version of the former, this father of the race is represented as a mighty bird, called _yêl_, or _yale_, or _orelbale_, from the root _ell_, a term they apply to everything supernatural. he took to wife the daughter of the sun (the woman of light), and by her begat the race of man. he formed the dry land for a place for them to live upon, and stocked the rivers with salmon, that they might have food. when he enters his nest it is day, but when he leaves it it is night; or, according to another myth, he has the two women for wives, the one of whom makes the day, the other the night. in the beginning yêl was white in plumage, but he had an enemy, by name _cannook_, with whom he had various contests, and by whose machinations he was turned black. yêl is further represented as the god of the winds and storms, and of the thunder and lightning.[ ] [footnote : for the extent and particulars of this myth, many of the details of which i omit, see petitot, _ubi suprá_, pp. , , note; matthew macfie. _travels in vancouver island and british columbia_, pp. - (london, ); and j.k. lord, _the naturalist in vancouver island and british columbia_ (london, ). it is referred to by mackenzie and other early writers.] thus we find, even in this extremely low specimen of the native race, the same basis for their mythology as in the most cultivated nations of central america. not only this; it is the same basis upon which is built the major part of the sacred stories of all early religions, in both continents; and the excellent father petitot, who is so much impressed by these resemblances that he founds upon them a learned argument to prove that the dènè are of oriental extraction,[ ] would have written more to the purpose had his acquaintance with american religions been as extensive as it was with those of asiatic origin. [footnote : see his "essai sur l'origine des dènè-dindjié," in his _monographie_, above quoted.] there is one point in all these myths which i wish to bring out forcibly. that is, the distinction which is everywhere drawn between the god of light and the sun. unless this distinction is fully comprehended, american mythology loses most of its meaning. the assertion has been so often repeated, even down to the latest writers, that the american indians were nearly all sun-worshipers, that i take pains formally to contradict it. neither the sun nor the spirit of the sun was their chief divinity. of course, the daily history of the appearance and disappearance of light is intimately connected with the apparent motion of the sun. hence, in the myths there is often a seeming identification of the two, which i have been at no pains to avoid. but the identity is superficial only; it entirely disappears in other parts of the myth, and the conceptions, as fundamentally distinct, must be studied separately, to reach accurate results. it is an easy, but by no means a profound method of treating these religions, to dismiss them all by the facile explanations of "animism," and "sun and moon worship." i have said, and quoted strong authority to confirm the opinion, that the native tribes of america have lost ground in morals and have retrograded in their religious life since the introduction of christianity. their own faiths, though lower in form, had in them the germs of a religious and moral evolution, more likely, with proper regulation, to lead these people to a higher plane of thought than the aryan doctrines which were forced upon them. this may seem a daring, even a heterodox assertion, but i think that most modern ethnologists will agree that it is no more possible for races in all stages of culture and of widely different faculties to receive with benefit any one religion, than it is for them to thrive under one form of government, or to adopt with advantage one uniform plan of building houses. the moral and religious life is a growth, and the brash wood of ancient date cannot be grafted on the green stem. it is well to remember that the heathendoms of america were very far from wanting living seeds of sound morality and healthy mental education. i shall endeavor to point this out in a few brief paragraphs. in their origin in the human mind, religion and morality have nothing in common. they are even antagonistic. at the root of all religions is the passionate desire for the widest possible life, for the most unlimited exercise of all the powers. the basis of all morality is self-sacrifice, the willingness to give up our wishes to the will of another. the criterion of the power of a religion is its ability to command this sacrifice; the criterion of the excellence of a religion is the extent to which its commands coincide with the good of the race, with the lofty standard of the "categorical imperative." with these axioms well in mind, we can advance with confidence to examine the claims of a religion. it will rise in the scale just in proportion as its behests, were they universally adopted, would permanently increase the happiness of the human race. in their origin, as i have said, morality and religion are opposites; but they are opposites which inevitably attract and unite. the first lesson of all religions is that we gain by giving, that to secure any end we must sacrifice something. this, too, is taught by all social intercourse, and, therefore, an acute german psychologist has set up the formula," all manners are moral,"[ ] because they all imply a subjection of the personal will of the individual to the general will of those who surround him, as expressed in usage and custom. [footnote : "alle sitten sind sittlich." lazarus, _ursprung der sitte_, s. , quoted by roskoff. i hardly need mention that our word _morality_, from _mos_, means by etymology, simply what is customary and of current usage. the moral man is he who conforms himself to the opinions of the majority. this is also at the basis of robert browning's definition of a people: "a people is but the attempt of many to rise to the completer life of one" (_a soul's tragedy_).] even the religion which demands bloody sacrifices, which forces its votaries to futile and abhorrent rites, is at least training its adherents in the virtues of obedience and renunciation, in endurance and confidence. but concerning american religions i need not have recourse to such a questionable vindication. they held in them far nobler elements, as is proved beyond cavil by the words of many of the earliest missionaries themselves. bigoted and bitter haters of the native faiths, as they were, they discovered in them so much that was good, so much that approximated to the purer doctrines that they themselves came to teach, that they have left on record many an attempt to prove that there must, in some remote and unknown epoch, have come christian teachers to the new world, st. thomas, st. bartholomew, monks from ireland, or asiatic disciples, to acquaint the natives with such salutary doctrines. it is precisely in connection with the myths which i have been relating in this volume that these theories were put forth, and i have referred to them in various passages. the facts are as stated, but the credit of developing these elevated moral conceptions must not be refused to the red race. they are its own property, the legitimate growth of its own religious sense. the hero-god, the embodiment of the light of day, is essentially a moral and beneficent creation. whether his name be michabo, ioskeha, or quetzalcoatl, itzamna, viracocha or tamu, he is always the giver of laws, the instructor in the arts of social life, the founder of commonwealths, the patron of agriculture. he casts his influence in favor of peace, and against wars and deeds of violence. he punishes those who pursue iniquity, and he favors those who work for the good of the community. in many instances he sets an example of chaste living, of strict temperance, of complete subjection of the lusts and appetites. i have but to refer to what i have already said of the maya kukulcan and the aztec quetzalcoatl, to show this. both are particularly noted as characters free from the taint of indulgence. thus it occurred that the early monks often express surprise that these, whom they chose to call savages and heathens, had developed a moral law of undeniable purity. "the matters that bochica taught," says the chronicler piedrahita, "were certainly excellent, inasmuch as these natives hold as right to do just the same that we do." "the priests of these muyscas," he goes on to say, "lived most chastely and with great purity of life, insomuch that even in eating, their food was simple and of small quantity, and they refrained altogether from women and marriage. did one transgress in this respect, he was dismissed from the priesthood."[ ] [footnote : "las cosas que el bochica les enseñaba eran buenas, siendo assi, que tenian por malo lo mismo que nosotros tenemos por tal." piedrahita, _historia general de las conquistas del nuevo reyno de granada_, lib. i, cap. iii.] the prayers addressed to these deities breathe as pure a spirit of devotion as many now heard in christian lands. change the names, and some of the formulas preserved by christobal de molina and sahagun would not jar on the ears of a congregation in one of our own churches. although sanguinary rites were common, they were not usual in the worship of these highest divinities, but rather as propitiations to the demons of the darkness, or the spirits of the terrible phenomena of nature. the mild god of light did not demand them. to appreciate the effect of all this on the mind of the race, let it be remembered that these culture-heroes were also the creators, the primal and most potent of divinities, and that usually many temples and a large corps of priests were devoted to their worship, at least in the nations of higher civilization. these votaries were engaged in keeping alive the myth, in impressing the supposed commands of the deity on the people, and in imitating him in example and precept. thus they had formed a lofty ideal of man, and were publishing this ideal to their fellows. certainly this could not fail of working to the good of the nation, and of elevating and purifying its moral conceptions. that it did so we have ample evidence in the authentic accounts of the ancient society as it existed before the europeans destroyed and corrupted it, and in the collections of laws, all distinctly stamped with the seal of religion, which have been preserved, as they were in vogue in anahuac, utatlan, peru and other localities.[ ] any one who peruses these will see that the great moral principles, the radical doctrines of individual virtue, were clearly recognized and deliberately enforced as divine and civil precepts in these communities. moreover, they were generally and cheerfully obeyed, and the people of many of these lands were industrious, peaceable, moral, and happy, far more so than they have ever been since. [footnote : the reader willing to pursue the argument further can find these collections of ancient american laws in sahagun, _historia de nueva españa_, for mexico; in geronimo roman, _republica de las indias occidentales_, for utatlan and other nations; for peru in the _relacion del origen, descendencia, politica, y gobierno de los incas, por el licenciado fernando de santillan_ (published at madrid. ); and for the muyscas, in piedrahita, _hist. gen. del nuevo reyno de granada_, lib. ii, cap. v.] there was also a manifest progress in the definition of the idea of god, that is, of a single infinite intelligence as the source and controlling power of phenomena. we have it on record that in peru this was the direct fruit of the myth of viracocha. it is related that the inca yupangui published to his people that to him had appeared viracocha, with admonition that he alone was lord of the world, and creator of all things; that he had made the heavens, the sun, and man; and that it was not right that these, his works, should receive equal homage with himself. therefore, the inca decreed that the image of viracocha should thereafter be assigned supremacy to those of all other divinities, and that no tribute nor sacrifice should be paid to him, for he was master of all the earth, and could take from it as he chose.[ ] this was evidently a direct attempt on the part of an enlightened ruler to lift his people from a lower to a higher form of religion, from idolatry to theism. the inca even went so far as to banish all images of viracocha from his temples, so that this, the greatest of gods, should be worshiped as an immaterial spirit only. [footnote : p. joseph de acosta, _historia natural y moral de las indias_, lib. vi, cap. (barcelona, ).] a parallel instance is presented in aztec annals. nezahualcoyotzin, an enlightened ruler of tezcuco, about , was both a philosopher and a poet, and the songs which he left, seventy in number, some of which are still preserved, breathe a spirit of emancipation from the idolatrous superstition of his day. he announced that there was one only god, who sustained and created all things, and who dwelt above the ninth heaven, out of sight of man. no image was fitting for this divinity, nor did he ever appear bodily to the eyes of men. but he listened to their prayers and received their souls.[ ] [footnote : see fernando de alva ixtlilxochitl, _historica chichimeca_, cap. xlix; and joseph joaquin granados y galvez, _tardes americanas_, p. (mexico, ).] these traditions have been doubted, for no other reason than because it was assumed that such thoughts were above the level of the red race. but the proper names and titles, unquestionably ancient and genuine, which i have analyzed in the preceding pages refute this supposition. we may safely affirm that other and stronger instances of the kind could be quoted, had the early missionaries preserved more extensively the sacred chants and prayers of the natives. in the maya tongue of yucatan a certain number of them have escaped destruction, and although they are open to some suspicion of having been colored for proselytizing purposes, there is direct evidence from natives who were adults at the time of the conquest that some of their priests had predicted the time should come when the worship of one only god should prevail. this was nothing more than another instance of the monotheistic idea finding its expression, and its apparition is not more extraordinary in yucatan or peru than in ancient egypt or greece. the actual religious and moral progress of the natives was designedly ignored and belittled by the early missionaries and conquerors. bishop las casas directly charges those of his day with magnifying the vices of the indians and the cruelties of their worship; and even such a liberal thinker as roger williams tells us that he would not be present at their ceremonies, "lest i should have been partaker of satan's inventions and worships."[ ] this same prejudice completely blinded the first visitors to the new world, and it was only the extravagant notion that christianity had at some former time been preached here that saved us most of the little that we have on record. [footnote : roger williams, _a key into the language of america_, p. .] yet now and then the truth breaks through even this dense veil of prejudice. for instance, i have quoted in this chapter the evidence of the spanish chroniclers to the purity of the teaching attributed to bochica. the effect of such doctrines could not be lost on a people who looked upon him at once as an exemplar and a deity. nor was it. the spaniards have left strong testimony to the pacific and virtuous character of that nation, and its freedom from the vices so prevalent in lower races.[ ] [footnote : see especially the _noticias sobre el nuevo reino de granada_, in the _colleccion de documentos ineditos del archivo de indias_, vol. v, p. .] now, as i dismiss from the domain of actual fact all these legendary instructors, the question remains, whence did these secluded tribes obtain the sentiments of justice and morality which they loved to attribute to their divine founders, and, in a measure, to practice themselves? the question is pertinent, and with its answer i may fitly close this study in american native religions. if the theory that i have advocated is correct, these myths had to do at first with merely natural occurrences, the advent and departure of the daylight, the winds, the storm and the rains. the beneficent and injurious results of these phenomena were attributed to their personifications. especially was the dispersal of darkness by the light regarded as the transaction of all most favorable to man. the facilities that it gave him were imputed to the goodness of the personified spirit of light, and by a natural association of ideas, the benevolent emotions and affections developed by improving social intercourse were also brought into relation to this kindly being. they came to be regarded as his behests, and, in the national mind, he grew into a teacher of the friendly relations of man to man, and an ideal of those powers which "make for righteousness." priests and chieftains favored the acceptance of these views, because they felt their intrinsic wisdom, and hence the moral evolution of the nation proceeded steadily from its mythology. that the results achieved were similar to those taught by the best religions of the eastern world should not excite any surprise, for the basic principles of ethics are the same everywhere and in all time. the end. indexes. i. index of authors. acosta, j. de alegre, f.x. anales del museo nacional de mejico ancona, eligio angrand, l. annals of cuauhtitlan antonio, g. argoll, capt avila, francisco de bancroft, h.h. baraga, frederick basalenque, d. becerra beltran, de santa rosa berendt, c.h. bernal diaz bertonio, l. betanzos, juan de bobadilla, f. de boturini, l. bourbourg, brasseur de, see brasseur. brasseur (de bourbourg), c. buschmann, j.c.e. buteux, father cabrera, p.f. campanius, thomas campbell, john carriedo, j.b. carrillo, crescencio charency, h. de charlevoix, pére chavero, alfredo chaves, gabriel de chilan balam, books of clavigero, francesco s. codex borgianus codex telleriano-remensis codex troano codex vaticanus cogolludo, d.l. de comte, auguste cortes, hernan cox, sir george w. cuoq, j.a. cusic, david desjardins, e. d'orbigny, a. duran, diego elder, f.x. fischer, heinrich franco, p. fuen-leal, ramirez de gabriel de san buenaventura garcia, g. garcia y garcia, a. gatschet, a.s. gomara, f.l. granados y galvez, j.j. hale, horatio haupt, paul hernandez, francisco hernandez, m. herrera, antonio de holguin, d.g. humbolt, a.v. ixtlilxochitl, f.a. de jourdanet, m. keary, charles f. kingsborough, lord lalemant, father landa, d. de lang, j.d. las casas, b. de lazarus, prof. leon, cieza de le plongeon, dr. lizana, b. lord, j.k. lubbock, sir john macfie, m. mangan, clarence markham, c.r. melgar, j.m. mendieta, geronimo de mendoza, g. molina, alonso de molina, c. de montejo, francisco de motolinia, padre motul, diccionario de müller, max nieremberg, e. de nobrega, e. ollanta, drama of olmos, andre de orozco y berra, señor oviedo, g.f. de pachacuti, j. de pech, nakuk perrot, nicholas petitot, p.e. piedrahita, l.t. pimentel, f. pinart, a.l. pineda, e. pio perez, j. popol vuh, the porto seguro, v. de prescott, w.h. rau, charles rea, a. de la rialle, g. de roman, h. roskoff, gustav ruiz, a. sagard pére sahagun, b. de sanchez, jesus santillan, f. de schoolcraft, h. r. schultz-sellack, dr. c. schwartz, f.l.w. short, j.t. simeon, remi simon, p. sotomayor, j. de v. squier, b. g. stephens, j.l. strachey, william tanner, john taylor, s. techo, n. de ternaux-compans, m tezozomoc, a. tiele, c.p. tobar, juan de toledo, f. de torquemada, juan de trumbull, j.h. tschudi, j.j. von uricoechea, e. valera, blas vega, garcillaso, de la vega, nuñez de la veitia waitz, th. wiener, c. williams, roger xahila, f.e.a. zegarra, g.p. ii. index of subjects. abancay, in peru abstract expressions acan, maya god of wine acantun, maya deities ages of the world ah-kiuic, deity of the mayas ah-puchah, deity of the mayas air, gods of; see wind algonkins, their location " their hero-myth amun, egyptian deity anahuac animiki, the thunder god arawack language ares, the greek arnava, name of viracocha apotampo arama, deity of the moxos arrival, the great and less ataensic, an iroquois deity atahualpa inca atecpanamochco, the bath of quetzalcoatl athabascan myths and languages aticsi, epithet of viracocha aurora, myths of; see dawn ayar, ancca ayar cachi, a name of viracocha ayar manco ayar uchu aymaras, myths of " language of aztecs, location of aztecs in yucatan aztlan, meaning of bacabs, the four baldur, the norse ball, the game of bearded hero-god belly, the, in symbolism bird, symbol of bisexual deities bochica, hero-god of the muyscas borrowing in myths butterfly, the, as a symbol of the wind cadmus, the myth of cakchiquels, myths of camaxtli, a name of tezcatlipoca canas tribe canil, a name of itzamna cannook, deity of dènè carapaco, lake of carcha, town of cardinal points, worship of caylla, epithet of viracocha ce acatl, one reed, a name of quetzalcoatl ce acatl inacuil cemi, deity of arawacks chac, deity of the mayas chacamarca, river of chac mool, supposed idol chalchihuitl chalchiuitlicue, aztec goddess chalchihuitzli, aztec deity chalchiuhapan, the bath of quetzalcoatl chasca, qquichua deity chem, egyptian deity chibchas, see muyscas chibilias, a maya goddess chichen itza chichimees, the chickaban, a festival chicomecoatl, an aztec deity chicomoztoc chimalman chimalmatl chimizapagua, name of bochica chivim, land of chnum, egyptian deity choctaws, myth of cholula christianity, effects of cincalco, cave of cipactli, in aztec myth cipactonal, in aztec myth citlatonac, an aztec deity citlallicue, an aztec deity citlaltlachtli coatl, in nahuatl coatecalli, the aztec pantheon coatlicue, aztec goddess cocoms, the colhuacan colla, a peruvian deity colors, symbolism of con, peruvian deity concacha conchuy condorcoto, the mountain condoy, hero-god of mixes coto, village coyote, sacred to tezcatlipoca cozcapan, fountain of cozumel, cross of cross, the, symbol of cuchaviva, goddess of muyscas cueravaperi, goddess of tarascos cuernava, cave of cum-ahau, a maya deity curicaberis, deity of tarascos cuzco, founding of " temple of darkness, powers of dawn, the mansion of the " myths of dènè, myths of drum, the sacred dyaus, the aryan god dyonisiac worship, the east, sacredness of echuac, a maya deity egyptian mythology europe, carried off by zeus fafnir, the dragon fatal children, the myth of fire, origin of five eggs, the flint stone, myths of flood myth, the four brothers, the myths of " sacred numbers " roads to the underworld freya, norse goddess frog, as symbol of water genesiac principle, worship of gijigonai, the day makers glittering heath, the golden locks of the hero-god great bear, constellation of guanacaure, mountain of guaranis tribe guaymis, tribe of darien guazacoalco gucumatz, god of kiches hachaccuna hanmachis, the sun-god heart, symbol of henotheism in religions hermaphrodite deities hermes, greek myth of hill of heaven, the hobnel, deity of the mayas homonomy huanacauri huastecs, the huarachiri indians, myth of huayna capac, inca huehuetlan, town of huemac, a name of quetzalcoatl hueytecpatl, an aztec deity hue tlapallan hueytonantzin, an aztec deity huitzilopochtli, aztec deity birth of huitznahna, aztec deity hunchbacks, attendant on quetzalcoatl hunhunahpu, a kiche deity hunpictok, a maya deity hurons, myth of hurukan, god of kiches idea of god, evolution of illa, name of viracocha incas, empire of indra ioskeha, the myth of " derivation of iroquois, their location " hero myth of itzamal, city of itzamna, the maya hero god " his names itzas, a maya tribe itztlacoliuhqui, aztec deity ix-chebel-yax, maya goddess ixchel, the rainbow goddess ixcuin, an aztec deity izona, error for itzamna iztac mixcoatl jupiter, the planet kabironokka, the north kabil, a name of itzamna kabun, the west kiches, myths of kinich ahau, a name of itzamna kinich ahau haban kinich kakmo, a name of itzamna kukulcan, myth of " meaning of name languages, sacred, of priests " american laws, native american lif, the teutonic light, its place in mythology light-god, the " color of light, woman of lucifer, worshiped by mayas maize, origin of manco capac mani, province of marriage ceremonies master of life, the mat, the virgin goddess ma tlapallan mayapan, destruction of " foundation of mayas, myths of " language " ancestors of " prophecies of meconetzin, a name of quetzalcoatl meztitlan, province of michabo, myth of " derivation of michoacan mictlancalco mirror, the magic mirrors, of aztecs mixcoatl, a name of tezcatlipoca mixes, tribe monenequi, a name of tezcatlipoca monotheism in peru moon, in algonkin myths " in aztec myths moquequeloa, a name of tezcatlipoca morals and religion morning, house of the moxos, myths of moyocoyatzin, a name of tezcatlipoca muskrat, in algonkin mythology muyscas, myths of " laws of nahuatl, the language nanacatltzatzi, an aztec deity nanih wayeh nanihehecatle, name of quetzalcoatl narcissus, the myth of nemterequeteba, name of bochica nezahualcoyotzin, aztec ruler nezaualpilli, a name of tezcatlipoca nicaraguans, myths of nonoalco nuns, houses of oaxaca, province of occhuc, town ocelotl, the odin, the norse ojibway dialect, the " myth ometochtli, an aztec deity orelbale, athabascan, deity osiris, the myth of otomies otosis, in myth building ottawas, an algonkin tribe owl, as a symbol of the wind oxomuco, in aztec myth pacarina, the, in peru pacari tampu pachacamac pachayachachi, epithet of viracocha palenque, the cross of " building of pantecatl, aztec deity panuco, province of papachtic, a name of quetzalcoatl pariacaca, a peruvian deity paronyms parturition, symbol of paths of the gods pay zume, a hero-god perseus personification peten, lake phallic emblems phoebus pinahua, a peruvian deity pirhua pirua pochotl son of quetzalcoatl polyonomy in myth building prayers, purpose of " to quetzalcoatl " to viraoocha proper names in american languages prophecies of mayas prosopopeia pulque, myths concerning qabauil, god of kiches qquichua language qquonn, peruvian deity quateczizque, priests so-called quauhtitlan quetzalcoatl identified with the east meaning of the name as god contest with tezcatlipoca the hero of tula worshiped in cholula born of a virgin his bath as the planet venus as lord of the winds god of thieves representations quetzalpetlatl ra, the sun-god rabbit, the giant " in algonkin myths " in aztec myths rainbow, as a deity rains, gods of red land, the, see tlapallan religions, classifications of " the essence of " and morals repose, the place of reproduction, myths concerning resurrection, belief in romulus and remus sand, place of sarama and sarameyas, a sanscrit myth serpent symbol, the serpents, the king of seven brothers, the " caves or tribes, the shawano, the south shu, egyptian deity skunk, sacred to tezcatlipoca snailshell symbol sogamoso, town soma, the intoxicating sons of the clouds sterility, relief from sua, name of bochica sun worship in peru " in america sun, the city of suns, the aztec surites, deity of tarascos tahuantin suyu kapac tampuquiru tamu, a hero-god tapirs tarascos taripaca, epithet of viracocha tawiscara, in iroquois myth tecpancaltzin, a toltec king tecpatl, an aztec deity tehotennhiaron, iroquois deity tehunatepec tribes teimatini, a name of tezcatlipoca telephassa, mother of cadmus telpochtli, a name of tezctlipoca tentetemic, an aztec deity teocolhuacan teometl, the texcalapan texcaltlauhco teyocoyani, a name of tezcatlipoca tezcatlachco tezcatlipoca, aztec deity his names derivation of name as twins contests with quetzalcoatl slays ometochli dressed in the tiger skin tezcatlipoca-camaxtli tezcuco tharonhiawakon, in iroquois thomas, saint, in america thunder, myth of tiahuanaco, myth concerning ticci, name of viracocha tiger, as a symbol titicaca lake titlacauan, a name of tezcatlipoca tizapan, the white land tlacauepan tlaloc, aztec deity tlalocan tlamatzincatl, a name of tezcatlipoca tlanqua-cemilhuique, a name of the toltecs tlapallan tlatlallan, the fire land tlillan, the dark land thllapa, the murky land thlpotonqui, a name of quetzalcoatl tocapo, epithet of viracocha toh, a kiche deity tokay, epithet of viracocha tollan, see tula tollan-cholollan tollan tlapallan tollantzinco toltecs, the tonalan tonatlan tonaca cihuatl, an aztec deity tonaca tecutli, aztec deity topiltzin, a name of quetzalcoatl toltec, an aztec deity totems, origin of toveyo, the tree of life, the tree of the mirror tualati, myth of tukupay, epithet of viracocha tula, the mythical city of tum, egyptian deity tume, a hero-god tunapa, name of viracocha tupac yupanqui, inca tupi-guaranay tribes twins, in mythology two brothers, myths of tzatzitepec, the hill of shouting tzendals, hero-myth of tzinteotl, aztec deity ttzitzimime, aztec deities uac metun ahau, a name of itzamna ualum chivim ualum uotan urcos, temple of usapu, epithet of viracocha utatlan, province of vase, lord of the venus, the planet, in myths viracocha, myth of " meaning of " statues of " worship of virgin cow, the, in egypt virgin-mother, myth of virgins of the sun, in peru votan, hero-god of tzendals wabawang, the morning star wabun, or the east water, in mythology " gods of west, in mythology west wind, the wheel of the months " of the winds white hero-god, the " land " serpent winds, gods of world-stream, the xalac xbalanque, hero-god of kiches xicapoyan, the bath of quetzalcoatl xilotzin, son of quetzalcoatl xiu, maya family of xmukane, in kiche myth xochitl, the maiden xochitlycacan, the rose garden xochiquetzal, an aztec deity yacacoliuhqui, aztec deity yacatecutli, aztec deity yahualli ehecatl, a name of quetzalcoatl yalahau, deity of tzendals yale, deity of the dènè yamquesupa, lake of yaotlnecoc, a name of tezcatlipoca yaotzin, a name of tezcatlipoca yaqui, derivation of yax-coc-ahmut, a name of itzamna yêl, deity of dènè ymamana viracocha yoalli ehecatl, a name of tezcatlipoca yoamaxtli, a name of tezcatlipoca yoel of the winds yolcuat quetzalcoat yucatan yunca language yupanqui, inca zacuan zapala, epithet of viracocha zapotecs, tribe zeus, the greek zipacna, a kiche diety zitacuarencuaro, a festival zivena vitzcatl zoques, tribe zuhe, name of bochica zume, a hero-god zuyva, tollan in produced from images generously made available by st-hand-history.org) transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied by the typesetter. italic text is denoted by _underscores_. the following changes were made or suggested: page xlix: "viena" is a possible typo for "vienna" page xlix: "megico" is a possible typo for "mejico" page : the opening quote mark is missing in the quote ending "in company," page : "aläsku" should possibly be "aläksu" page : "von bis pud" should possibly be "von bis pfund" page : "mit grellen farben" should possibly be "die mit grellen farben" page : viaye changed to viage page : "some of women would with difficulty" is apparently missing a word page : crane's topog. mem. possibly should be cram's page : farnham's trav., pp. -; is missing an end page reference page : "galeon" should possibly be "galleon" page : footnote is missing its anchor page : footnote is missing its anchor page : footnote is missing its anchor page : "to the west fork of walker's river the south.'" is apparently missing a word page : headquarters possibly should be headwaters page : gray colors possibly should be gay colors page : looses possibly should be loses the works of hubert howe bancroft. volume i. the native races. vol. i. wild tribes. san francisco: a. l. bancroft & company, publishers. . entered according to act of congress in the year , by hubert h. bancroft, in the office of the librarian of congress, at washington. _all rights reserved._ [illustration: the world: the white part showing the pacific states.] preface. in pursuance of a general plan involving the production of a series of works on the western half of north america, i present this delineation of its aboriginal inhabitants as the first. to the immense territory bordering on the western ocean from alaska to darien, and including the whole of mexico and central america, i give arbitrarily, for want of a better, the name pacific states. stretching almost from pole to equator, and embracing within its limits nearly one tenth of the earth's surface, this last western land offers to lovers of knowledge a new and enticing field; and, although hitherto its several parts have been held somewhat asunder by the force of circumstances, yet are its occupants drawn by nature into nearness of relationship, and will be brought yet nearer by advancing civilization; the common oceanic highway on the one side, and the great mountain ramparts on the other, both tending to this result. the characteristics of this vast domain, material and social, are comparatively unknown and are essentially peculiar. to its exotic civilization all the so-called older nations of the world have contributed of their energies; and this composite mass, leavened by its destiny, is now working out the new problem of its future. the modern history of this west antedates that of the east by over a century, and although there may be apparent heterogeneity in the subject thus territorially treated, there is an apparent tendency toward ultimate unity. to some it may be of interest to know the nature and extent of my resources for writing so important a series of works. the books and manuscripts necessary for the task existed in no library in the world; hence, in , i commenced collecting material relative to the pacific states. after securing everything within my reach in america, i twice visited europe, spending about two years in thorough researches in england and the chief cities of the continent. having exhausted every available source, i was obliged to content myself with lying in wait for opportunities. not long afterward, and at a time when the prospect of materially adding to my collection seemed anything but hopeful, the _biblioteca imperial de méjico_, of the unfortunate maximilian, collected during a period of forty years by don josé maría andrade, litterateur and publisher of the city of mexico, was thrown upon the european market and furnished me about three thousand additional volumes. in , having accumulated some sixteen thousand books, manuscripts, and pamphlets, besides maps and cumbersome files of pacific coast journals, i determined to go to work. but i soon found that, like tantalus, while up to my neck in water, i was dying of thirst. the facts which i required were so copiously diluted with trash, that to follow different subjects through this trackless sea of erudition, in the exhaustive manner i had proposed, with but one life-time to devote to the work, was simply impracticable. in this emergency my friend, mr henry l. oak, librarian of the collection, came to my relief. after many consultations, and not a few partial failures, a system of indexing the subject-matter of the whole library was devised, sufficiently general to be practicable, and sufficiently particular to direct me immediately to all my authorities on any given point. the system, on trial, stands the test, and the index when completed, as it already is for the twelve hundred authors quoted in this work, will more than double the practical value of the library. of the importance of the task undertaken, i need not say that i have formed the highest opinion. at present the few grains of wheat are so hidden by the mountain of chaff as to be of comparatively little benefit to searchers in the various branches of learning; and to sift and select from this mass, to extract from bulky tome and transient journal, from the archives of convent and mission, facts valuable to the scholar and interesting to the general reader; to arrange these facts in a natural order, and to present them in such a manner as to be of practical benefit to inquirers in the various branches of knowledge, is a work of no small import and responsibility. and though mine is the labor of the artisan rather than that of the artist, a forging of weapons for abler hands to wield, a producing of raw materials for skilled mechanics to weave and color at will; yet, in undertaking to bring to light from sources innumerable essential facts, which, from the very shortness of life if from no other cause, must otherwise be left out in the physical and social generalizations which occupy the ablest minds, i feel that i engage in no idle pastime. a word as to the nations of which this work is a description, and my method of treating the subject. aboriginally, for a savage wilderness, there was here a dense population; particularly south of the thirtieth parallel, and along the border of the ocean north of that line. before the advent of europeans, this domain counted its aborigines by millions; ranked among its people every phase of primitive humanity, from the reptile-eating cave-dweller of the great basin, to the aztec and maya-quiché civilization of the southern table-land,--a civilization, if we may credit dr draper, "that might have instructed europe," a culture wantonly crushed by spain, who therein "destroyed races more civilized than herself." differing among themselves in minor particulars only, and bearing a general resemblance to the nations of eastern and southern america; differing again, the whole, in character and cast of features from every other people of the world, we have here presented hundreds of nations and tongues, with thousands of beliefs and customs, wonderfully dissimilar for so segregated a humanity, yet wonderfully alike for the inhabitants of a land that comprises within its limits nearly every phase of climate on the globe. at the touch of european civilization, whether latin or teutonic, these nations vanished; and their unwritten history, reaching back for thousands of ages, ended. all this time they had been coming and going, nations swallowing up nations, annihilating and being annihilated, amidst human convulsions and struggling civilizations. their strange destiny fulfilled, in an instant they disappear; and all we have of them, besides their material relics, is the glance caught in their hasty flight, which gives us a few customs and traditions, and a little mythological history. to gather and arrange in systematic compact form all that is known of these people; to rescue some facts, perhaps, from oblivion, to bring others from inaccessible nooks, to render all available to science and to the general reader, is the object of this work. necessarily some parts of it may be open to the charge of dryness; i have not been able to interlard my facts with interesting anecdotes for lack of space, and i have endeavored to avoid speculation, believing, as i do, the work of the collector and that of the theorizer to be distinct, and that he who attempts to establish some pet conjecture while imparting general information, can hardly be trusted for impartial statements. with respect to the territorial divisions of the first volume, which is confined to the wild tribes, and the necessity of giving descriptions of the same characteristics in each, there may be an appearance of repetition; but i trust this may be found more apparent than real. although there are many similar customs, there are also many minor differences, and, as one of the chief difficulties of this volume was to keep it within reasonable limits, no delineation has been repeated where a necessity did not appear to exist. the second volume, which treats of the civilized nations, offers a more fascinating field, and with ample space and all existing authorities at hand, the fault is the writer's if interest be not here combined with value. as regards mythology, languages, antiquities, and migrations, of which the three remaining volumes treat, it has been my aim to present clearly and concisely all knowledge extant on these subjects; and the work, as a whole, is intended to embody all facts that have been preserved concerning these people at the time of their almost simultaneous discovery and disappearance. it will be noticed that i have said little of the natives or their deeds since the coming of the europeans; of their wars against invaders and among themselves; of repartimientos, presidios, missions, reservations, and other institutions for their conquest, conversion, protection, or oppression. my reason for this is that all these things, so far as they have any importance, belong to the modern history of the country and will receive due attention in a subsequent work. in these five volumes, besides information acquired from sources not therein named, are condensed the researches of twelve hundred writers, a list of whose works, with the edition used, is given in this volume. i have endeavored to state fully and clearly in my text the substance of the matter, and in reaching my conclusions to use due discrimination as to the respective value of different authorities. in the notes i give liberal quotations, both corroborative of the text, and touching points on which authors differ, together with complete references to all authorities, including some of little value, on each point, for the use of readers or writers who may either be dissatisfied with my conclusions, or may wish to investigate any particular branch of the subject farther than my limits allow. i have given full credit to each of the many authors from whom i have taken material, and if, in a few instances, a scarcity of authorities has compelled me to draw somewhat largely on the few who have treated particular points, i trust i shall be pardoned in view of the comprehensive nature of the work. quotations are made in the languages in which they are written, and great pains has been taken to avoid mutilation of the author's words. as the books quoted form part of my private library, i have been able, by comparison with the originals, to carefully verify all references after they were put in type; hence i may confidently hope that fewer errors have crept in than are usually found in works of such variety and extent. the labor involved in the preparation of these volumes will be appreciated by few. that expended on the first volume alone, with all the material before me, is more than equivalent to the well-directed efforts of one person for ten years. in the work of selecting, sifting, and arranging my subject-matter, i have called in the aid of a large corps of assistants, and, while desiring to place on no one but myself any responsibility for the work, either in style or matter, i would render just acknowledgment for the services of all; especially to the following gentlemen, for the efficient manner in which, each in his special department, they have devoted their energies and abilities to the carrying out of my plan;--to mr t. arundel-harcourt, in the researches on the manners and customs of the civilized nations; to mr walter m. fisher, in the investigation of mythology; to mr albert goldschmidt, in the treatise on language; and to mr henry l. oak, in the subject of antiquities and aboriginal history. contents of this volume. chapter i. ethnological introduction. page. facts and theories--hypotheses concerning origin--unity of race--diversity of race--spontaneous generation--origin of animals and plants--primordial centres of population-- distribution of plants and animals--adaptability of species to locality--classification of species--ethnological tests--races of the pacific--first intercourse with europeans chapter ii. hyperboreans. general divisions--hyperborean nations--aspects of nature--vegetation--climate--animals--the eskimos--their country--physical characteristics--dress--dwellings--food-- weapons--boats--sledges--snow-shoes--government--domestic affairs--amusements--diseases--burial--the koniagas, their physical and social condition--the aleuts--the thlinkeets-- the tinneh chapter iii. columbians. habitat of the columbian group--physical geography--sources of food supply--influence of food and climate--four extreme classes--haidahs--their home--physical peculiarities-- clothing--shelter--sustenance--implements--manufactures-- arts--property--laws--slavery--women--customs--medicine-- death--the nootkas--the sound nations--the chinooks--the shushwaps--the salish--the sahaptins chapter iv. californians. groupal divisions; northern, central, and southern californians, and shoshones--country of the californians-- the klamaths, modocs, shastas, pitt river indians, eurocs, cahrocs, hoopahs, weeyots, tolewahs, and rogue river indians and their customs--the tehamas, pomos, ukiahs, gualalas, sonomas, petalumas, napas, suscols, suisunes, tamales, karquines, tulomos, thamiens, olchones, runsiens, escelens, and others of central california--the cahuillos, diegueños, islanders, and mission rancherías of southern california--the snakes or shoshones proper, utahs, bannocks, washoes and other shoshone nations chapter v. new mexicans. geographical position of this group, and physical features of the territory--family divisions; apaches, pueblos, lower californians, and northern mexicans--the apache family: comanches, apaches proper, hualapais, yumas, cosninos, yampais, yalchedunes, yamajabs, cruzados, nijoras, navajos, mojaves, and their customs--the pueblo family: pueblos, moquis, pimas, maricopas, pápagos, and their neighbors--the cochimis, waicuris, pericuis, and other lower californians-- the seris, sinaloas, tarahumares, conchos, tepehuanes, tobosos, acaxees, and others in northern mexico chapter vi. wild tribes of mexico. territorial aspects--two main divisions; wild tribes of central mexico, and wild tribes of southern mexico--the coras and others in jalisco--descendants of the aztecs--the otomís and mazahuas adjacent to the valley of mexico--the pames--the tarascos and matlaltzincas of michoacan--the huaztecs and totonacos of vera cruz and tamaulipas--the chontales, chinantecs, mazatecs, cuicatecs, chatinos, miztecs, zapotecs, mijes, huaves, chiapanecs, zoques, lacandones, choles, mames, tzotziles, tzendales, chochones and others of southern mexico chapter vii. wild tribes of central america. physical geography and climate--three groupal divisions; first, the nations of yucatan, guatemala, salvador, western honduras, and nicaragua; second, the mosquitos of honduras; third, the nations of costa rica and the isthmus of panamá--the popolucas, pipiles and chontales--the descendants of the maya-quiché races--the natives of nicaragua--the mosquitos, poyas, ramas, lencas, towkas, woolwas, and xicaques of honduras--the guatusos of the rio frio--the caimanes, bayamos, dorachos, goajiros, mandingos, savanerics, sayrones, and viscitas living in costa rica and on the isthmus authorities quoted. abbot (gorham d.), mexico and the united states. new york, . abert (j. w.), report of his examination of new mexico. - . 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( th cong., st sess., senate miscel. doc. .) washington, . woods (daniel b.), sixteen months at the gold diggings. new york, . worsley (israel), review of the american indians. london, . wortley (lady emmeline stuart), travels in the united states. new york, . wrangell, observations recueillies par l'amiral ---- sur les habitants des côtes nord-ouest de l'amérique. in nouvelles annales des voy., . tom. cxxxvii. wyeth (john b.), oregon. cambridge, . ximenez (francisco), las historias del orígen de los indios de esta provincia de guatemala. viena, . yates (john), sketch of the sacramento valley in . ms. yepes (joaquin lopez), catecismo y declaracion de la doctrina cristiana en lengua otomí. megico, . yonge (c. d.), three centuries of modern history. new york, . young (thomas), narrative of a residence on the mosquito shore. london, . yucatan, estadística de. mexico, . zenteno (carlos de tapia), arte novissima de lengua mexicana. mexico, . zenteno (carlos de tapia), noticia de la lengua huasteca. mexico, . zapata (juan ortiz), relacion de las missiones que la compañia de jesus tiene en el reino y provincia de la nueva viscaya. [ .] in doc. hist. mex., serie iv., tom. iii. zuazo (alonso), carte del licenciado ---- al padre fray luis de figueroa. in icazbalceta, col. de doc., tom. i. zuñiga (ignacio), rápida ojeada al estado de sonora. [coup d'oeil, etc.] in nouvelles annales des voy., . tom. xciii. zurita (alonzo de), rapport sur les différentes classes de chefs de la nouvelle espagne. in ternaux-compans, voy., série ii., tom. i. paris, . the native races of the pacific states. wild tribes. chapter i. ethnological introduction. facts and theories--hypotheses concerning origin--unity of race--diversity of race--spontaneous generation--origin of animals and plants--primordial centres of population-- distribution of plants and animals--adaptability of species to locality--classification of species--ethnological tests-- races of the pacific--first intercourse with europeans. facts are the raw material of science. they are to philosophy and history, what cotton and iron are to cloth and steam-engines. like the raw material of the manufacturer, they form the bases of innumerable fabrics, are woven into many theories finely spun or coarsely spun, which wear out with time, become unfashionable, or else prove to be indeed true and fit, and as such remain. this raw material of the scholar, like that of the manufacturer, is always a staple article; its substance never changes, its value never diminishes; whatever may be the condition of society, or howsoever advanced the mind, it is indispensable. theories may be only for the day, but facts are for all time and for all science. when we remember that the sum of all knowledge is but the sum of ascertained facts, and that every new fact brought to light, preserved, and thrown into the general fund, is so much added to the world's store of knowledge,--when we consider that, broad and far as our theories may reach, the realm of definite, tangible, ascertained truth is still of so little extent, the importance of every never-so-insignificant acquisition is manifest. compare any fact with the fancies which have been prevalent concerning it, and consider, i will not say their relative brilliance, but their relative importance. take electricity, how many explanations have been given of the lightning and the thunder, yet there is but one fact; the atmosphere, how many howling demons have directed the tempest, how many smiling deities moved in the soft breeze. for the one all-sufficient first cause, how many myriads of gods have been set up; for every phenomenon how many causes have been invented; with every truth how many untruths have contended, with every fact how many fancies. the profound investigations of latter-day philosophers are nothing but simple and laborious inductions from ascertained facts, facts concerning attraction, polarity, chemical affinity and the like, for the explanation of which there are countless hypotheses, each hypothesis involving multitudes of speculations, all of which evaporate as the truth slowly crystallizes. speculation is valuable to science only as it directs the mind into otherwise-undiscoverable paths; but when the truth is found, there is an end to speculation. so much for facts in general; let us now look for a moment at the particular class of facts of which this work is a collection. [sidenote: tendency of philosophic inquiry.] the tendency of philosophic inquiry is more and more toward the origin of things. in the earlier stages of intellectual impulse, the mind is almost wholly absorbed in ministering to the necessities of the present; next, the mysterious uncertainty of the after life provokes inquiry, and contemplations of an eternity of the future command attention; but not until knowledge is well advanced does it appear that there is likewise an eternity of the past worthy of careful scrutiny,--without which scrutiny, indeed, the eternity of the future must forever remain a sealed book. standing as we do between these two eternities, our view limited to a narrow though gradually widening horizon, as nature unveils her mysteries to our inquiries, an infinity spreads out in either direction, an infinity of minuteness no less than an infinity of immensity; for hitherto, attempts to reach the ultimate of molecules, have proved as futile as attempts to reach the ultimate of masses. now man, the noblest work of creation, the only reasoning creature, standing alone in the midst of this vast sea of undiscovered truth,--ultimate knowledge ever receding from his grasp, primal causes only thrown farther back as proximate problems are solved,--man, in the study of mankind, must follow his researches in both of these directions, backward as well as forward, must indeed derive his whole knowledge of what man is and will be from what he has been. thus it is that the study of mankind in its minuteness assumes the grandest proportions. viewed in this light there is not a feature of primitive humanity without significance; there is not a custom or characteristic of savage nations, however mean or revolting to us, from which important lessons may not be drawn. it is only from the study of barbarous and partially cultivated nations that we are able to comprehend man as a progressive being, and to recognize the successive stages through which our savage ancestors have passed on their way to civilization. with the natural philosopher, there is little thought as to the relative importance of the manifold works of creation. the tiny insect is no less an object of his patient scrutiny, than the wonderful and complex machinery of the cosmos. the lower races of men, in the study of humanity, he deems of as essential importance as the higher; our present higher races being but the lower types of generations yet to come. hence, if in the following pages, in the array of minute facts incident to the successive peoples of which we speak, some of them appear small and unworthy of notice, let it be remembered that in nature there is no such thing as insignificance; still less is there anything connected with man unworthy of our most careful study, or any peculiarity of savagism irrelevant to civilization. [sidenote: origin of man.] different schools of naturalists maintain widely different opinions regarding the origin of mankind. existing theories may be broadly divided into three categories; in the first two of which man is considered as a special creation, and in the third as a natural development from some lower type. the special-creation school is divided on the question of unity or diversity of race. the first party holds by the time-honored tradition, that all the nations of the earth are descended from a single human pair; the second affirms, that by one creative act were produced several special creations, each separate creation being the origin of a race, and each race primordially adapted to that part of the globe which it now inhabits. the third theory, that of the development school, denies that there ever were common centres of origin in organic creation; but claims that plants and animals generate spontaneously, and that man is but the modification of some preexisting animal form. [sidenote: hypotheses concerning origin.] the first hypothesis, the doctrine of the monogenists, is ably supported by latham, prichard, and many other eminent ethnologists of europe, and is the favorite opinion of orthodox thinkers throughout christendom. the human race, they say, having sprung from a single pair, constitutes but one stock, though subject to various modifications. anatomically, there is no difference between a negro and a european. the color of the skin, the texture of the hair, the convolutions of the brain, and all other peculiarities, may be attributed to heat, moisture, and food. man, though capable of subduing the world to himself, and of making his home under climates and circumstances the most diverse, is none the less a child of nature, acted upon and molded by those conditions which he attempts to govern. climate, periodicities of nature, material surroundings, habits of thought and modes of life, acting through a long series of ages, exercise a powerful influence upon the human physical organization; and yet man is perfectly created for any sphere in which he may dwell; and is governed in his condition by choice rather than by coercion. articulate language, which forms the great line of demarcation between the human and the brute creation, may be traced in its leading characteristics to one common source. the differences between the races of men are not specific differences. the greater part of the flora and fauna of america, those of the circumpolar regions excepted, are essentially dissimilar to those of the old world; while man in the new world, though bearing traces of high antiquity, is specifically identical with all the races of the earth. it is well known that the hybrids of plants and of animals do not possess the power of reproduction, while in the intermixture of the races of men no such sterility of progeny can be found; and therefore, as there are no human hybrids, there are no separate human races or species, but all are one family. besides being consistent with sound reasoning, this theory can bring to its support the testimony of the sacred writings, and an internal evidence of a creation divine and spiritual, which is sanctioned by tradition, and confirmed by most philosophic minds. man, unlike animals, is the direct offspring of the creator, and as such he alone continues to derive his inheritance from a divine source. the hebraic record, continue the monogenists, is the only authentic solution of the origin of all things; and its history is not only fully sustained by science, but it is upheld by the traditions of the most ancient barbarous nations, whose mythology strikingly resembles the mosaic account of the creation, the deluge, and the distribution of peoples. the semitic family alone were civilized from the beginning. a peculiar people, constantly upheld by special act of providence from falling into paganism, they alone possessed a true knowledge of the mystery of creation. a universal necessity for some form of worship, a belief inherent in all mankind, in an omnipotent deity and a life beyond the grave, point to a common origin and prophesy a common destiny. this much for the monogenists. the second hypothesis, that of the polygenists, holds that there was not one only, but several independent creations, each giving birth to the essential, unchangeable peculiarities of a separate race; thus constituting a diversity of species with primeval adaptation to their geographical distribution. morton, agassiz, gliddon, and others in america, stand sponsors for this theory. the physiological differences of race, they say, which separate mankind into classes, do not result from climatic surroundings, but are inherited from original progenitors. they point to marked characteristics in various peoples which have remained unchanged for a period of four thousand years. in place of controverting divine revelation, they claim that mosaic history is the history of a single race, and not the history of all mankind; that the record itself contains an implied existence of other races; and that the distribution of the various species or races of men, according to their relative organisms, was part of the creative act, and of no less importance than was the act of creation. the third hypothesis, derived mainly from the writings of lamarck, darwin, and huxley, is based upon the principle of evolution. all existing species are developments of some preëxisting form, which in like manner descended by true generation from a form still lower. man, say they, bears no impress of a divine original that is not common to brutes; he is but an animal, more perfectly developed through natural and sexual selection. commencing with the spontaneous generation of the lowest types of vegetable and animal life,--as the accumulation of mold upon food, the swarming of maggots in meat, the infusorial animalcules in water, the generation of insect life in decaying vegetable substances,--the birth of one form arising out of the decay of another, the slow and gradual unfolding from a lower to a higher sphere, acting through a long succession of ages, culminate in the grandeur of intellectual manhood. thus much for this life, while the hope of a like continued progress is entertained for the life to come. while the tendency of variety in organic forms is to decrease, argue these latter-day naturalists, individuals increase in a proportion greater than the provisional means of support. a predominating species, under favorable circumstances, rapidly multiplies, crowding out and annihilating opposing species. there is therefore a constant struggle for existence in nature, in which the strongest, those best fitted to live and improve their species, prevail; while the deformed and ill-favored are destroyed. in courtship and sexual selection the war for precedence continues. throughout nature the male is the wooer; he it is who is armed for fight, and provided with musical organs and ornamental appendages, with which to charm the fair one. the savage and the wild beast alike secure their mate over the mangled form of a vanquished rival. in this manner the more highly favored of either sex are mated, and natural selections made, by which, better ever producing better, the species in its constant variation is constantly improved. many remarkable resemblances may be seen between man and the inferior animals. in embryonic development, in physical structure, in material composition and the function of organs, man and animals are strikingly alike. and, in the possession of that immaterial nature which more widely separates the human from the brute creation, the 'reasonable soul' of man is but an evolution from brute instincts. the difference in the mental faculties of man and animals is immense; but the high culture which belongs to man has been slowly developed, and there is plainly a wider separation between the mental power of the lowest zoöphyte and the highest ape, than between the most intellectual ape and the least intellectual man. physically and mentally, the man-like ape and the ape-like man sustain to each other a near relationship; while between the mammal and the mollusk there exists the greatest possible dissimilarity. articulate language, it is true, acting upon the brain, and in turn being acted upon to the improvement of both, belongs only to man; yet animals are not devoid of expedients for expressing feeling and emotion. it has been observed that no brute ever fashioned a tool for a special purpose; but some animals crack nuts with a stone, and an accidentally splintered flint naturally suggests itself as the first instrument of primeval man. the chief difficulty lies in the high state of moral and intellectual power which may be attained by man; yet this same progressive principle is likewise found in brutes. nor need we blush for our origin. the nations now most civilized were once barbarians. our ancestors were savages, who, with tangled hair, and glaring eyes, and blood-besmeared hands, devoured man and beast alike. surely a respectable gorilla lineage stands no unfavorable comparison. between the first and the last of these three rallying points, a whole continent of debatable land is spread, stretching from the most conservative orthodoxy to the most scientific liberalism. numberless arguments may be advanced to sustain any given position; and not unfrequently the same analogies are brought forward to prove propositions directly oppugnant. as has been observed, each school ranks among its followers the ablest men of science of the day. these men do not differ in minor particulars only, meeting in general upon one broad, common platform; on the contrary, they find themselves unable to agree as touching any one thing, except that man is, and that he is surrounded by those climatic influences best suited to his organization. any one of these theories, if substantiated, is the death-blow of the others. the first denies any diversity of species in creation and all immutability of race; the second denies a unity of species and the possibility of change in race; the third denies all special acts of creation and, like the first, all immutability of race. [sidenote: plants and animals.] the question respecting the origin of animals and plants has likewise undergone a similar flux of beliefs, but with different result. whatever the conclusions may be with regard to the origin of man, naturalists of the present day very generally agree, that there was no one universal centre of propagation for plants and animals; but that the same conditions of soil, moisture, heat, and geographical situation, always produce a similarity of species; or, what is equivalent, that there were many primary centres, each originating species, which spread out from these centres and covered the earth. this doctrine was held by early naturalists to be irreconcilable with the scripture account of the creation, and was therefore denounced as heretical. linnæus and his contemporaries drew up a pleasing picture, assigning the birth-place of all forms of life to one particular fertile spot, situated in a genial climate, and so diversified with lofty mountains and declivities, as to present all the various temperatures requisite for the sustenance of the different species of animal and vegetable life. the most exuberant types of flora and fauna are found within the tropical regions, decreasing in richness and profusion towards either pole; while man in his greatest perfection occupies the temperate zone, degenerating in harmony of features, in physical symmetry, and in intellectual vigor in either direction. within this temperate zone is placed the hypothetical cradle of the human race, varying in locality according to religion and tradition. the caucasians are referred for their origin to mount caucasus, the mongolians to mount altai, and the africans to mount atlas. three primordial centres of population have been assigned to the three sons of noah,--arabia, the semitic; india, the japetic; and egypt, the hamitic centre. thibet, and the mountains surrounding the gobi desert, have been designated as the point from which a general distribution was made; while the sacred writings mention four rich and beautiful valleys, two of which are watered by the tigris and euphrates, as the birth-place of man. it was formerly believed that in the beginning, the primeval ocean covered the remaining portion of the globe, and that from this central spot the waters receded, thereby extending the limits of terrestrial life. admitting the unity of origin, conjecture points with apparent reason to the regions of armenia and of iran, in western asia, as the cradle of the human race. departing from this geographical centre, in the directions of the extremities of the continent, the race at first degenerated in proportion to distance. civilization was for many ages confined within these central limits, until by slow degrees, paths were marked out to the eastward and to the westward, terminating the one upon the eastern coast of asia, and the other upon the american shores of the pacific. [sidenote: primordial centers.] concerning the distribution of plants and animals, but one general opinion is now sustained with any degree of reason. the beautifully varied systems of vegetation with which the habitable earth is clothed, springing up in rich, spontaneous abundance; the botanical centres of corresponding latitudes producing resemblance in genera without identity of species; their inability to cross high mountains or wide seas, or to pass through inhospitable zones, or in any way to spread far from the original centre,--all show conclusively the impossibility that such a multitude of animal and vegetable tribes, with characters so diverse, could have derived their origin from the same locality, and disappearing entirely from their original birth-place, sprung forth in some remote part of the globe. linnæus, and many others of his time, held that all telluric tribes, in common with mankind, sprang from a single pair, and descended from the stock which was preserved by noah. subsequently this opinion was modified, giving to each species an origin in some certain spot to which it was particularly adapted by nature; and it was supposed that from these primary centres, through secondary causes, there was a general diffusion throughout the surrounding regions. a comparison of the entomology of the old world and the new, shows that the genera and species of insects are for the most part peculiar to the localities in which they are found. birds and marine animals, although unrestricted in their movements, seldom wander far from specific centres. with regard to wild beasts, and the larger animals, insurmountable difficulties present themselves; so that we may infer that the systems of animal life are indigenous to the great zoölogical provinces where they are found. on the other hand, the harmony which exists between the organism of man and the methods by which nature meets his requirements, tends conclusively to show that the world in its variety was made for man, and that man is made for any portion of the earth in which he may be found. whencesoever he comes, or howsoever he reaches his dwelling-place, he always finds it prepared for him. on the icy banks of the arctic ocean, where mercury freezes and the ground never softens, the eskimo, wrapped in furs, and burrowing in the earth, revels in grease and train-oil, sustains vitality by eating raw flesh and whale-fat; while the naked inter-tropical man luxuriates in life under a burning sun, where ether boils and reptiles shrivel upon the hot stone over which they attempt to crawl. the watery fruit and shading vegetation would be as useless to the one, as the heating food and animal clothing would be to the other. the capability of man to endure all climates, his omnivorous habits, and his powers of locomotion, enable him to roam at will over the earth. he was endowed with intelligence wherewith to invent methods of migration and means of protection from unfavorable climatic influence, and with capabilities for existing in almost any part of the world; so that, in the economy of nature the necessity did not exist with regard to man for that diversity of creation which was deemed requisite in the case of plants and animals. the classification of man into species or races, so as to be able to designate by his organization the family to which he belongs, as well as the question of his origin, has been the subject of great diversity of opinion from the fact that the various forms so graduate into each other, that it is impossible to determine which is species and which variety. attempts have indeed been made at divisions of men into classes according to their primeval and permanent physiological structure, but what uniformity can be expected from such a classification among naturalists who cannot so much as agree what is primeval and what permanent? the tests applied by ethnologists for distinguishing the race to which an individual belongs, are the color of the skin, the size and shape of the skull,--determined generally by the facial angle,--the texture of the hair, and the character of the features. the structure of language, also, has an important bearing upon the affinity of races; and is, with some ethnologists, the primary criterion in the classification of species. the facial angle is determined by a line drawn from the forehead to the front of the upper jaw, intersected by a horizontal line passing over the middle of the ear. the facial angle of a european is estimated at °, of a negro at °, and of the ape at °. representations of an adult troglodyte measure °, and of a satyr °. some writers classify according to one or several of these tests, others consider them all in arriving at their conclusions. [sidenote: specific classifications.] thus, virey divides the human family into two parts: those with a facial angle of from eighty-five to ninety degrees,--embracing the caucasian, mongolian, and american; and those with a facial angle of from seventy-five to eighty-two degrees,--including the malay, negro, and hottentot. cuvier and jaquinot make three classes, placing the malay and american among the subdivisions of the mongolian. kant makes four divisions under four colors: white, black, copper, and olive. linnæus also makes four: european, whitish; american, coppery; asiatic, tawny; and african, black. buffon makes five divisions and blumenbach five. blumenbach's classification is based upon cranial admeasurements, complexion, and texture of the hair. his divisions are caucasian or aryan, mongolian, ethiopian, malay, and american. lesson makes six divisions according to colors: white, dusky, orange, yellow, red, and black. bory de st vincent arranges fifteen stocks under three classes which are differenced by hair: european straight hair, american straight hair, and crisped or curly hair. in like manner prof. zeune designates his divisions under three types of crania for the eastern hemisphere, and three for the western, namely, high skulls, broad skulls, and long skulls. hunter classifies the human family under seven species; agassiz makes eight; pickering, eleven; desmoulins, sixteen; and crawford, sixty-three. dr latham, considered by many the chief exponent of the science of ethnology in england, classifies the different races under three primary divisions, namely: mongolidæ, atlantidæ, and japetidæ. prichard makes three principal types of cranial conformation, which he denominates respectively, the civilized races, the nomadic or wandering races, and the savage or hunting races. agassiz designates the races of men according to the zoölogical provinces which they respectively occupy. thus the arctic realm is inhabited by hyperboreans, the asiatic by mongols, the european by white men, the american by american indians, the african by black races, and the east indian, australian and polynesian by their respective peoples. now when we consider the wide differences between naturalists, not only as to what constitutes race and species,--if there be variety of species in the human family,--but also in the assignment of peoples and individuals to their respective categories under the direction of the given tests; when we see the human race classified under from one to sixty-three distinct species, according to individual opinions; and when we see that the several tests which govern classification are by no means satisfactory, and that those who have made this subject the study of their lives, cannot agree as touching the fundamental characteristics of such classification--we cannot but conclude, either that there are no absolute lines of separation between the various members of the human family, or that thus far the touchstone by which such separation is to be made remains undiscovered. [sidenote: all tests fallacious.] the color of the human skin, for example, is no certain guide in classification. microscopists have ascertained that the normal colorations of the skin are not the results of organic differences in race; that complexions are not permanent physical characters, but are subject to change. climate is a cause of physical differences, and frequently in a single tribe may be found shades of color extending through all the various transitions from black to white. in one people, part occupying a cold mountainous region, and part a heated lowland, a marked difference in color is always perceptible. peculiarities in the texture of the hair are likewise no proof of race. the hair is more sensibly affected by the action of the climate than the skin. every degree of color and crispation may be found in the european family alone; and even among the frizzled locks of negroes every gradation appears, from crisped to flowing hair. the growth of the beard may be cultivated or retarded according to the caprice of the individual; and in those tribes which are characterized by an absence or thinness of beard, may be found the practice, continued for ages, of carefully plucking out all traces of beard at the age of puberty. no physiological deformities have been discovered which prevent any people from cultivating a beard if such be their pleasure. the conformation of the cranium is often peculiar to habits of rearing the young, and may be modified by accidental or artificial causes. the most eminent scholars now hold the opinion that the size and shape of the skull has far less influence upon the intelligence of the individual than the quality and convolutions of the brain. the structure of language, especially when offered in evidence supplementary to that of physical science, is most important in establishing a relationship between races. but it should be borne in mind that languages are acquired, not inherited; that they are less permanent than living organisms; that they are constantly changing, merging into each other, one dialect dying out and another springing into existence; that in the migrations of nomadic tribes, or in the arrival of new nations, although languages may for a time preserve their severalty, they are at last obliged, from necessity, to yield to the assimilating influences which constantly surround them, and become merged into the dialects of neighboring clans. and on the other hand, a counter influence is exercised upon the absorbing dialect. the dialectic fusion of two communities results in the partial disappearance of both languages, so that a constant assimilation and dissimilation is going on. "the value of language," says latham, "has been overrated;" and whitney affirms that "language is no infallible sign of race;" although both of these authors give to language the first place as a test of national affinities. language is not a physiological characteristic, but an acquisition; and as such should be used with care in the classification of species. science, during the last half century, has unfolded many important secrets; has tamed impetuous elements, called forth power and life from the hidden recesses of the earth; has aroused the slumbering energies of both mental and material force, changed the currents of thought, emancipated the intellect from religious transcendentalism, and spread out to the broad light of open day a vast sea of truth. old-time beliefs have had to give place. the débris of one exploded dogma is scarcely cleared away before we are startled with a request for the yielding up of another long and dearly cherished opinion. and in the attempt to read the book of humanity as it comes fresh from the impress of nature, to trace the history of the human race, by means of moral and physical characteristics, backward through all its intricate windings to its source, science has accomplished much; but the attempt to solve the great problem of human existence, by analogous comparisons of man with man, and man with animals, has so far been vain and futile in the extreme. i would not be understood as attempting captiously to decry the noble efforts of learned men to solve the problems of nature. for who can tell what may or may not be found out by inquiry? any classification, moreover, and any attempt at classification, is better than none; and in drawing attention to the uncertainty of the conclusions arrived at by science, i but reiterate the opinions of the most profound thinkers of the day. it is only shallow and flippant scientists, so called, who arbitrarily force deductions from mere postulates, and with one sweeping assertion strive to annihilate all history and tradition. they attempt dogmatically to set up a reign of intellect in opposition to that of the author of intellect. terms of vituperation and contempt with which a certain class of writers interlard their sophisms, as applied to those holding different opinions, are alike an offense against good taste and sound reasoning. notwithstanding all these failures to establish rules by which mankind may be divided into classes, there yet remains the stubborn fact that differences do exist, as palpable as the difference between daylight and darkness. these differences, however, are so played upon by change, that hitherto the scholar has been unable to transfix those elements which appear to him permanent and characteristic. for, as draper remarks, "the permanence of organic forms is altogether dependent on the invariability of the material conditions under which they live. any variation therein, no matter how insignificant it might be, would be forthwith followed by a corresponding variation in form. the present invariability of the world of organization is the direct consequence of the physical equilibrium, and so it will continue as long as the mean temperature, the annual supply of light, the composition of the air, the distribution of water, oceanic and atmospheric currents, and other such agencies, remain unaltered; but if any one of these, or of a hundred other incidents that might be mentioned, should suffer modification, in an instant the fanciful doctrine of the immutability of species would be brought to its true value." [sidenote: origin of the indians.] the american indians, their origin and consanguinity, have, from the days of columbus to the present time proved no less a knotty question. schoolmen and scientists count their theories by hundreds, each sustaining some pet conjecture, with a logical clearness equaled only by the facility with which he demolishes all the rest. one proves their origin by holy writ; another by the writings of ancient philosophers; another by the sage sayings of the fathers. one discovers in them phoenician merchants; another, the ten lost tribes of israel. they are tracked with equal certainty from scandinavia, from ireland, from iceland, from greenland, across bering strait, across the northern pacific, the southern pacific, from the polynesian islands, from australia, from africa. venturesome carthaginians were thrown upon the eastern shore; japanese junks on the western. the breezes that wafted hither america's primogenitors are still blowing, and the ocean currents by which they came cease not yet to flow. the finely spun webs of logic by which these fancies are maintained would prove amusing, did not the profound earnestness of their respective advocates render them ridiculous. acosta, who studied the subject for nine years in peru, concludes that america was the ophir of solomon. aristotle relates that the carthaginians in a voyage were carried to an unknown island; whereupon florian, gomara, oviedo, and others, are satisfied that the island was española. "who are these that fly as a cloud," exclaims esaias, "or as the doves to their windows?" scholastic sages answer, columbus is the _columba_ or dove here prophesied. alexo vanegas shows that america was peopled by carthaginians; anahuac being but another name for anak. besides, both nations practiced picture-writing; both venerated fire and water, wore skins of animals, pierced the ears, ate dogs, drank to excess, telegraphed by means of fires on hills, wore all their finery on going to war, poisoned their arrows, beat drums and shouted in battle. garcia found a man in peru who had seen a rock with something very like greek letters engraved upon it; six hundred years after the apotheosis of hercules, coleo made a long voyage; homer knew of the ocean; the athenians waged war with the inhabitants of atlantis; hence the american indians were greeks. lord kingsborough proves conclusively that these same american indians were jews: because their "symbol of innocence" was in the one case a fawn and in the other a lamb; because of the law of moses, "considered in reference to the custom of sacrificing children, which existed in mexico and peru;" because "the fears of tumults of the people, famine, pestilence, and warlike invasions, were exactly the same as those entertained by the jews if they failed in the performance of any of their ritual observances;" because "the education of children commenced amongst the mexicans, as with the jews, at an exceedingly early age;" because "beating with a stick was a very common punishment amongst the jews," as well as among the mexicans; because the priesthood of both nations "was hereditary in a certain family;" because both were inclined to pay great respect to lucky or unlucky omens, such as the screeching of the owl, the sneezing of a person in company," etc., and because of a hundred other equally sound and relevant arguments. analogous reasoning to this of lord kingsborough's was that of the merced indians of california. shortly after the discovery of the yosemite valley, tidings reached the settlers of mariposa that certain chiefs had united with intent to drop down from their mountain stronghold and annihilate them. to show the indians the uselessness of warring upon white men, these chieftains were invited to visit the city of san francisco, where, from the number and superiority of the people that they would there behold, they should become intimidated, and thereafter maintain peace. but contrary to the most reasonable expectations, no sooner had the dusky delegates returned to their home than a council was called, and the assembled warriors were informed that they need have no fear of these strangers: "for," said the envoys, "the people of the great city of san francisco are of a different tribe from these white settlers of mariposa. their manners, their customs, their language, their dress, are all different. they wear black coats and high hats, and are not able to walk along the smoothest path without the aid of a stick." there are many advocates for an asiatic origin, both among ancient and modern speculators. favorable winds and currents, the short distance between islands, traditions, both chinese and indian, refer the peopling of america to that quarter. similarity in color, features, religion, reckoning of time, absence of a heavy beard, and innumerable other comparisons, are drawn by enthusiastic advocates, to support a mongolian origin. the same arguments, in whole or in part, are used to prove that america was peopled by egyptians, by ethiopians, by french, english, trojans, frisians, scythians; and also that different parts were settled by different peoples. the test of language has been applied with equal facility and enthusiasm to egyptian, jew, phoenician, carthaginian, spaniard, chinese, japanese, and in fact to nearly all the nations of the earth. a complete review of theories and opinions concerning the origin of the indians, i propose to give in another place; not that intrinsically they are of much value, except as showing the different fancies of different men and times. fancies, i say, for modern scholars, with the aid of all the new revelations of science, do not appear in their investigations to arrive one whit nearer an indubitable conclusion. it was obvious to the europeans when they first beheld the natives of america, that these were unlike the intellectual white-skinned race of europe, the barbarous blacks of africa, or any nation or people which they had hitherto encountered, yet were strikingly like each other. into whatsoever part of the newly discovered lands they penetrated, they found a people seemingly one in color, physiognomy, customs, and in mental and social traits. their vestiges of antiquity and their languages presented a coincidence which was generally observed by early travelers. hence physical and psychological comparisons are advanced to prove ethnological resemblances among all the peoples of america, and that they meanwhile possess common peculiarities totally distinct from the nations of the old world. morton and his confrères, the originators of the american homogeneity theory, even go so far as to claim for the american man an origin as indigenous as that of the fauna and flora. they classify all the tribes of america, excepting only the eskimos who wandered over from asia, as the american race, and divide it into the american family and the toltecan family. blumenbach classifies the americans as a distinct species. the american mongolidæ of dr latham are divided into eskimos and american indians. dr morton perceives the same characteristic lineaments in the face of the fuegian and the mexican, and in tribes inhabiting the rocky mountains, the mississippi valley, and florida. the same osteological structure, swarthy color, straight hair, meagre beard, obliquely cornered eyes, prominent cheek bones, and thick lips are common to them all. dr latham describes his american mongolidæ as exercising upon the world a material rather than a moral influence; giving them meanwhile a color, neither a true white nor a jet black; hair straight and black, rarely light, sometimes curly; eyes sometimes oblique; a broad, flat face and a retreating forehead. dr prichard considers the american race, psychologically, as neither superior nor inferior to other primitive races of the world. bory de st vincent classifies americans into five species, including the eskimos. the mexicans he considers as cognate with the malays. humboldt characterizes the nations of america as one race, by their straight glossy hair, thin beard, swarthy complexion, and cranial formation. schoolcraft makes four groups; the first extending across the northern end of the continent; the second, tribes living east of the mississippi; the third, those between the mississippi and the rocky mountains; and the fourth, those west of the rocky mountains. all these he subdivides into thirty-seven families; but so far as those on the pacific coast are concerned, he might as reasonably have made of them twice or half the number. all writers agree in giving to the nations of america a remote antiquity; all admit that there exists a greater uniformity between them than is to be found in the old world; many deny that all are one race. there is undoubtedly a prevailing uniformity in those physical characteristics which govern classification; but this uniformity goes as far to prove one universal race throughout the world, as it does to prove a race peculiar to america. traditions, ruins, moral and physical peculiarities, all denote for americans a remote antiquity. the action of a climate peculiar to america, and of natural surroundings common to all the people of the continent, could not fail to produce in time a similarity of physiological structure. [sidenote: individuality of race.] the impression of a new world individuality of race was no doubt strengthened in the eyes of the conquerors, and in the mind of the train of writers that followed, by the fact, that the newly discovered tribes were more like each other than were any other peoples they had ever before seen; and at the same time very much unlike any nation whatever of the old world. and so any really existing physical distinctions among the american stocks came to be overlooked or undervalued. darwin, on the authority of elphinstone, observes that in india, "although a newly arrived european cannot at first distinguish the various native races, yet they soon appear to him entirely dissimilar; and the hindoo cannot at first perceive any difference between the several european nations." it has been observed by prof. von martius that the literary and architectural remains of the civilized tribes of america indicate a higher degree of intellectual elevation than is likely to be found in a nation emerging from barbarism. in their sacerdotal ordinances, privileged orders, regulated despotisms, codes of law, and forms of government are found clear indications of a relapse from civilization to barbarism. chateaubriand, from the same premises, develops a directly opposite conclusion, and perceives in all this high antiquity and civilization only a praiseworthy evolution from primeval barbarism. thus arguments drawn from a comparison of parallel traits in the moral, social, or physical condition of man should be received with allowance, for man has much in common not only with man, but with animals. variations in bodily structure and mental faculties are governed by general laws. the great variety of climate which characterizes america could not fail to produce various habits of life. the half-torpid hyperborean, the fierce warrior-hunter of the vast interior forests, the sluggish, swarthy native of the tropics, and the intelligent mexican of the table-land, slowly developing into civilization under the refining influences of arts and letters,--all these indicate variety in the unity of the american race; while the insulation of american nations, and the general characteristics incident to peculiar physical conditions could not fail to produce a unity in their variety. [sidenote: races of the pacific.] the races of the pacific states embrace all the varieties of species known as american under any of the classifications mentioned. thus, in the five divisions of blumenbach, the eskimos of the north would come under the fourth division, which embraces malays and polynesians, and which is distinguished by a high square skull, low forehead, short broad nose, and projecting jaws. to his fifth class, the american, which he subdivides into the american family and the toltecan family, he gives a small skull with a high apex, flat on the occiput, high cheek bones, receding forehead, aquiline nose, large mouth, and tumid lips. morton, although he makes twenty-two divisions in all, classifies americans in the same manner. the polar family he characterises as brown in color, short in stature, of thick, clumsy proportions, with a short neck, large head, flat face, small nose, and eyes disposed to obliquity. he perceives an identity of race among all the other stocks from mount st elias to patagonia; though he designates the semi-civilized tribes of mexico and peru as the toltecan family, and the savage nations as the appalachian branch of the american family. dr prichard makes three divisions of the tribes bordering the pacific between mount st elias and cape st lucas: the tribes from the borders of the eskimos southward to vancouver island constitute the first division; the tribes of oregon and washington, the second; and the tribes of upper and lower california, the third. pickering assigns the limits of the american, malay, or toltecan family to california and western mexico. he is of the opinion that they crossed from southeastern asia by way of the islands of the pacific, and landed upon this continent south of san francisco, there being no traces of them north of this point; while the mongolians found their way from northeastern asia across bering strait. the californians, therefore, he calls malays; and the inhabitants of vancouver island, british columbia, washington, and oregon, he classifies as mongolians. californians, in the eyes of this traveler, differ from their northern neighbors in complexion and physiognomy. the only physiological test that mr pickering was able to apply in order to distinguish the polynesian in san francisco from the native californian, was that the hair of the former was wavy, while that of the latter was straight. both have more hair than the oregonian. the skin of the malay of the polynesian islands, and that of the californian are alike, soft and very dark. three other analogous characteristics were discovered by mr pickering. both have an open countenance, one wife, and no tomahawk! on the other hand, the mongolian from asia, and the oregonian are of a lighter complexion, and exhibit the same general resemblances that are seen in the american and asiatic eskimos. in general the toltecan family may be described as of good stature, well proportioned, rather above medium size, of a light copper color; as having long black obliquely pointed eyes, regular white teeth, glossy black hair, thin beard, prominent cheek bones, thick lips, large aquiline nose, and retreating forehead. a gentle expression about the mouth is blended with severity and melancholy in the upper portion of the face. they are brave, cruel in war, sanguinary in religion, and revengeful. they are intelligent; possess minds well adapted to the pursuit of knowledge; and, at the time of the arrival of the spaniards, were well advanced in history, architecture, mathematics, and astronomy. they constructed aqueducts, extracted metals, carved images in gold, silver, and copper; they could spin, weave, and dye; they could accurately cut precious stones; they cultivated corn and cotton; built large cities, constructing their buildings of stone and lime; made roads and erected stupendous tumuli. certain ethnological zones have been observed by some, stretching across the continent in various latitudes, broken somewhat by intersecting continental elevations, but following for the most part isothermal lines which, on coming from the east, bend northward as the softer air of the pacific is entered. thus the eskimos nearly surround the pole. next come the tinneh, stretching across the continent from the east, somewhat irregularly, but their course marked generally by thermic lines, bending northward after crossing the rocky mountains, their southern boundary, touching the pacific, about the fifty-fifth parallel. the algonkin family border on the tinneh, commencing at the mouth of the st lawrence river, and extending westward to the rocky mountains. natural causes alone prevent the extension of these belts round the entire earth. indeed, both philologists and physiologists trace lines of affinity across the pacific, from island to island, from one continent to the other; one line, as we have seen, crossing bering strait, another following the aleutian archipelago, and a third striking the coast south of san francisco bay. [sidenote: savage humanity.] it is common for those unaccustomed to look below the surface of things, to regard indians as scarcely within the category of humanity. especially is this the case when we, maddened by some treacherous outrage, some diabolic act of cruelty, hastily pronounce them incorrigibly wicked, inhumanly malignant, a nest of vipers, the extermination of which is a righteous act. all of which may be true; but, judged by this standard, has not every nation on earth incurred the death penalty? human nature is in no wise changed by culture. the european is but a white-washed savage. civilized venom is no less virulent than savage venom. it ill becomes the full grown man to scoff at the ineffectual attempts of the little child, and to attempt the cure of its faults by killing it. no more is it a mark of benevolent wisdom in those favored by a superior intelligence, with the written records of the past from which to draw experience and learn how best to shape their course for the future, to cry down the untaught man of the wilderness, deny him a place in this world or the next, denounce him as a scourge, an outlaw, and seize upon every light pretext to assist him off the stage from which his doom is so rapidly removing him. we view man in his primitive state from a wrong stand-point at the outset. in place of regarding savages as of one common humanity with ourselves, and the ancestors perhaps of peoples higher in the scale of being, and more intellectual than any the world has yet seen, we place them among the common enemies of mankind, and regard them more in the light of wild animals than of wild men. and let not him who seeks a deeper insight into the mysteries of humanity despise beginnings, things crude and small. the difference between the cultured and the primitive man lies chiefly in the fact that one has a few centuries the start of the other in the race of progress. before condemning the barbarian, let us first examine his code of ethics. let us draw our light from his light, reason after his fashion; see in the sky, the earth, the sea, the same fantastic imagery that plays upon his fancy, and adapt our sense of right and wrong to his social surroundings. just as human nature is able to appreciate divine nature only as divine nature accords with human nature; so the intuitions of lower orders of beings can be comprehended only by bringing into play our lower faculties. nor can we any more clearly appreciate the conceptions of beings below us than of those above us. the thoughts, reasonings, and instincts of an animal or insect are as much a mystery to the human intellect as are the lofty contemplations of an archangel. [sidenote: pacification of tierra firme.] three hundred and thirty-six years were occupied in the discovery of the western border of north america. from the time when, in , the adventurous notary of triana, rodrigo de bastidas, approached the isthmus of darien, in search of gold and pearls, till the year , when messrs dease and simpson, by order of the hudson's bay company, completed the survey of the northern extremity, which bounds the arctic ocean, the intervening territory was discovered at intervals, and under widely different circumstances. during that time, under various immediate incentives, but with the broad principle of avarice underlying all, such parts of this territory as were conceived to be of sufficient value were seized, and the inhabitants made a prey to the rapacity of the invaders. thus the purpose of the worthy notary bastidas, the first spaniard who visited the continent of north america, was pacific barter with the indians; and his kind treatment was rewarded by a successful traffic. next came columbus, from the opposite direction, sailing southward along the coast of honduras on his fourth voyage, in . his was the nobler object of discovery. he was striving to get through or round this _tierra firme_ which, standing between himself and his theory, persistently barred his progress westward. he had no time for barter, nor any inclination to plant settlements; he was looking for a strait or passage through or round these outer confines to the more opulent regions of india. but, unsuccessful in his laudable effort, he at length yielded to the clamorous cupidity of his crew. he permitted his brother, the adelantado, to land and take possession of the country for the king of spain, and, in the year following, to attempt a settlement at veragua. [sidenote: first intercourse with europeans.] in - , juan de solis with pinzon continued the search of columbus, along the coast of yucatan and mexico, for a passage through to the southern ocean. the disastrous adventures of alonzo de ojeda, diego de nicuesa, and juan de la cosa, on the isthmus of darien, between the years and , brought into more intimate contact the steel weapons of the chivalrous hidalgos with the naked bodies of the savages. vasco nuñez de balboa, after a toilsome journey across the isthmus in , was rewarded by the first view of the pacific ocean, of which he took possession for the king of spain on the twenty-fifth of september. the white sails of córdova grijalva, and garay, descried by the natives of yucatan and mexico in - , were quickly followed by cortés and his keen-scented band of adventurers, who, received by the unsuspecting natives as gods, would have been dismissed by them as fiends had not the invasion culminated in the conquest of mexico. during the years - , cortés made expeditions to tehuantepec, panuco, and central america; gil gonzales and cristobal de olid invaded nicaragua and honduras. nuño de guzman in , with a large force, took possession of the entire northern country from the city of mexico to the northern boundary of sinaloa; and cabeza de vaca crossed the continent from texas to sinaloa in the years - . journeys to the north were made by cortés, ulloa, coronado, mendoza, and cabrillo between the years and . hundreds of roman catholic missionaries, ready to lay down their lives in their earnest anxiety for the souls of the indians, spread out into the wilderness in every direction. during the latter part of the sixteenth century had place,--the expedition of francisco de ibarra to sinaloa in , the campaign of hernando de bazan against the indians of sinaloa in , the adventures of oxenham in darien in , the voyage round the world of sir francis drake, touching upon the northwest coast in ; the expedition of antonio de espejo to new mexico in ; francisco de gali's return from macao to mexico, by way of the northwest coast, in ; the voyage of maldonado to the imaginary straits of anian in ; the expedition of castaño de sosa to new mexico in ; the voyage of juan de fuca to the straits of anian in ; the wreck of the 'san agustin' upon the northwest coast in ; the voyage of sebastian vizcaino towards california in ; the discoveries of juan de oñate in new mexico in , and many others. intercourse with the natives was extended during the seventeenth century by the voyage of sebastian vizcaino from mexico to california in ; by the expedition of francisco de ortega to lower california in ; by the journey of thomas gage from mexico to guatemala in ; by the voyage round the world of william dampier in ; by the reckless adventures of the buccaneers from to ; by the expedition of isidor de otondo into lower california in ; by the expedition of father kino to sonora and arizona in ; by the expeditions of kino, kappus, mange, bernal, carrasco, salvatierra, and others to sonora and arizona in - ; and by the occupation of lower california by the jesuits, salvatierra, ugarte, kino, and piccolo, from to . voyages of circumnavigation were made by dampier in - ; by rogers in - ; by shelvocke in - , and by anson in - . frondac made a voyage from china to california in . the first voyage through bering strait is supposed to have been made by semun deschneff and his companions in the year , and purports to have explored the asiatic coast from the river kolyma to the south of the river anadir, thus proving the separation of the continents of asia and america. in , a russian cossack, named popoff, was sent from the fort on the anadir river to subdue the rebellious tschuktschi of tschuktschi noss, a point of land on the asiatic coast near to the american continent. he there received from the natives the first intelligence of the proximity of the continent of america and the character of the inhabitants; an account of which will be given in another place. in , vitus bering and alexei tschirikoff sailed in company, from petropaulovski, for the opposite coast of america. they parted company during a storm, the latter reaching the coast in latitude fifty-six, and the former landing at cape st elias in latitude sixty degrees north. the earliest information concerning the aleutian islanders was obtained by the russians in the year , when michael nevodtsikoff sailed from the kamtchatka river in pursuit of furs. a russian commercial company, called the promyschleniki, was formed, and other hunting and trading voyages followed. lasareff visited six islands of the andreanovski group in ; and the year following was made the discovery of the alaskan peninsula, supposed to be an island until after the survey of the coast by captain cook. drusinin made a hunting expedition to unalaska and the fox islands in ; and, during the same year, stephen glottoff visited the island of kadiak. korovin, solovieff, synd, otseredin, krenitzen, and other russian fur-hunters spent the years - among the aleutian islands, capturing sea-otters, seals, and foxes, and exchanging, with the natives, beads and iron utensils, for furs. [sidenote: occupation of california.] a grand missionary movement, growing out of the religious rivalries of the two great orders of the catholic church, led to the original occupation of upper california by spaniards. the work of christianizing lower california was inaugurated by the jesuits, under fathers salvatierra and kino, in . when the jesuits were expelled from mexico in , their missions were turned over to the franciscans. this so roused the zeal of the dominicans that they immediately appealed to spain, and in obtained an edict, giving them a due share in the missions of lower california. the franciscans, thinking it better to carry their efforts into new fields than to contend for predominance at home, generously offered to cede the whole of lower california to the dominicans, and themselves retire to the wild and distant regions of upper california. this being agreed upon, two expeditions were organized to proceed northward simultaneously, one by water and the other by land. in january, , the ship 'san carlos,' commanded by vicente vila, was dispatched for san diego, followed by the 'san antonio,' under juan perez, and the 'san josé,' which was unfortunately lost. the land expedition was separated into two divisions; the first under rivera y moncada departed from mexico in march, and arrived at san diego in may; the second under gaspar de portolá and father junípero serra reached san diego in july, . portolá with his companions immediately set out by land for the bay of monterey; but, unwittingly passing it by, they continued northward until barred in their progress by the magnificent bay of san francisco. unable to find the harbor of monterey, they returned to san diego in january, . in april, portolá made a second and more successful attempt, and arrived at monterey in may. meanwhile perez and junípero serra accomplished the voyage by sea, sailing in the 'san carlos.' in , pedro fages and juan crespi proceeded from monterey to explore the bay of san francisco. they were followed by rivera y moncada in , and palou and ezeta in ; and in , moraga founded the mission of dolores. in , bodega y quadra voyaged up the californian coast to the fifty-eighth parallel. in , dominguez and escalante made an expedition from santa fé to monterey. menonville journeyed to oajaca in new spain in . in , captain cook, in his third voyage round the world, touched along the coast from cape flattery to norton sound; and in , bodega y quadra, maurelle, and arteaga voyaged up the western coast to mount st elias. during the years - , voyages of circumnavigation were made by dixon and portlock, and by la pérouse, all touching upon the northwest coast. french canadian traders were the first to penetrate the northern interior west of hudson bay. their most distant station was on the saskatchewan river, two thousand miles from civilization, in the heart of an unknown wilderness inhabited by savage men and beasts. these _coureurs des bois_ or wood-rangers, as they were called, were admirably adapted, by their disposition and superior address, to conciliate the indians and form settlements among them. unrestrained, however, by control, they committed excesses which the french government could check only by prohibiting, under penalty of death, any but its authorized agents from trading within its territories. british merchants at new york soon entered into competition with the fur princes of montreal. but, in , a more formidable opposition arose in the organization of the hudson's bay company, by prince rupert and other noblemen, under a charter of charles ii. which granted exclusive right to all the territory drained by rivers flowing into hudson bay. notwithstanding constant feuds with the french merchants regarding territorial limits, the company prospered from the beginning, paying annual dividends of twenty-five and fifty per cent. after many times increasing the capital stock. in , the canadians formed the _compagnie du nord_, in order the more successfully to resist encroachment. upon the loss of canada by the french in , hostilities thickened between the companies, and the traffic for a time fell off. in , the famous northwest company was formed by canadian merchants, and the management entrusted to the frobisher brothers and simon m'tavish. the head-quarters of the company were at montreal, but annual meetings were held, with lordly state, at fort william, on the shore of lake superior. the company consisted of twenty-three partners, and employed over two thousand clerks and servants. it exercised an almost feudal sway over a wide savage domain, and maintained a formidable competition with the hudson's bay company, with which they were for two years in actual war. in , they purchased, from the partners of john jacob astor, the settlement of astoria on the columbia river. in , they united with the hudson's bay company; and the charter covering the entire region occupied by both was renewed by act of parliament. in , some merchants of new orleans organized a company which was commissioned by d'abadie, director-general of louisiana, under the name of pierre ligueste laclède, antoine maxan, and company. their first post occupied the spot upon which the city of st louis is now situated; and, under the auspices of the brothers chouteau, they penetrated northwestward beyond the rocky mountains. in , the missouri fur company was formed at st louis, consisting of the chouteaus and others; and an expedition under major henry was sent across the rocky mountains, which established the first post on the columbia river. between the years and , the rocky mountain fur company of st louis extended their operations over california and oregon, but at a loss of the lives of nearly one half of their employés. john jacob astor embarked in the fur trade at new york in , purchasing at that time in montreal. in , he obtained a charter for the american fur company, which was, in , merged into the southwest company. in , mr astor conceived the project of establishing a transcontinental line of posts. his purpose was to concentrate the fur trade of the united states, and establish uninterrupted communication between the pacific and the atlantic. he made proposals of association to the northwest company, which were not only rejected, but an attempt was made by that association to anticipate mr astor in his operations, by making a settlement at the mouth of the columbia river. in , the pacific fur company was founded by mr astor, and an expedition dispatched overland by way of st louis and the missouri river. at the same time a vessel was sent round cape horn to the mouth of the columbia; but, their adventure in that quarter proving unsuccessful, the company was dissolved, and the operations of mr astor were thereafter confined to the territory east of the rocky mountains. [sidenote: the great northwest.] samuel hearne, an officer of the hudson's bay company, was the first european to reach the arctic ocean through the interior of the continent. he descended coppermine river to its mouth in the year . the upper misinipi river was first visited by joseph frobisher in . three years later, one peter pond penetrated to within thirty miles of athabasca lake, and established a trading post at that point. four canoe-loads of merchandise were exchanged by him for more fine furs than his canoes could carry. other adventurous traders soon followed; but not long afterwards the inevitable broils which always attended the early intercourse of europeans and indians, rose to such a height that, but for the appearance of that terrible scourge, the small-pox, the traders would have been extirpated. the ravages of this dire disease continued to depopulate the country until , when traders again appeared among the knisteneaux and tinneh. the most northern division of the northwest company was at that time the athabascan lake region, where alexander mackenzie was the managing partner. his winter residence was at fort chipewyan, on athabasca lake. the indians who traded at his establishment informed him of the existence of a large river flowing to the westward from slave lake. thinking thereby to reach the pacific ocean, mr mackenzie, in the year , set out upon an expedition to the west; and, descending the noble stream which bears his name, found himself, contrary to his expectations, upon the shores of the arctic sea. in , he made a journey to the pacific, ascending peace river, and reaching the coast in latitude about fifty-two. the first expedition organized by the british government for the purpose of surveying the northern coast, was sent out under lieutenants franklin and parry in . during the year following, franklin descended coppermine river, and subsequently, in , he made a journey down the mackenzie. in , d. w. harmon, a partner in the northwest company, crossed the rocky mountains, at about the fifty-sixth parallel, to fraser and stuart lakes. the accounts of the natives given by these travelers and their companions are essentially the same, and later voyagers have failed to throw much additional light upon the subject. john meares, in , visited the straits of fuca, nootka sound, and cook inlet; and, during the same year, two ships, sent out by boston merchants, under robert gray and john kendrick, entered nootka sound. estevan martinez and gonzalo haro, sent from mexico to look after the interest of spain in these regions, explored prince william sound, and visited kadiak. during the same year, the russians established a trading post at copper river. in , joseph billings visited the aleutian islands, and the boston vessels explored the eastern coast of queen charlotte island. in , salvador fidalgo was sent by the mexican government to nootka; and monaldo explored the straits of juan de fuca. in , four ships belonging to boston merchants, two spanish ships, one french and several russian vessels touched upon the northwest coast. the spanish vessels were under the command of alejandro malespina; etienne marchand was the commander of the french ship. the 'sutil y mexicana' entered nootka sound in ; and during the same year, vancouver commenced his explorations along the coast above cape flattery. in - , baron von humboldt was making his searching investigations in mexico; while the captive new englander, jewett, was dancing attendance to maquina, king of the nootkas. lewis and clark traversed the continent in . in , a mr fraser set out from canada, and crossed the rocky mountains near the headwaters of the river which bears his name. he descended fraser river to the lake which he also called after himself. there he built a fort and opened trade with the natives. kotzebue visited the coast in ; and the russian expedition under kramchenko, wasilieff, and etolin, in . captain morrel explored the californian coast from san diego to san francisco in ; captains beechey and lütke, the northwest coast in ; and sir edward belcher in . j. k. townsend made an excursion west of the rocky mountains in . in , dease and simpson made an open boat voyage from the mackenzie river, westward to point barrow, the farthest point made by beechey from the opposite direction, thus reaching the _ultima thule_ of northwestern discovery. sir george simpson crossed the continent in , fremont in , and paul kane in . kushevaroff visited the coast in , laplace in , commodore wilkes in , and captain kellett in . following the discovery of gold, the country was deluged by adventurers. in - , commenced the series of explorations for a pacific railway. the necessities of the natives were examined, and remnants of disappearing nations were collected upon reservations under government agents. the interior of alaska was first penetrated by the employés of the russian-american fur company. malakoff ascended the yukon in ; and, in , derabin established a fort upon that river. in , w. h. hooper made a boat expedition from kotzebue sound to the mackenzie river; and, in , william h. dall and frederick whymper ascended the yukon. i have here given a few only of the original sources whence my information is derived concerning the indians. a multitude of minor voyages and travels have been performed during the past three and a half centuries, and accounts published by early residents among the natives, the bare enumeration of which i fear would prove wearisome to the reader. enough, however, has been given to show the immediate causes which led to the discovery and occupation of the several parts of this western coast. the spanish cavaliers craved from the indians of the south their lands and their gold. the spanish missionaries demanded from the indians of northern mexico and california, faith. the french, english, canadian, and american fur companies sought from the indians of oregon and new caledonia, peltries. the russians compelled the natives of the aleutian islands to hunt sea-animals. the filthy raw-flesh-eating eskimos, having nothing wherewith to tempt the cupidity of the superior race, retain their primitive purity. [sidenote: cupidity and zeal.] we observe then three original incentives urging on civilized white men to overspread the domain of the indian. the first was that thirst for gold, which characterized the fiery hidalgos from spain in their conquests, and to obtain which no cruelty was too severe nor any sacrifice of human life too great; as though of all the gifts vouchsafed to man, material or divine, one only was worth possessing. the second, following closely in the footsteps of the first, and oftentimes constituting a part of it, was religious enthusiasm; a zealous interest in the souls of the natives and the form in which they worshiped. the third, which occupied the attention of other and more northern europeans, grew out of a covetous desire for the wild man's clothing; to secure to themselves the peltries of the great hyperborean regions of america. from the south of europe the spaniards landed in tropical north america, and exterminated the natives. from the north of europe the french, english, and russians crossed over to the northern part of america; and, with a kinder and more refined cruelty, no less effectually succeeded in sweeping them from the face of the earth by the introduction of the poisonous elements of a debased cultivation. fortunately for the indians of the north, it was contrary to the interests of white people to kill them in order to obtain the skins of their animals; for, with a few trinkets, they could procure what otherwise would require long and severe labor to obtain. the policy, therefore, of the great fur-trading companies has been to cherish the indians as their best hunters, to live at peace with them, to heal their ancient feuds, and to withhold from them intoxicating liquors. the condition of their women, who were considered by the natives as little better than beasts, has been changed by their inter-social relations with the servants of the trading companies; and their more barbarous practices discontinued. it was the almost universal custom of the employés of the hudson's bay company to unite to themselves native women; thus, by means of this relationship, the condition of the women has been raised, while the men manifest a kinder feeling towards the white race who thus in a measure become one with them. the efforts of early missionaries to this region were not crowned with that success which attended the spaniards in their spiritual warfare upon the southern nations, from the fact that no attention was paid to the temporal necessities of the natives. it has long since been demonstrated impossible to reach the heart of a savage through abstract ideas of morality and elevation of character. a religion, in order to find favor in his eyes, must first meet some of his material requirements. if it is good, it will clothe him better and feed him better, for this to him is the chiefest good in life. intermixtures of civilized with savage peoples are sure to result in the total disappearance of refinement on the one side, or in the extinction of the barbaric race on the other. the downward path is always the easiest. of all the millions of native americans who have perished under the withering influences of european civilization, there is not a single instance on record, of a tribe or nation having been reclaimed, ecclesiastically or otherwise, by artifice and argument. individual savages have been educated with a fair degree of success. but, with a degree of certainty far greater, no sooner is the white man freed from the social restraint of civilized companionship, than he immediately tends towards barbarism; and not infrequently becomes so fascinated with his new life as to prefer it to any other. social development is inherent: superinduced culture is a failure. left alone, the nations of america might have unfolded into as bright a civilization as that of europe. they were already well advanced, and still rapidly advancing towards it, when they were so mercilessly stricken down. but for a stranger to re-create the heart or head of a red man, it were easier to change the color of his skin. [illustration: native races of the pacific states hyperborean group] chapter ii. hyperboreans. general divisions--hyperborean nations--aspects of nature--vegetation--climate--animals--the eskimos--their country--physical characteristics--dress--dwellings-- food--weapons--boots--sledges--snow-shoes--government--domestic affairs--amusements--diseases--burial--the koniagas, their physical and social condition--the aleuts--the thlinkeets--the tinneh. i shall attempt to describe the physical and mental characteristics of the native races of the pacific states under seven distinctive groups; namely, i. hyperboreans, being those nations whose territory lies north of the fifty-fifth parallel; ii. columbians, who dwell between the fifty-fifth and forty-second parallels, and whose lands to some extent are drained by the columbia river and its tributaries; iii. californians, and the inhabitants of the great basin; iv. new mexicans, including the nations of the colorado river and northern mexico; v. wild tribes of mexico; vi. wild tribes of central america; vii. civilized nations of mexico and central america. it is my purpose, without any attempt at ethnological classification, or further comment concerning races and stocks, plainly to portray such customs and characteristics as were peculiar to each people at the time of its first intercourse with european strangers; leaving scientists to make their own deductions, and draw specific lines between linguistic and physiological families, as they may deem proper. i shall endeavor to picture these nations in their aboriginal condition, as seen by the first invaders, as described by those who beheld them in their savage grandeur, and before they were startled from their lair by the treacherous voice of civilized friendship. now they are gone,--those dusky denizens of a thousand forests,--melted like hoar-frost before the rising sun of a superior intelligence; and it is only from the earliest records, from the narratives of eye witnesses, many of them rude unlettered men, trappers, sailors, and soldiers, that we are able to know them as they were. some division of the work into parts, however arbitrary it may be, is indispensable. in dealing with mythology, and in tracing the tortuous course of language, boundaries will be dropped and beliefs and tongues will be followed wherever they lead; but in describing manners and customs, to avoid confusion, territorial divisions are necessary. [sidenote: groupings and subdivisions.] in the groupings which i have adopted, one cluster of nations follows another in geographical succession; the dividing line not being more distinct, perhaps, than that which distinguishes some national divisions, but sufficiently marked, in mental and physical peculiarities, to entitle each group to a separate consideration. the only distinction of race made by naturalists, upon the continents of both north and south america, until a comparatively recent period, was by segregating the first of the above named groups from all other people of both continents, and calling one mongolians and the other americans. a more intimate acquaintance with the nations of the north proves conclusively that one of the boldest types of the american indian proper, the tinneh, lies within the territory of this first group, conterminous with the mongolian eskimos, and crowding them down to a narrow line along the shore of the arctic sea. the nations of the second group, although exhibiting multitudinous variations in minor traits, are essentially one people. between the california diggers of the third division and the new mexican towns-people of the fourth, there is more diversity; and a still greater difference between the savage and civilized nations of the mexican table-land. any classification or division of the subject which could be made would be open to criticism. i therefore adopt the most simple practical plan, one which will present the subject most clearly to the general reader, and leave it in the best shape for purposes of theorizing and generalization. in the first or hyperborean group, to which this chapter is devoted, are five subdivisions, as follows: the _eskimos_, commonly called western eskimos, who skirt the shores of the arctic ocean from mackenzie river to kotzebue sound; the _koniagas_ or southern eskimos, who, commencing at kotzebue sound, cross the kaviak peninsula, border on bering sea from norton sound southward, and stretch over the alaskan[ ] peninsula and koniagan islands to the mouth of the atna or copper river, extending back into the interior about one hundred and fifty miles; the _aleuts_, or people of the aleutian archipelago; the _thlinkeets_, who inhabit the coast and islands between the rivers atna and nass; and the _tinneh_, or athabascas, occupying the territory between the above described boundaries and hudson bay. each of these families is divided into nations or tribes, distinguished one from another by slight dialectic or other differences, which tribal divisions will be given in treating of the several nations respectively. let us first cast a glance over this broad domain, and mark those aspects of nature which exercise so powerful an influence upon the destinies of mankind. midway between mount st elias and the arctic seaboard rise three mountain chains. one, the rocky mountain range, crossing from the yukon to the mackenzie river, deflects southward, and taking up its mighty line of march, throws a barrier between the east and the west, which extends throughout the entire length of the continent. between the rocky mountains and the pacific, interposes another called in oregon the cascade range, and in california the sierra nevada; while from the same starting-point, the alaskan range stretches out to the southwest along the alaskan peninsula, and breaks into fragments in the aleutian archipelago. three noble streams, the mackenzie, the yukon, and the kuskoquim, float the boats of the inland hyperboreans and supply them with food; while from the heated waters of japan comes a current of the sea, bathing the icy coasts with genial warmth, tempering the air, and imparting gladness to the oily watermen of the coast, to the northernmost limit of their lands. the northern border of this territory is treeless; the southern shore, absorbing more warmth and moisture from the japan current, is fringed with dense forests; while the interior, interspersed with hills, and lakes, and woods, and grassy plains, during the short summer is clothed in luxuriant vegetation. notwithstanding the frowning aspect of nature, animal life in the arctic regions is most abundant. the ocean swarms with every species of fish and sea-mammal; the land abounds in reindeer, moose, musk-oxen; in black, grizzly, and arctic bears; in wolves, foxes, beavers, mink, ermine, martin, otters, raccoons, and water-fowl. immense herds of buffalo roam over the bleak grassy plains of the eastern tinneh, but seldom venture far to the west of the rocky mountains. myriads of birds migrate to and fro between their breeding-places in the interior of alaska, the open arctic sea, and the warmer latitudes of the south. from the gulf of mexico, from the islands of the pacific, from the lakes of california, of oregon, and of washington they come, fluttering and feasting, to rear their young during the sparkling arctic summer-day. [sidenote: man and nature.] the whole occupation of man throughout this region, is a struggle for life. so long as the organism is plentifully supplied with heat-producing food, all is well. once let the internal fire go down, and all is ill. unlike the inhabitants of equatorial latitudes, where, eden-like, the sheltering tree drops food, and the little nourishment essential to life may be obtained by only stretching forth the hand and plucking it, the hyperborean man must maintain a constant warfare with nature, or die. his daily food depends upon the success of his daily battle with beasts, birds, and fishes, which dispute with him possession of sea and land. unfortunate in his search for game, or foiled in his attempt at capture, he must fast. the associate of beasts, governed by the same emergencies, preying upon animals as animals prey upon each other, the victim supplying all the necessities of the victor, occupying territory in common, both alike drawing supplies directly from the storehouse of nature,--primitive man derives his very quality from the brute with which he struggles. the idiosyncrasies of the animal fasten upon him, and that upon which he feeds becomes a part of him. thus, in a nation of hunters inhabiting a rigorous climate, we may look for wiry, keen-scented men, who in their war upon wild beasts put forth strength and endurance in order to overtake and capture the strong; cunning is opposed by superior cunning; a stealthy watchfulness governs every movement, while the intelligence of the man contends with the instincts of the brute. fishermen, on the other hand, who obtain their food with comparatively little effort, are more sluggish in their natures and less noble in their development. in the icy regions of the north, the animal creation supplies man with food, clothing, and caloric; with all the requisites of an existence under circumstances apparently the most adverse to comfort; and when he digs his dwelling beneath the ground, or walls out the piercing winds with snow, his ultimate is attained. the chief differences in tribes occupying the interior and the seaboard,--the elevated, treeless, grassy plains east of the rocky mountains, and the humid islands and shores of the great northwest,--grow out of necessities arising from their methods of procuring food. even causes so slight as the sheltering bend of a coast-line; the guarding of a shore by islands; the breaking of a seaboard by inlets and covering of the strand with sea-weed and polyps, requiring only the labor of gathering; or the presence of a bluff coast or windy promontory, whose occupants are obliged to put forth more vigorous action for sustenance--all govern man in his development. turn now to the most northern division of our most northern group. [sidenote: the eskimos.] the eskimos, esquimaux, or as they call themselves, _innuit_, 'the people,' from _inuk_, 'man,'[ ] occupy the arctic seaboard from eastern greenland along the entire continent of america, and across bering[ ] strait to the asiatic shore. formerly the inhabitants of our whole hyperborean sea-coast, from the mackenzie river to queen charlotte island--the interior being entirely unknown--were denominated eskimos, and were of supposed asiatic origin.[ ] the tribes of southern alaska were then found to differ essentially from those of the northern coast. under the name eskimos, therefore, i include only the western eskimos of certain writers, whose southern boundary terminates at kotzebue sound.[ ] [sidenote: eskimo land.] eskimo-land is thinly peopled, and but little is known of tribal divisions. at the coppermine river, the eskimos are called _naggeuktormutes_, or deer-horns; at the eastern outlet of the mackenzie, their tribal name is _kittegarute_; between the mackenzie river and barter reef, they go by the name of _kangmali innuit_; at point barrow they call themselves _nuwungmutes_; while on the nunatok river, in the vicinity of kotzebue sound, they are known as _nunatangmutes_. their villages, consisting of five or six families each,[ ] are scattered along the coast. a village site is usually selected upon some good landing-place, where there is sufficient depth of water to float a whale. between tribes is left a spot of unoccupied or neutral ground, upon which small parties meet during the summer for purposes of trade.[ ] the eskimos are essentially a peculiar people. their character and their condition, the one of necessity growing out of the other, are peculiar. first, it is claimed for them that they are the anomalous race of america--the only people of the new world clearly identical with any race of the old. then they are the most littoral people in the world. the linear extent of their occupancy, all of it a narrow seaboard averaging scarcely one hundred miles in width, is estimated at not less than five thousand miles. before them is a vast, unknown, icy ocean, upon which they scarcely dare venture beyond sight of land; behind them, hostile mountaineers ever ready to dispute encroachment. their very mother-earth, upon whose cold bosom they have been borne, age after age through countless generations,[ ] is almost impenetrable, thawless ice. their days and nights, and seasons and years, are not like those of other men. six months of day succeed six months of night. three months of sunless winter; three months of nightless summer; six months of glimmering twilight. about the middle of october[ ] commences the long night of winter. the earth and sea put on an icy covering; beasts and birds depart for regions sheltered or more congenial; humanity huddles in subterraneous dens; all nature sinks into repose. the little heat left by the retreating sun soon radiates out into the deep blue realms of space; the temperature sinks rapidly to forty or fifty degrees below freezing; the air is hushed, the ocean calm, the sky cloudless. an awful, painful stillness pervades the dreary solitude. not a sound is heard; the distant din of busy man, and the noiseless hum of the wilderness alike are wanting. whispers become audible at a considerable distance, and an insupportable sense of loneliness oppresses the inexperienced visitor.[ ] occasionally the aurora borealis flashes out in prismatic coruscations, throwing a brilliant arch from east to west--now in variegated oscillations, graduating through all the various tints of blue, and green, and violet, and crimson; darting, flashing, or streaming in yellow columns, upwards, downwards; now blazing steadily, now in wavy undulations, sometimes up to the very zenith; momentarily lighting up in majestic grandeur the cheerless frozen scenery, but only to fall back with exhausted force, leaving a denser obscurity. nature's electric lantern, suspended for a time in the frosty vault of heaven;--munificent nature's fire-works; with the polar owl, the polar bear, and the polar man, spectators. in january, the brilliancy of the stars is dimmed perceptibly at noon; in february, a golden tint rests upon the horizon at the same hour; in march, the incipient dawn broadens; in april, the dozing eskimo rubs his eyes and crawls forth; in may, the snow begins to melt, the impatient grass and flowers arrive as it departs.[ ] in june, the summer has fairly come. under the incessant rays of the never setting sun, the snow speedily disappears, the ice breaks up, the glacial earth softens for a depth of one, two, or three feet; circulation is restored to vegetation,[ ] which, during winter, had been stopped,--if we may believe sir john richardson, even the largest trees freezing to the heart. sea, and plain, and rolling steppe lay aside their seamless shroud of white, and a brilliant tint of emerald overspreads the landscape.[ ] all nature, with one resounding cry, leaps up and claps her hands for joy. flocks of birds, lured from their winter homes, fill the air with their melody; myriads of wild fowls send forth their shrill cries; the moose and the reindeer flock down from the forests;[ ] from the resonant sea comes the noise of spouting whales and barking seals; and this so lately dismal, cheerless region, blooms with an exhuberance of life equaled only by the shortness of its duration. and in token of a just appreciation of the creator's goodness, this animated medley--man, and beasts, and birds, and fishes--rises up, divides, falls to, and ends in eating or in being eaten. [sidenote: physical characteristics.] the physical characteristics of the eskimos are: a fair complexion, the skin, when free from dirt and paint, being almost white;[ ] a medium stature, well proportioned, thick-set, muscular, robust, active,[ ] with small and beautifully shaped hands and feet;[ ] a pyramidal head;[ ] a broad egg-shaped face; high rounded cheek-bones; flat nose; small oblique eyes; large mouth; teeth regular, but well worn;[ ] coarse black hair, closely cut upon the crown, leaving a monk-like ring around the edge,[ ] and a paucity of beard.[ ] the men frequently leave the hair in a natural state. the women of icy reef introduce false hair among their own, wearing the whole in two immense bows at the back of the head. at point barrow, they separate the hair into two parts or braids, saturating it with train-oil, and binding it into stiff bunches with strips of skin. their lower extremities are short, so that in a sitting posture they look taller than when standing. [sidenote: improvements upon nature.] were these people satisfied with what nature has done for them, they would be passably good-looking. but with them as with all mankind, no matter how high the degree of intelligence and refinement attained, art must be applied to improve upon nature. the few finishing touches neglected by the creator, man is ever ready to supply. arrived at the age of puberty, the great work of improvement begins. up to this time the skin has been kept saturated in grease and filth, until the natural color is lost, and until the complexion is brought down to the eskimo standard. now pigments of various dye are applied, both painted outwardly and pricked into the skin; holes are cut in the face, and plugs or labrets inserted. these operations, however, attended with no little solemnity, are supposed to possess some significance other than that of mere ornament. upon the occasion of piercing the lip, for instance, a religious feast is given. on the northern coast the women paint the eyebrows and tattoo the chin; while the men only pierce the lower lip under one or both corners of the mouth, and insert in each aperture a double-headed sleeve-button or dumb-bell-shaped labret, of bone, ivory, shell, stone, glass, or wood. the incision when first made is about the size of a quill, but as the aspirant for improved beauty grows older, the size of the orifice is enlarged until it reaches a width of half or three quarters of an inch.[ ] in tattooing, the color is applied by drawing a thread under the skin, or pricking it in with a needle. different tribes, and different ranks of the same tribe, have each their peculiar form of tattooing. the plebeian female of certain bands is permitted to adorn her chin with but one vertical line in the centre, and one parallel to it on either side, while the more fortunate noblesse mark two vertical lines from each corner of the mouth.[ ] a feminine cast of features, as is common with other branches of the mongolian race, prevails in both sexes. some travelers discover in the faces of the men a characteristic expression of ferociousness, and in those of the women, an extraordinary display of wantonness. a thick coating of filth and a strong odor of train-oil are inseparable from an eskimo, and the fashion of labrets adds in no wise to his comeliness.[ ] [sidenote: eskimo dress.] for covering to the body, the eskimos employ the skin of all the beasts and birds that come within their reach. skins are prepared in the fur,[ ] and cut and sewed with neatness and skill. even the intestines of seals and whales are used in the manufacture of water-proof overdresses.[ ] the costume for both sexes consists of long stockings or drawers, over which are breeches extending from the shoulders to below the knees; and a frock or jacket, somewhat shorter than the breeches with sleeves and hood. this garment is made whole, there being no openings except for the head and arms. the frock of the male is cut at the bottom nearly square, while that of the female reaches a little lower, and terminates before and behind in a point or scollop. the tail of some animal graces the hinder part of the male frock; the woman's has a large hood, in which she carries her infant. otherwise both sexes dress alike; and as, when stripped of their facial decorations, their physiognomies are alike, they are not unfrequently mistaken one for the other.[ ] they have boots of walrus or seal skin, mittens or gloves of deer-skin, and intestine water-proofs covering the entire body. several kinds of fur frequently enter into the composition of one garment. thus the body of the frock, generally of reindeer-skin, may be of bird, bear, seal, mink, or squirrel skin; while the hood may be of fox-skin, the lining of hare-skin, the fringe of wolverine-skin, and the gloves of fawn-skin.[ ] two suits are worn during the coldest weather; the inner one with the fur next the skin, the outer suit with the fur outward.[ ] thus, with their stomachs well filled with fat, and their backs covered with furs, they bid defiance to the severest arctic winter.[ ] [sidenote: dwellings of the eskimos.] in architecture, the eskimo is fully equal to the emergency; building, upon a soil which yields him little or no material, three classes of dwellings. penetrating the frozen earth, or casting around him a frozen wall, he compels the very elements from which he seeks protection to protect him. for his _yourt_ or winter residence he digs a hole of the required dimensions, to a depth of about six feet.[ ] within this excavation he erects a frame, either of wood or whalebone, lashing his timbers with thongs instead of nailing them. this frame is carried upward to a distance of two or three feet above the ground,[ ] when it is covered by a dome-shaped roof of poles or whale-ribs turfed and earthed over.[ ] in the centre of the roof is left a hole for the admission of light and the emission of smoke. in absence of fire, a translucent covering of whale-intestine confines the warmth of putrifying filth, and completes the eskimo's sense of comfort. to gain admittance to this snug retreat, without exposing the inmates to the storms without, another and a smaller hole is dug to the same depth, a short distance from the first. from one to the other, an underground passage-way is then opened, through which entrance is made on hands and knees. the occupants descend by means of a ladder, and over the entrance a shed is erected, to protect it from the snow.[ ] within the entrance is hung a deer-skin door, and anterooms are arranged in which to deposit frozen outer garments before entering the heated room. around the sides of the dwelling, sleeping-places are marked out; for bedsteads, boards are placed upon logs one or two feet in diameter, and covered with willow branches and skins. a little heap of stones in the centre of the room, under the smoke-hole, forms the fireplace. in the corners of the room are stone lamps, which answer all domestic purposes in the absence of fire-wood.[ ] in the better class of buildings, the sides and floor are boarded. supplies are kept in a store house at a little distance from the dwelling, perched upon four posts, away from the reach of the dogs, and a frame is always erected on which to hang furs and fish. several years are sometimes occupied in building a hut.[ ] mark how nature supplies this treeless coast with wood. the breaking-up of winter in the mountains of alaska is indeed a breaking-up. the accumulated masses of ice and snow, when suddenly loosened by the incessant rays of the never-setting sun, bear away all before them. down from the mountain-sides comes the avalanche, uprooting trees, swelling rivers, hurrying with its burden to the sea. there, casting itself into the warm ocean current, the ice soon disappears, and the driftwood which accompanied it is carried northward and thrown back upon the beach by the october winds. thus huge forest-trees, taken up bodily, as it were, in the middle of a continent, and carried by the currents to the incredible distance, sometimes, of three thousand miles, are deposited all along the arctic seaboard, laid at the very door of these people, a people whose store of this world's benefits is none of the most abundant.[ ] true, wood is not an absolute necessity with them, as many of their houses in the coldest weather have no fire; only oil-lamps being used for cooking and heating. whale-ribs supply the place of trees for house and boat timbers, and hides are commonly used for boards. yet a bountiful supply of wood during their long, cold, dark winter comes in no wise amiss.[ ] their summer tents are made of seal or untanned deer skins with the hair outward, conical or bell-shaped, and without a smoke-hole as no fires are ever kindled within them. the wet or frozen earth is covered with a few coarse skins for a floor.[ ] [sidenote: snow houses.] but the most unique system of architecture in america is improvised by the eskimos during their seal-hunting expeditions upon the ice, when they occupy a veritable crystal palace fit for an arctic fairy. on the frozen river or sea, a spot is chosen free from irregularities, and a circle of ten or fifteen feet in diameter drawn on the snow. the snow within the circle is then cut into slabs from three to four inches in thickness, their length being the depth of the snow, and these slabs are formed into a wall enclosing the circle and carried up in courses similar to those of brick or stone, terminating in a dome-shaped roof. a wedge-like slab keys the arch; and this principle in architecture may have first been known to the assyrians, egyptians, chinese or eskimos.[ ] loose snow is then thrown into the crevices, which quickly congeals; an aperture is cut in the side for a door; and if the thin wall is not sufficiently translucent, a piece of ice is fitted into the side for a window. seats, tables, couches, and even fireplaces are made with frozen snow, and covered with reindeer or seal skin. out-houses connect with the main room, and frequently a number of dwellings are built contiguously, with a passage from one to another. these houses are comfortable and durable, resisting alike the wind and the thaw until late in the season. care must be taken that the walls are not so thick as to make them too warm, and so cause a dripping from the interior. a square block of snow serves as a stand for the stone lamp which is their only fire.[ ] "the purity of the material," says sir john franklin, who saw them build an edifice of this kind at coppermine river, "of which the house was framed, the elegance of its construction, and the translucency of its walls, which transmitted a very pleasant light, gave it an appearance far superior to a marble building, and one might survey it with feelings somewhat akin to those produced by the contemplation of a grecian temple, reared by phidias; both are triumphs of art, inimitable in their kind."[ ] eskimos, fortunately, have not a dainty palate. everything which sustains life is food for them. their substantials comprise the flesh of land and marine animals, fish and birds; venison, and whale and seal blubber being chief. choice dishes, tempting to the appetite, arctic epicurean dishes, eskimo nectar and ambrosia, are daintily prepared, hospitably placed before strangers, and eaten and drunk with avidity. among them are: a bowl of coagulated blood, mashed cranberries with rancid train-oil, whortleberries and walrus-blubber, alternate streaks of putrid black and white whale-fat; venison steeped in seal-oil, raw deer's liver cut in small pieces and mixed with the warm half-digested contents of the animal's stomach; bowls of live maggots, a draught of warm blood from a newly killed animal.[ ] fish are sometimes eaten alive. meats are kept in seal-skin bags for over a year, decomposing meanwhile, but never becoming too rancid for our eskimos. their winter store of oil they secure in seal-skin bags, which are buried in the frozen ground. charlevoix remarks that they are the only race known who prefer food raw. this, however, is not the case. they prefer their food cooked, but do not object to it raw or rotten. they are no lovers of salt.[ ] [sidenote: migrations for food.] in mid-winter, while the land is enveloped in darkness, the eskimo dozes torpidly in his den. early in september the musk-oxen and reindeer retreat southward, and the fish are confined beneath the frozen covering of the rivers. it is during the short summer, when food is abundant, that they who would not perish must lay up a supply for the winter. when spring opens, and the rivers are cleared of ice, the natives follow the fish, which at that time ascend the streams to spawn, and spear them at the falls and rapids that impede their progress. small wooden fish are sometimes made and thrown into holes in the ice for a decoy; salmon are taken in a whalebone seine. at this season also reindeer are captured on their way to the coast, whither they resort in the spring to drop their young. multitudes of geese, ducks, and swans visit the ocean during the same period to breed.[ ] august and september are the months for whales. when a whale is discovered rolling on the water, a boat starts out, and from the distance of a few feet a weapon is plunged into its blubbery carcass. the harpoons are so constructed that when this blow is given, the shaft becomes disengaged from the barbed ivory point. to this point a seal-skin buoy or bladder is attached by means of a cord. the blows are repeated; the buoys encumber the monster in diving or swimming, and the ingenious eskimo is soon able to tow the carcass to the shore. a successful chase secures an abundance of food for the winter.[ ] seals are caught during the winter, and considerable skill is required in taking them. being a warm-blooded respiratory animal, they are obliged to have air, and in order to obtain it, while the surface of the water is undergoing the freezing process, they keep open a breathing-hole by constantly gnawing away the ice. they produce their young in march, and soon afterward the natives abandon their villages and set out on the ice in pursuit of them. seals, like whales, are also killed with a harpoon to which is attached a bladder. the seal, when struck, may draw the float under water for a time, but is soon obliged to rise to the surface from exhaustion and for air, when he is again attacked and soon obliged to yield. the eskimos are no less ingenious in catching wild-fowl, which they accomplish by means of a sling or net made of woven sinews, with ivory balls attached. they also snare birds by means of whalebone nooses, round which fine gravel is scattered as a bait. they manoeuvre reindeer to near the edge of a cliff, and, driving them into the sea, kill them from canoes. they also waylay them at the narrow passes, and capture them in great numbers. they construct large reindeer pounds, and set up two diverging rows of turf so as to represent men; the outer extremities of the line being sometimes two miles apart, and narrowing to a small enclosure. into this trap the unsuspecting animals are driven, when they are easily speared.[ ] [sidenote: bear-hunting.] to overcome the formidable polar bear the natives have two strategems. one is by imitating the seal, upon which the bear principally feeds, and thereby enticing it within gunshot. another is by bending a piece of stiff whalebone, encasing it in a ball of blubber, and freezing the ball, which then holds firm the bent whalebone. armed with these frozen blubber balls, the natives approach their victim, and, with a discharge of arrows, open the engagement. the bear, smarting with pain, turns upon his tormentors, who, taking to their heels, drop now and then a blubber ball. bruin, as fond of food as of revenge, pauses for a moment, hastily swallows one, then another, and another. soon a strange sensation is felt within. the thawing blubber, melted by the heat of the animal's stomach, releases the pent-up whalebone, which, springing into place, plays havoc with the intestines, and brings the bear to a painful and ignominious end. to vegetables, the natives are rather indifferent; berries, acid sorrel leaves, and certain roots, are used as a relish. there is no native intoxicating liquor, but in eating they get gluttonously stupid. notwithstanding his long, frigid, biting winter, the eskimo never suffers from the cold so long as he has an abundance of food. as we have seen, a whale or a moose supplies him with food, shelter, and raiment. with an internal fire, fed by his oily and animal food, glowing in his stomach, his blood at fever heat, he burrows comfortably in ice and snow and frozen ground, without necessity for wood or coal.[ ] nor are those passions which are supposed to develop most fully under a milder temperature, wanting in the half-frozen hyperborean.[ ] one of the chief difficulties of the eskimo during the winter is to obtain water, and the women spend a large portion of their time in melting snow over oil-lamps. in the arctic regions, eating snow is attended with serious consequences. ice or snow, touched to the lips or tongue, blisters like caustic. fire is obtained by striking sparks from iron pyrites with quartz. it is a singular fact that in the coldest climate inhabited by man, fire is less used than anywhere else in the world, equatorial regions perhaps excepted. caloric for the body is supplied by food and supplemented by furs. snow houses, from their nature, prohibit the use of fire; but cooking with the eskimo is a luxury, not a necessity. he well understands how to utilize every part of the animals so essential to his existence. with their skins he clothes himself, makes houses, boats, and oil-bags; their flesh and fat he eats. he even devours the contents of the intestines, and with the skin makes water-proof clothing. knives, arrow-points, house, boat, and sledge frames, fish-hooks, domestic utensils, ice-chisels, and in fact almost all their implements, are made from the horns and bones of the deer, whale, and seal. bowstrings are made of the sinews of musk-oxen, and ropes of seal-skin.[ ] the eskimo's arms are not very formidable. backed by his ingenuity, they nevertheless prove sufficient for practical purposes; and while his neighbor possesses none better, all are on an equal footing in war. their most powerful as well as most artistic weapon is the bow. it is made of beech or spruce, in three pieces curving in opposite directions and ingeniously bound by twisted sinews, so as to give the greatest possible strength. richardson affirms that "in the hands of a native hunter it will propel an arrow with sufficient force to pierce the heart of a musk-ox, or break the leg of a reindeer." arrows, as well as spears, lances, and darts, are of white spruce, and pointed with bone, ivory, flint, and slate.[ ] east of the mackenzie, copper enters largely into the composition of eskimo utensils.[ ] before the introduction of iron by europeans, stone hatchets were common.[ ] [sidenote: sledges, snow-shoes, and boats.] the hyperboreans surpass all american nations in their facilities for locomotion, both upon land and water. in their skin boats, the natives of the alaskan seaboard from point barrow to mount st elias, made long voyages, crossing the strait and sea of bering, and held commercial intercourse with the people of asia. sixty miles is an ordinary day's journey for sledges, while indians on snow-shoes have been known to run down and capture deer. throughout this entire border, including the aleutian islands, boats are made wholly of the skins of seals or sea-lions, excepting the frame of wood or whale-ribs. in the interior, as well as on the coast immediately below mount st elias, skin boats disappear, and canoes or wooden boats are used. two kinds of skin boats are employed by the natives of the alaskan coast, a large and a small one. the former is called by the natives _oomiak_, and by the russians _baidar_. this is a large, flat-bottomed, open boat; the skeleton of wood or whale-ribs, fastened with seal-skin thongs or whale's sinews, and covered with oiled seal or sea-lion skins, which are first sewed together and then stretched over the frame. the baidar is usually about thirty feet in length, six feet in extreme breadth, and three feet in depth. it is propelled by oars, and will carry fifteen or twenty persons, but its capacity is greatly increased by lashing inflated seal-skins to the outside. in storms at sea, two or three baidars are sometimes tied together.[ ] the small boat is called by the natives _kyak_, and by the russians _baidarka_. it is constructed of the same material and in the same manner as the baidar, except that it is entirely covered with skins, top as well as bottom, save one hole left in the deck, which is filled by the navigator. after taking his seat, and thereby filling this hole, the occupant puts on a water-proof over-dress, the bottom of which is so secured round the rim of the hole that not a drop of water can penetrate it. this dress is provided with sleeves and a hood. it is securely fastened at the wrists and neck, and when the hood is drawn over the head, the boatman may bid defiance to the water. the baidarka is about sixteen feet in length, and two feet in width at the middle, tapering to a point at either end.[ ] it is light and strong, and when skillfully handled is considered very safe. the native of norton sound will twirl his kyak completely over, turn an aquatic somersault, and by the aid of his double-bladed paddle come up safely on the other side, without even losing his seat. so highly were these boats esteemed by the russians, that they were at once universally adopted by them in navigating these waters. they were unable to invent any improvement in either of them, although they made a baidarka with two and three seats, which they employed in addition to the one-seated kyak. the kadiak baidarka is a little shorter and wider than the aleutian.[ ] sleds, sledges, dogs, and arctic land-boats play an important part in eskimo economy. the eskimo sled is framed of spruce, birch, or whalebone, strongly bound with thongs, and the runners shod with smooth strips of whale's jaw-bone. this sled is heavy, and fit only for traveling over ice or frozen snow. indian sleds of the interior are lighter, the runners being of thin flexible boards better adapted to the inequalities of the ground. sledges, such as are used by the voyagers of hudson bay, are of totally different construction. three boards, each about one foot in width and twelve feet in length, thinned, and curved into a semicircle at one end, are placed side by side and firmly lashed together with thongs. a leathern bag or blanket of the full size of the sled is provided, in which the load is placed and lashed down with strings.[ ] sleds and sledges are drawn by dogs, and they will carry a load of from a quarter to half a ton, or about one hundred pounds to each dog. the dogs of alaska are scarcely up to the average of arctic canine nobility.[ ] they are of various colors, hairy, short-legged, with large bushy tails curved over the back; they are wolfish, suspicious, yet powerful, sagacious, and docile, patiently performing an incredible amount of ill-requited labor. dogs are harnessed to the sledge, sometimes by separate thongs at unequal distances, sometimes in pairs to a single line. they are guided by the voice accompanied by a whip, and to the best trained and most sagacious is given the longest tether, that he may act as leader. an eastern dog will carry on his back a weight of thirty pounds. the dogs of the northern coast are larger and stronger than those of the interior. eskimo dogs are used in hunting reindeer and musk-oxen, as well as in drawing sledges.[ ] those at cape prince of wales appear to be of the same species as those used upon the asiatic coast for drawing sledges. snow-shoes, or foot-sledges, are differently made according to the locality. in traveling over soft snow they are indispensable. they consist of an open light wooden frame, made of two smooth pieces of wood each about two inches wide and an inch thick; the inner part sometimes straight, and the outer curved out to about one foot in the widest part. they are from two to six feet in length, some oval and turned up in front, running to a point behind; others flat, and pointed at both ends, the space within the frame being filled with a network of twisted deer-sinews or fine seal-skin.[ ] the hudson bay snow-shoe is only two and a half feet in length. the kutchin shoe is smaller than that of the eskimo. [sidenote: property.] the merchantable wealth of the eskimos consists of peltries, such as wolf, deer, badger, polar-bear, otter, hare, musk-rat, arctic-fox, and seal skins; red ochre, plumbago, and iron pyrites; oil, ivory, whalebone; in short, all parts of all species of beasts, birds, and fishes that they can secure and convert into an exchangeable shape.[ ] the articles they most covet are tobacco, iron, and beads. they are not particularly given to strong drink. on the shore of bering strait the natives have constant commercial intercourse with asia. they cross easily in their boats, carefully eluding the vigilance of the fur company. they frequently meet at the gwosdeff islands, where the tschuktschi bring tobacco, iron, tame-reindeer skins, and walrus-ivory; the eskimos giving in exchange wolf and wolverine skins, wooden dishes, seal-skins and other peltries. the eskimos of the american coast carry on quite an extensive trade with the indians of the interior,[ ] exchanging with them asiatic merchandise for peltries. they are sharp at bargains, avaricious, totally devoid of conscience in their dealings; will sell their property thrice if possible, and, if caught, laugh it off as a joke. the rights of property are scrupulously respected among themselves, but to steal from strangers, which they practice on every occasion with considerable dexterity, is considered rather a mark of merit than otherwise. a successful thief, when a stranger is the victim, receives the applause of the entire tribe.[ ] captain kotzebue thus describes the manner of trading with the russo-indians of the south and of asia. "the stranger first comes, and lays some goods on the shore and then retires; the american then comes, looks at the things, puts as many things near them as he thinks proper to give, and then also goes away. upon this the stranger approaches, and examines what is offered him; if he is satisfied with it, he takes the skins and leaves the goods instead; but if not, then he lets all the things lie, retires a second time, and expects an addition from the buyer." if they cannot agree, each retires with his goods. [sidenote: social economy.] their government, if it can be called a government, is patriarchal. now and then some ancient or able man gains an ascendency in the tribe, and overawes his fellows. some tribes even acknowledge an hereditary chief, but his authority is nominal. he can neither exact tribute, nor govern the movements of the people. his power seems to be exercised only in treating with other tribes. slavery in any form is unknown among them. caste has been mentioned in connection with tattooing, but, as a rule, social distinctions do not exist.[ ] [sidenote: amusements.] the home of the eskimo is a model of filth and freeness. coyness is not one of their vices, nor is modesty ranked among their virtues. the latitude of innocency marks all their social relations; they refrain from doing in public nothing that they would do in private. female chastity is little regarded. the kutchins, it is said, are jealous, but treat their wives kindly; the new caledonians are jealous, and treat them cruelly; but the philosophic eskimos are neither jealous nor unkind. indeed, so far are they from espionage or meanness in marital affairs, that it is the duty of the hospitable host to place at the disposal of his guest not only the house and its contents, but his wife also.[ ] the lot of the women is but little better than slavery. all the work, except the nobler occupations of hunting, fishing, and fighting, falls to them. the lesson of female inferiority is at an early age instilled into the mind of youth. nevertheless, the eskimo mother is remarkably affectionate, and fulfills her low destiny with patient kindness. polygamy is common; every man being entitled to as many wives as he can get and maintain. on the other hand, if women are scarce, the men as easily adapt themselves to circumstances, and two of them marry one woman. marriages are celebrated as follows: after gaining the consent of the mother, the lover presents a suit of clothes to the lady, who arrays herself therein and thenceforth is his wife.[ ] dancing, accompanied by singing and violent gesticulation, is their chief amusement. in all the nations of the north, every well-regulated village aspiring to any degree of respectability has its public or town house, which among the eskimos is called the _casine_ or _kashim_. it consists of one large subterranean room, better built than the common dwellings, and occupying a central position, where the people congregate on feast-days.[ ] this house is also used as a public work-shop, where are manufactured boats, sledges, and snow-shoes. a large portion of the winter is devoted to dancing. feasting and visiting commence in november. on festive occasions, a dim light and a strong odor are thrown over the scene by means of blubber-lamps. the dancers, who are usually young men, strip themselves to the waist, or even appear _in puris naturalibus_, and go through numberless burlesque imitations of birds and beasts, their gestures being accompanied by tambourine and songs. sometimes they are fantastically arrayed in seal or deer skin pantaloons, decked with dog or wolf tails behind, and wear feathers or a colored handkerchief on the head. the ancients, seated upon benches which encircle the room, smoke, and smile approbation. the women attend with fish and berries in large wooden bowls; and, upon the opening of the performance, they are at once relieved of their contributions by the actors, who elevate the provisions successively to the four cardinal points and once to the skies above, when all partake of the feast. then comes another dance. a monotonous refrain, accompanied by the beating of an instrument made of seal-intestines stretched over a circular frame, brings upon the ground one boy after another, until about twenty form a circle. a series of pantomimes then commences, portraying love, jealousy, hatred, and friendship. during intervals in the exercises, presents are distributed to strangers. in their national dance, one girl after another comes in turn to the centre, while the others join hands and dance and sing, not unmusically, about her. the most extravagant motions win the greatest applause.[ ] among other customs of the eskimo may be mentioned the following. their salutations are made by rubbing noses together. no matter how oily the skin, nor how rank the odor, he who would avoid offense must submit his nose to the nose of his hyperborean brother,[ ] and his face to the caressing hand of his polar friend. to convey intimations of friendship at a distance, they extend their arms, and rub and pat their breast. upon the approach of visitors they form a circle, and sit like turks, smoking their pipes. men, women, and children are inordinately fond of tobacco. they swallow the smoke and revel in a temporary elysium. they are called brave, simple, kind, intelligent, happy, hospitable, respectful to the aged. they are also called cruel, ungrateful, treacherous, cunning, dolorously complaining, miserable.[ ] they are great mimics, and, in order to terrify strangers, they accustom themselves to the most extraordinary contortions of features and body. as a measure of intellectual capacity, it is claimed for them that they divide time into days, lunar months, seasons, and years; that they estimate accurately by the sun or stars the time of day or night; that they can count several hundred and draw maps. they also make rude drawings on bone, representing dances, deer-hunting, animals, and all the various pursuits followed by them from the cradle to the grave. but few diseases are common to them, and a deformed person is scarcely ever seen. cutaneous eruptions, resulting from their antipathy to water, and ophthalmia, arising from the smoke of their closed huts and the glare of sun-light upon snow and water, constitute their chief disorders.[ ] for protection to their eyes in hunting and fishing, they make goggles by cutting a slit in a piece of soft wood, and adjusting it to the face. the eskimos do not, as a rule, bury their dead; but double the body up, and place it on the side in a plank box, which is elevated three or four feet from the ground, and supported by four posts. the grave-box is often covered with painted figures of birds, fishes, and animals. sometimes it is wrapped in skins, placed upon an elevated frame, and covered with planks, or trunks of trees, so as to protect it from wild beasts. upon the frame or in the grave-box are deposited the arms, clothing, and sometimes the domestic utensils of the deceased. frequent mention is made by travelers of burial places where the bodies lie exposed, with their heads placed towards the north.[ ] [sidenote: the koniagas.] the koniagas derive their name from the inhabitants of the island of kadiak, who, when first discovered, called themselves _kanagist_.[ ] they were confounded by early russian writers with the aleuts. english ethnologists sometimes call them southern eskimos. from kadiak they extend along the coast in both directions; northward across the alaskan peninsula to kotzebue sound, and eastward to prince william sound. the koniagan family is divided into nations as follows: the _koniagas_ proper, who inhabit the koniagan archipelago; the _chugatshes_,[ ] who occupy the islands and shores of prince william sound; the _aglegmutes_, of bristol bay; the _keyataigmutes_, who live upon the river nushagak and the coast as far as cape newenham; the _agulmutes_, dwelling upon the coast between the kuskoquim and kishunak rivers; the _kuskoquigmutes_,[ ] occupying the banks of the river kuskoquim; the _magemutes_, in the neighborhood of cape romanzoff; the _kwichpagmutes_, _kwichluagmutes_, and _pashtoliks_, on the kwichpak, kwickluak, and pashtolik rivers; the _chnagmutes_, near pashtolik bay; the _anlygmutes_, of golovnin bay, and the _kaviaks_ and _malemutes_, of norton sound.[ ] "all of these people," says baron von wrangell, "speak one language and belong to one stock." the most populous district is the kuskoquim valley.[ ] the small islands in the vicinity of kadiak were once well peopled; but as the russians depopulated them, and hunters became scarce, the natives were not allowed to scatter, but were forced to congregate in towns.[ ] schelikoff, the first settler on kadiak, reported, in that and contiguous isles, thirty thousand natives. thirty years later, saritsheff visited the island and found but three thousand. the chugatshes not long since lived upon the island of kadiak, but, in consequence of dissensions with their neighbors, they were obliged to emigrate and take up their residence on the main land. they derived their manners originally from the northern nations; but, after having been driven from their ancient possessions, they made raids upon southern nations, carried off their women, and, from the connections thus formed, underwent a marked change. they now resemble the southern rather than the northern tribes. the kadiaks, chugatshes, kuskoquims, and adjacent tribes, according to their own traditions, came from the north, while the unalaskas believe themselves to have originated in the west. the kaviaks intermingle to a considerable extent with the malemutes, and the two are often taken for one people; but their dialects are quite distinct. [sidenote: land of the koniagas.] the country of the koniagas is a rugged wilderness, into many parts of which no white man has ever penetrated. mountainous forests, glacial cañons, down which flow innumerable torrents, hills interspersed with lakes and marshy plains; ice-clad in winter, covered with luxuriant vegetation in summer. some sheltered inlets absorb an undue proportion of oceanic warmth. thus the name aglegmutes signifies the inhabitants of a warm climate. travelers report chiefs among the koniagas seven feet in height, but in general they are of medium stature.[ ] their complexion may be a shade darker than that of the eskimos of the northern coast, but it is still very light.[ ] the chugatshes are remarkable for their large heads, short necks, broad faces, and small eyes. holmberg claims for the koniagas a peculiar formation of the skull; the back, as he says, being not arched but flat. they pierce the septum of the nose and the under lip, and in the apertures wear ornaments of various materials; the most highly prized being of shell or of amber. it is said that at times amber is thrown up in large quantities by the ocean, on the south side of kadiak, generally after a heavy earthquake, and that at such times it forms an important article of commerce with the natives. the more the female chin is riddled with holes, the greater the respectability. two ornaments are usually worn, but by very aristocratic ladies as many as six.[ ] their favorite colors in face-painting are red and blue, though black and leaden colors are common.[ ] young kadiak wives secure the affectionate admiration of their husbands by tattooing the breast and adorning the face with black lines; while the kuskoquim women sew into their chin two parallel blue lines. the hair is worn long by men as well as women. on state occasions, it is elaborately dressed; first saturated in train-oil, then powdered with red clay or oxide of iron, and finished off with a shower of white feathers. both sexes wear beads wherever they can find a place for them, round the neck, wrists, and ankles, besides making a multitude of holes for them in the ears, nose, and chin. into these holes they will also insert buttons, nails, or any european trinket which falls into their possession.[ ] [sidenote: kadiak and kuskoquim dress.] the aboriginal dress of a wealthy kadiak was a bird-skin parka, or shirt, fringed at the top and bottom, with long wide sleeves out of which the wearer slipped his arms in an emergency. this garment was neatly sewed with bird-bone needles, and a hundred skins were sometimes used in the making of a single parka. it was worn with the feathers outside during the day, and inside during the night. round the waist was fastened an embroidered girdle, and over all, in wet weather, was worn an intestine water-proof coat. the kadiak breeches and stockings were of otter or other skins, and the boots, when any were worn, were of seal-neck leather, with whale-skin soles. the russians in a measure prohibited the use of furs among the natives, compelling them to purchase woolen goods from the company, and deliver up all their peltries. the parkas and stockings of the kuskoquims are of reindeer-skin, covered with embroidery, and trimmed with valuable furs. they also make stockings of swamp grass, and cloaks of sturgeon-skin. the malemute and kaviak dress is similar to that of the northern eskimo.[ ] the chugatshes, men, women, and children, dress alike in a close fur frock, or robe, reaching sometimes to the knees, but generally to the ankles. their feet and legs are commonly bare, notwithstanding the high latitude in which they live; but they sometimes wear skin stockings and mittens. they make a truncated conic hat of straw or wood, in whimsical representation of the head of some fish or bird, and garnished with colors.[ ] [sidenote: dwellings and food of the koniagas.] the koniagas build two kinds of houses; one a large, winter village residence, called by the russians _barabara_, and the other a summer hunting-hut, placed usually upon the banks of a stream whence they draw food. their winter houses are very large, accommodating three or four families each. they are constructed by digging a square space of the required area to a depth of two feet, placing a post, four feet high above the surface of the ground, at every corner, and roofing the space over to constitute a main hall, where eating is done, filth deposited, and boats built. the sides are of planks, and the roof of boards, poles, or whale-ribs, thickly covered with grass. in the roof is a smoke-hole, and on the eastern side a door-hole about three feet square, through which entrance is made on hands and knees, and which is protected by a seal or other skin. under the opening in the roof, a hole is dug for fire; and round the sides of the room, tomb-like excavations are made, or boards put up, for sleeping-places, where the occupant reposes on his back with his knees drawn up to the chin. adjoining rooms are sometimes made, with low underground passages leading off from the main hall. the walls are adorned with implements of the chase and bags of winter food; the latter of which, being in every stage of decay, emits an odor most offensive to unhabituated nostrils. the ground is carpeted with straw. when the smoke-hole is covered by an intestine window, the dwellings of the koniagas are exceedingly warm, and neither fire nor clothing is required.[ ] the _kashim_, or public house of the koniagas, is built like their dwellings, and is capable of accommodating three or four hundred people.[ ] huts are built by earthing over sticks placed in roof-shape; also by erecting a frame of poles, and covering it with bark or skins. the koniagas will eat any digestible substance in nature except pork; from which fact kingsborough might have proven incontestably a jewish origin. i should rather give them swinish affinities, and see in this singularity a hesitancy to feed upon the only animal, except themselves, which eats with equal avidity bear's excrements, carrion birds, maggoty fish, and rotten sea-animals.[ ] when a whale is taken, it is literally stripped of everything to the bare bones, and these also are used for building huts and boats.[ ] these people can dispose of enormous quantities of food; or, if necessary, they can go a long time without eating.[ ] before the introduction of intoxicating drinks by white men, they made a fermented liquor from the juice of raspberries and blueberries. tobacco is in general use, but chewing and snuffing are more frequent than smoking. salmon are very plentiful in the vicinity of kadiak, and form one of the chief articles of diet. during their periodical ascension of the rivers, they are taken in great quantities by means of a pole pointed with bone or iron. salmon are also taken in nets made of whale-sinews. codfish are caught with a bone hook. whales approach the coast of kadiak in june, when the inhabitants pursue them in baidarkas. their whale-lance is about six feet in length, and pointed with a stone upon which is engraved the owner's mark. this point separates from the handle and is left in the whale's flesh, so that when the body is thrown dead upon the beach, the whaler proves his property by his lance-point. many superstitions are mentioned in connection with the whale-fishery. when a whaler dies, the body is cut into small pieces and distributed among his fellow-craftsmen, each of whom, after rubbing the point of his lance upon it, dries and preserves his piece as a sort of talisman. or the body is placed in a distant cave, where, before setting out upon a chase, the whalers all congregate, take it out, carry it to a stream, immerse it and then drink of the water. during the season, whalers bear a charmed existence. no one may eat out of the same dish with them, nor even approach them. when the season is over, they hide their weapons in the mountains. in may, the koniagas set out in two-oared baidarkas for distant islands, in search of sea-otter. as success requires a smooth sea, they can hunt them only during the months of may and june, taking them in the manner following. fifty or one hundred boats proceed slowly through the water, so closely together that it is impossible for an otter to escape between them. as soon as the animal is discovered, the signal is given, the area within which he must necessarily rise to the surface for air, is surrounded by a dozen boats, and when he appears upon the surface he is filled with arrows. seals are hunted with spears ten or twelve feet in length, upon the end of which is fastened an inflated bladder, in order to float the animal when dead. [sidenote: the kuskokwigmutes and malemutes.] the kuskokwigmutes are less nomadic than their neighbors; being housed in permanent settlements during the winter, although in summer they are obliged to scatter in various directions in quest of food. every morning before break of day, during the hunting-season, a boy lights the oil-lamps in all the huts of the village, when the women rise and prepare the food. the men, excepting old men and boys, all sleep in the kashim, whither they retire at sunset. in the morning they are aroused by the appearance of the shamán, arrayed in his sacerdotal robes, and beating his sacred drum. after morning worship, the women carry breakfast to their husbands in the kashim. at day-break the men depart for their hunting or fishing, and when they return, immediately repair to the kashim, leaving the women to unload and take care of the products of the day's work. during the hunting-season the men visit their wives only during the night, returning to the kashim before daylight. the malemutes leave their villages upon the coast regularly in february, and, with their families, resort to the mountains, where they follow the deer until snow melts, and then return to catch water-fowl and herring, and gather eggs upon the cliffs and promontories of the coast and islands. in july is their salmon feast. the fawns of reindeer are caught upon the hills by the women in august, either by chasing them down or by snaring them. deer are stalked, noosed in snares, or driven into enclosures, where they are easily killed. at kadiak, hunting begins in february, and in april they visit the smaller islands for sea-otter, seals, sea-lions, and eggs. their whale and other fisheries commence in june and continue till october, at which time they abandon work and give themselves up to festivities. the seal is highly prized by them for its skin, blubber, and oil. one method of catching seals illustrates their ingenuity. taking an air-tight seal-skin, they blow it up like a bladder, fasten to it a long line, and, concealing themselves behind the rocks, they throw their imitation seal among the live ones and draw it slowly to the shore. the others follow, and are speared or killed with bow and arrows. blueberries and huckleberries are gathered in quantities and dried for winter use; they are eaten mixed with seal-oil. the koniagas are also very fond of raw reindeer-fat. they hunt with guns, and snare grouse, marten, and hares. a small white fish is taken in great quantities from holes in the ice. they are so abundant and so easily caught that the natives break off the barbs from their fish-hooks in order to facilitate their operations. the white polar bear does not wander south of the sixty-fifth parallel, and is only found near bering strait. some were found on st matthew island, in bering sea, but were supposed to have been conveyed thither upon floating ice. the natives approach the grizzly bear with great caution. when a lair is discovered, the opening is measured, and a timber barricade constructed, with an aperture through which the bear may put his head. the indians then quietly approach and secure their timbers against the opening of the den with stones, and throw a fire-brand into the den to arouse the animal, who thereupon puts his head out through the hole and meets with a reception which brings him to an untimely end.[ ] [sidenote: war, implements, and government.] in former times, the koniagas went to war behind a huge wooden shield a foot thick and twelve feet in width. it was made of three thicknesses of larch-wood, bound together with willows, and with it they covered thirty or forty lancers.[ ] they poisoned their arrow and lance points with a preparation of aconite, by drying and pulverizing the root, mixing the powder with water, and, when it fermented, applying it to their weapons.[ ] they made arrow-points of copper, obtaining a supply from the kenai of copper river;[ ] and the wood was as finely finished as if turned in a lathe. the boats of the koniagas are similar to those of the north, except that the bow and stem are not alike, the one turning up to a point and the other cut off square.[ ] needles made of birds' bones, and thread from whale-sinews, in the hands of a kadiak woman, produced work, "many specimens of which," says lisiansky, "would do credit to our best seamstresses."[ ] they produced fire by revolving with a bow-string a hard dry stick upon a soft dry board, one end of the stick being held in a mouth-piece of bone or ivory. their implements were few--a stone adze, a shell or flint knife, a polishing stone, and a handled tooth.[ ] yet they excel in carving, and in working walrus-teeth and whalebone, the former being supplied them mostly by the aglegmutes of the alaskan peninsula. the tools used in these manufactures were of stone, and the polishing tools of shell. traces of the stone age are found in lamps, hammers and cutting instruments, wedges and hatchets. carving is done by the men, while the women are no less skillful in sewing, basket-making, crocheting, and knitting. the women tan, and make clothing and boat-covers from skins and intestines.[ ] the agulmutes are skilled in the carving of wood and ivory; the kuskoquims excel in wood and stone carving. they make in this manner domestic utensils and vases, with grotesque representations of men, animals, and birds, in relief. authority is exercised only by heads of households, but chiefs may, by superior ability, acquire much influence.[ ] before they became broken up and demoralized by contact with civilization, there was a marked division of communities into castes; an hereditary nobility and commonalty. in the former was embodied all authority; but the rule of american chieftains is nowhere of a very arbitrary character. slavery existed to a limited extent, the thralls being mostly women and children. their male prisoners of war, they either killed immediately or reserved to torture for the edification and improvement of their children.[ ] upon the arrival of the russians, the slaves then held by the natives, thinking to better their condition, left their barbaric masters and placed themselves under the protection of the new comers. the russians accepted the trust, and set them to work. the poor creatures, unable to perform the imposed tasks, succumbed; and, as their numbers were diminished by ill treatment, their places were supplied by such of the inhabitants as had been guilty of some misdemeanor; and singularly enough, misdemeanors happened to be about in proportion to the demand for slaves.[ ] [sidenote: morality of the koniagas.] the domestic manners of the koniagas are of the lowest order. in filth they out-do, if possible, their neighbors of the north.[ ] thrown together in little bands under one roof, they have no idea of morality, and the marriage relation sits so loosely as hardly to excite jealousy in its abuse. female chastity is deemed a thing of value only as men hold property in it. a young unmarried woman may live uncensured in the freest intercourse with the men; though, as soon as she belongs to one man, it is her duty to be true to him. sodomy is common; the kaviaks practice polygamy and incest; the kadiaks cohabit promiscuously, brothers and sisters, parents and children.[ ] the malemutes are content with one wife, but they have no marriage ceremony, and can put her away at pleasure. they prize boy babies, but frequently kill the girls, taking them out into the wilderness, stuffing grass into their mouth and abandoning them; yet children are highly esteemed, and the barren woman is a reproach among her people. such persons even go so far as to make a doll or image of the offspring which they so greatly desire, and fondle it as if it were a real child.[ ] two husbands are also allowed to one woman; one the chief or principal husband, and the other a deputy, who acts as husband and master of the house during the absence of the true lord; and who, upon the latter's return, not only yields to him his place, but becomes in the meantime his servant. but the most repugnant of all their practices is that of male concubinage. a kadiak mother will select her handsomest and most promising boy, and dress and rear him as a girl, teaching him only domestic duties, keeping him at woman's work, associating him only with women and girls, in order to render his effeminacy complete. arriving at the age of ten or fifteen years, he is married to some wealthy man, who regards such a companion as a great acquisition. these male wives are called _achnutschik_ or _schopans_.[ ] [sidenote: koniagan sweat-houses.] a most cruel superstition is enforced upon maidens at the age of puberty; the victim being confined for six months in a hut built for the purpose, apart from the others, and so small that the poor inmate cannot straighten her back while upon her knees. during the six months following, she is allowed a room a little larger, but is still permitted no intercourse with any one. daughters of principal men obtain the right of access to the kashim by undergoing a ceremonial yielding up of their virginity to the shamán.[ ] marriage ceremonies are few, and marriage engagements peculiar. the consent of the father of the intended bride being obtained, the aspirant for nuptial honors brings wood and builds a fire in the bath-room; after which, he and the father take a bath together. the relatives meanwhile congregate, a feast is held, presents are made, the bridegroom takes the name of the bride's father, the couple are escorted to a heated vapor-bath and there left together. although extremely filthy in their persons and habits, all indians attach great importance to their sweat-baths. this peculiar institution extends through most of the nations of our territory, from alaska to mexico, with wonderful uniformity. frequently one of the side subterranean apartments which open off from the main hall, is devoted to the purposes of a sweat-house. into one of these caverns a kadiak will enter stripped. steam is generated by throwing water upon heated stones. after sweltering for a time in the confined and heated atmosphere, and while yet in a profuse perspiration, the bather rushes out and plunges into the nearest stream or into the sea, frequently having to break the ice before being able to finish his bath. sometimes all the occupants of the house join in a bath. they then clear the floor of the main room from obstructions, and build a hot fire under the smoke-hole. when the fire is reduced to coals, a covering is placed over the smoke-hole, and the bathers proceed to wash themselves in a certain liquid, which is carefully saved for this and other cleansing purposes, and also for tanning. the alkali of the fluid combines with the grease upon their persons, and thus a lather is formed which removes dirt as effectually as soap would. they then wash in water, wrap themselves in deer-skins, and repose upon shelves until the lassitude occasioned by perspiration passes away. festivals of various kinds are held; as, when one village is desirous of extending hospitality to another village, or when an individual becomes ambitious of popularity, a feast is given. a ceremonial banquet takes place a year after the death of a relative; or an entertainment may be announced as a reparation for an injury done to one's neighbor. at some of these feasts only men dance, and at others the women join. upon these occasions, presents are exchanged, and the festivities sometimes continue for several days. the men appear upon the scene nearly or quite naked, with painted faces, and the hair fantastically decorated with feathers, dancing to the music of the tambourine, sometimes accompanied by sham fights and warlike songs. their faces are marked or fantastically painted, and they hold a knife or lance in one hand and a rattle in the other. the women dance by simply hopping forward and backward upon their toes.[ ] a visitor, upon entering a dwelling, is presented with a cup of cold water; afterward, fish or flesh is set before him, and it is expected that he will leave nothing uneaten. the more he eats, the greater the honor to the host; and, if it be impossible to eat all that is given him, he must take away with him whatever remains. after eating, he is conducted to a hot bath and regaled with a drink of melted fat. sagoskin assisted at a ceremony which is celebrated annually about the first of january at all the villages on the coast. it is called the festival of the immersion of the bladders in the sea. more than a hundred bladders, taken only from animals which have been killed with arrows, and decorated with fantastic paintings, are hung upon a cord stretched horizontally along the wall of the kashim. four birds carved from wood, a screech-owl with the head of a man, a sea-gull, and two partridges, are so disposed that they can be moved by strings artfully arranged; the owl flutters his wings and moves his head; the gull strikes the boards with his beak as if he were catching fish, and the partridges commence to peck each other. lastly, a stake enveloped in straw is placed in the centre of the fire-place. men and women dance before these effigies in honor of _jug-jak_, the spirit of the sea. every time the dancing ceases, one of the assistants lights some straw, burning it like incense before the birds and the bladders. the principal ceremony of the feast consists, as its name indicates, in the immersion of the bladders in the sea. it was impossible to discover the origin of this custom; the only answer given to questions was, that their ancestors had done so before them. [sidenote: superstitions of the koniagas.] the shamán, or medicine-man of the koniagas, is the spiritual and temporal doctor of the tribe; wizard, sorcerer, priest, or physician, as necessity demands. in the execution of his offices, the shamán has several assistants, male and female, sages and disciples; the first in rank being called _kaseks_, whose duty it is to superintend festivals and teach the children to dance. when a person falls sick, some evil spirit is supposed to have taken possession of him, and it is the business of the shamán to exorcise that spirit, to combat and drive it out of the man. to this end, armed with a magic tambourine, he places himself near the patient and mutters his incantations. a female assistant accompanies him with groans and growls. should this prove ineffectual, the shamán approaches the bed and throws himself upon the person of the sufferer; then, seizing the demon, he struggles with it, overpowers and casts it out, while the assistants cry, "he is gone! he is gone!" if the patient recovers, the physician is paid, otherwise he receives nothing.[ ] colds, consumption, rheumatism, itch, boils, ulcers, syphilis, are among their most common diseases. blood-letting is commonly resorted to as a curative, and except in extreme cases the shamán is not called. the koniagas bleed one another by piercing the arm with a needle, and then cutting away the flesh above the needle with a flint or copper instrument. beaver's oil is said to relieve their rheumatism. "the kadiak people," says lisiansky, "seem more attached to their dead than to their living." in token of their grief, surviving friends cut the hair, blacken the face with soot, and the ancient custom was to remain in mourning for a year. no work may be done for twenty days, but after the fifth day the mourner may bathe. immediately after death, the body is arrayed in its best apparel, or wrapped with moss in seal or sea-lion skins, and placed in the kashim, or left in the house in which the person died, where it remains for a time in state. the body, with the arms and implements of the deceased, is then buried. it was not unfrequent in former times to sacrifice a slave upon such an occasion. the grave is covered over with blocks of wood and large stones.[ ] a mother, upon the death of a child, retires for a time from the camp; a husband or wife withdraws and joins another tribe.[ ] the character of the koniagas may be drawn as peaceable, industrious, serviceable to europeans, adapted to labor and commerce rather than to war and hunting. they are not more superstitious than civilized nations; and their immorality, though to a stranger most rank, is not to them of that socially criminal sort which loves darkness and brings down the avenger. in their own eyes, their abhorrent practices are as sinless as the ordinary, openly conducted avocations of any community are to the members thereof. [sidenote: the aleuts.] the aleuts are the inhabitants of the aleutian archipelago. the origin of the word is unknown;[ ] the original name being _kagataya koung'ns_, or 'men of the east,' indicating an american origin.[ ] the nation consists of two tribes speaking different dialects; the _unalaskans_, occupying the south-western portion of the alaskan peninsula, the shumagin islands, and the fox islands; and the _atkhas_, inhabiting the andreanovski, rat, and near islands. migrations and intermixtures with the russians have, however, nearly obliterated original distinctions. the earliest information concerning the aleutian islanders was obtained by michael nevodtsikoff, who sailed from kamchatka in . other russian voyagers immediately followed, attracted thither in search of sea-animal skins, which at that time were very plentiful.[ ] tribute was levied upon the islanders by the russians, and a system of cruelty commenced which soon reduced the natives from ten thousand to but little more than one thousand. the aleuts, to langsdorff, "appear to be a sort of middle race between the mongrel tartars and the north americans." john ledyard, who visited unalaska with captain cook, saw "two different kinds of people; the one we knew to be the aborigines of america, while we supposed the others to have come from the opposite coasts of asia."[ ] their features are strongly marked, and those who saw them as they originally existed, were impressed with the intelligent and benevolent expression of their faces.[ ] they have an abundance of lank hair, which they cut with flints--the men from the crown, and the women in front.[ ] both sexes undergo the usual face-painting and ornamentations. they extend their nostrils by means of a bow-cylinder. the men wear a bone about the size of a quill in the nose, and the women insert pieces of bone in the under lip.[ ] their legs are bowed, from spending so much of their time in boats; they frequently sitting in them fifteen or twenty hours at a time. their figure is awkward and uncouth, yet robust, active, capable of carrying heavy burdens and undergoing great fatigue.[ ] [sidenote: aleutian hat and habitation.] the hat of the aleut is the most peculiar part of his dress. it consists of a helmet-shaped crown of wood or leather, with an exceedingly long brim in front, so as to protect the eyes from the sun's reflection upon the water and snow. upon the apex is a small carving, down the back part hang the beards of sea-lions, while carved strips of bone and paint ornament the whole. this hat also serves as a shield against arrows. the fox islanders have caps of bird-skin, on which are left the bright-colored feathers, wings, and tail.[ ] as a rule, the men adopt bird-skin clothing, and the women furs, the latter highly ornamented with beads and fringes.[ ] the habitations of the fox islanders are called _ullaa_, and consist of immense holes from one to three hundred feet in length, and from twenty to thirty feet wide. they are covered with poles and earthed over, leaving several openings at the top through which descent is made by ladders. the interior is partitioned by stakes, and three hundred people sometimes occupy one of these places in common. they have no fire-place, since lamps hollowed from flat stones answer every purpose for cooking and light.[ ] a boat turned bottom upward is the summer house of the aleut.[ ] raw seal and sea-otter, whale and sea-lion blubber, fish, roots, and berries are staple articles of food among the aleuts. to procure vegetable food is too much trouble. a dead, half-putrefied whale washed ashore is always the occasion of great rejoicing. from all parts the people congregate upon the shore, lay in their winter supplies, and stuff themselves until not a morsel remains. november is their best hunting-season. whale-fishing is confined to certain families, and the spirit of the craft descends from father to son. birds are caught in a net attached to the end of a pole; sea-otter are shot with arrows; spears, bone hooks, and nets are used in fishing.[ ] after the advent of the russians, the natives were not allowed to kill fur-animals without accounting to them therefor.[ ] their weapons are darts with single and double barbs, which they throw from boards; barbed, bone-pointed lances; spears, harpoons, and arrows, with bone or stone points. at their side is carried a sharp stone knife ten or twelve inches long, and for armor they wear a coat of plaited rushes, which covers the whole body.[ ] an aleut bear-trap consists of a board two feet square and two inches thick, planted with barbed spikes, placed in bruin's path and covered with dust. the unsuspecting victim steps firmly upon the smooth surface offered, when his foot sinks into the dust. maddened with pain, he puts forward another foot to assist in pulling the first away, when that too is caught. soon all four of the feet are firmly spiked to the board; the beast rolls over on his back, and his career is soon brought to an end. [sidenote: customs of the aleuts.] notwithstanding their peaceful character, the occupants of the several islands were almost constantly at war. blood, the only atonement for offense, must be washed out by blood, and the line of vengeance becomes endless. at the time of discovery, the unimak islanders held the supremacy. the fabrications of the aleuts comprise household utensils of stone, bone, and wood; missiles of war and the chase; mats and baskets of grass and the roots of trees, neat and strong; bird-beak rattles, tambourines or drums, wooden hats and carved figures. from the wing-bone of the sea-gull, the women make their needles; from sinews, they make thread and cord.[ ] to obtain glue for mending or manufacturing purposes, they strike the nose until it bleeds.[ ] to kindle a fire, they make use of sulphur, in which their volcanic islands abound, and the process is very curious. first they prepare some dry grass to catch the fire; then they take two pieces of quartz, and, holding them over the grass, rub them well with native sulphur. a few feathers are scattered over the grass to catch the particles of sulphur, and, when all is ready, holding the stones over the grass, they strike them together; a flash is produced by the concussion, the sulphur ignites, and the straw blazes up.[ ] the aleuts have no marriage ceremony. every man takes as many women to wife as he can support, or rather as he can get to support him. presents are made to the relatives of the bride, and when she ceases to possess attractions or value in the eyes of her proprietor, she is sent back to her friends. wives are exchanged by the men, and rich women are permitted to indulge in two husbands. male concubinage obtains throughout the aleutian islands, but not to the same extent as among the koniagas.[ ] mothers plunge their crying babies under water in order to quiet them. this remedy performed in winter amid broken ice, is very effectual.[ ] every island, and, in the larger islands, every village, has its _toyon_, or chief, who decides differences, is exempt from work, is allowed a servant to row his boat, but in other respects possesses no power. the office is elective.[ ] the aleuts are fond of dancing and given to hospitality. the stranger guest, as he approaches the village, is met by dancing men and dancing women, who conduct him to the house of the host, where food is given him. after supper, the dancing, now performed by naked men, continues until all are exhausted, when the hospitalities of the dwelling are placed at the disposal of the guest, and all retire.[ ] a religious festival used to be held in december, at which all the women of the village assembled by moonlight, and danced naked with masked faces, the men being excluded under penalty of death. the men and women of a village bathe together, in aboriginal innocency, unconscious of impropriety. they are fond of pantomimic performances; of representing in dances their myths and their legends; of acting out a chase, one assuming the part of hunter, another of a bird or beast trying to escape the snare, now succeeding, now failing--the piece ending in the transformation of a captive bird into a lovely woman, who falls exhausted into the arms of the hunter. the dead are clothed and masked, and either placed in the cleft of a rock, or swung in a boat or cradle from a pole in the open air. they seem to guard the body as much as possible from contact with the ground.[ ] [sidenote: character of the aleuts.] in their nature and disposition, these islanders are sluggish but strong. their sluggishness gives to their character a gentleness and obsequiousness often remarked by travelers; while their inherent strength, when roused by brutal passions, drives them on to the greatest enormities. they are capable of enduring great fatigue, and, when roused to action by necessity, they will perform an incredible amount of work, suffering the severest cold or heat or hunger with the most stoical calmness. they are very quiet in their demeanor; sometimes sitting in companies within their dens, or on their house-tops gazing at the sea for hours, without speaking a word. it is said that formerly they were much more gay and cheerful, but that an acquaintance with civilization has been productive of the usual misfortune and misery.[ ] it does not appear that the russians were behind the spaniards in their barbarous treatment of the natives.[ ] notwithstanding their interest lay in preserving life, and holding the natives in a state of serfdom as fishers and hunters, the poor people were soon swept away. father innocentius veniaminoff, a russian missionary who labored among the islanders long and faithfully, gives them the highest character for probity and propriety. among other things, he affirms that during a residence of ten years in unalaska, there did not occur a single fight among the natives. proselytes were made by the russians with the same facility as by the spaniards. tribute was levied by the russians upon all the islanders, but, for three years after their conversion, neophytes were exempt; a cheap release from hateful servitude, thought the poor aleut; and a polity which brought into the folds of the church pagan multitudes. [sidenote: the thlinkeets.] the thlinkeets, as they call themselves, or _kolosches_, as they are designated by the russians, inhabit the coast and islands from mount st elias to the river nass. the name thlinkeet signifies 'man,' or 'human being.' kolosch,[ ] or more properly _kaluga_, is the aleutian word for 'dish,' and was given to this people by aleutian seal-hunters whom the russians employed during their first occupation of the island of the sitkas. perceiving a resemblance in the shape of the thlinkeet lip-ornament, to the wooden vessels of their own country, they applied to this nation the name kaluga, whence the kolosches of the russians. holmberg carries their boundaries down to the columbia river; and wrangell perceives a likeness, real or imaginary, to the aztecs.[ ] indeed the differences between the thlinkeets and the inhabitants of new caledonia, washington, and oregon, are so slight that the whole might without impropriety be called one people. the thlinkeets have, however, some peculiarities not found elsewhere; they are a nation distinct from the tinneh upon their eastern border, and i therefore treat of them separately. the three families of nations already considered, namely, the eskimos, the koniagas, and the aleuts, are all designated by most writers as eskimos. some even include the thlinkeets, notwithstanding their physical and philological differences, which, as well as their traditions, are as broadly marked as those of nations that these same ethnologists separate into distinct families. nomadic nations, occupying lands by a precarious tenure, with ever-changing boundaries, engaged in perpetual hostilities with conterminous tribes that frequently annihilate or absorb an entire community, so graduate into one another that the dividing line is often with difficulty determined. thus the thlinkeets, now almost universally held to be north american indians proper, and distinct from the eskimos, possess, perhaps, as many affinities to their neighbors on the north, as to those upon the south and east. the conclusion is obvious. the native races of america, by their geographical position and the climatic influences which govern them, are of necessity to a certain degree similar; while a separation into isolated communities which are acted upon by local causes, results in national or tribal distinctions. thus the human race in america, like the human race throughout the world, is uniform in its variety, and varied in its unity. the thlinkeet family, commencing at the north, comprises the _ugalenzes_,[ ] on the shore of the continent between mount st elias and copper river; the _yakutats_, of bering bay; the _chilkats_, at lynn canal; the _hoodnids_, at cross sound; the _hoodsinoos_, of chatham strait; and, following down the coast and islands, the _takoos_, the _auks_, the _kakas_, the _sitkas_,[ ] the _stikines_,[ ] and the _tungass_. the sitkas on baranoff island[ ] are the dominant tribe. descending from the north into more genial climes, the physical type changes, and the form assumes more graceful proportions. with the expansion of nature and a freer play of physical powers, the mind expands, native character becomes intensified, instinct keener, savage nature more savage, the nobler qualities become more noble; cruelty is more cruel, torture is elevated into an art, stoicism is cultivated,[ ] human sacrifice and human slavery begin, and the oppression and degradation of woman is systematized. "if an original american race is accepted," says holmberg, "the thlinkeets must be classed with them." they claim to have migrated from the interior of the continent, opposite queen charlotte island. the ugalenzes spend their winters at a small bay east from kadiak, and their summers near the mouth of copper river, where they take fish in great quantities. their country also abounds in beaver. the chilkats make two annual trading excursions into the interior. the tacully tribes, the sicannis and nehannes, with whom the chilkats exchange european goods for furs, will allow no white man to ascend their streams. [sidenote: thlinkeet peculiarities.] naturally, the thlinkeets are a fine race; the men better formed than the boatmen of the north;[ ] the women modest, fair, and handsome;[ ] but the latter have gone far out of their way to spoil the handiwork of nature. not content with daubing the head and body with filthy coloring mixtures; with adorning the neck with copper-wire collars, and the face with grotesque wooden masks; with scarring their limbs and breast with keen-edged instruments; with piercing the nose and ears, and filling the apertures with bones, shells, sticks, pieces of copper, nails, or attaching to them heavy pendants, which drag down the organs and pull the features out of place;[ ] they appear to have taxed their inventive powers to the utmost, and with a success unsurpassed by any nation in the world, to produce a model of hideous beauty. [sidenote: thlinkeet lip-ornament.] this success is achieved in their wooden lip-ornament, the crowning glory of the thlinkeet matron, described by a multitude of eye-witnesses; and the ceremony of its introduction may be not inappropriately termed, the baptism of the block. at the age of puberty,--some say during infancy or childhood,--in the under lip of all free-born female thlinkeets,[ ] a slit is made parallel with the mouth, and about half an inch below it.[ ] if the incision is made during infancy, it is only a small hole, into which a needle of copper, a bone, or a stick is inserted, the size being increased as the child grows. if the baptism is deferred until the period when the maiden merges into womanhood, the operation is necessarily upon a larger scale, and consequently more painful.[ ] when the incision is made, a copper wire, or a piece of shell or wood, is introduced, which keeps the wound open and the aperture extended; and by enlarging the object and keeping up a continuous but painful strain, an artificial opening in the face is made of the required dimensions. on attaining the age of maturity, this wire or other incumbrance is removed and a block of wood inserted. this block is oval or elliptical in shape, concaved or hollowed dish-like on the sides, and grooved like the wheel of a pulley on the edge in order to keep it in place.[ ] the dimensions of the block are from two to six inches in length, from one to four inches in width, and about half an inch thick round the edge, and highly polished.[ ] old age has little terror in the eyes of a thlinkeet belle, for larger lip-blocks are introduced as years advance, and each enlargement adds to the lady's social status, if not to her facial charms. when the block is withdrawn, the lip drops down upon the chin like a piece of leather, displaying the teeth, and presenting altogether a ghastly spectacle.[ ] this custom is evidently associated in their minds with womanly modesty, for when la pérouse asked them to remove their block, some refused; those who complied manifesting the same embarrassment shown by a european woman who uncovers her bosom. the yakutats alone of all the thlinkeet nation have never adopted this fashion. [sidenote: dress of the thlinkeets.] their dress, which is made from wolf, deer, bear, or other skin, extends from the shoulder to the knee, and consists of a mantle, or cape, with sleeves, which reaches down to the waist, and to which the women attach a skirt, or gown, and the men a belt and apron. a white blanket is made from the wool of the wild sheep, embroidered with figures, and fringed with furs, all of native work. this garment is most highly prized by the men. they wear it thrown over the shoulder so as to cover the whole body. vancouver thus describes the dress of a chief at lynn canal. his "external robe was a very fine large garment, that reached from his neck down to his heels, made of wool from the mountain sheep, neatly variegated with several colors, and edged and otherwise decorated with little tufts or frogs of woolen yarn, dyed of various colors. his head-dress was made of wood, much resembling in its shape a crown, adorned with bright copper and brass plates, from whence hung a number of tails or streamers, composed of wool and fur, wrought together, dyed of various colors, and each terminating in a whole ermine skin. the whole exhibited a magnificent appearance, and indicated a taste for dress and ornament that we had not supposed the natives of these regions to possess." the men make a wooden mask, which rests on a neckpiece, very ingeniously carved, and painted in colors, so as to represent the head of some bird or beast or mythological being. this was formerly worn in battle, probably, as la pérouse suggests, in order to strike terror into the hearts of enemies, but is now used only on festive occasions.[ ] a small hat of roots and bark, woven in the shape of a truncated cone, ornamented with painted figures and pictures of animals, is worn by both sexes.[ ] ordinarily, however, the men wear nothing on the head; their thick hair, greased and covered with ochre and birds' down, forming a sufficient covering. the hat is designed especially for rainy weather, as a protection to the elaborately dressed hair.[ ] besides their every-day dress, they have a fantastic costume for tribal holidays. for their winter habitations, a little back from the ocean, the thlinkeets build substantial houses of plank or logs, sometimes of sufficient strength to serve as a fortress. they are six or eight feet in height, the base in the form of a square or parallelogram, the roof of poles placed at an angle of forty-five degrees and covered with bark. the entrance is by a small side door. the fire, which is usually kept burning night and day, occupies the centre of the room; over it is a smoke-hole of unusual size, and round the sides of the room are apartments or dens which are used as store-houses, sweat-houses, and private family rooms. the main room is very public and very filthy.[ ] summer huts are light portable buildings, thrown up during hunting excursions in the interior, or on the sea-beach in the fishing-season. a frame is made of stakes driven into the ground, supporting a roof, and the whole covered with bark, or with green or dry branches, and skins or bark over all. the door is closed by bark or a curtain of skins. each hut is the rendezvous for a small colony, frequently covering twenty or thirty persons, all under the direction of one chief.[ ] [sidenote: food of the thlinkeets.] the food of the thlinkeets is derived principally from the ocean, and consists of fish, mussels, sea-weeds, and in fact whatever is left upon the beach by the ebbing tide--which at sitka rises and falls eighteen feet twice a day--or can be caught by artificial means. holmberg says that all but the yakutats hate whale as the jews hate pork. roots, grasses, berries, and snails are among their summer luxuries. they chew a certain plant as some chew tobacco, mixing with it lime to give it a stronger effect,[ ] and drink whale-oil as a european drinks beer. preferring their food cooked, they put it in a tight wicker basket, pouring in water, and throwing in heated stones, until the food is boiled.[ ] for winter, they dry large quantities of herring, roes, and the flesh of animals. for catching fish, they stake the rivers, and also use a hook and line; one fisherman casting from his canoe ten or fifteen lines, with bladders for floats. for herring, they fasten to the end of a pole four or five pointed bones, and with this instrument strike into a shoal, spearing a fish on every point. they sometimes make the same instrument in the shape of a rake, and transfix the fish with the teeth. the sitkas catch halibut with large, wooden, bone-pointed hooks.[ ] the arms of the thlinkeets denote a more warlike people than any we have hitherto encountered. bows and arrows; hatchets of flint, and of a hard green stone which cuts wood so smoothly that no marks of notches are left; great lances, six or eight varas in length, if bodega y quadra may be trusted, hardened in the fire or pointed with copper, or later with iron; a large, broad, double-ended dagger, or knife,--are their principal weapons. the knife is their chief implement and constant companion. the handle is nearer one end than the other, so that it has a long blade and a short blade, the latter being one quarter the length of the former. the handle is covered with leather, and a strap fastens it to the hand when fighting. both blades have leathern sheaths, one of which is suspended from the neck by a strap.[ ] [sidenote: the thlinkeets in war.] they also encase almost the entire body in a wooden and leathern armor. their helmets have curiously carved vizors, with grotesque representations of beings natural or supernatural, which, when brilliantly or dismally painted, and presented with proper yells, and brandishings of their ever-glittering knives, are supposed to strike terror into the heart of their enemies. they make a breast-plate of wood, and an arrow-proof coat of thin flexible strips, bound with strings like a woman's stays.[ ] when a thlinkeet arms for war, he paints his face and powders his hair a brilliant red. he then ornaments his head with white eagle-feathers, a token of stern, vindictive determination. during war they pitch their camp in strong positions, and place the women on guard. trial by combat is frequently resorted to, not only to determine private disputes, but to settle quarrels between petty tribes. in the latter case, each side chooses a champion, the warriors place themselves in battle array, the combatants armed with their favorite weapon, the dagger, and well armored, step forth and engage in fight; while the people on either side engage in song and dance during the combat. wrangell and laplace assert that brave warriors killed in battle are devoured by the conquerors, in the belief that the bravery of the victim thereby enters into the nature of the partaker.[ ] coming from the north, the thlinkeets are the first people of the coast who use wooden boats. they are made from a single trunk; the smaller ones about fifteen feet long, to carry from ten to twelve persons; and the larger ones, or war canoes, from fifty to seventy feet long; these will carry forty or fifty persons. they have from two and a half to three feet beam; are sharp fore and aft, and have the bow and stern raised, the former rather more than the latter. being very light and well modeled, they can be handled with ease and celerity. their paddles are about four feet in length, with crutch-like handles and wide, shovel-shaped blades. boats as well as paddles are ornamented with painted figures, and the family coat-of-arms. bodega y quadra, in contradiction to all other authorities, describes these canoes as being built in three parts; with one hollowed piece, which forms the bottom and reaches well up the sides, and with two side planks. having hollowed the trunk of a tree to the required depth, the thlinkeet builders fill it with water, which they heat with hot stones to soften the wood, and in this state bend it to the desired shape. when they land, they draw their boats up on the beach, out of reach of the tide, and take great care in preserving them.[ ] [sidenote: industries of the thlinkeets.] the thlinkeets manifest no less ingenuity in the manufacture of domestic and other implements than in their arms. rope they make from sea-weed, water-tight baskets and mats from withes and grass; and pipes, bowls, and figures from a dark clay. they excel in the working of stone and copper, making necklaces, bracelets, and rings; they can also forge iron. they spin thread, use the needle, and make blankets from the white native wool. they exhibit considerable skill in carving and painting, ornamenting the fronts of their houses with heraldic symbols, and allegorical and historical figures; while in front of the principal dwellings, and on their canoes, are carved parts representing the human face, the heads of crows, eagles, sea-lions, and bears.[ ] la pérouse asserts that, except in agriculture, which was not entirely unknown to them, the thlinkeets were farther advanced in industry than the south sea islanders. trade is carried on between europeans and the interior indians, in which no little skill is manifested. every article which they purchase undergoes the closest scrutiny, and every slight defect, which they are sure to discover, sends down the price. in their commercial intercourse they exhibit the utmost decorum, and conduct their negotiations with the most becoming dignity. nevertheless, for iron and beads they willingly part with anything in their possession, even their children. in the voyage of bodega y quadra, several young thlinkeets thus became the property of the spaniards, as the author piously remarks, for purposes of conversion. sea-otter skins circulate in place of money.[ ] the office of chief is elective, and the extent of power wielded depends upon the ability of the ruler. in some this authority is nominal; others become great despots.[ ] slavery was practiced to a considerable extent; and not only all prisoners of war were slaves, but a regular slave-trade was carried on with the south. when first known to the russians, according to holmberg, most of their slaves were flatheads from oregon. slaves are not allowed to hold property or to marry, and when old and worthless they are killed. kotzebue says that a rich man "purchases male and female slaves, who must labor and fish for him, and strengthen his force when he is engaged in warfare. the slaves are prisoners of war, and their descendants; the master's power over them is unlimited, and he even puts them to death without scruple. when the master dies, two slaves are murdered on his grave that he may not want attendance in the other world; these are chosen long before the event occurs, but meet the destiny that awaits them very philosophically." simpson estimates the slaves to be one third of the entire population. interior tribes enslave their prisoners of war, but, unlike the coast tribes, they have no hereditary slavery, nor systematic traffic in slaves. [sidenote: caste and clanship.] with the superior activity and intelligence of the thlinkeets, social castes begin to appear. besides an hereditary nobility, from which class all chiefs are chosen, the whole nation is separated into two great divisions or clans, one of which is called the wolf, and the other the raven. upon their houses, boats, robes, shields, and wherever else they can find a place for it, they paint or carve their crest, an heraldic device of the beast or the bird designating the clan to which the owner belongs. the raven trunk is again divided into sub-clans, called the frog, the goose, the sea-lion, the owl, and the salmon. the wolf family comprises the bear, eagle, dolphin, shark, and alca. in this clanship some singular social features present themselves. people are at once thrust widely apart, and yet drawn together. tribes of the same clan may not war on each other, but at the same time members of the same clan may not marry with each other. thus the young wolf warrior must seek his mate among the ravens, and, while celebrating his nuptials one day, he may be called upon the next to fight his father-in-law over some hereditary feud. obviously this singular social fancy tends greatly to keep the various tribes of the nation at peace.[ ] although the thlinkeet women impose upon themselves the most painful and rigorous social laws, there are few savage nations in which the sex have greater influence or command greater respect. whether it be the superiority of their intellects, their success in rendering their hideous charms available, or the cruel penances imposed upon womanhood, the truth is that not only old men, but old women, are respected. in fact, a remarkably old and ugly crone is accounted almost above nature--a sorceress. one cause of this is that they are much more modest and chaste than their northern sisters.[ ] as a rule, a man has but one wife; more, however, being allowable. a chief of the nass tribe is said to have had forty. a young girl arrived at the age of maturity is deemed unclean; and everything she comes in contact with, or looks upon, even the clear sky or pure water, is thereby rendered unpropitious to man. she is therefore thrust from the society of her fellows, and confined in a dark den as a being unfit for the sun to shine upon. there she is kept sometimes for a whole year. langsdorff suggests that it may be during this period of confinement that the foundation of her influence is laid; that in modest reserve, and meditation, her character is strengthened, and she comes forth cleansed in mind as well as body. this infamous ordeal, coming at a most critical period, and in connection with the baptism of the block, cannot fail to exert a powerful influence upon her character. it is a singular idea that they have of uncleanness. during all this time, according to holmberg, only the girl's mother approaches her, and that only to place food within her reach. there she lies, wallowing in her filth, scarcely able to move. it is almost incredible that human beings can bring themselves so to distort nature. to this singular custom, as well as to that of the block, female slaves do not conform. after the girl's immurement is over, if her parents are wealthy, her old clothing is destroyed, she is washed and dressed anew, and a grand feast given in honor of the occasion.[ ] the natural sufferings of mothers during confinement are also aggravated by custom. at this time they too are considered unclean, and must withdraw into the forest or fields, away from all others, and take care of themselves and their offspring. after the birth of a child, the mother is locked up in a shed for ten days. a marriage ceremony consists in the assembling of friends and distribution of presents. a newly married pair must fast for two days thereafter, in order to insure domestic felicity. after the expiration of that time they are permitted to partake of a little food, when a second two days' fast is added, after which they are allowed to come together for the first time; but the mysteries of wedlock are not fully unfolded to them until four weeks after marriage. very little is said by travelers regarding the bath-houses of the thlinkeets, but i do not infer that they used them less than their neighbors. in fact, notwithstanding their filth, purgations and purifications are commenced at an early age. as soon as an infant is born, and before it has tasted food, whatever is in the stomach must be squeezed out. mothers nurse their children from one to two and a half years. when the child is able to leave its cradle, it is bathed in the ocean every day without regard to season, and this custom is kept up by both sexes through life. those that survive the first year of filth, and the succeeding years of applied ice water and exposure, are very justly held to be well toughened. the thlinkeet child is frequently given two names, one from the father's side and one from the mother's; and when a son becomes more famous than his father, the latter drops his own name, and is known only as the father of his son. their habits of life are regular. in summer, at early dawn they put out to sea in their boats, or seek for food upon the beach, returning before noon for their first meal. a second one is taken just before night. the work is not unequally divided between the sexes, and the division is based upon the economical principles of civilized communities. the men rarely conclude a bargain without consulting their wives. marchand draws a revolting picture of their treatment of infants. the little bodies are so excoriated by fermented filth, and so scarred by their cradle, that they carry the marks to the grave. no wonder that when they grow up they are insensible to pain. nor are the mothers especially given to personal cleanliness and decorum.[ ] music, as well as the arts, is cultivated by the thlinkeets, and, if we may believe marchand, ranks with them as a social institution. "at fixed times," he says, "evening and morning, they sing in chorus, every one takes part in the concert, and from the pensive air which they assume while singing, one would imagine that the song has some deep interest for them." the men do the dancing, while the women, who are rather given to fatness and flaccidity, accompany them with song and tambourine.[ ] their principal gambling game is played with thirty small sticks, of various colors, and called by divers names, as the crab, the whale, and the duck. the player shuffles together all the sticks, then counting out seven, he hides them under a bunch of moss, keeping the remainder covered at the same time. the game is to guess in which pile is the whale, and the crab, and the duck. during the progress of the game, they present a perfect picture of melancholic stoicism.[ ] the thlinkeets burn their dead. an exception is made when the deceased is a shamán or a slave; the body of the former is preserved, after having been wrapped in furs, in a large wooden sarcophagus; and the latter is thrown out into the ocean or anywhere, like a beast. the ashes of the burned thlinkeet are carefully collected in a box covered with hieroglyphic figures, and placed upon four posts. the head of a warrior killed in battle is cut off before the body is burned, and placed in a box supported by two poles over the box that holds his ashes.[ ] some tribes preserve the bodies of those who die during the winter, until forced to get rid of them by the warmer weather of spring. their grandest feasts are for the dead. besides the funeral ceremony, which is the occasion of a festival, they hold an annual 'elevation of the dead,' at which times they erect monuments to the memory of their departed. the shamáns possess some knowledge of the medicinal properties of herbs, but the healing of the body does not constitute so important a part of their vocation as do their dealings with supernatural powers. [sidenote: thlinkeet character.] to sum up the character of the thlinkeets, they may be called bold, brave, shrewd, intelligent, industrious, lovers of art and music, respectful to women and the aged; yet extremely cruel, scalping and maiming their prisoners out of pure wantonness, thievish, lying, and inveterate gamblers. in short they possess most of the virtues and vices incident to savagism. [sidenote: the tinneh.] the tinneh, the fifth and last division of our hyperborean group, occupy the 'great lone land,' between hudson bay and the conterminous nations already described; a land greater than the whole of the united states, and more 'lone,' excepting absolute deserts, than any part of america. white men there are scarcely any; wild men and wild beasts there are few; few dense forests, and little vegetation, although the grassy savannahs sustain droves of deer, buffalo, and other animals. the tinneh are, next to the eskimos, the most northern people of the continent. they inhabit the unexplored regions of central alaska, and thence extend eastward, their area widening towards the south to the shores of hudson bay. within their domain, from the north-west to the south-east, may be drawn a straight line measuring over four thousand miles in length. the tinneh,[ ] may be divided into four great families of nations; namely, the _chepewyans_, or athabascas, living between hudson bay and the rocky mountains; the _tacullies_, or carriers, of new caledonia or north-western british america; the _kutchins_, occupying both banks of the upper yukon and its tributaries, from near its mouth to the mackenzie river; and the _kenai_, inhabiting the interior from the lower yukon to copper river. the chepewyan family is composed of the northern indians, so called by the fur-hunters at fort churchill as lying along the shores of hudson bay, directly to their north; the copper indians, on coppermine river; the horn mountain and beaver indians, farther to the west; the strong-bows, dog-ribs, hares, red-knives, sheep, sarsis, brush-wood, nagailer, and rocky-mountain indians, of the mackenzie river and rocky mountains.[ ] the tacully[ ] nation is divided into a multitude of petty tribes, to which different travelers give different names according to fancy. among them the most important are the talkotins and chilkotins, nateotetains and sicannis, of the upper branches of fraser river and vicinity. it is sufficient for our purpose, however, to treat them as one nation. the kutchins,[ ] a large and powerful nation, are composed of the following tribes. commencing at the mackenzie river, near its mouth, and extending westward across the mountains to and down the yukon; the loucheux or quarrellers, of the mackenzie river; the vanta kutchin, natche kutchin, and yukuth kutchin, of porcupine river and neighborhood; the tutchone kutchin, han kutchin, kutcha kutchin, gens de bouleau, gens de milieu, tenan kutchin, nuclukayettes, and newicarguts, of the yukon river. their strip of territory is from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles in width, lying immediately south of the eskimos, and extending westward from the mackenzie river about eight hundred miles.[ ] the kenai[ ] nation includes the ingaliks, of the lower yukon; the koltchanes, of the kuskoquim river; and to the south-eastward, the kenais, of the kenai peninsula, and the atnas, of copper river.[ ] thus we see that the tinneh are essentially an inland people, barred out from the frozen ocean by a thin strip of eskimo land, and barely touching the pacific at cook inlet. philologists, however, find dialectic resemblances, imaginary or real, between them and the umpquas[ ] and apaches.[ ] [sidenote: the chepewyans.] the name chepewyan signifies 'pointed coat,' and derives its origin from the parka, coat, or outer garment, so universally common throughout this region. it is made of several skins differently dressed and ornamented in different localities, but always cut with the skirt pointed before and behind. the chepewyans believe that their ancestors migrated from the east, and therefore those of them who are born nearest their eastern boundary, are held in the greatest estimation. the dog-ribs alone refer their origin to the west. the chepewyans are physically characterized by a long full face,[ ] tall slim figure;[ ] in complexion they are darker than coast tribes,[ ] and have small piercing black eyes,[ ] flowing hair,[ ] and tattooed cheeks and forehead.[ ] altogether they are pronounced an inferior race.[ ] into the composition of their garments enter beaver, moose, and deer-skin, dressed with and without the hair, sewed with sinews and ornamented with claws, horns, teeth, and feathers.[ ] [sidenote: the northern indians.] the northern indian man is master of his household.[ ] he marries without ceremony, and divorces his wife at his pleasure.[ ] a man of forty buys or fights for a spouse of twelve,[ ] and when tired of her whips her and sends her away. girls on arriving at the age of womanhood must retire from the village and live for a time apart.[ ] the chepewyans inhabit huts of brush and portable skin tents. they derive their origin from a dog. at one time they were so strongly imbued with respect for their canine ancestry that they entirely ceased to employ dogs in drawing their sledges, greatly to the hardship of the women upon whom this laborious task fell. their food consists mostly of fish and reindeer, the latter being easily taken in snares. much of their land is barren, but with sufficient vegetation to support numerous herds of reindeer, and fish abound in their lakes and streams. their hunting grounds are held by clans, and descend by inheritance from one generation to another, which has a salutary effect upon the preservation of game. indian law requires the successful hunter to share the spoils of the chase with all present. when game is abundant, their tent-fires never die, but are surrounded during all hours of the day and night by young and old cooking their food.[ ] superabundance of food, merchandise, or anything which they wish to preserve without the trouble of carrying it about with them while on hunting or foraging expeditions, is _cached_, as they term it; from the french, _cacher_, to conceal. canadian fur-hunters often resorted to this artifice, but the practice was common among the natives before the advent of europeans. a sudden necessity often arises in indian countries for the traveler to relieve himself from burdens. this is done by digging a hole in the earth and depositing the load therein, so artfully covering it as to escape detection by the wily savages. goods may be cached in a cave, or in the branches of a tree, or in the hollow of a log. the camp-fire is frequently built over the spot where stores have been deposited, in order that the disturbance of the surface may not be detected. their weapons[ ] and their utensils[ ] are of the most primitive kind--stone and bone being used in place of metal. their dances, which are always performed in the night, are not original, but are borrowed from the southern and dog-rib indians. they consist in raising the feet alternately in quick succession, as high as possible without moving the body, to the sound of a drum or rattle.[ ] they never bury their dead, but leave the bodies where they fall, to be devoured by the birds and beasts of prey.[ ] their religion consists chiefly in songs and speeches to these birds and beasts and to imaginary beings, for assistance in performing cures of the sick.[ ] old age is treated with disrespect and neglect, one half of both sexes dying before their time for want of care. the northern indians are frequently at war with the eskimos and southern indians, for whom they at all times entertain the most inveterate hatred. the copper indians, bordering on the southern boundary of the eskimos at the coppermine river, were originally the occupants of the territory south of great slave lake. the dog-ribs, or slavés as they are called by neighboring nations, are indolent, fond of amusement, but mild and hospitable. they are so debased, as savages, that the men do the laborious work, while the women employ themselves in household affairs and ornamental needlework. young married men have been known to exhibit specimens of their wives' needle-work with pride. from their further advancement in civilization, and the tradition which they hold of having migrated from the westward, were it not that their language differs from that of contiguous tribes only in accent, they might naturally be considered of different origin. bands of dog-ribs meeting after a long absence greet each other with a dance, which frequently continues for two or three days. first clearing a spot of ground, they take an arrow in the right hand and a bow in the left, and turning their backs each band to the other, they approach dancing, and when close together they feign to perceive each other's presence for the first time; the bow and arrow are instantly transferred from one hand to the other, in token of their non-intention to use them against friends. they are very improvident, and frequently are driven to cannibalism and suicide.[ ] [sidenote: hares, dog-ribs, and tacullies.] the hare indians, who speak a dialect of the tinneh scarcely to be distinguished from that of the dog-ribs, are looked upon by their neighbors as great conjurers. the hare and sheep indians look upon their women as inferior beings. from childhood they are inured to every description of drudgery, and though not treated with special cruelty, they are placed at the lowest point in the scale of humanity. the characteristic stoicism of the red race is not manifested by these tribes. socialism is practiced to a considerable extent. the hunter is allowed only the tongue and ribs of the animal he kills, the remainder being divided among the members of the tribe. the hares and dog-ribs do not cut the finger-nails of female children until four years of age, in order that they may not prove lazy; the infant is not allowed food until four days after birth, in order to accustom it to fasting in the next world. the sheep indians are reported as being cannibals. the red-knives formerly hunted reindeer and musk-oxen at the northern end of great bear lake, but they were finally driven eastward by the dog-ribs. laws and government are unknown to the chepewyans.[ ] [sidenote: the tacullies, or carriers.] the tacullies, or, as they were denominated by the fur-traders, 'carriers,' are the chief tribe of new caledonia, or north-western british america. they call themselves tacullies, or 'men who go upon water,' as their travels from one village to another are mostly accomplished in canoes. this, with their sobriquet of 'carriers,' clearly indicates their ruling habitudes. the men are more finely formed than the women, the latter being short, thick, and disproportionately large in their lower limbs. in their persons they are slovenly; in their dispositions, lively and contented. as they are able to procure food[ ] with but little labor, they are naturally indolent, but appear to be able and willing to work when occasion requires it. their relations with white people have been for the most part amicable; they are seldom quarrelsome, though not lacking bravery. the people are called after the name of the village in which they dwell. their primitive costume consists of hare, musk-rat, badger, and beaver skins, sometimes cut into strips an inch broad, and woven or interlaced. the nose is perforated by both sexes, the men suspending therefrom a brass, copper, or shell ornament, the women a wooden one, tipped with a bead at either end.[ ] their avarice lies in the direction of hiaqua shells, which find their way up from the sea-coast through other tribes. in , these beads were the circulating medium of the country, and twenty of them would buy a good beaver-skin. their paint is made of vermilion obtained from the traders, or of a pulverized red stone mixed with grease. they are greatly addicted to gambling, and do not appear at all dejected by ill fortune, spending days and nights in the winter season at their games, frequently gambling away every rag of clothing and every trinket in their possession. they also stake parts of a garment or other article, and if losers, cut off a piece of coat-sleeve or a foot of gun-barrel. native cooking vessels are made of bark, or of the roots or fibres of trees, woven so as to hold water, in which are placed heated stones for the purpose of cooking food.[ ] polygamy is practiced, but not generally. the tacullies are fond of their wives, performing the most of the household drudgery in order to relieve them, and consequently they are very jealous of them. but to their unmarried daughters, strange as it may seem, they allow every liberty without censure or shame. the reason which they give for this strange custom is, that the purity of their wives is thereby better preserved.[ ] during a portion of every year the tacullies dwell in villages, conveniently situated for catching and drying salmon. in april they visit the lakes and take small fish; and after these fail, they return to their villages and subsist upon the fish they have dried, and upon herbs and berries. from august to october, salmon are plentiful again. beaver are caught in nets made from strips of cariboo-skins, and also in cypress and steel traps. they are also sometimes shot with guns or with bows and arrows. smaller game they take in various kinds of traps. the civil polity of the tacullies is of a very primitive character. any person may become a _miuty_ or chief who will occasionally provide a village feast. a malefactor may find protection from the avenger in the dwelling of a chief, so long as he is permitted to remain there, or even afterwards if he has upon his back any one of the chief's garments. disputes are usually adjusted by some old man of the tribe. the boundaries of the territories belonging to the different villages are designated by mountains, rivers, or other natural objects, and the rights of towns, as well as of individuals, are most generally respected; but broils are constantly occasioned by murders, abduction of women, and other causes, between these separate societies.[ ] when seriously ill, the carriers deem it an indispensable condition to their recovery that every secret crime should be confessed to the magician. murder, of any but a member of the same village, is not considered a heinous offense. they at first believed reading and writing to be the exercise of magic art. the carriers know little of medicinal herbs. their priest or magician is also the doctor, but before commencing his operations in the sick room, he must receive a fee, which, if his efforts prove unsuccessful, he is obliged to restore. the curative process consists in singing a melancholy strain over the invalid, in which all around join. this mitigates pain, and often restores health. their winter tenements are frequently made by opening a spot of earth to the depth of two feet, across which a ridge-pole is placed, supported at either end by posts; poles are then laid from the sides of the excavation to the ridge-pole and covered with hay. a hole is left in the top for purposes of entrance and exit, and also in order to allow the escape of smoke.[ ] slavery is common with them; all who can afford it keeping slaves. they use them as beasts of burden, and treat them most inhumanly. the country of the sicannis in the rocky mountains is sterile, yielding the occupants a scanty supply of food and clothing. they are nevertheless devotedly attached to their bleak land, and will fight for their rude homes with the most patriotic ardor. [sidenote: nehannes and talkotins.] the nehannes usually pass the summer in the vicinity of the sea-coast, and scour the interior during the winter for furs, which they obtain from inland tribes by barter or plunder, and dispose of to the european traders. it is not a little remarkable that this warlike and turbulent horde was at one time governed by a woman. fame gives her a fair complexion, with regular features, and great intelligence. her influence over her fiery people, it is said, was perfect; while her warriors, the terror and scourge of the surrounding country, quailed before her eye. her word was law, and was obeyed with marvelous alacrity. through her influence the condition of the women of her tribe was greatly raised. great ceremonies, cruelty, and superstition attend burning the dead, which custom obtains throughout this region,[ ] and, as usual in savagism, woman is the sufferer. when the father of a household dies, the entire family, or, if a chief, the tribe, are summoned to present themselves.[ ] time must be given to those most distant to reach the village before the ceremony begins.[ ] the talkotin wife, when all is ready, is compelled to ascend the funeral pile, throw herself upon her husband's body and there remain until nearly suffocated, when she is permitted to descend. still she must keep her place near the burning corpse, keep it in a proper position, tend the fire, and if through pain or faintness she fails in the performance of her duties, she is held up and pressed forward by others; her cries meanwhile are drowned in wild songs, accompanied by the beating of drums.[ ] when the funeral pile of a tacully is fired, the wives of the deceased, if there are more than one, are placed at the head and foot of the body. their duty there is to publicly demonstrate their affection for the departed; which they do by resting their head upon the dead bosom, by striking in frenzied love the body, nursing and battling the fire meanwhile. and there they remain until the hair is burned from their head, until, suffocated and almost senseless, they stagger off to a little distance; then recovering, attack the corpse with new vigor, striking it first with one hand and then with the other, until the form of the beloved is reduced to ashes. finally these ashes are gathered up, placed in sacks, and distributed one sack to each wife, whose duty it is to carry upon her person the remains of the departed for the space of two years. during this period of mourning the women are clothed in rags, kept in a kind of slavery, and not allowed to marry. not unfrequently these poor creatures avoid their term of servitude by suicide. at the expiration of the time, a feast is given them, and they are again free. structures are erected as repositories for the ashes of their dead,[ ] in which the bag or box containing the remains is placed. these grave-houses are of split boards about one inch in thickness, six feet high, and decorated with painted representations of various heavenly and earthly objects. the indians of the rocky mountains burn with the deceased all his effects, and even those of his nearest relatives, so that it not unfrequently happens that a family is reduced to absolute starvation in the dead of winter, when it is impossible to procure food. the motive assigned to this custom is, that there may be nothing left to bring the dead to remembrance. a singular custom prevails among the nateotetain women, which is to cut off one joint of a finger upon the death of a near relative. in consequence of this practice some old women may be seen with two joints off every finger on both hands. the men bear their sorrows more stoically, being content in such cases with shaving the head and cutting their flesh with flints.[ ] [sidenote: kutchin characteristics.] the kutchins are the flower of the tinneh family. they are very numerous, numbering about twenty-two tribes. they are a more noble and manly people than either the eskimos upon the north or the contiguous tinneh tribes upon their own southern boundary. the finest specimens dwell on the yukon river. the women tattoo the chin with a black pigment, and the men draw a black stripe down the forehead and nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks with red lines, and streaking the chin alternately with red and black. their features are more regular than those of their neighbors, more expressive of boldness, frankness, and candor; their foreheads higher, and their complexions lighter. the tenan kutchin of the tananah river, one of the largest tribes of the yukon valley, are somewhat wilder and more ferocious in their appearance. the boys are precocious, and the girls marry at fifteen.[ ] the kutchins of peel river, as observed by mr isbister, "are an athletic and fine-looking race; considerable above the average stature, most of them being upwards of six feet in height and remarkably well proportioned." their clothing is made from the skins of reindeer, dressed with the hair on; their coat cut after the fashion of the eskimos, with skirts peaked before and behind, and elaborately trimmed with beads and dyed porcupine-quills. the kutchins, in common with the eskimos, are distinguished by a similarity in the costume of the sexes. men and women wear the same description of breeches. some of the men have a long flap attached to their deer-skin shirts, shaped like a beaver's tail, and reaching nearly to the ground.[ ] of the coat, mr whymper says: "if the reader will imagine a man dressed in two swallow-tailed coats, one of them worn as usual, the other covering his stomach and buttoned behind, he will get some idea of this garment." across the shoulders and breast they wear a broad band of beads, with narrower bands round the forehead and ankles, and along the seams of their leggins. they are great traders; beads are their wealth, used in the place of money, and the rich among them literally load themselves with necklaces and strings of various patterns.[ ] the nose and ears are adorned with shells.[ ] the hair is worn in a long cue, ornamented with feathers, and bound with strings of beads and shells at the head, with flowing ends, and so saturated with grease and birds' down as to swell it sometimes to the thickness of the neck. they pay considerable attention to personal cleanliness. the kutchins construct both permanent underground dwellings and the temporary summer-hut or tent.[ ] [sidenote: food of the kutchins.] on the yukon, the greatest scarcity of food is in the spring. the winter's stores are exhausted, and the bright rays of the sun upon the melting snow almost blind the eyes of the deer-hunter. the most plentiful supply of game is in august, september, and october, after which the forming of ice on the rivers prevents fishing until december, when the winter traps are set. the reindeer are in good condition in august, and geese are plentiful. salmon ascend the river in june, and are taken in great quantities until about the first of september; fish are dried or smoked without salt, for winter use. fur-hunting begins in october; and in december, trade opens with the eskimos, with whom furs are exchanged for oil and seal-skins. the kutchin of the yukon are unacquainted with nets, but catch their fish by means of weirs or stakes planted across rivers and narrow lakes, having openings for wicker baskets, by which they intercept the fish. they hunt reindeer in the mountains and take moose-deer in snares.[ ] both kutchins and eskimos are very jealous regarding their boundaries; but the incessant warfare which is maintained between the littoral and interior people of the northern coast near the mackenzie river, is not maintained by the north-western tribes. one of either people, however, if found hunting out of his own territory, is very liable to be shot. some kutchin tribes permit the eskimos to take the meat of the game which they kill, provided they leave the skin at the nearest village.[ ] the kutchins of the yukon river manufacture cups and pots from clay, and ornament them with crosses, dots, and lines; moulding them by hand after various patterns, first drying them in the sun and then baking them. the eskimo lamp is also sometimes made of clay. the tinneh make paint of pulverized colored stones or of earth, mixed with glue. the glue is made from buffalo feet and applied by a moose-hair brush. in the manufacture of their boats the kutchins of the yukon use bark as a substitute for the seal-skins of the coast. they first make a light frame of willow or birch, from eight to sixteen feet in length. then with fine spruce-fir roots they sew together strips of birch bark, cover the frame, and calk the seams with spruce gum. they are propelled by single paddles or poles. those of the mackenzie river are after the same pattern.[ ] in absence of law, murder and all other crimes are compounded for.[ ] a man to be well married must be either rich or strong. a good hunter, who can accumulate beads, and a good wrestler, who can win brides by force, may have from two to five wives. the women perform all domestic duties, and eat after the husband is satisfied, but the men paddle the boats, and have even been known to carry their wives ashore so that they might not wet their feet. the women carry their infants in a sort of bark saddle, fastened to their back; they bandage their feet in order to keep them small.[ ] kutchin amusements are wrestling, leaping, dancing, and singing. they are great talkers, and etiquette forbids any interruption to the narrative of a new comer.[ ] [sidenote: the tenan kutchin.] the tenan kutchin, 'people of the mountains,' inhabiting the country south of fort yukon which is drained by the river tananah, are a wild, ungovernable horde, their territory never yet having been invaded by white people. the river upon which they dwell is supposed to take its rise near the upper yukon. they allow no women in their deer-hunting expeditions. they smear their leggins and hair with red ochre and grease. the men part their hair in the middle and separate it into locks, which, when properly dressed, look like rolls of red mud about the size of a finger; one bunch of locks is secured in a mass which falls down the neck, by a band of dentalium shells, and two smaller rolls hang down either side of the face. after being soaked in grease and tied, the head is powdered with finely cut swan's down, which adheres to the greasy hair. the women wear few ornaments, perform more than the ordinary amount of drudgery, and are treated more like dogs than human beings. chastity is scarcely known among them. the kutcha kutchin, 'people of the lowland,' are cleaner and better mannered. the kutchins have a singular system of totems. the whole nation is divided into three castes, called respectively _chitcheah_, _tengratsey_, and _natsahi_, each occupying a distinct territory. two persons of the same caste are not allowed to marry; but a man of one caste must marry a woman of another. the mother gives caste to the children, so that as the fathers die off the caste of the country constantly changes. this system operates strongly against war between tribes; as in war, it is caste against caste, and not tribe against tribe. as the father is never of the same caste as the son, who receives caste from his mother, there can never be intertribal war without ranging fathers and sons against each other. when a child is named, the father drops his former name and substitutes that of the child, so that the father receives his name from the child, and not the child from the father. they have scarcely any government; their chiefs are elected on account of wealth or ability, and their authority is very limited.[ ] their custom is to burn the dead, and enclose the ashes in a box placed upon posts; some tribes enclose the body in an elevated box without burning.[ ] [sidenote: the kenai.] the kenai are a fine, manly race, in which baer distinguishes characteristics decidedly american, and clearly distinct from the asiatic eskimos. one of the most powerful kenai tribes is the unakatanas, who dwell upon the koyukuk river, and plant their villages along the banks of the lower yukon for a distance of one hundred and fifty miles. they are bold and ferocious, dominative even to the giving of fashion in dress. that part of the yukon which runs through their territory abounds with moose, which during the summer frequent the water in order to avoid the mosquitos, and as the animals are clumsy swimmers, the indians easily capture them. their women occupy a very inferior position, being obliged to do more drudgery and embellish their dress with fewer ornaments than those of the upper tribes. the men wear a heavy fringe of beads or shells upon their dress, equal sometimes to two hundred marten-skins in value. at nuklukahyet, where the tananah river joins the yukon, is a neutral trading-ground to which all the surrounding tribes resort in the spring for traffic. skins are their moneyed currency, the beaver-skin being the standard; one 'made' beaver-skin represents two marten-skins. the ingaliks inhabiting the yukon near its mouth call themselves _kaeyah khatana_. their dialect is totally distinct from the malemutes, their neighbors on the west, but shows an affinity with that of the unakatanas to their east. tobacco they both smoke and snuff. the smoke they swallow; snuff is drawn into the nostrils through a wooden tube. they manufacture snuff from leaf tobacco by means of a wooden mortar and pestle, and carry bone or wooden snuff-boxes. they are described by travelers as a timid, sensitive people, and remarkably honest. ingalik women are delivered kneeling, and without pain, being seldom detained from their household duties for more than an hour. the infant is washed, greased, and fed, and is seldom weaned under two or three years. the women live longer than the men; some of them reaching sixty, while the men rarely attain more than forty-five years. the koltschanes, whose name in the dialect of the kenai signifies 'guest,' and in that of the atnas of copper river, 'stranger,' have been charged with great cruelty, and even cannibalism, but without special foundation. wrangell believes the koltschanes, atnas, and kolosches to be one people. the kenai, of the kenaian peninsula, upon recovery from dangerous illness, give a feast to those who expressed sympathy during the affliction. if a bounteous provision is made upon these occasions, a chieftainship may be obtained thereby; and although the power thus acquired does not descend to one's heir, he may be conditionally recognized as chief. injuries are avenged by the nearest relative, but if a murder is committed by a member of another clan, all the allied families rise to avenge the wrong. when a person dies, the whole community assemble and mourn. the nearest kinsman, arrayed in his best apparel, with blackened face, his nose and head decked with eagle's feathers, leads the ceremony. all sit round a fire and howl, while the master of the lamentation recounts the notable deeds of the departed, amidst the ringing of bells, and violent stampings, and contortions of his body. the clothing is then distributed to the relatives, the body is burned, the bones collected and interred, and at the expiration of a year a feast is held to the memory of the deceased, after which it is not lawful for a relative to mention his name. the lover, if his suit is accepted, must perform a year's service for his bride. the wooing is in this wise: early some morning he enters the abode of the fair one's father, and without speaking a word proceeds to bring water, prepare food, and to heat the bath-room. in reply to the question why he performs these services, he answers that he desires the daughter for a wife. at the expiration of the year, without further ceremony, he takes her home, with a gift; but if she is not well treated by her husband, she may return to her father, and take with her the dowry. the wealthy may have several wives, but the property of each wife is distinct. they are nomadic in their inclinations and traverse the interior to a considerable distance in pursuit of game. the atnas are a small tribe inhabiting the atna or copper river. they understand the art of working copper, and have commercial relations with surrounding tribes. in the spring, before the breaking up of ice upon the lakes and rivers, they hunt reindeer, driving them into angle-shaped wicker-work corrals, where they are killed. in the autumn another general hunt takes place, when deer are driven into lakes, and pursued and killed in boats. their food and clothing depend entirely upon their success in these forays, as they are unable to obtain fish in sufficient quantities for their sustenance; and when unsuccessful in the chase, whole families die of starvation. those who can afford it, keep slaves, buying them from the koltschanes. they burn their dead, then carefully collect the ashes in a new reindeer-skin, enclose the skin in a box, and place the box on posts or in a tree. every year they celebrate a feast in commemoration of their dead. baer asserts that the atnas divide the year into fifteen months, which are designated only by their numbers; ten of them belong to autumn and winter, and five to spring and summer. [sidenote: tinneh character.] the tinneh character, if we may accept the assertions of various travelers, visiting different parts under widely different circumstances, presents a multitude of phases. thus it is said of the chepewyans by mackenzie, that they are "sober, timorous, and vagrant, with a selfish disposition which has sometimes created suspicions of their integrity. they are also of a quarrelous disposition, and are continually making complaints which they express by a constant repetition of the word _edmy_, 'it is hard,' in a whiny and plaintive tone of voice. so indolent that numbers perish every year from famine. suicide is not uncommon among them." hearne asserts that they are morose and covetous; that they have no gratitude; are great beggars; are insolent, if any respect is shown them; that they cheat on all opportunities; yet they are mild, rarely get drunk; and "never proceed to violence beyond bad language;" that they steal on every opportunity from the whites, but very rarely from each other; and although regarding all property, including wives, as belonging to the strongest, yet they only wrestle, and rarely murder. of the same people sir john franklin says, that they are naturally indolent, selfish, and great beggars. "i never saw men," he writes, "who either received or bestowed a gift with such bad grace." the dog-ribs are "of a mild, hospitable, but rather indolent disposition," fond of dancing and singing. according to the same traveler the copper indians are superior, in personal character, to any other chepewyans. "their delicate and humane attentions to us," he remarks, "in a period of great distress, are indelibly engraven on our memories." simpson says that it is a general rule among the traders not to believe the first story of an indian. although sometimes bearing suffering with fortitude, the least sickness makes them say, "i am going to die," and the improvidence of the indian character is greatly aggravated by the custom of destroying all the property of deceased relatives. sir john richardson accuses the hare indians of timidity, standing in great fear of the eskimos, and being always in want of food. they are practical socialists, 'great liars,' but 'strictly honest.' hospitality is not a virtue with them. according to richardson, neither the eskimos, dog-ribs, nor hare indians, feel the least shame in being detected in falsehood, and invariably practice it if they think that they can thereby gain any of their petty ends. even in their familiar intercourse with each other, the indians seldom tell the truth in the first instance, and if they succeed in exciting admiration or astonishment, their invention runs on without check. from the manner of the speaker, rather than by his words, is his truth or falsehood inferred, and often a very long interrogation is necessary to elicit the real fact. the comfort, and not unfrequently even the lives of parties of the timid hare indians are sacrificed by this miserable propensity. the hare and dog-rib women are certainly at the bottom of the scale of humanity in north america. ross thinks that they are "tolerably honest; not bloodthirsty, nor cruel;" "confirmed liars, far from being chaste." according to harmon, one of the earliest and most observing travelers among them, the tacullies "are a quiet, inoffensive people," and "perhaps the most honest on the face of the earth." they "are unusually talkative," and "take great delight in singing or humming or whistling a dull air." "murder is not considered as a crime of great magnitude." he considers the sicannis the bravest of the tacully tribes. but the kutchins bear off the palm for honesty. says whymper: "finding the loads too great for our dogs, we raised an erection of poles, and deposited some bags thereon. i may here say, once for all, that our men often left goods, consisting of tea, flour, molasses, bacon, and all kinds of miscellaneous articles, scattered in this way over the country, and that they remained untouched by the indians, who frequently traveled past them." simpson testifies of the loucheux that "a bloody intent with them lurks not under a smile." murray reports the kutchins treacherous; richardson did not find them so. jones declares that "they differ entirely from the tinneh tribes of the mackenzie, being generous, honest, hospitable, proud, high-spirited, and quick to revenge an injury." tribal boundaries. accurately to draw partition lines between primitive nations is impossible. migrating with the seasons, constantly at war, driving and being driven far past the limits of hereditary boundaries, extirpating and being extirpated, overwhelming, intermingling; like a human sea, swelling and surging in its wild struggle with the winds of fate, they come and go, here to-day, yonder to-morrow. a traveler passing over the country finds it inhabited by certain tribes; another coming after finds all changed. one writer gives certain names to certain nations; another changes the name, or gives to the nation a totally different locality. an approximation, however, can be made sufficiently correct for practical purposes; and to arrive at this, i will give at the end of each chapter all the authorities at my command; that from the statements of all, whether conflicting or otherwise, the truth may be very nearly arrived at. all nations, north of the fifty-fifth parallel, as before mentioned, i call hyperboreans. to the eskimos, i give the arctic sea-board from the coppermine river to kotzebue sound. late travelers make a distinction between the malemutes and kaveaks of norton sound and the eskimos. whymper calls the former 'a race of tall and stout people, but in other respect, much resembling the esquimaux.' _alaska_, p. . sir john richardson, in his _journal_, vol. i., p. , places them on the 'western coast, by cook's sound and tchugatz bay, nearly to mount st. elias;' but in his _polar regions_, p. , he terminates them at kotzebue sound. early writers give them the widest scope. 'die südlichsten sind in amerika, auf der küste labrador, wo nach charlevoix dieser völkerstamm den namen esquimaux bey den in der nähe wohnenden abenaki führte, und auch an der benachbarten ostseite von neu-fundland, ferner westlich noch unter der halbinsel alaska.' _vater_, _mithridates_, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. . dr latham, in his _varieties of man_, treats the inhabitants of the aleutian islands as eskimos, and in _native races of the russian empire_, p. , he gives them 'the whole of the coast of the arctic ocean, and the coast from behring strait to cook inlet.' prichard, _researches_, vol. v., p. , requires more complete evidence before he can conclude that the aleuts are not eskimos. being entirely unacquainted with the great kutchin family in the yukon valley, he makes the carriers of new caledonia conterminous with the eskimos. the boundary lines between the eskimos and the interior indian tribes 'are generally formed by the summit of the watershed between the small rivers which empty into the sea and those which fall into the yukon.' _dall's alaska_, p. . malte-brun, _précis de la géographie_, vol. v., p. , goes to the other extreme. 'les esquimaux,' he declares, 'habitent depuis le golfe welcome jusqu'au fleuve mackenzie, et probablement jusqu'au détroit de bering; ils s'étendent au sud jusqu'au lac de l'esclave.' ludewig, _aboriginal languages_, p. , divides them into 'eskimo proper, on the shores of labrador, and the western eskimos.' gallatin sweepingly asserts that 'they are the sole native inhabitants of the shores of all the seas, bays, inlets, and islands of america, north of the sixtieth degree of north latitude.' _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . the western eskimos, says beechey, 'inhabit the north-west coast of america, from ° ´ n. to ° ´ n.' _voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'along the entire coast of america.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . [sidenote: eskimos and koniagas.] the tribal subdivisions of the eskimos are as follows:--at coppermine river they are known by the name of _naggeuktoomutes_, 'deer-horns.' at the eastern outlet of the mackenzie they are called _kittear_. between the mackenzie river and barter reef they call themselves _kangmali-innuin_. the tribal name at point barrow is _nuwangmeun_. 'the _nuna-tangmë-un_ inhabit the country traversed by the nunatok, a river which falls into kotzebue sound.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . from cape lisburn to icy cape the tribal appellation is _kitegues_. 'deutsche karten zeigen uns noch im nord-west-ende des russischen nordamerika's, in dieser so anders gewandten küstenlinie, nördlich vom kotzebue-sund: im westlichen theile des küstenlandes, das sie west-georgien nennen, vom cap lisburn bis über das eiscap; hinlaufend das volk der kiteguen.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . 'the tribes appear to be separated from each other by a neutral ground, across which small parties venture in the summer for barter.' the _tuski_, _tschuktschi_, or _tchutski_, of the easternmost point of asia, have also been referred to the opposite coast of america for their habitation. the tschuktchi 'occupy the north-western coast of russian asia, and the opposite shores of north-western america.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the koniagan nation occupies the shores of bering sea, from kotzebue sound to the island of kadiak, including a part of the alaskan peninsula, and the koniagan and chugatschen islands. the _koniagas_ proper inhabit kadiak, and the contiguous islands. _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . 'the konægi are inhabitants of the isle of kodiak.' _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . 'die eigentlichen konjagen oder bewohner der insel kadjak.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'zu den letztern rechnet man die aleuten von kadjack, deren sprache von allen küstenbewohnern von der tschugatschen-bay, bis an die berings-strasse und selbst weiter noch die herrschende ist.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'from iliamna lake to the th degree of west longitude.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'la côte qui s'étend depuis le golfe kamischezkaja jusqu'au nouveau-cornouaille, est habitée par cinq peuplades qui forment autant de grandes divisions territoriales dans les colonies de la russie américaine. leurs noms sont: koniagi, kenayzi, tschugatschi, ugalachmiuti et koliugi.' _humboldt_, _pol._, tom. i., p. . the _chugatsches_ inhabit the islands and shores of prince william sound. 'die tchugatschen bewohnen die grössten inseln der bai tschugatsk, wie zukli, chtagaluk u. a. und ziehen sich an der südküste der halbinsel kenai nach westen bis zur einfahrt in den kenaischen meerbusen.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'die tschugatschen sind ankömmlinge von der insel kadjack, die während innerer zwistigkeiten von dort vertrieben, sich zu ihren jetzigen wohnsitzen an den ufern von prince william's sound und gegen westen bis zum eingange von cook's inlet hingewendet haben.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'les tschugatschi occupent le pays qui s'étend depuis l'extrémité septentrionale de l'entrée de cook jusqu'à l'est de la baie du prince guillaume (golfe tschugatskaja.)' _humboldt_, _pol._, tom. i., p. . according to latham, _native races_, p. , they are the most southern members of the family. the tschugazzi 'live between the ugalyachmutzi and the kenaizi.' _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . 'occupy the shores and islands of chugach gulf, and the southwest coasts of the peninsula of kenai.' _dall's alaska_, p. . tschugatschi, 'prince william sound, and cook's inlet.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . tchugatchih, 'claim as their hereditary possessions the coast lying between bristol bay and beering's straits.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . the _aglegmutes_ occupy the shores of bristol bay from the river nushagak along the western coast of the alaskan peninsula, to latitude °. 'die aglegmjuten, von der mündung des flusses nuschagakh bis zum ° oder ° an der westküste der halbinsel aljaska; haben also die ufer der bristol-bai inne.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . dall calls them oglemutes, and says that they inhabit 'the north coast of aliaska from the th degree of west longitude to the head of bristol bay, and along the north shore of that bay to point etolin.' _alaska_, p. . die agolegmüten, an den ausmündungen der flüsse nuschagack und nackneck, ungefähr an der zahl.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . the _kijataigmutes_ dwell upon the banks of the river nushagak and along the coast westward to cape newenham. 'die kijataigmjuten wohnen an den ufern des flusses nuschagakh, sowie seines nebenflusses iligajakh.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . dall says that they call themselves nushergagmut, and 'inhabit the coast near the mouth of the nushergak river, and westward to cape newenham.' _alaska_, p. . 'die kijaten oder kijataigmüten an den flüssen nuschagack und ilgajack.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'am fl. nuschagak.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . the _agulmutes_ inhabit the coast between the rivers kuskoquim and kishunak. 'die aguljmjuten haben sowohl den küstenstrich als das innere des landes zwischen den mündungen des kuskokwim und des kishunakh inne.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'this tribe extends from near cape avinoff nearly to cape romanzoff.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'den agulmüten, am flusse kwichlüwack.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'an der kwickpak-münd.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . the _kuskoquigmutes_ occupy the banks of kuskoquim river and bay. 'die kuskokwigmjuten bewohnen die ufer des flusses kuskokwim von seiner mündung bis zur ansiedelung kwygyschpainagmjut in der nähe der odinotschka kalmakow.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . the kuskwogmuts 'inhabit both shores of kuskoquim bay, and some little distance up that river.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'die kuskokwimer an dem flusse kuskokwim und andern kleinen zuflüssen desselben und an den ufern der südlich von diesem flusse gelegenen seen.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'between the rivers nushagak, ilgajak, chulitna, and kuskokwina, on the sea-shore.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the _magemutes_ live between the rivers kishunak and kipunaiak. 'die magmjuten oder magagmjuten, zwischen den flüssen kiskunakh und kipunajakh.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'these inhabit the vicinity of cape romanzoff and reach nearly to the yukon-mouth.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'magimuten, am flusse kyschunack.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'im s des norton busens.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . the _kwichpagmutes_, or inhabitants of the large river, dwell upon the kwichpak river, from the coast range to the uallik. 'die kwichpagmjuten, haben ihre ansiedelungen am kwickpakh vom küstengebirge an bis zum nebenflusse uallik.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'kuwichpackmüten, am flusse kuwichpack.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'tlagga silla, or little dogs, nearer to the mouth of the yukon, and probably conterminous with the eskimo kwichpak-meut.' _latham's nat. races_, p. . on whymper's map are the _primoski_, near the delta of the yukon. the _kwichluagmutes_ dwell upon the banks of the kwichluak or crooked river, an arm of the kwichpak. 'die kwichljuagmjuten an den ufern eines mündungsarmes des kwichpakh, der kwichljuakh.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'inhabit the kwikhpak slough.' _dall's alaska_, p. . the _pashtoliks_ dwell upon the river pashtolik. 'die paschtoligmjuten, an den ufern des pastolflusses.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'paschtoligmüten, am flusse paschtol.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . whymper places them immediately north of the delta of the yukon. the _chnagmutes_ occupy the coast and islands south of the unalaklik river to pashtolik bay. 'die tschnagmjuten, an den ufern der meerbusen pastol und schachtolik zwischen den flüssen pastol an unalaklik.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'den tschnagmüten, gegen norden von den paschtuligmüten und gegen westen bis zum kap rodney.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'am. sdl. norton-busen.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . the _anlygmutes_ inhabit the shores of golovnin bay and the southern coast of the kaviak peninsula. 'die anlygmjuten, an den ufern der bai golownin nördlich vom nortonsunde.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'anlygmüten, an der golowninschen bai.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'ndl. vom norton-sund.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . the _kaviaks_ inhabit the western portion of the kaviak peninsula. 'adjacent to port clarence and behring strait.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'between kotzebue and norton sounds.' _dall's alaska_, p. . the _malemutes_ inhabit the coast at the mouth of the unalaklik river, and northward along the shores of norton sound across the neck of the kaviak peninsula at kotzebue sound. 'die maleigmjuten bewohnen die küste des nortonsundes vom flusse unalaklik an und gehen durch das innere des landes hinauf bis zum kotzebuesunde.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'from norton sound and bay north of shaktolik, and the neck of the kaviak peninsula to selawik lake.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'den malimüten, nahe an den ufern des golfes schaktulack oder schaktol.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . the malemutes 'extend from the island of st. michael to golovin sound.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'ndl. am norton-busen bis zum kotzebue sund.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . [sidenote: the aleuts.] the aleuts inhabit the islands of the aleutian archipelago, and part of the peninsula of alaska and the island of kadiak. they are divided into the _atkahs_, who inhabit the western islands, and the _unalaskans_ or eastern division. the tribal divisions inhabiting the various islands are as follows; namely, on the alaskan peninsula, three tribes to which the russians have given names--_morshewskoje_, _bjeljkowskoje_, and _pawlowskoje_; on the island of unga, the _ugnasiks_; on the island of unimak, the _sesaguks_; the _tigaldas_ on tigalda island; the _avatanaks_ on avatanak island; on the island of akun, three tribes, which the russians call _arteljnowskoje_, _rjätscheschnoje_, and _seredkinskoje_; the _akutans_ on the akutan island; the _unalgas_ on the unalga island; the _sidanaks_ on spirkin island; on the island of unalashka, the _ililluluk_, the _nguyuk_, and seven tribes called by the russians _natykinskoje_, _pestnjakow-swoje_, _wesselowskoje_, _makuschinskoja_, _koschhiginskoje_, _tuscon-skoje_, and _kalechinskoje_; and on the island of umnak the _tuliks_. latham, _nat. races_, p. , assigns them to the aleutian isles. 'die unalaschkaer oder fuchs-aleuten bewohnen die gruppe der fuchsinseln, den südwestlichen theil der halbinsel aljaska, und die inselgruppe schumaginsk. die atchaer oder andrejanowschen aleuten bewohnen die andrejanowschen, die ratten, und die nahen-inseln der aleuten-kette.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, pp. , . inhabit 'the islands between alyaska and kamschatka.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . [sidenote: the thlinkeets.] the thlinkeets, or kolosches, occupy the islands and shores between copper river and the river nass. 'die eigentlichen thlinkithen (bewohner des archipels von den parallelen des flusses nass bis zum st. elias-berge).' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'the kalosh indians seen at sitka inhabit the coast between the stekine and chilcat rivers.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'kaloches et kiganis. côtes et îles de l'amérique russe.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . the 'koloshians live upon the islands and coast from the latitude ° ´ to the mouth of the atna or copper river.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'from about ° to ° n. lat., reaching therefore across the russian frontier as far as the columbia river.' _müller's chips_, vol. i., p. . 'at sitka bay and norfolk sound.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . 'between jacootat or behring's bay, to the th degree of north latitude.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'die völker eines grossen theils der nordwest-küste von america.' _vater_, _mithridates_, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. . 'les koliugi habitent le pays montueux du nouveau-norfolk, et la partie septentrionale du nouveau-cornouaille.' _humboldt_, _pol._, tom. i., p. . the _ugalenzes_ or ugalukmutes, the northernmost thlinkeet tribe, inhabit the coast from both banks of the mouth of copper river, nearly to mount st elias. 'about mount elias.' _latham's nat. races_, p. . adjacent to behring bay. _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . 'die ugalenzen, die im winter eine bucht des festlandes, der kleinen insel kajak gegenüber, bewohnen, zum sommer aber ihre wohnungsplätze an dem rechten ufer des kupferflusses bei dessen mündung aufschlagen.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'das vorgebirge st. elias, kann als die gränzscheide der wohnsitze der see-koloschen gegen nordwest angesehen werden.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'les ugalachmiuti s'étendent depuis le golfe du prince guillaume, jusqu'à la baie de jakutat.' _humboldt_, _pol._, tom. i., p. . 'ugalenzen oder ugaljachmjuten. an der russ. küste ndwstl. vom st. elias berg.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . 'west of cape st. elias and near the island of kadjak.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the _yakutats_ 'occupy the coast from mount fairweather to mount st. elias.' _dall's alaska_, p. . at 'behring bay.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _chilkat_ come next, and live on lynn canal and the chilkat river. 'at chilkaht inlet.' 'at the head of chatham straits.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . 'am lynn's-canal, in russ. nordamerika.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . 'on lynn's canal.' _schoolcraft's archives_, vol. v., p. . a little to the northward of the stakine-koan. _dunn's oregon_, p. . the _hoonids_ inhabit the eastern banks of cross sound. 'for a distance of sixty miles.' 'at cross sound reside the whinegas.' 'the hunnas or hooneaks, who are scattered along the main land from lynn canal to cape spencer.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , , . the huna cow tribe is situated on cross sound. _schoolcraft's archives_, vol. v., p. . the _hoodsinoos_ 'live near the head of chatham strait.' 'on admiralty island.' 'rat tribes on kyro and kespriano islands.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , , . 'hootsinoo at hoodsinoo or hood bay.' _schoolcraft's archives_, vol. v., p. . 'hoodsunhoo at hood bay.' _gallatin_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . 'hoodsunhoo at hood bay.' 'eclikimo in chatham's strait.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the _takoos_ dwell 'at the head of takoo inlet on the takoo river. the sundowns and takos who live on the mainland from port houghton to the tako river.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . tako and samdan, tako river. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . the _auks indians_ are at the mouth of the takoo river and on admiralty island. 'north of entrance tako river.' _schoolcraft's arch._, p. . 'the ark and kake on prince frederick's sound.' _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . the _kakas_ inhabit the shores of frederick sound and kuprianoff island. 'the kakus, or kakes, who live on kuprinoff island, having their principal settlement near the northwestern side.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the ark and kake on prince frederick's sound.' _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . the _sitkas_ occupy baranoff island. 'they are divided into tribes or clans, of which one is called coquontans.' _buschmann_, _pima spr. u. d. spr. der koloschen_, p. . 'the tribe of the wolf are called coquontans.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'the sitka-koan,' or the people of sitka. 'this includes the inhabitants of sitka bay, near new archangel, and the neighboring islands.' _dall's alaska_, p. . simpson calls the people of sitka 'sitkaguouays.' _overland jour._, vol. i., p. . 'the sitkas or indians on baronoff island.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . the _stikeen indians_ inhabit the country drained by the stikeen river. 'do not penetrate far into the interior.' _dall's alaska_, p. . the stikein tribe 'live at the top of clarence's straits, which run upwards of a hundred miles inland.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . 'at stephens passage.' 'the stikeens who live on the stackine river and the islands near its mouth.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'stikeen indians, stikeen river, sicknaahutty, taeeteetan, kaaskquatee, kookatee, naaneeaaghee, talquatee, kicksatee, kaadgettee.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . the secatquonays occupy the main land about the mouths of the stikeen river, and also the neighboring islands. _simpson's overland jour._, vol. i., p. . the _tungass_, 'live on tongas island, and on the north side of portland channel.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . southern entrance clarence strait. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . the tongarses or tun ghaase 'are a small tribe, inhabiting the s.e. corner of prince of wales's archipelago.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'tungass, an der sdlst. russ. küste.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . 'tunghase indians of the south-eastern part of prince of wales's archipelago.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . tongas indians, lat. ° ´ n. and long. ° ´ w. _dall's alaska_, p. . [sidenote: the tinneh.] the tinneh occupy the vast interior north of the fifty-fifth parallel, and west from hudson bay, approaching the arctic and pacific coasts to within from fifty to one hundred and fifty miles: at prince william sound, they even touch the seashore. mackenzie, _voy._, p. cxvii., gives boundaries upon the basis of which gallatin, _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. , draws a line from the mississippi to within one hundred miles of the pacific at ° ´, and allots them the northern interior to eskimos lands. 'extend across the continent.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . 'von der nördlichen hudsonsbai aus fast die ganze breite des continents durchläuft--im norden und nordwesten den ten grad u. beinahe die gestade des polarmeers erreicht.' _buschmann_, _athapask. sprachst._, p. . the athabascan area touches hudson's bay on the one side, the pacific on the other.' _latham's comp. phil._, p. . 'occupies the whole of the northern limits of north america, together with the eskimos.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the _chipewyans_, or athabascas proper, mackenzie, _voy._, p. cxvi., places between n. latitude ° and °, and w. longitude ° and °. 'between the athabasca and great slave lakes and churchill river.' _franklin's nar._, vol. i., p. . 'frequent the elk and slave rivers, and the country westward to hay river.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . the northern indians occupy the territory immediately north of fort churchill, on the western shore of hudson bay. 'from the fifty-ninth to the sixty-eighth degree of north latitude, and from east to west is upward of five hundred miles wide.' _hearne's jour._, p. ; _martin's brit. col._, vol. iii., p. . the _copper indians_ occupy the territory on both sides of the coppermine river south of the eskimo lands, which border on the ocean at the mouth of the river. they are called by the athabascas _tantsawhot-dinneh_. _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., ; _gallatin_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . the _horn mountain indians_ 'inhabit the country betwixt great bear lake and the west end of great slave lake.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . the _beaver indians_ 'inhabit the lower part of peace river.' _harmon's jour._, p. . on mackenzie's map they are situated between slave and martin lakes. 'between the peace river and the west branch of the mackenzie.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . edchawtawhoot-dinneh, strong-bow, beaver or thick-wood indians, who frequent the rivière aux liards, or south branch of the mackenzie river, _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . the _thlingcha-dinneh_, or dog-ribs, 'inhabit the country to the westward of the copper indians, as far as mackenzie's river.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . _gallatin_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . 'east from martin lake to the coppermine river.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . 'at fort confidence, north of great bear lake.' _simpson's nar._, p. . 'between martin's lake and the coppermine river.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the _kawcho-dinneh_, or hare indians, are 'immediately to the northward of the dog-ribs on the north side of bear lake river.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . they 'inhabit the banks of the mackenzie, from slave lake downwards.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . between bear lake and fort good hope, _simpson's nar._, p. . on mackenzie river, below great slave lake, extending towards the great bear lake. _gallatin_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . 'to the eastward of the dog-ribs are the red-knives, named by their southern neighbors, the _tantsaut-'dtinnè_ (birch-rind people). they inhabit a stripe of country running northwards from great slave lake, and in breadth from the great fish river to the coppermine.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . the _ambawtawhoot tinneh_, or sheep indians, 'inhabit the rocky mountains near the sources of the dawhoot-dinneh river which flows into mackenzie's.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . further down the mackenzie, near the ° parallel. _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . the _sarsis_, _circees_, _ciriés_, _sarsi_, _sorsi_, _sussees_, _sursees_, or _surcis_, 'live near the rocky mountains between the sources of the athabasca and saskatchewan rivers; are said to be likewise of the tinné stock.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . 'near the sources of one of the branches of the saskachawan.' _gallatin_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . the _tsillawdawhoot tinneh_, or brush-wood indians, inhabit the upper branches of the rivière aux liards. _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . on the river aux liards (poplar river), _gallatin_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . the _nagailer_, or chin indians, on mackenzie's map, latitude ° ´ longitude ° to °, 'inhabit the country about ° ´ n. l. to the southward of the takalli, and thence extend south along fraser's river towards the straits of fuca.' _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . the _slouacuss tinneh_ on mackenzie's are next north-west from the nagailer. vater places them at ° ´. 'noch näher der küste um den ° ´ wohnten die slua-cuss-dinais d. i. rothfisch-männer.' _vater_, _mithridates_, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. . on the upper part of frazers river. _cox's adven._, p. . the _rocky mountain indians_ are a small tribe situated to the south-west of the sheep indians. _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'on the unjigah or peace river.' _gallatin_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . on the upper tributaries of peace river. _mackenzie's voy._, p. . the _tacullies_, or carriers, inhabit new caledonia from latitude ° ´ to latitude °. 'a general name given to the native tribes of new-caledonia.' _morse's report_, p. . 'all the natives of the upper fraser are called by the hudson bay company, and indeed generally, "porteurs," or carriers.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'tokalis, le nord de la nouvelle calédonie.' _mofras, explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'northern part of new caledonia.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . 'on the sources of fraser's river.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . 'unter den völkern des tinné-stammes, welche das land westlich von den rocky mountains bewohnen, nehmen die takuli (wasservolk) oder carriers den grössten theil von neu-caledonien ein.' _buschmann_, _athapask. sprachst._, p. . 'greater part of new caledonia.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . 'latitude of queen charlotte's island.' _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . 'from latitude ° ´, where it borders on the country of the shoushaps, to latitude °, including simpson's river.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'south of the sicannis and straits lake.' _harmon's jour._, p. . they 'are divided into eleven clans, or minor tribes, whose names are--beginning at the south--as follows: the tautin, or talkotin; the tsilkotin or chilcotin; the naskotin; the thetliotin; the tsatsnotin; the nulaautin; the ntshaautin; the natliautin; the nikozliautin; the tatshiautin; and the babine indians.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'the principal tribes in the country north of the columbia regions, are the chilcotins and the talcotins.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. . the talcotins 'occupy the territory above fort alexandria on frazer river.' _hazlitt's b. c._, p. . 'spend much of their time at bellhoula, in the bentinck inlet.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . the calkobins 'inhabit new caledonia, west of the mountains.' _de smet's letters and sketches_, p. . the nateotetains inhabit the country lying directly west from stuart lake on either bank of the nateotetain river. _harmon's jour._, p. . the naskootains lie along frazer river from frazer lake. _id._, p. . the _sicannis_ dwell in the rocky mountains between the beaver indians on the east, and the tacullies and atnas on the west and south. _id._, p. . they live east of the tacullies in the rocky mountain. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'on the rocky mountains near the rapid indians and west of them.' _morse's report_, p. . the _kutchins_ are a large nation, extending from the mackenzie river westward along the yukon valley to near the mouth of the river, with the eskimos on one side and the koltshanes on the other. buschmann, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. , places them on the sixty-fifth parallel of latitude, and from ° to ° of longitude west from greenwich. 'das volk wohnt am flusse yukon oder kwichpak und über ihm; es dehnt sich nach richardson's karte auf dem ten parallelkreise aus vom - ° w. l. v. gr., und gehört daher zur hälfte dem britischen und zur hälfte dem russischen nordamerika an.' they are located 'immediately to the northward of the hare indians on both banks of mackenzie's river.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . gallatin, _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. , places their northern boundary in latitude ° ´. to the west of the mackenzie the loucheux interpose between the esquimaux 'and the tinné, and spread westward until they come into the neighborhood of the coast tribes of beering's sea.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . 'the kutchin may be said to inhabit the territory extending from the mackenzie, at the mouth of peel's river, lat. °, long. °, to norton's sound, living principally upon the banks of the youcon and porcupine rivers, though several of the tribes are situated far inland, many days' journey from either river.' _jones_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'they commence somewhere about the th degree of north latitude, and stretch westward from the mackenzie to behring's straits.' 'they are divided into many petty tribes, each having its own chief, as the tatlit-kutchin (peel river indians), ta-kuth-kutchin (lapiene's house indians), kutch-a-kutchin (youcan indians), touchon-ta-kutchin (wooded-country indians), and many others.' _kirby_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. , . the degothi-kutchin, or loucheux, quarrellers, inhabit the west bank of the mackenzie between the hare indians and eskimos. the loucheux are on the mackenzie between the arctic circle and the sea. _simpson's nar._, p. . the vanta-kutchin occupy 'the banks of the porcupine, and the country to the north of it.' 'vanta-kutshi (people of the lakes), i only find that they belong to the porcupine river.' _latham's nat. races_, p. . they 'inhabit the territory north of the head-waters of the porcupine, somewhat below lapierre's house.' _dall's alaska_, p. . the natche-kutchin, or gens de large, dwell to the 'north of the porcupine river.' 'these extend on the north bank to the mouth of the porcupine.' _dall's alaska_, pp. , . 'neyetse-kutshi, (people of the open country), i only find that they belong to the porcupine river.' _latham's nat. races_, p. . whymper's map calls them rat indians. 'the na-tsik-kut-chin inhabit the high ridge of land between the yukon and the arctic sea.' _hardisty_, in _dall's alaska_, p. . the kukuth-kutchin 'occupy the country south of the head-waters of the porcupine.' _dall's alaska_, p. . the tutchone kutchin, gens de foux, or crow people, dwell upon both sides of the yukon about fort selkirk, above the han kutchin. _id._, pp. , . 'tathzey-kutshi, or people of the ramparts, the gens du fou of the french canadians, are spread from the upper parts of the peel and porcupine rivers, within the british territory, to the river of the mountain-men, in the russian. the upper yukon is therefore their occupancy. they fall into four bands: _a_, the tratsè-kutshi, or people of the fork of the river; _b_, the kutsha-kutshi; _c_, the zèkà-thaka (ziunka-kutshi), people on this side, (or middle people); and, _d_, the tanna-kutshi, or people of the bluffs.' _latham's nat. races_, p. . the han-kutchin, an-kutchin gens de bois, or wood people, inhabit the yukon above porcupine river. _whymper's alaska_, p. . they are found on the yukon next below the crows, and above fort yukon. _dall's alaska_, p. . 'han-kutchi residing at the sources of the yukon.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . 'the artez-kutshi, or the tough (hard) people. the sixty-second parallel cuts through their country; so that they lie between the head-waters of the yukon and the pacific.' _latham's nat. races_, p. . see also _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . the kutcha-kutchins, or kot-à-kutchin, 'are found in the country near the junction of the porcupine and the yukon.' _dall's alaska_, p. . the tenan-kutchin, or tananahs, gens de buttes, or people of the mountains, occupy an unexplored domain south-west of fort yukon. their country is drained by the tananah river. _dall's alaska_, p. . they are placed on whymper's map about twenty miles south of the yukon, in longitude ° west from greenwich. on whymper's map are placed: the birch indians, or gens de bouleau on the south bank of the yukon at its junction with porcupine river; the gens de milieu, on the north bank of the yukon, in longitude °; the nuclukayettes on both banks in longitude °; and the newicarguts, on the south bank between longitude ° and °. the _kenais_ occupy the peninsula of kenai and the surrounding country. _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'an den ufern und den umgebungen von cook's inlet und um die seen iliamna und kisshick.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . the unakatana yunakakhotanas, live 'on the yukon between koyukuk and nuklukahyet.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'junakachotana, ein stamm, welcher auf dem flusse jun-a-ka wohnt.' _sagoskin_, in _denkschr. der russ. geo. gesell._, p. . 'die junnakachotana, am flusse jukchana oder junna (so wird der obere lauf des kwichpakh genannt) zwischen den nebenflüssen nulato und junnaka, so wie am untern laufe des letztgenannten flusses.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'die junnachotana bewohnen den obern lauf des jukchana oder junna von der mündung des junnaka.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'die jugelnuten haben ihre ansiedelungen am kwichpakh, am tschageljuk und an der mündung des innoka. die inkalichljuaten, am obern laufe des innoka. die thljegonchotana am flusse thljegon, der nach der vereinigung mit dem tatschegno den innoka bildet.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, pp. , . 'they extend virtually from the confluence of the co-yukuk river to nuchukayette at the junction of the tanana with the yukon.' 'they also inhabit the banks of the co-yukuk and other interior rivers.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . the _ingaliks_ inhabit the yukon from nulato south to below the anvic river. see _whymper's map_. 'the tribe extends from the edge of the wooded district near the sea to and across the yukon below nulato, on the yukon and its affluents to the head of the delta, and across the portage to the kuskoquim river and its branches.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'die inkiliken, am untern laufe des junna südlich von nulato.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'an dem ganzen ittege wohnt der stamm der inkiliken, welcher zu dem volk der ttynai gehört.' _sagoskin_, in _denkschr. der russ. geo. gesell._, p. . 'an den flüssen kwichpack, kuskokwim und anderen ihnen zuströmenden flüssen.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'the ingaliks living on the north side of the yukon between it and the kaiyuh mountains (known as takaitsky to the russians), bear the name of kaiyuhkatana or "lowland people," and the other branches of ingaliks have similar names, while preserving their general tribal name.' _dall's alaska_, p. . on whymper's map they are called t'kitskes and are situated east of the yukon in latitude ° north. the _koltschanes_ occupy the territory inland between the sources of the kuskoquim and copper rivers. 'they extend as far inland as the watershed between the copper-river and the yukon.' _latham's nat. races_, p. . 'die galzanen oder koltschanen (d. h. fremdlinge, in der sprache der athnaer) bewohnen das innere des landes zwischen den quellflüssen des kuskokwim bis zu den nördlichen zuflüssen des athna oder kupferstromes.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'diejenigen stämme, welche die nördlichen und östlichen, dem atna zuströmenden flüsse und flüsschen bewohnen, eben so die noch weiter, jenseits der gebirge lebenden, werden von den atnaern koltschanen, d. h. fremdlinge, genannt.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'north of the river atna.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the nehannes occupy the territory midway between mount st. elias and the mackenzie river, from fort selkirk and the stakine river. 'according to mr. isbister, range the country between the russian settlements on the stikine river and the rocky mountains.' _latham's nat. races_, p. . the nohhannies live 'upon the upper branches of the rivière aux liards.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . they 'inhabit the angle between that branch and the great bend of the trunk of the river, and are neighbours of the beaver indians.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . the region which includes the lewis, or tahco, and pelly rivers, with the valley of the chilkaht river, is occupied by tribes known to the hudson bay voyageurs as nehannees. those on the pelly and macmillan rivers call themselves affats-tena. some of them near liard's river call themselves daho-tena or acheto-tena, and others are called sicannees by the voyageurs. those near francis lake are known as mauvais monde, or slavé indians. about fort selkirk they have been called gens des foux. the _kenai_ proper, or kenai-tena, or thnaina, inhabit the peninsula of kenai, the shores of cook inlet, and thence westerly across the chigmit mountains, nearly to the kuskoquim river. they 'inhabit the country near cook's inlet, and both shores of the inlet as far south as chugachik bay.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'die eigentlichen thnaina bewohnen die halbinsel kenai und ziehen sich von da westlich über das tschigmit-gebirge zum mantaschtano oder tchalchukh, einem südlichen nebenflusse des kuskokwim.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'dieses--an den ufern und den umgebungen von cook's inlet und um die seen iliamna und kisshick lebende volk gehört zu dem selben stamme wie die galzanen oder koltschanen, atnaer, und koloschen.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'les _kenayzi_ habitent la côte occidentale de l'entrée de cook ou du golfe kenayskaja.' _humboldt_, _pol._, tom. i., p. . 'the indians of cook's inlet and adjacent waters are called "kanisky." they are settled along the shore of the inlet and on the east shore of the peninsula.' 'east of cook's inlet, in prince william's sound, there are but few indians, they are called "nuchusk."' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _atnas_ occupy the atna or copper river from near its mouth to near its source. 'at the mouth of the copper river.' _latham's comp. phil._, vol. viii., p. . 'die athnaer, am athna oder kupferflusse.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'on the upper part of the atna or copper river are a little-known tribe of the above name [viz., ah-tena]. they have been called atnaer and kolshina by the russians, and yellow knife or nehaunee by the english.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'diese kleine, jetzt ungefähr aus familien bestehende, völkerschaft wohnt an den ufern des flusses atna und nennt sich atnaer.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . footnotes: [ ] of late, custom gives to the main land of russian america, the name _alaska_; to the peninsula, _aliaska_; and to a large island of the aleutian archipelago, _unalashka_. the word of which the present name alaska is a corruption, is first encountered in the narrative of betsevin, who, in , wintered on the peninsula, supposing it to be an island. the author of _neue nachrichten von denen neuentdekten insuln_, writes, page , 'womit man nach der abgelegensten insul _aläksu_ oder _alachschak_ über gieng.' again, at page , in giving a description of the animals on the supposed island he calls it 'auf der insul _aläsku_.' 'this,' says coxe, _russian discoveries_, p. , 'is probably the same island which is laid down in krenitzin's chart under the name of _alaxa_.' _unalaschka_ is given by the author of _neue nachrichten_, p. , in his narrative of the voyage of drusinin, who hunted on that island in . at page he again mentions the 'grosse insul _aläksu_.' on page , in glottoff's log-book, , is the entry: 'den sten may der wind ostsüdost; man kam an die insul _alaska_ oder _aläksu_.' still following the author of _neue nachrichten_, we have on page , in an account of the voyages of otseredin and popoff, who hunted upon the aleutian islands in , mention of a report by the natives 'that beyond unimak is said to be a large land _aläschka_, the extent of which the islanders do not know.' on cook's atlas, voyage , the peninsula is called _alaska_, and the island _oonalaska_, la pérouse, in his atlas, map no. , , calls the peninsula _alaska_, and the island _ounalaska_. the spaniards, in the _atlas para el viage de las goletas sutil y mexicana_, , write _alasca_ for the peninsula, and for the island _unalaska_. sauer, in his account of billings' expedition, , calls the main land _alaska_, the peninsula _alyaska_, and the island _oonalashka_. wrangell, in _baer's statistische und ethnographische nachrichten_, p. , writes for the peninsula _alaska_ and for the island _unalaschka_. holmberg, _ethnographische skizzen_, p. , calls the island _unalaschka_ and the peninsula _aljaska_. dall, _alaska_, p. , says that the peninsula or main land was called by the natives _alayeksa_, and the island _nagun-alayeksa_, 'or the land near alayeksa.' thus we have, from which to choose, the orthography of the earliest voyagers to this coast--russian, english, french, spanish, german, and american. the simple word _alaksu_, after undergoing many contortions, some authors writing it differently on different pages of the same book, has at length become _alaska_, as applied to the main land; _aliaska_ for the peninsula, and _unalashka_ as the name of the island. as these names are all corruptions from some one original word, whatever that may be, i see no reason for giving the error three different forms. i therefore write alaska for the mainland and peninsula and unalaska for the island. [ ] the name is said, by charlevoix 'to be derived from the language of the abenaqui, a tribe of algonquins in canada, who border upon them and call them "esquimantsic."' 'l'origine de leur nom n'est pas certain. toutefois il y a bien de l'apparence qu'il vient du mot abenaqui, _esquimantsic_ qui veut dire "mangeur de viande cruë."' see _prichard's physical history of mankind_, vol. v., pp. , . 'french writers call them eskimaux.' 'english authors, in adopting this term, have most generally written it "esquimaux," but dr. latham, and other recent ethnologists, write it "eskimos," after the danish orthography.' _richardson's polar regions_, p. . 'probably of canadian origin, and the word, which in french orthography is written esquimaux, was probably originally _ceux qui miaux_ (_miaulent_).' _richardson's journal_, vol. i., p. . 'said to be a corruption of _eskimantik_, _i. e._ raw-fish-eaters, a nickname given them by their former neighbors, the mohicans.' _seemann's voyage of the herald_, vol. ii., p. . eskimo is derived from a word indicating sorcerer or shamán. 'the northern tinneh use the word _uskeemi_.' _dall's alaska_, pp. , . 'their own national designation is "keralit."' _morton's crania americana_, p. . they 'call themselves "innuit," which signifies "man."' _armstrong's narrative_, p. . [ ] it is not without reluctance that i change a word from the commonly accepted orthography. names of places, though originating in error, when once established, it is better to leave unchanged. indian names, coming to us through russian, german, french, or spanish writers, should be presented in english by such letters as will best produce the original indian pronunciation. european personal names, however, no matter how long, nor how commonly they may have been erroneously used, should be immediately corrected. every man who can spell is supposed to be able to give the correct orthography of his own name, and his spelling should in every instance be followed, when it can be ascertained. veit bering, anglicè vitus behring, was of a danish family, several members of which were well known in literature before his own time. in danish writings, as well as among the biographies of russian admirals, where may be found a fac-simile of his autograph, the name is spelled _bering_. it is so given by humboldt, and by the _dictionnaire de la conversation_. the author of the _neue nachrichten von denen neuentdekten insuln_, one of the oldest printed works on russian discoveries in america; as well as müller, who was the companion of bering for many years; and buschmann,--all write _bering_. baer remarks: 'ich schreibe ferner bering, obgleich es jetzt fast allgemein geworden ist, behring zu schreiben, und auch die engländer und franzosen sich der letztern schreibart bequemt haben. bering war ein däne und seine familie war lange vor ihm in der literatur-geschichte bekannt. sie hat ihren namen auf die von mir angenommene weise drucken lassen. derselben schreibart bediente sich auch der historiograph müller, der längere zeit unter seinen befehlen gedient hatte, und pallas.' _statistische und ethnographische nachrichten_, p. . there is no doubt that the famous navigator wrote his name _bering_, and that the letter 'h' was subsequently inserted to give the danish sound to the letter 'e.' to accomplish the same purpose, perhaps, coxe, langsdorff, beechey, and others write _beering_. [ ] 'die kadjacker im gegentheil nähern sich mehr den amerikanischen stämmen und gleichen in ihrem aeussern gar nicht den eskimos oder den asiatischen völkern, wahrscheinlich haben sie durch die vermischung mit den stämmen amerika's ihre ursprüngliche asiatische äussere gestalt und gesichtsbildung verloren und nur die sprache beibehalten.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn. nachr._, p. . 'ils ressemblent beaucoup aux indigènes des îles curiles, dépendantes du japon.' _laplace_, _circumnavigation de l'artémise_, vol. vi., p. . [ ] 'the tribes crowded together on the shores of beering's sea within a comparatively small extent of coast-line, exhibit a greater variety, both in personal appearance and dialect, than that which exists between the western eskimos and their distant countrymen in labrador; and ethnologists have found some difficulty in classifying them properly.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . [ ] for authorities, see tribal boundaries, at the end of this chapter. [ ] _collinson_, in _london geographical society journal_, vol. xxv., p. . [ ] 'im nordwestlichsten theile von amerika fand franklin den boden, mitte august, schon in einer tiefe von zoll gefroren. richardson sah an einem östlicheren punkte der küste, in ° ´ breite, die eisschicht im julius aufgethaut bis fuss unter der krautbedeckten oberfläche.' _humboldt_, _kosmos_, tom. iv., p. . [ ] _silliman's journal_, vol. xvi., p. . _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . _armstrong's nar._, p. . [ ] 'characteristic of the arctic regions.' _silliman's jour._, vol. xvi., p. . [ ] at kotzebue sound, in july, choris writes: 'le sol était émaillé de fleurs de couleurs variées, dans tous les endroits où la neige venait de fondre.' _voyage pittoresque_, pt. ii., p. . [ ] 'in der einöde der inseln von neu-sibirien finden grosse heerden von rennthieren und zahllose lemminge noch hinlängliche nahrung.' _humboldt_, _kosmos_, vol. iv., p. . [ ] 'thermometer rises as high as ° fahr. with a sun shining throughout the twenty-four hours the growth of plants is rapid in the extreme.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'during the period of incubation of the aquatic birds, every hole and projecting crag on the sides of this rock is occupied by them. its shores resound with the chorus of thousands of the feathery tribe.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'their complexion, if divested of its usual covering of dirt, can hardly be called dark.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'in comparison with other americans, of a white complexion.' _mcculloh's aboriginal history of america_, p. . 'white complexion, not copper coloured.' _dobbs' hudson's bay_, p. . 'almost as white as europeans.' _kalm's travels_, vol. ii., p. . 'not darker than that of a portuguese.' _lyon's journal_, p. . 'scarcely a shade darker than a deep brunette.' _parry's rd voyage_, p. . 'their complexion is light.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'eye-witnesses agree in their superior lightness of complexion over the chinooks.' _pickering's races of man_, _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . at coppermine river they are 'of a dirty copper color; some of the women, however, are more fair and ruddy.' _hearne's travels_, p. . 'considerably fairer than the indian tribes.' _simpson's nar._, p. . at cape bathurst 'the complexion is swarthy, chiefly, i think, from exposure and the accumulation of dirt.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . 'shew little of the copper-colour of the red indians.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . 'from exposure to weather they become dark after manhood.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'both sexes are well proportioned, stout, muscular, and active.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'a stout, well-looking people.' _simpson's nar._, pp. , . 'below the mean of the caucasian race.' _dr. hayes_, in _historic. magazine_, vol. i., p. . 'they are thick set, have a decided tendency to obesity, and are seldom more than five feet in height.' _figuier's human race_, p. . at kotzebue sound, 'tallest man was five feet nine inches; tallest woman, five feet four inches.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'average height was five feet four and a half inches.' at the mouth of the mackenzie they are of 'middle stature, strong and muscular.' _armstrong's nar._, pp. , . 'low, broad-set, not well made, nor strong.' _hearne's trav._, p. . 'the men were in general stout.' _franklin's nar._, vol. i., p. . 'of a middle size, robust make, and healthy appearance.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'men vary in height from about five feet to five feet ten inches.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . 'women were generally short.' 'their figure inclines to squat.' _hooper's tuski_, p. . [ ] 'tous les individus qui appartiennent à la famille des eskimaux, se distinguent par la petitesse de leurs pieds et de leurs mains, et la grosseur énorme de leurs têtes.' _de pauw_, _recherches phil._, tom. i., p. . 'the hands and feet are delicately small and well formed.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . 'small and beautifully made.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . at point barrow, 'their hands, notwithstanding the great amount of manual labour to which they are subject, were beautifully small and well-formed, a description equally applicable to their feet.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . [ ] 'the head is of good size, rather flat superiorly, but very fully developed posteriorly, evidencing a preponderance of the animal passions; the forehead was, for the most part, low and receding; in a few it was somewhat vertical, but narrow.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . their cranial characteristics 'are the strongly developed coronary ridge, the obliquity of the zygoma, and its greater capacity compared with the indian cranium. the former is essentially pyramidal, while the latter more nearly approaches a cubic shape.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'greatest breadth of the face is just below the eyes, the forehead tapers upwards, ending narrowly, but not acutely, and in like manner the chin is a blunt cone.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . dr gall, whose observations on the same skulls presented him for phrenological observation are published by m. louis choris, thus comments upon the head of a female eskimo from kotzebue sound: 'l'organe de l'instinct de la propagation se trouve extrêmement développé pour une tête de femme.' he finds the musical and intellectual organs poorly developed; while vanity and love of children are well displayed. 'en général,' sagely concluded the doctor, 'cette tête femme présentait une organization aussi heureuse que celle de la plupart des femmes d'europe.' _voy. pitt._, pt. ii., p. . [ ] 'large fat round faces, high cheek bones, small hazel eyes, eyebrows slanting like the chinese, and wide mouths.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'broad, flat faces, high cheekbones.' _dr hayes_, in _hist. mag._, vol. i., p. . their 'teeth are regular, but, from the nature of their food, and from their practice of preparing hides by chewing, are worn down almost to the gums at an early age.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . at hudson strait, broad, flat, pleasing face; small and generally sore eyes; given to bleeding at the nose. _franklin's nar._, vol. i., p. . 'small eyes and very high cheek bones.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'la face platte, la bouche ronde, le nez petit sans être écrasé, le blanc de l'oeil jaunâtre, l'iris noir et peu brillant.' _de pauw_, _recherches phil._, tom. i., p. . they have 'small, wild-looking eyes, large and very foul teeth, the hair generally black, but sometimes fair, and always in extreme disorder.' _brownell's ind. races_, p. . 'as contrasted with the other native american races, their eyes are remarkable, being narrow and more or less oblique.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . expression of face intelligent and good-natured. both sexes have mostly round, flat faces, with mongolian cast. _hooper's tuski_, p. . [ ] 'allowed to hang down in a club to the shoulder.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . hair cut 'close round the crown of the head, and thereby, leaving a bushy ring round the lower part of it.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'their hair is straight, black, and coarse.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . a fierce expression characterized them on the mackenzie river, which 'was increased by the long disheveled hair flowing about their shoulders.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . at kotzebue sound 'their hair was done up in large plaits on each side of the head.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . at camden bay, lofty top-knots; at point barrow, none. at coppermine river the hair is worn short, unshaven on the crown, and bound with strips of deer-skin. _simpson's nar._, pp. , . some of the men have bare crowns, but the majority wear the hair flowing naturally. the women cut the hair short in front, level with the eyebrows. at humphrey point it is twisted with some false hair into two immense bows on the back of the head. _hooper's tuski_, p. . 'their hair hangs down long, but is cut quite short on the crown of the head.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . hair cut like 'that of a capuchin friar.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] crantz says the greenlanders root it out. 'the old men had a few gray hairs on their chins, but the young ones, though grown up, were beardless.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'the possession of a beard is very rare, but a slight moustache is not infrequent.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'as the men grow old, they have more hair on the face than red indians.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . 'generally an absence of beard and whiskers.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . 'beard is universally wanting.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'the young men have little beard, but some of the old ones have a tolerable shew of long gray hairs on the upper lip and chin.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . 'all have beards.' _bell's geography_, vol. v., p. . kirby affirms that in alaska 'many of them have a profusion of whiskers and beard.' _smithsonian report_, , p. . [ ] 'the lip is perforated for the labret as the boy approaches manhood, and is considered an important era in his life.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . 'some wore but one, others one on each side of the mouth.' _hooper's tuski_, p. . 'lip ornaments, with the males, appear to correspond with the tattooing of the chins of the females.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'the women tattoo their faces in blue lines produced by making stitches with a fine needle and thread, smeared with lampblack.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . between kotzebue sound and icy cape, 'all the women were tattooed upon the chin with three small lines.' they blacken 'the edges of the eyelids with plumbago, rubbed up with a little saliva upon a piece of slate.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . at point barrow, the women have on the chin 'a vertical line about half an inch broad in the centre, extending from the lip, with a parallel but narrower one on either side of it, a little apart. some had two vertical lines protruding from either angle of the mouth; which is a mark of their high position in the tribe.' _armstrong's nar._, pp. , . on bering isle, men as well as women tattoo. 'plusieurs hommes avaient le visage tatoué.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, pt. ii., p. . [ ] 'give a particularly disgusting look when the bones are taken out, as the saliva continually runs over the chin.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . at camden, labrets were made of large blue beads, glued to pieces of ivory. none worn at coppermine river. _simpson's nar._, pp. , . 'many of them also transfix the septum of the nose with a dentalium shell or ivory needle.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'these natives almost universally use a very unpleasant liquid for cleansing purposes. they tan and soften the seal-skin used for boot-soles with it.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'females occasionally wash their hair and faces with their own urine, the odour of which is agreeable to both sexes, and they are well accustomed to it, as this liquor is kept in tubs in the porches of their huts for use in dressing the deer and seal skins.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . 'show much skill in the preparation of whale, seal, and deer-skins.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . they have a great antipathy to water. 'occasionally they wash their bodies with a certain animal fluid, but even this process is seldom gone through.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'during the summer, when on whaling or sealing excursions, a coat of the gut of the whale, and boots of seal or walrus hide, are used as water-proof coverings.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . at point barrow they wear 'kamleikas or water-proof shirts, made of the entrails of seals.' _simpson's nar._, p. . women wear close-fitting breeches of seal-skin. _hooper's tuski_, p. . 'they are on the whole as good as the best oil-skins in england.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] the dress of the two sexes is much alike, the outer shirt or jacket having a pointed skirt before and behind, those of the female being merely a little longer. 'pretty much the same for both sexes.' _figuier's human race_, p. . [ ] 'they have besides this a jacket made of eider drakes' skins sewed together, which, put on underneath their other dress, is a tolerable protection against a distant arrow, and is worn in times of hostility.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . messrs dease and simpson found those of point barrow 'well clothed in seal and reindeer skins.' _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. viii., p. . 'the finest dresses are made of the skins of unborn deer.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . 'the half-developed skin of a fawn that has never lived, obtained by driving the doe till her offspring is prematurely born.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . eskimo women pay much regard to their toilet. _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] their dress consists of two suits. _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'reindeer skin--the fur next the body.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . 'two women, dressed like men, looked frightfully with their tattooed faces.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . seal-skin jackets, bear-skin trowsers, and white-fox skin caps, is the male costume at hudson strait. the female dress is the same, with the addition of a hood for carrying children. _franklin's nar._, vol. i., p. . at camden bay, reindeer-skin jackets and water-proof boots. _simpson's nar._, p. . at coppermine river, 'women's boots which are not stiffened out with whalebone, and the tails of their jackets are not over one foot long.' _hearne's travels_, p. . deer-skin, hair outside, ornamented with white fur. _kirby_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the indoor dress of the eastern eskimo is of reindeer-skin, with the fur inside. 'when they go out, another entire suit with the fur outside is put over all, and a pair of watertight sealskin moccasins, with similar mittens for their hands.' _silliman's journal_, vol. xvi., p. . the frock at coppermine river has a tail something like a dress-coat. _simpson's nar._, p. . [ ] 'some of them are even half-naked, as a summer heat, even of ° is insupportable to them.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'down to the frozen subsoil.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . 'some are wholly above ground, others have their roof scarcely raised above it.' _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'formed of stakes placed upright in the ground about six feet high, either circular or oval in form, from which others inclined so as to form a sloping roof.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . 'half underground, with the entrance more or less so.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'they are more than half underground,' and are 'about twenty feet square and eight feet deep.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'the whole building is covered with earth to the thickness of a foot or more, and in a few years it becomes overgrown with grass, looking from a short distance like a small tumulus.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . [ ] a smaller drift-wood house is sometimes built with a side-door. 'light and air are admitted by a low door at one end.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'the fire in the centre is never lit merely for the sake of warmth, as the lamps are sufficient for that purpose.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'they have no fire-places; but a stone placed in the centre serves for a support to the lamp, by which the little cooking that is required is performed.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'on trouva plusieurs huttes construites en bois, moitié dans la terre, moitié en dehors.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, pt. ii., p. . at beaufort bay are wooden huts. _simpson's nar._, p. . at toker point, 'built of drift-wood and sods of turf or mud.' _hooper's tuski_, p. . at cape krusenstern the houses 'appeared like little round hills, with fences of whale-bone.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'they construct yourts or winter residences upon those parts of the shore which are adapted to their convenience, such as the mouths of rivers, the entrances of inlets, or jutting points of land, but always upon low ground.' _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'i was surprised at the vast quantity of driftwood accumulated on its shore, several acres being thickly covered with it, and many pieces at least sixty feet in length.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . [ ] 'eastern esquimaux never seem to think of fire as a means of imparting warmth.' _simpson's nar._, p. . [ ] their houses are 'moveable tents, constructed of poles and skins.' _brownell's ind. races_, p. . 'neither wind nor watertight.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . at cape smythe, hooper saw seven eskimo tents of seal skin. _tuski_, p. . 'we entered a small tent of morse-skins, made in the form of a canoe.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . at coppermine river their tents in summer are of deer-skin with the hair on, and circular. _hearne's travels_, p. . at st lawrence island, kotzebue saw no settled dwellings, 'only several small tents built of the ribs of whales, and covered with the skin of the morse.' _voyage_, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] 'in parallelograms, and so adjusted as to form a rotunda, with an arched roof.' _silliman's jour._, vol. xvi., p. . _parry's voy._, vol. v., p. . _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'these houses are durable, the wind has little effect on them, and they resist the thaw until the sun acquires very considerable power.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] the snow houses are called by the natives _igloo_, and the underground huts _yourts_, or _yurts_, and their tents _topeks_. winter residence, 'iglut.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . beechey, describing the same kind of buildings, calls them 'yourts.' _voy._, vol. i., p. . tent of skins, tie-poo-eet; topak; toopek. tent, too-pote. _ibid._, vol. ii., p. . 'yourts.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . tent, topek. dall says richardson is wrong, and that igloo or iglu is the name of ice houses. _alaska_, p. . house, iglo. tent, tuppek. _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . snow house, eegloo. _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] they are so fond of the warm blood of dying animals that they invented an instrument to secure it. see _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'whale-blubber, their great delicacy, is sickening and dangerous to a european stomach.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] hearne says that the natives on the arctic coast of british america are so disgustingly filthy that when they have bleeding at the nose they lick up their own blood. _travels_, p. . 'salt always appeared an abomination.' 'they seldom cook their food, the frost apparently acting as a substitute for fire.' _collinson_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxv., p. . at kotzebue sound they 'seem to subsist entirely on the flesh of marine animals, which they, for the most part, eat raw.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'during the two summer months they hunt and live on swans, geese, and ducks.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'secures winter feasts and abundance of oil for the lamps of a whole village, and there is great rejoicing.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . 'the capture of the seal and walrus is effected in the same manner. salmon and other fish are caught in nets.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'six small perforated ivory balls attached separately to cords of sinew three feet long.' _dease & simpson_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. viii., . [ ] near smith river, a low piece of ground, two miles broad at the beach, was found enclosed by double rows of turf set up to represent men, narrowing towards a lake, into which reindeer were driven and killed. _simpson's nar._, p. . [ ] 'ce qu'il y a encore de frappant dans la complexion de ces barbares, c'est l'extrême chaleur de leur estomac et de leur sang; ils échauffent tellement, par leur haleine ardente, les huttes où ils assemblent en hiver, que les européans, s'y sentent étouffés, comme dans une étuve dont la chaleur est trop graduée: aussi ne font-ils jamais de feu dans leur habitation en aucune saison, et ils ignorent l'usage des cheminées, sous le climat le plus froid du globe.' _de pauw_, _recherches phil._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'the voluptuousness and polygamy of the north american indians, under a temperature of almost perpetual winter, is far greater than that of the most sensual tropical nations.' _martin's british colonies_, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'the seal is perhaps their most useful animal, not merely furnishing oil and blubber, but the skin used for their canoes, thongs, nets, lassoes, and boot soles.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . [ ] they have 'two sorts of bows; arrows pointed with iron, flint, and bone, or blunt for birds; a dart with throwing-board for seals; a spear headed with iron or copper, the handle about six feet long; and formidable iron knives, equally adapted for throwing, cutting, or stabbing.' _simpson's nar._, p. . they ascended the mackenzie in former times as far as the ramparts, to obtain flinty slate for lance and arrow points. _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . at st. lawrence island, they are armed with a knife two feet long. _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., pp. , . one weapon was 'a walrus tooth fixed to the end of a wooden staff.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] at the coppermine river, arrows are pointed with slate or copper; hatchets also are made of a thick lump of copper. _hearne's travels_, pp. - . [ ] 'the old ivory knives and flint axes are now superseded, the russians having introduced the common european sheath-knife and hatchet. the board for throwing darts is in use, and is similar to that of the polynesians.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] the 'baydare is a large open boat, quite flat, made of sea-lions' skins,' and is used also for a tent. at lantscheff island it was 'a large and probably leathern boat, with black sails.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., pp. , . 'the kaiyaks are impelled by a double-bladed paddle, used with or without a central rest, and the umiaks with oars.' can 'propel their kaiyaks at the rate of seven miles an hour.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., pp. , . at hudson strait they have canoes of seal-skin, like those of greenland. _franklin's nar._, vol. i., p. . not a drop of water can penetrate the opening into the canoe. _müller's voy._, p. . the kyak is like an english wager-boat. they are 'much stronger than their lightness would lead one to suppose.' _hooper's tuski_, pp. , . _oomiaks_ or family canoes of skin; float in six inches of water. _simpson's nar._, p. . 'with these boats they make long voyages, frequently visiting st. lawrence island.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'frame work of wood--when this cannot be procured whalebone is substituted.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . mackenzie saw boats put together with whalebone; 'sewed in some parts, and tied in others.' _voyages_, p. . they also use a sail. 'on découvrit au loin, dans la baie, un bateau qui allait à la voile; elle était en cuir.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, pt. ii., p. . they 'are the best means yet discovered by mankind to go from place to place.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'it is wonderful what long voyages they make in these slight boats.' _campbell's voy._, p. . 'the skin, when soaked with water, is translucent; and a stranger placing his foot upon the flat yielding surface at the bottom of the boat fancies it a frail security.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] the 'kajak is shaped like a weaver's shuttle.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . 'the paddle is in the hands of an eskimo, what the balancing pole is to a tight-rope dancer.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'the koltshanen construct birch-bark canoes; but on the coast skin boats or baidars, like the eskimo kaiyaks and umiaks, are employed.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . if by accident a hole should be made, it is stopped with a piece of the flesh of the sea-dog, or fat of the whale, which they always carry with them. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . they strike 'the water with a quick, regular motion, first on one side, and then on the other.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'wiegen nie über pfund, und haben ein dünnes mit leder überzognes gerippe.' _neue nachrichten_, p. . 'the aleutians put to sea with them in all weathers.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . at the shumagin islands they 'are generally about twelve feet in length, sharp at each end, and about twenty inches broad.' _meares' voy._, p. x. they are as transparent as oiled paper. at unalaska they are so light that they can be carried in one hand. _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. , . [ ] 'they average twelve feet in length, two feet six inches in height, two feet broad, and have the fore part turned up in a gentle curve.' 'the floor resembles a grating without cross-bars, and is almost a foot from the level of the snow.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . at saritscheff island 'i particularly remarked two very neat sledges made of morse and whalebones.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'to make the runners glide smoothly, a coating of ice is given to them.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . at norton sound captain cook found sledges ten feet long and twenty inches in width. a rail-work on each side, and shod with bone; 'neatly put together; some with wooden pins, but mostly with thongs or lashings of whale-bone.' _third voy._, vol. ii., p. , . mackenzie describes the sledges of british america, _voyages_, pp. , . [ ] 'about the size of those of newfoundland, with shorter legs.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'neither plentiful nor of a good class.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . [ ] the dog will hunt bear and reindeer, but is afraid of its near relative, the wolf. _brownell's ind. races_, p. . [ ] 'an average length is four and a half feet.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'the innuit snowshoe is small and nearly flat,' 'seldom over thirty inches long.' 'they are always rights and lefts.' ingalik larger; kutchin same style; hudson bay, thirty inches in length. _dall's alaska_, pp. , . 'they are from two to three feet long, a foot broad, and slightly turned up in front.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'blue beads, cutlery, tobacco, and buttons, were the articles in request.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . at hudson strait they have a custom of licking with the tongue each article purchased, as a finish to the bargain. _franklin's nar._, vol. i., . 'articles of russian manufacture find their way from tribe to tribe along the american coast, eastward to repulse bay.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . [ ] are very anxious to barter arrows, seal-skin boots, and ivory ornaments for tobacco, beads, and particularly for iron. _hooper's tuski_, p. . some of their implements at coppermine river are: stone kettles, wooden dishes, scoops and spoons made of buffalo or musk-ox horns. _hearne's travels_, p. . at point barrow were ivory implements with carved figures of sea-animals, ivory dishes, and a 'fine whalebone net.' also 'knives and other implements, formed of native copper' at coppermine river. _simpson's nar._, pp. , , . at point barrow they 'have unquestionably an indirect trade with the russians.' _simpson's nar._, . [ ] 'they are very expert traders, haggle obstinately, always consult together, and are infinitely happy when they fancy they have cheated anybody.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'a thieving, cunning race.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . they respect each other's property, 'but they steal without scruple from strangers.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'they have a chief (nalegak) in name, but do not recognize his authority.' _dr hayes_, in _hist. mag._, vol. i., p. . government, 'a combination of the monarchical and republican;' 'every one is on a perfect level with the rest.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. , . 'chiefs are respected principally as senior men.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . at kotzebue sound, a robust young man was taken to be chief, as all his commands were punctually obeyed. _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . quarrels 'are settled by boxing, the parties sitting down and striking blows alternately, until one of them gives in.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . every man governs his own family. _brownell's ind. races_, p. . they 'have a strong respect for their territorial rights, and maintain them with firmness.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . [ ] they are 'horribly filthy in person and habits.' _hooper's tuski_, p. . 'a husband will readily traffic with the virtue of a wife for purposes of gain.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . 'more than once a wife was proffered by her husband.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . as against the above testimony, seemann affirms: 'after the marriage ceremony has been performed infidelity is rare.' _voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'these people are in the habit of collecting certain fluids for the purposes of tanning; and that, judging from what took place in the tent, in the most open manner, in the presence of all the family.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'two men sometimes marry the same woman.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'as soon as a girl is born, the young lad who wishes to have her for a wife goes to her father's tent, and proffers himself. if accepted, a promise is given which is considered binding, and the girl is delivered to her betrothed husband at the proper age.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . women 'carry their infants between their reindeer-skin jackets and their naked backs.' _simpson's nar._, p. . 'all the drudgery falls upon the women; even the boys would transfer their loads to their sisters.' _collinson_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxv., p. . [ ] the '_kashim_ is generally built by the joint labour of the community.' _richardson's pol. reg._, p. . [ ] 'their dance is of the rudest kind, and consists merely in violent motion of the arms and legs.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . they make 'the most comical motions with the whole body, without stirring from their place.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . their song consisted of the words: 'hi, yangah yangah; ha ha, yangah--with variety only in the inflection of voice.' _hooper's tuski_, p. . when heated by the dance, even the women were stripped to their breeches. _simpson's nar._, p. . 'an old man, all but naked, jumped into the ring, and was beginning some indecent gesticulations, when his appearance not meeting with our approbation he withdrew.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'c'était la plus grande marque d'amitié qu'ils pouvaient nous donner.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, pt. ii., p. . 'they came up to me one after the other--each of them embraced me, rubbed his nose hard against mine, and ended his caresses by spitting in his hands and wiping them several times over my face.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., pp. , . [ ] 'their personal bravery is conspicuous, and they are the only nation on the north american continent who oppose their enemies face to face in open fight.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . 'simple, kind people; very poor, very filthy, and to us looking exceedingly wretched.' _mcclure's dis. n. w. passage_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxiv., p. . 'more bold and crafty than the indians; but they use their women much better.' _bell's geog._, vol. v., p. . [ ] 'their diseases are few.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'diseases are quite as prevalent among them as among civilized people.' _dall's alaska_, p. . 'ophthalmia was very general with them.' _beechey's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'there is seldom any mortality except amongst the old people and very young children.' _armstrong's nar._, p. . [ ] at point barrow, bodies were found in great numbers scattered over the ground in their ordinary seal-skin dress; a few covered with pieces of wood, the heads all turned north-east towards the extremity of the point. _simpson's nar._, p. . 'they lay their dead on the ground, with their heads all turned to the north.' 'the bodies lay exposed in the most horrible and disgusting manner.' _dease and simpson_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. viii., p. , . 'their position with regard to the points of the compass is not taken into consideration.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. ii., p. . 'there are many more graves than present inhabitants of the village, and the story is that the whole coast was once much more densely populated.' _dall's alaska_, p. . hooper, on coming to a burial place not far from point barrow, 'conjectured that the corpses had been buried in an upright position, with their heads at or above the surface.' _tuski_, p. . [ ] kadiak 'is a derivative, according to some authors, from the russian _kadia_, a large tub; more probably, however, it is a corruption of kaniag, the ancient innuit name.' _dall's alaska_, p. . holmberg thinks that the word kadiak arose from _kikchtak_, which in the language of the koniagas means a large island. 'der name kadjak ist offenbar eine verdrehung von kikchtak, welches wort in der sprache der konjagen "grosse insel" bedeutet und daher auch als benennung der grössten insel dieser gruppe diente.' _ethnographische skizzen über die völker des russischen amerika_, p. . 'a la division _koniagi_ appartient la partie la plus septentrionale de l'alaska, et l'île de kodiak, que les russes appellent vulgairement _kichtak_, quoique, dans la langue des naturels, le mot kightak ne désigne en général qu'une île.' _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . coxe affirms that the natives 'call themselves kanagist.' _russian dis._, p. . and sauer says, 'the natives call themselves _soo-oo-it_.' _billings' ex._, p. . 'man verstand von ihnen, das sie sich selbst kanagist nennen.' _neue nachr._, p. . [ ] _tschugatsches_, _tschugatsi_ or _tschgatzi_. latham, _native races_, p. , says the name is athabascan, and signifies 'men of the sea.' [ ] _kuskoquigmutes_, _kuskokwimen_, _kuskokwigmjuten_, _kusckockwagemuten_, _kuschkukchwakmüten_, or _kaskutchewak_. [ ] the termination _mute_, _mut_, _meut_, _muten_, or _mjuten_, signifies people or village. it is added to the tribal name sometimes as a substantive as well as in an adjective sense. [ ] 'herr wassiljew schätzt ihre zahl auf mindestens seelen beiderlei geschlechts und jeglichen alters.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . [ ] 'es waren wohl einst alle diese inseln bewohnt.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . [ ] the malemutes are 'a race of tall and stout people.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'die kuskokwimer sind, mittlerer statur, schlank, rüstig und oft mit grosser stärke begabt.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . _dixon's voy._, p. . 'bisweilen fallen sogar riesige gestalten auf, wie ich z. b. einen häuptling in der igatschen bucht zu sehen gelegenheit hatte, dessen länge ¾ fuss betrug.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . the chief at prince william sound was a man of low stature, 'with a long beard, and seemed about sixty years of age.' _portlock's voy._, p. . a strong, raw-boned race. _meares' voy._, p. . at cook's inlet they seemed to be of the same nation as those of pr. wm. sd., but entirely different from those at nootka, in persons and language. _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . they are of 'middle size and well proportioned.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'they emigrated in recent times from the island of kadyak, and they claim, as their hereditary possessions, the coast lying between bristol bay and beering's straits.' _richardson's nar._, vol. i., p. . 'die tschugatschen sind ankömmlinge von der insel kadjack, die während innerer zwistigkeiten von dort vertrieben.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . [ ] achkugmjuten, 'bewohner der warmen gegend.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'copper complexion.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] 'they bore their under lip, where they hang fine bones of beasts and birds.' _staehlin's north. arch._, p. . 'setzen sich auch--zähne von vögeln oder thierknochen in künstliche oeffnungen der unterlippe und unter der nase ein.' _neue nachr._, p. . [ ] the people of kadiak, according to langsdorff, are similar to those of unalaska, the men being a little taller. they differ from the fox islanders. _voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'die insulaner waren hier von den einwohnern, der vorhin entdeckten übrigen fuchsinsuln, in kleidung und sprache ziemlich verschieden.' _neue nachr._, p. . 'ils ressemblent beaucoup aux indigènes des îles curiles, dépendantes du japon.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, vol. vi., p. . [ ] 'they wore strings of beads suspended from apertures in the lower lip.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'their ears are full of holes, from which hang pendants of bone or shell.' _meares' voy._, p. xxxii. 'elles portent des perles ordinairement en verre bleu, suspendues au-dessous du nez à un fil passé dans la cloison nasale.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . 'upon the whole, i have nowhere seen savages who take more pains than these people do to ornament, or rather to disfigure their persons.' at prince william sound they are so fond of ornament 'that they stick any thing in their perforated lip; one man appearing with two of our iron nails projecting from it like prongs; and another endeavouring to put a large brass button into it.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . they slit the under lip, and have ornaments of glass beads and muscle-shells in nostrils and ears; tattoo chin and neck. _langsdorff's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'die frauen machen einschnitte in die lippen. der nasenknorpel ist ebenfalls durchstochen.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . [ ] the kadiaks dress like the aleuts, but their principal garment they call _konägen_; _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . like the unalaskas, the neck being more exposed, fewer ornamentations. _sauer_, _billings' voy._, p. . 'consists wholly of the skins of animals and birds.' _portlock's voy._, p. . a coat peculiar to norton sound appeared 'to be made of reeds sewed very closely together.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'nähen ihre _parken_ (winter-kleider) aus vögelhäuten und ihre _kamleien_ (sommer-kleider) aus den gedärmen von wallfischen und robben.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . at norton sound 'principally of deer-skins.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'ihre kleider sind aus schwarzen und andern fuchsbälgen, biber, vogelhäuten, auch jungen rennthier and jewraschkenfellen, alles mit sehnen genäht.' _neue nachr._, p. . 'the dress of both sexes consists of parkas and camleykas, both of which nearly resemble in form a carter's frock.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] 'una tunica entera de pieles que les abriga bastantemente.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'by the use of such a girdle, it should seem that they sometimes go naked.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'plastered over with mud, which gives it an appearance not very unlike a dung hill.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . sea-dog skin closes the opening. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . the kuskoquims have 'huttes qu'ils appellent barabores pour l'été.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . 'mit erde und gras bedeckt, so dass man mit recht die wohnungen der konjagen erdhütten nennen kann.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'a door fronting the east.' _sauer_, _billings' voy._, p. . at norton sound 'they consist simply of a sloping roof, without any side-walls.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . build temporary huts of sticks and bark. _portlock's voy._, p. . [ ] 'in dem kashim versammelt sich die männliche bevölkerung des ganzen dorfes zur berathschlagung über wichtige angelegenheiten, über krieg und frieden, etc.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . [ ] 'le poisson est la principale nourriture.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . 'berries mixed with rancid whale oil.' 'the fat of the whale is the prime delicacy.' _lisiansky's voy._, pp. , . 'meistentheils nähren sie sich mit rohen und trocknen fischen, die sie theils in der see mit knöchernen angelhaken, theils in den bächen mit sacknetzen, die sie aus sehnen flechten, einfangen.' _neue nachr._, p. . they generally eat their food raw, but sometimes they boil it in water heated with hot stones. _meares' voy._, p. xxxv. the method of catching wild geese, is to chase and knock them down immediately after they have shed their large wing-feathers; at which time they are not able to fly. _portlock's voy._, p. . [ ] 'ich hatte auf der insel afognak gelegenheit dem zerschneiden eines wallfisches zuzusehen und versichere, dass nach verlauf von kaum stunden nur die blanken knochen auf dem ufer lagen.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . [ ] the kadiaks 'pass their time in hunting, festivals, and abstinence. the first takes place in the summer; the second begins in the month of december, and continues as long as any provisions remain; and then follows the period of famine, which lasts till the re-appearance of fish in the rivers. during the period last mentioned, many have nothing but shell-fish to subsist on, and some die for want.' _lisiansky's voy._, pp. , . [ ] 'wild animals which they hunt, and especially wild sheep, the flesh of which is excellent.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . they eat the larger sort of fern-root baked, and a substance which seemed the inner bark of the pine. _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'die eingebornen essen diese wurzeln (lagat) roh und gekocht; aus der wurzel, nachdem sie in mehl verwandelt ist, bäckt man, mit einer geringen beimischung von weizenmehl, süssliche, dünne kuchen.' _sagoskin_, _tagebuch_, in _denkschr. d. russ. geog. gesell._, p. . [ ] 'ihre hölzernen schilde nennen sie kujaki.' _neue nachr._, p. . [ ] 'selecting the roots of such plants as grow alone, these roots are dried and pounded, or grated.' _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . [ ] 'die pfeilspitzen sind aus eisen oder kupfer, ersteres erhalten sie von den kenayern, letzteres von den tutnen.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'de pedernal en forma de arpon, cortado con tanta delicadeza como pudiera hacerlo el mas hábil lapidario.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . [ ] at prince william sound cook found the canoes not of wood, as at nootka. at bristol bay they were of skin, but broader. _third voy._, vol. ii., pp. , . 'die kadjakschen baidarken unterscheiden sich in der form ein wenig von denen der andern bewohner der amerikanischen küste, von denen der aleuten aber namentlich darin, dass sie kürzer und breiter sind.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . at prince william sound, 'formada la canoa en esqueleto la forran por fuera con pieles de animales.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'qu'on se figure une nacelle de quatre mètres de long et de soixante centimètres de large tout au plus.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, vol. vi., p. . 'these canoes were covered with skins, the same as we had seen last season in cook's river. _dixon's voy._, p. . 'safer at sea in bad weather than european boats.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] their whale-sinew thread was as fine as silk. _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] the only tool seen was a stone adze. _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'their sewing, plaiting of sinews, and small work on their little bags may be put in competition with the most delicate manufactures found in any part of the known world.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., pp. , . 'if we may judge by these figures, the inhabitants of cadiack must have lost much of their skill in carving, their old productions of this kind being greatly superior.' _lisiansky_, p. . the ingalik's household furniture is made 'von gebogenem holz sehr zierlich gearbeitet und mittelst erdfarben roth, grün und blau angestrichen. zum kochen der speisen bedienen sie sich irdener, ausgebrannter geschirre.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . [ ] 'tis most probable they are divided into clans or tribes.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'they have a king, whose name was sheenoway.' _meares' voy._, p. xxvii. 'they always keep together in families, and are under the direction of toyons or chiefs.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] female slaves are sold from one tribe to another. _sauer, billings' voy._, p. . [ ] 'zugleich verschwand auch ihre benennung; man nannte sie ferner kajuren, ein wort aus kamtschatka hieher übergesiedelt, welches tagelöhner oder arbeiter bedeutet.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . [ ] 'they will not go a step out of the way for the most necessary purposes of nature; and vessels are placed at their very doors for the reception of the urinous fluid, which are resorted to alike by both sexes.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] 'not only do brothers and sisters cohabit with each other, but even parents and children.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . [ ] 'images dressed in different forms.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'the most favoured of women is she who has the greatest number of children.' _sauer_, _billings' voy._, p. . [ ] 'der vater oder die mutter bestimmen den sohn schon in seiner frühsten kindheit zum achnutschik, wenn er ihnen mädchenhaft erscheint.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'male concubines are much more frequent here than at oonalashka.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . they 'are happy to see them taken by the chiefs, to gratify their unnatural desires. such youths are dressed like women, and taught all their domestic duties.' _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . 'ces peuples sont très adonnés aux plaisirs des sens et même à un vice infame.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, pt. vii., p. . 'of all the customs of these islanders, the most disgusting is that of men, called _schoopans_, living with men, and supplying the place of women.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . this shameful custom applies to the thlinkeets as well. 'quelques personnes de l'equipage du solide ont rapporté qu'il ne leur est pas possible de douter que les tchinkîtânéens ne soient souillés de ce vice honteux que la théogonie immorale des grecs avoit divinisé.' _marchand_, _voy. aut. du monde_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'der schamane hat seiner obliegenheit gemäss oder aus besonderem wohlwollen sie der jungferschaft beraubt und sie wäre unwürdig vor der versammlung zu erscheinen, wenn sie ihre erste liebe irgend einem anderen und nicht dem schamanen gezollt hätte.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . [ ] 'their dances are proper tournaments.' _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . they are much addicted to public dances, especially during winter. _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'masks of the most hideous figures are worn.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'use a sort of rattle composed of a number of the beaks of the sea-parrot, strung upon a wooden cross,'--sounds like castanets. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'die tänzer erscheinen, eben so, mit wurfspiessen oder messern in den händen, welche sie über dem kopfe schwingen.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . [ ] 'les sorciers et chamans jouissent d'une grande faveur dans cette région glacée de l'amérique.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . 'schamanen und alte weiber kennen verschiedene heilmittel.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'next in rank to the shamans are the kaseks, or sages, whose office is to teach children the different dances, and superintend the public amusements and shows, of which they have the supreme control.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] 'the dead body of a chief is embalmed with moss, and buried.' _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . [ ] 'in one of the small buildings, or kennels, as they may very properly be called, was a woman who had retired into it in consequence of the death of her son.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] 'the word aleutian seems to be derived from the interrogative particle _allix_, which struck strangers in the language of that people.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. iii., p. . the unalaskas and 'the people of oomnak, call themselves _cowghalingen_.' 'the natives of alaska and all the adjacent islands they call _kagataiakung'n_.' _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . 'the inhabitants of unalashka are called _kogholaghi_; those of akutan, and further east to unimak, _kighigusi_; and those of unimak and alaxa, _kataghayekiki_. they cannot tell whence these appellations are derived; and now begin to call themselves by the general name of _aleyut_, given to them by the russians, and borrowed from some of the kurile islands.' _coxe's russ. dis._, p. . [ ] yet, says d'orbigny, _voyage_, p. : 'si on interroge les aléoutiens sur leur origine, ils disent que leurs ancêtres ont habité un grand pays vers l'ouest, et que de là ils sont avancés de proche en proche sur les îles désertes jusqu'au continent américain.' [ ] trapesnikoff took from an unknown island in , sea-otter skins. durneff returned to kamchatka in , with , skins. in one crew touched at bering island and took , arctic foxes, and , sea-bears. cholodiloff, in , took from one island , otter-skins. tolstych in one voyage took , sea-otter, blue foxes, and sea-bears. _coxe's russ. dis._, pp. , , , , . [ ] _sparks_, _life of ledyard_, p. . [ ] a great deal of character. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . [ ] 'rather low of stature, but plump and well shaped; with rather short necks; swarthy chubby faces; black eyes; small beards, and long, straight, black hair; which the men wear loose behind, and cut before, but the women tie up in a bunch.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'von gesicht sind sie platt und weiss, von guter statur, durchgängig mit schwarzen haaren.' _neue nachr._, p. . 'low in stature, broad in the visage.' _campbell's voy._, p. . hair 'strong and wiry;' scanty beard, but thick on the upper lip. _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . [ ] 'les femmes aléoutes portaient aux mains et aux pieds des chapelets de pierres de couleur et préférablement d'ambre.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . 'none are so highly esteemed as a sort of long muscle, commonly called sea-teeth, the _dentalium entalis_ of linnæus.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'women have the chin punctured in fine lines rayed from the centre of the lip and covering the whole chin.' they wear bracelets of black seal-skin around the wrists and ankles, and go barefoot. _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . 'im nasen-knorpel und der unterlippe machen beide geschlechter löcher und setzen knochen ein, welches ihr liebster schmuck ist. sie stechen sich auch bunte figuren im gesicht aus.' _neue nachr._, p. . 'they bore the upper lip of the young children of both sexes, under the nostrils, where they hang several sorts of stones, and whitened fish-bones, or the bones of other animals.' _staehlin's north arch._, p. . [ ] 'leur conformation est robuste et leur permet de supporter des travaux et des fatigues de toute sorte.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . [ ] at shumagin island, their caps were of sea-lion skins. _müller's voy._, p. . on the front are one or two small images of bone. _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . a wooden hat, 'which in front comes out before the eyes like a sort of umbrella, and is rounded off behind.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'einige haben gemeine mützen von einem bunten vogelfell, woran sie etwas von den flügeln und dem schwanz sitzen lassen;--sind vorn mit einem brettchen wie ein schirm versehn und mit bärten von seebären--geschmücket.' _neue nachr._, pp. , . [ ] on a feather garment, 'a person is sometimes employed a whole year.' 'the women for the most part go bare-footed.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., pp. , . 'seams covered with thin slips of skin, very elegantly embroidered with white deer's hair, goat's hair, and the sinews of sea animals, dyed of different colours.' _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . 'ihr pelzkleid wird über den kopf angezogen, und ist hinten und vorn ganz zu. die männer tragen es aus vogelhäuten; die weiber hingegen von bibern und jungen seebären.' _neue nachr._, p. . 'boots and breeches in one piece.' _campbell's voy._, p. . [ ] 'round the sides and ends of the huts, the families (for several are lodged together) have their separate apartments, where they sleep, and sit at work; not upon benches, but in a kind of concave trench, which is dug all around the inside of the house, and covered with mats.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'when they have stood for sometime, they become overgrown with grass, so that a village has the appearance of an european churchyard full of graves.' _langsdorff's voy._, p. . 'in den jurten wird niemals feuer angelegt und doch ist es gemeiniglich sehr warm darinnen, so dass beide geschlechter ganz nakkend sitzen.' _neue nachr._, p. . [ ] 'a bidarka or boat is turned up sideways, and at the distance of four or five feet, two sticks, one opposite to the head and the other to the stern, are driven into the ground, on the tops of which a cross stick is fastened. the oars are then laid along from the boat to the cross stick, and covered with seal skins, which are always at hand for the purpose.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] 'among the greatest delicacies of oonalashka are the webbed feet of a seal, which are tied in a bladder, buried in the ground, and remain there till they are changed into a stinking jelly.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. ii., p. . almost everything is eaten raw. _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . the sea-dog is caught with nets, killed when asleep, or enticed on shore by a false cap made to resemble a seal's head. _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] 'l'aléoute peut tuer les phoques et les oiseaux, sans être obligé d'en rendre compte à la compagnie.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, pt. vii., p. . [ ] 'die spitze selbst wird theils aus obsidian oder lavaglas, theils auch aus trachyt verfertigt.' _kittlitz_, _reise_, vol. i., p. . spear-handles are feathered, the points of sharpened flint. _neue nachr._, p. , 'arrows are thrown from a narrow and pointed board, twenty inches long, which is held by the thumb and three fingers. they are thrown straight from the shoulder with astonishing velocity.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'les armes défensives consistaient en une cotte de joncs tressés qui leur couvrait tout le corps.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . 'no such thing as an offensive, or even defensive weapon was seen amongst the natives of oonalashka.' probably they had been disarmed by the russians. _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'wherever any one has fixed his habitation, nobody else dares to hunt or fish.' _staehlin's nor. arch._, p. . for birds they point their darts with three light bones, spread and barbed. _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . 'indeed, there is a neatness and perfection in most of their work, that shews they neither want ingenuity nor perseverance.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] they make 'baskets called ishcats, in which the aleutians keep all their valuables.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'thread they make of the sinews of the seal, and of all sizes, from the fineness of a hair to the strength of a moderate cord, both twisted and plaited.' _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . of the teeth of sea-dogs they carve little figures of men, fish, sea-otters, sea-dogs, sea-cows, birds, and other objects. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . [ ] 'wollen sie etwas an ihren pfeilen oder sonst eine kleinigkeit leimen, so schlagen sie sich an die nase und bestreichen es mit ihrem blute.' _neue nachr._, p. . [ ] _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. ; _campbell's voy._, p. . [ ] 'comme les femmes coûtaient cher en présents de fiançailles, la plupart des aléoutes n'en avaient qu'une ou deux.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . purchase as many girls for wives as they can support. _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . 'objects of unnatural affection.' _id._, p. . 'their beards are carefully plucked out as soon as they begin to appear, and their chins tattooed like those of the women.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'the russians told us, that they never had any connections with their women, because they were not christians. our people were not so scrupulous; and some of them had reason to repent that the females of oonalashka encouraged their addresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by a distemper that is not unknown here.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'it often happens that a mother plunges her noisy child into water, even in winter, and keeps it there till it leaves off crying.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'schreyt das kind, so trägt es die mutter, es sey winter oder sommer nakkend nach der see, und hält es so lange im wasser bis es still wird.' _neue nachr._, p. . [ ] 'have their own chiefs in each island.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'generally is conferred on him who is the most remarkable for his personal qualities.' _coxe's russ. dis._, p. . [ ] those of the inhabitants who have two wives give their guests one, or a slave. _neue nachr._, p. . 'in the spring holidays, they wear masks, neatly carved and fancifully ornamented.' _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . [ ] 'on avait soin de le disposer de manière à ce qu'il ne touchât pas la terre.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . 'embalm the bodies of the men with dried moss and grass.' _sauer_, _billings' ex._, p. . slaves sometimes slaughtered. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'bury their dead on the summits of hills.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'when a man dies in the hut belonging to his wife, she retires into a dark hole, where she remains forty days. the husband pays the same compliment to his favorite wife upon her death.' _coxe's russ. dis._, p. . 'die todten werden begraben, und man giebt dem mann seinen kahn, pfeile und kleider mit ins grab.' 'die todten umwinden sie mit riemen und hängen sie in einer art hölzerner wiege an einen auf zwey gabelen ruhenden querstock in der luft auf.' _neue nachr._, pp. , . [ ] 'naturellement silencieux.' _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. . 'sie verrichten auch die nothdurft und das ehegeschäft ohne alle scheu.' _neue. nachr._, p. . 'a stupid silence reigns among them.' 'i am persuaded that the simplicity of their character exceeds that of any other people.' _lisiansky's voy._, pp. , . 'kind-hearted and obliging, submissive and careful; but if roused to anger, they become rash and unthinking, even malevolent, and indifferent to all danger.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'to all appearance, they are the most peaceable, inoffensive people, i ever met with. and, as to honesty, they might serve as a pattern to the most civilized nation upon earth.' _cook_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'to hunt was their task; to be drowned, or starved, or exhausted, was their reward.' _simpson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . 'they are harmless, wretched slaves,' whose race will soon be extinct. _kotzebue's voy._, vol. iii., p. . the russian hunters 'used not unfrequently to place the men close together, and try through how many the ball of their rifle-barrelled musket would pass.' _sauer_, _billings' ex. app._, p. . 'of a thousand men, who formerly lived in this spot, scarcely more than forty remained.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'la variole, la syphilis, voire même le choléra depuis quelques années, en emportent une effrayante quantité.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _kaluga_, _kaljush_, _koljush_, _kalusch_, _kolush_, _kolosch_, _kolosh_, _kolosches_. marchand calls them tchinkîtâné. _voyage aut. du monde_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] see _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, pp. , . [ ] _ugalachmiuti_, _ugaljachmjuten_, _ugalyachmutzi_, _ugalukmutes_, _ugalenzi_, _ugalenzen_, _ugalenzes_. [ ] they 'call themselves g-tinkit, or s-chinkit, or also s-chitcha-chon, that is, inhabitants of sitki or sitcha.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., . [ ] the orthographic varieties of this word are endless. _stickeen_, _stekin_, _stakhin_, _stachin_, _stikin_, _stachine_, _stikeen_, _stikine_, _stychine_, are among those before me at the moment. [ ] at the end of this chapter, under tribal boundaries, the location of these tribes is given definitely. [ ] a thlinkeet boy, 'when under the whip, continued his derision, without once exhibiting the slightest appearance of suffering.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] 'leur corps est ramassé, mais assez bien proportionné.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'very fierce.' _portlock's voy._, p. . 'limbs straight and well shaped.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'stolze gerade haltung.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'active and clever.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'bigote á manera de los chinos.' _perez_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'limbs ill-proportioned.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'très supérieurs en courage et en intelligence.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] the women 'are pleasing and their carriage modest.' _portlock's voy._, p. . when washed, white and fresh. _dixon's voy._, p. . 'dunkle hautfarbe.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'eran de color blanco y habia muchos con ojos azules.' _perez_, _nav._, ms. p. . as fair as many europeans. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'muchos de ellos de un blanco regular.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . [ ] 'leur chevelure, dure, épaisse, mêlée, couverte d'ocre, de duvet d'oiseaux et de toutes les ordures que la négligence et le temps y ont accumulées, contribue encore à rendre leur aspect hideux.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'a more hideous set of beings, in the form of men and women, i had never before seen.' _cleveland's voy._, p. . the men painted 'a black circle extending from the forehead to the mouth, and a red chin, which gave the face altogether the appearance of a mask.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . pourraient même passer pour jolies, sans l'horrible habitude qu'elles ont adoptée.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., p. . 'that person seems to be reckoned the greatest beau amongst them, whose face is one entire piece of smut and grease.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'ils se font des cicatrices sur les bras et sur la poitrine.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'um aus dem gesichte diese fette farbenmasse abzuwaschen, gebrauchen sie ihren eignen urin, und dieser verursacht bei ihnen den widerlichen geruch, der den sich ihm nahenden fremdling fast zum erbrechen bringt.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . [ ] meares, _voyages_, p. xxxi., states that at prince william sound, 'the men have universally a slit in their under lip, between the projecting part of the lip and the chin, which is cut parallel with their mouths, and has the appearance of another mouth.' worn only by women. _dixon's voy._, p. . [ ] 'about three tenths of an inch below the upper part of the under lip.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'in the centre of the under-lip.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'fendue au ras des gencives.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'in the thick part near the mouth.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'when the first person having this incision was seen by one of the seamen, who called out, that the man had two mouths.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'in their early infancy, a small incision is made in the center of the under lip, and a piece of brass or copper wire is placed in, and left in the wound. this corrodes the lacerated parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually increases the orifice, until it is sufficiently large to admit the wooden appendage.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'les femmes de tchinkîtâné ont cru devoir ajouter à leur beauté naturelle, par l'emploi d'un ornement labial, aussi bizarre qu'incommode.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'simply perforated, and a piece of copper wire introduced.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'les jeunes filles n'ont qu'une aiguille dans la lèvre inférieure.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'on y prépare les petites filles aussitôt qu'elles sont nées.' _id._, tom. iv., p. . 'at first a thick wire.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . when almost marriageable. _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'the children have them bored at about two years of age, when a piece of copper-wire is put through the hole; this they wear till the age of about thirteen or fourteen years, when it is taken out, and the wooden ornament introduced.' _portlock's voy._, p. . 'said to denote maturity.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'se percer la lèvre inférieure des l'enfance.' 'd'agrandir peu à peu cette ouverture au point de pouvoir jeune fille y introduire une coquille, et femme mariée une énorme tasse de bois.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., p. . 'never takes place during their infancy.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'when the event takes place that implies womanhood.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'wenn zum ersten mal beim mädchen sich spuren der mannbarkeit zeigen, wird ihre unterlippe durchstochen und in diese oeffnung eine knochenspitze, gegenwärtig doch häufiger ein silberstift gelegt.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'pues les pareció que solo lo tenian los casados.' _perez_, _nav._, ms. p. . [ ] 'concave on both sides.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'so lange sie unverheirathet ist, trägt sie diesen; erhält sie aber einen mann, so presst man einen grösseren schmuck von holz oder knochen in die oeffnung, welcher nach innen, d. h. zur zahnseite etwas trogförmig ausgehöhlt ist.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'une espèce d'écuelle de bois sans anses qui appuie contre les gencives.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . pieces of shell resembling teeth. _meares' voy._, p. xxxi. [ ] 'as large as a large saucer.' _portlock's voy._, p. . 'from one corner of the mouth to the other.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'frequently increased to three, or even four inches in length, and nearly as wide.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'a communément un demi-pouce d'épaisseur, deux de diamètre, et trois pouces de long.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. iv., p. . 'at least seven inches in circumference.' _meares' voy._, p. xxxviii. 'mit den jahren wird der schmuck vergrössert, so dass er bei einem alten weibe über zoll breit angetroffen wird.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . from two to five inches long, and from one and a half to three inches broad. ladies of distinction increase the size. 'i have even seen ladies of very high rank with this ornament, full five inches long and three broad.' mr dwolf affirms that he saw 'an old woman, the wife of a chief, whose lip ornament was so large, that by a peculiar motion of her under-lip she could almost conceal her whole face with it.' 'horrible in its appearance to us europeans.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'es una abertura como de media pulgada debaxo del labio inferior, que representa segunda boca, donde colocan una especie de roldana elíptica de pino, cuyo diámetro mayor es de dos pulgadas, quatro lineas, y el menor de una pulgada.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . [ ] 'une énorme tasse de bois, destinée à recevoir la salive qui s'en échappe constamment.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., p. . 'l'effet de cet ornement est de rabattre, par le poids de sa partie saillante la lèvre inférieure sur le menton, de développer les charmes d'une grande bouche béante, qui prend la forme de celle d'un four, et de mettre à découvert une rangée de dents jaunes et sales.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'she is obliged to be constantly on the watch, lest it should fall out, which would cover her with confusion.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'the weight of this trencher or ornament weighs the lip down so as to cover the whole of the chin, leaving all the lower teeth and gum quite naked.' _portlock's voy._, p. . 'l'usage le plus révoltant qui existe peut-être sur la terre.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'always in proportion to a person's wealth.' 'distorts every feature in the lower part of the face.' _dixon's voy._, p. , . 'in running the lip flaps up and down so as to knock sometimes against the chin and sometimes against the nose. upon the continent the kaluga is worn still larger; and the female who can cover her whole face with her under-lip passes for the most perfect beauty,' 'the lips of the women held out like a trough, and always filled with saliva stained with tobacco-juice, of which they are immoderately fond, is the most abominably revolting part of the spectacle.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'dadurch entsteht eine im selbigen maasse ausgedehnte lippe, die höchst widerlich aussieht, um so mehr, da sich nun mehr der mund nicht schliessen kann, sondern unaufhörlich einen braunen tabaksspeichel von sich gibt.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'so distorts the face as to take from it almost the resemblance to the human; yet the privilege of wearing this ornament is not extended to the female slaves, who are prisoners taken in war.' _cleveland's voy._, p. . 'look as if they had large flat wooden spoons growing in the flesh.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'the sight is hideous. our men used jocosely to say, this lower lip would make a good slab to lay their trousers on to be scrubbed.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . 'on ne connaît point d'explication plausible de cette mutilation, qui, chez les indiens, passe pour un signe de noblesse.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'die männertracht unterscheidet sich in nichts von der weiber; sie besteht nämlich aus einem bis zu den knieen gehenden hemde.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . some of their blankets 'are so curiously worked on one side with the fur of the sea-otter, that they appear as if lined with it.' 'some dress themselves in short pantaloons.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'las mugeres visten honestamente una especie de túnica interior de piel sobada.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. cxvii. 'se vestian las mugeres tunicas de pieles ajustadas al cuerpo con brazaletes de cobre o hierro.' _perez_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'usual clothing consists of a little apron.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'their feet are always bare.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . [ ] 'usan sombreros de la corteza interior del pino en forma de cono truncado.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. cxvii. their wooden masks 'are so thick, that a musket-ball, fired at a moderate distance, can hardly penetrate them.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] pluck out their beard. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'ils ont de la barbe, moins à la vérité que les européens, mais assez cependant pour qu'il soit impossible d'en douter.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'the women in general are hair-dressers for their husbands.' _portlock's voy._, p. . [ ] 'der eingang, ziemlich hoch von der erde, besteht aus einem kleinen runden loche.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . 'ils se construisent des maisons de bois ou de terre pour l'hiver.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, vol. vi., p. . 'the barabaras of the sitcan people are of a square form, and spacious. the sides are of planks; and the roof resembles that of a russian house.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'habitan estos indios en chozas ó rancherías de tablas muy desabrigadas.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. cxvi. at sitka the roof 'rests upon ten or twelve thick posts driven into the ground, and the sides of the house are composed of broad thick planks fastened to the same posts.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'dans l'intérieur des terres, des habitations bien construites, spacieuses et commodes.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'shanties on a large scale.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'their huts are made of a few boards, which they take away with them when they go to their winter quarters. it is very surprising to see how well they will shape their boards with the shocking tools they employ; some of them being full feet long, ½ feet broad, and not more than an inch thick.' _portlock's voy._, p. . 'high, large, and roomy, built of wood, with the hearth in the middle, and the sides divided into as many compartments as there are families living under the roof.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . 'lebt in schoppen aus balken gebaut, wo an den seiten für jede familie besondere plätze abgetheilt sind, in der mitte aber feuer für alle zusammen angemacht wird. so pflegen gemeiniglich bis familien eine einzige scheune einzunehmen.' _baer's ethn. u. stat._, p. . [ ] 'vingt-cinq pieds de long sur quinze à vingt pieds de large.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'roof in the whole with the bark of trees.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'las casas en que estos habitan en las playas son de poca consideracion y ninguna subsistencia.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'a few poles stuck in the ground, without order or regularity.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'gebäude besteht aus langen, sorgfältig behauenen brettern, die kartenhausartig über einander gestellt, an zahlreichen in die erde gesteckten stangen befestigt, recht eigentlich ein hölzernes zelt bilden. es hat die form einer länglichen barake mit zwei giebeln.' _kittlitz_, _reise_, vol. i., pp. , . [ ] all kinds of fish; 'such as salmon, mussels, and various other shell-fish, sea-otters, seals and porpoises; the blubber of the porpoise, they are remarkably fond of, and indeed the flesh of any animal that comes in their way.' _portlock's voy._, p. . 'vom meere, an dessen ufern sie sich stets ansiedeln, erhalten sie ihre hauptsächlichste nahrung; einige wurzeln, gräser u. beeren gehören nur zu den leckerbissen des sommers.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . cakes made of bark of spruce-fir, mixed with roots, berries, and train-oil. for salt they use sea-water. never eat whale-fat. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . at sitka, summer food consists of berries, fresh fish, and flesh of amphibious animals. winter food, of dried salmon, train-oil, and the spawn of fish, especially herrings. _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'sus alimentos se reducen á pescado cocido ó asado ya fresco ó ya seco, varias hierbas y raizes.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . they chew 'a plant which appears to be a species of tobacco.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'sont couverts de vermine; ils font une chasse assidue à ces animaux dévorans, mais pour les dévorer eux-mêmes.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'tägliche nahrung der einwohner--sind hauptsächtlich fische, doch häufig auch mollusken und echinodermen.' _kittlitz_, _reise_, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'le poisson frais ou fumé, les oeufs séchés de poisson.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'is sometimes cooked upon red-hot stones, but more commonly eaten raw.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'not so expert in hunting as the aleutians. their principal mode is that of shooting the sea animals as they lie asleep.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . they boil their victuals in wooden vessels, by constantly putting red-hot stones into the water. _portlock's voy._, p. . 'das kochen geschieht jetzt in eisernen kesseln, vor der bekanntschaft mit den russen aber wurden dazu aus wurzeln geflochtene körbe angewandt.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . [ ] to their fishing lines, bladders are fastened, 'which float upon the surface of the water, so that one person can attend to fourteen or fifteen lines.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'ils pêchent, comme nous, en barrant les rivières, ou à la ligne.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'for taking the spawn, they use the branches of the pine-tree, to which it easily adheres, and on which it is afterwards dried. it is then put into baskets, or holes purposely dug in the ground, till wanted.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'su comun alimento es el salmon, y es ingenioso el método que tienen de pescarle.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. cxvii. 'their lines are very strong, being made of the sinews or intestines of animals.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'die riesenbutte, die in sitcha bisweilen ein gewicht von bis pud erreicht, wird aus der tiefe mit grossen hölzernen angeln, die mit widerhaken aus eisen oder knochen versehen sind, herausgezogen. die angelschnur besteht aus an einander geknüpften fucusstängeln.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . [ ] 'bows and arrows were formerly their only weapons; now, besides their muskets, they have daggers, and knives half a yard long.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . their weapons were bows, arrows, and spears. _dixon's voy._, p. . 'leur lances dont l'ancienne forme n'est pas connue, est à présent composée de deux pièces: de la hampe, longue de quinze ou dix-huit pieds, et du fer qui ne le cède en rien à celui de la hallebarde de parade dont étoit armé un suisse de paroisse.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . knives, some two feet long, shaped almost like a dagger, with a ridge in the middle. worn in skin sheaths hung by a thong to the neck under their robe, probably used only as weapons. _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'las armas ofensivas que generalmente usan son las flechas, lanzas de seis y ocho varas de largo con lenguetas de fierro.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'the daggers used in battle are made to stab with either end, having three, four or five inches above the hand tapered to a sharp point; but the upper part of those used in the sound and river is excurvated.' _portlock's voy._, p. . 'principally bows and arrows.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'sus armas se reducen al arco, la flecha y el puñal que traen siempre consigo.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. cxvii. 'comme nous examinions très attentivement tous ces poignards, ils nous firent signe qu'ils n'en faisaient usage que contre les ours et les autres bêtes des forêts.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'der dolch ist sehr breit und hat zwei geschliffene blätter auf jeder seite des griffes, das obere jedoch nur ein viertel von der länge des unteren.' 'beide blätter oder klingen sind mit ledernen scheiden versehen.' _holmberg_, _ethn. skiz._, p. . [ ] 'a kind of jacket, or coat of mail, made of thin laths, bound together with sinews, which makes it quite flexible, though so close as not to admit an arrow or dart.' _cook's third voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'für den krieg besitzen die kaloschen auch von holz gearbeitete schutzwaffen: brustharnische, sturmhauben und seltsam geschnitzte visire, mit grellen farben bemalte fratzengesichter darstellen.' _kittlitz_, _reise_, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'they never attack their enemies openly.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'les guerriers tués ou faits prisonniers à la guerre, passent également sous la dent de leurs vainqueurs qui, en dévorant une proie aussi distinguée, croient y puiser de nouvelles forces, une nouvelle énergie.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., p. . [ ] 'bien hechas de una pieza con su falca sobre las bordas.' _perez_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'on n'est pas moins étonné de leur stabilité: malgré la légèreté et le peu de largeur de la coque, elles n'ont pas besoin d'être soutenues par des balanciers, et jamais on ne les accouple.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'las regulares canoas de que se sirven son de pino, y no tienen mas capacidad que la que basta para contener una familia, sin embargo que las hay sumamente grandes.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'rudely excavated and reduced to no particular shape, but each end has the resemblance of a butcher's tray.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'their canoes are much inferior to those of the lower coast, while their skin "baidarkes" (kyacks) are not equal to those of norton sound and the northern coast.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . at cook's inlet, 'their canoes are sheathed with the bark of trees.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . these canoes 'were made from a solid tree, and many of them appeared to be from to feet in length, but very narrow, being no broader than the tree itself.' _meares' voy._, p. xxxviii. 'their boat was the body of a large pine tree, neatly excavated, and tapered away towards the ends, until they came to a point, and the fore-part somewhat higher than the after-part; indeed, the whole was finished in a neat and very exact manner.' _portlock's voy._, p. . [ ] 'ont fait beaucoup plus de progrès dans les arts que dans la morale.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . thlinkeet women make baskets of bark of trees, and grass, that will hold water. _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . they have tolerable ideas of carving, most utensils having sculptures, representing some animal. _portlock's voy._, p. . 'ces peintures, ces sculptures, telles qu'elles sont, on en voit sur tous leurs meubles.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'de la vivacidad de su genio y del afecto al cambio se debe inferir son bastantemente laboriosos.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'tienen lana blanca cuya especie ignoraron.' _perez_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'masks very ingeniously cut in wood, and painted with different colors.' a rattle, 'very well finished, both as to sculpture and painting.' 'one might suppose these productions the work of a people greatly advanced in civilization.' _lisiansky's voy._, pp. , . 'found some square patches of ground in a state of cultivation, producing a plant that appeared to be a species of tobacco.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'the skins of the sea-otters form their principal wealth, and are a substitute for money.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'in one place they discovered a considerable hoard of woolen cloth, and as much dried fish as would have loaded bidarkas.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] 'le gouvernement des tchinkitânéens paroîtroit donc se rapprocher du gouvernement patriarchal.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'de su gobierno pensamos cuando mas, oiendo el modo de someterse á algunos viejos, seria oligárhico.' _bodega y quadra_, _nav._, ms. p. . 'though the toyons have power over their subjects, it is a very limited power, unless when an individual of extraordinary abilities starts up, who is sure to rule despotically.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . 'chaque famille semble vivre d'une manière isolée et avoir un régime particulier.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. iv., p. . 'ces conseils composés des vieillards.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., p. . [ ] tribes are distinguished by the color and character of their paint. _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . they 'are divided into tribes; the principal of which assume to themselves titles of distinction, from the names of the animals they prefer; as the tribe of the bear, of the eagle, etc. the tribe of the wolf are called _coquontans_, and have many privileges over the other tribes.' _lisiansky's voy._, pp. , . [ ] 'the women possess a predominant influence, and acknowledged superiority over the other sex.' _meares' voy._, p. . 'parmi eux les femmes jouissent d'une certaine considération.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., p. . they treat their wives and children with much affection and tenderness, and the women keep the treasures. _portlock's voy._, p. . the kalush 'finds his filthy countrywomen, with their lip-troughs, so charming, that they often awaken in him the most vehement passion.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'it is certain that industry, reserve, modesty, and conjugal fidelity, are the general characteristics of the female sex among these people.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'quoiqu'elles vivent sous la domination d'hommes très-féroces, je n'ai pas vu qu'elles en fussent traitées d'une manière aussi barbare que le prétendent la plupart des voyageurs.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] 'weddings are celebrated merely by a feast, given to the relatives of the bride.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'ils ne s'écartent jamais de deux pas pour aucun besoin; ils ne cherchent dans ces occasions ni l'ombre ni le mystère; ils continuent la conversation qu'ils ont commencée, comme s'ils n'avaient pas un instant à perdre; et lorsque c'est pendant le repas, ils reprennent leur place, dont ils n'ont jamais été éloignés d'une toise.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'ont un goût décidé pour le chant.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'the women sit upon the ground at a distance of some paces from the dancers, and sing a not inharmonious melody, which supplies the place of music.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'they dance and sing continually.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . besides the tambourine, captain belcher saw a castanet and 'a new musical instrument, composed of three hoops, with a cross in the centre, the circumference being closely strung with the beaks of the alca arctica.' _voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] they lose at this game all their possessions, and even their wives and children, who then become the property of the winner.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'ce jeu les rend tristes et sérieux.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] upon one tomb, 'formaba una figura grande y horrorosa que tenia entre sus garras una caxa.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. cxviii. 'the box is frequently decorated with two or three rows of small shells.' _dixon's voy._, p. . 'the dead are burned, and their ashes preserved in small wooden boxes, in buildings appropriated to that purpose.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'nos voyageurs rencontrèrent aussi un morai qui leur prouva que ces indiens étaient dans l'usage de brûler les morts et d'en conserver la tête.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'on the death of a toyon, or other distinguished person, one of his slaves is deprived of life, and burned with him.' _lisiansky's voy._, p. . [ ] called by gallatin, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. , _athapasca_, the name 'first given to the central part of the country they inhabit.' sir john richardson, _jour._, vol. ii., p. , calls them 'tinnè, or 'dtinnè, athabascans or chepewyans.' 'they style themselves generally dinneh men, or indians.' _franklin's nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'les indiens de la côte ou de la nouvelle calédonie, les tokalis, les chargeurs (carriers) les schouchouaps, les atnas, appartiennent tous à la nation des chipeouaïans dont la langue est en usage dans le nord du continent jusqu'à la baie d'hudson et à la mer polaire.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] are 'known under the names of _loucheux_, _digothi_, and _kutshin_.' _latham's nat. races_, p. . 'they are called deguthee dinees, or the _quarrellers_.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. . 'on peel's river they name themselves _kutchin_, the final _n_ being nasal and faintly pronounced.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . they are also called _tykothee-dinneh_, loucheux or quarrellers. _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'the loucheux proper is spoken by the indians of peel's river. all the tribes inhabiting the valley of the youkon understand one another.' _hardisty_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] gallatin, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. , erroneously ruled the loucheux out of his athabasca nation. 'im äussersten nordosten hat uns gallatin aufmerksam gemacht auf das volk der loucheux, zänker-indianer oder digothi: an der mündung des mackenzie-flusses, nach einigen zu dessen beiden seiten (westliche und östliche): dessen sprache er nach den reisenden für fremd den athapaskischen hielt: worüber sich die neuen nachrichten noch widersprechen.' _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . franklin, _nar._, vol. ii., p. , allies the loucheux to the eskimos. [ ] tnai, 'man;' tnaina ttynai, thnaina, kinai, kenai, kenaize. [ ] see notes on boundaries at the end of this chapter. [ ] besides the 'umkwa,' being outlying members of the athabaskan stock,' there are the 'navahoe, the jecorilla, the panalero, along with the apatsh of new mexico, california, and sonora. to these add the hoopah of california, which is also athabaskan.' _latham's comp. phil._, p. . [ ] william w. turner was the first to assert positively that the apaches spoke a language which belongs to the athabascan family. _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. . [ ] face 'oval.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'broad faces, projecting cheek-bones, and wide nostrils.' _id._, vol. i., p. . foreheads low, chin long. _martin's brit. col._, vol. iii., p. . an exact compound between the usquemows and western indians. _barrow's geog. hudson bay_, p. . [ ] generally more than medium size. _hearne's trav._, p. . 'well proportioned, and about the middle size.' _martin's brit. col._, vol. iii., p. . 'long-bodied, with short, stout limbs.' _ross_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] 'dingy copper.' _martin's brit. col._, vol. iii., p. . 'swarthy.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxix. dingy brown, copper cast. _hearne's trav._, p. . 'very fresh and red.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'dirty yellowish ochre tinge.' _ross_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] 'small, fine eyes and teeth.' _franklin's nar._, vol. i., . [ ] 'hair lank, but not always of a dingy black. men in general extract their beard, though some of them are seen to prefer a bushy, black beard, to a smooth chin.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxix. beard in the aged 'between two and three inches long, and perfectly white.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'black, strait, and coarse.' _martin's brit. col._, vol. iii., p. . 'neither sex have any hair under their armpits, and very little on any other part of the body, particularly the women; but on the place where nature plants the hair, i never knew them attempt to eradicate it.' _hearne's trav._, p. . [ ] tattooing appears to be universal among the kutchins. _kirby_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the chepewyans tattooed 'by entering an awl or needle under the skin, and, on drawing it out again, immediately rubbing powdered charcoal into the wound.' _hearne's trav._, p. . 'both sexes have blue or black bars, or from one to four straight lines on their cheeks or forehead, to distinguish the tribe to which they belong.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxx. [ ] women 'destitute of real beauty.' _hearne's trav._, p. . 'very inferior aspect.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . women nasty. _mackenzie's voy._, p. . 'positively hideous.' _ross_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] a deer-horn mountaineer's dress 'consisted of a shirt, or jacket with a hood, wide breeches, reaching only to the knee, and tight leggins sewed to the shoes, all of deer's skins.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . the cap consists of the skin of a deer's head. _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxxii. [ ] as witness this speech of a noble chief: 'women were made for labor; one of them can carry, or haul, as much as two men can do. they also pitch our tents, make and mend our clothing, keep us warm at night; and, in fact, there is no such thing as traveling any considerable distance, in this country without their assistance.' _hearne's trav._, p. . [ ] an indian desiring another one's wife, fights with her husband, principally by pulling hair. if victorious, he pays a number of skins to the husband. _hooper's tuski_, p. . [ ] 'continence in an unmarried female is scarcely considered a virtue.' 'their dispositions are not amatory.' 'i have heard among them of two sons keeping their mother as a common wife, of another wedded to his daughter, and of several married to their sisters. _ross_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . women carry their children on the back next the skin, and suckle them until another is born. they do not suspend their ordinary occupations for child-birth. _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxxii. 'a temporary interchange of wives is not uncommon; and the offer of their persons is considered as a necessary part of the hospitality due to strangers.' _id._, p. xcvi. women are 'rather the slaves than the companions of the men.' _bell's geog._, vol. v., p. . [ ] they are harsh towards their wives, except when enceinte. they are accused of abandoning the aged and sick, but only one case came to his knowledge. _franklin's nar._, vol. i., pp. , . [ ] beeatee, prepared from deer only, 'is a kind of haggis, made with the blood, a good quantity of fat shred small, some of the tenderest of the flesh, together with the heart and lungs cut, or more commonly cut into small shivers; all of which is put into the stomach, and roasted.' _hearne's trav._, p. . 'not remarkable for their activity as hunters, owing to the ease with which they snare deer and spear fish.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxxiii. the deer-horn mountaineers 'repair to the sea in spring and kill seals; as the season advances, they hunt deer and musk oxen at some distance from the coast. they approach the deer either by crawling, or by leading these animals by ranges of turf towards the spot where the archer can conceal himself.' do not use nets, but the hook and line. _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'nets made of lines of twisted willow-bark, or thin strips of deer-hide.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . curdled blood, a favorite dish. _simpson's nar._, p. . [ ] the weapons of the chepewyans are bows and arrows; stone and bone axes and knives. _harmon's jour._, p. . the bows of the deer-horns 'are formed of three pieces of fir, the centre piece alone bent, the other two lying in the same straight line with the bowstring; the pieces are neatly tied together with sinew. _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . in preparing for an attack, each coppermine indian paints his shield with figures of sun, moon, or some animal or imaginary beings, each portraying whatever character he most relies upon. _hearne's trav._, p. . in some parts hunting grounds descend by inheritance, and the right of property is rigidly enforced. _simpson's nar._, p. . [ ] 'their cooking utensils are made of pot-stone, and they form very neat dishes of fir.' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . make fishing-lines and nets of green deer-thongs. _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxxvi. [ ] 'they are great mimics.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . men dance naked; women dressed. a crowd stand in a straight line, and shuffle from right to left without moving the feet from the ground. _hearne's trav._, p. . 'the men occasionally howl in imitation of some animal.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. . [ ] 'they manifest no common respect to the memory of their departed friends, by a long period of mourning, cutting off their hair, and never making use of the property of the deceased.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxxviii. the death of leading men is attributed to conjuring. they never bury the dead, but leave them, where they die, for wild beasts to devour. _hearne's trav._, p. . the chepewyans bury their dead. when mourning for relatives they gash their bodies with knives. _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., pp. , . [ ] 'the northern indians seldom attain a great age, though they have few diseases.' _martin's brit. col._, vol. iii., p. . for inward complaints, the doctors blow zealously into the rectum, or adjacent parts. _hearne's trav._, p. . the conjurer shuts himself up for days with the patient, without food, and sings over him. _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . medicine-men or conjurers are at the same time doctors. _hooper's tuski_, pp. , . 'the kutchins practice blood-letting _ad libitum_.' _jones_, _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'their principal maladies are rheumatic pains, the flux, and consumption.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxxiv. [ ] according to the report of the dog-ribs, the mountain indians are cannibals, casting lots for victims in time of scarcity. _simpson's nar._, p. . 'instances of suicide, by hanging, frequently occur among the women.' _harmon's jour._, p. . during times of starvation, which occur quite frequently, the slavé indians eat their families. _hooper's tuski_, p. . 'these people take their names, in the first instance, from their dogs. a young man is the father of a certain dog, but when he is married, and has a son, he styles himself the father of the boy. the women have a habit of reproving the dogs very tenderly when they observe them fighting. "are you not ashamed," say they, "to quarrel with your little brother?"' _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., pp. , . 'whether circumcision be practiced among them, i cannot pretend to say, but the appearance of it was general among those whom i saw.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. . dog-rib indians, sometimes also called slavés, 'a name properly meaning 'strangers.' _gallatin_, in _am. arch. soc. trans._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'order is maintained in the tribe solely by public opinion.' _richardson's jour._, vol. ii., p. . the chiefs are now totally without power. _franklin's nar._, vol. i., p. . 'they are influenced, more or less, by certain principles which conduce to their general benefit.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. cxxv. [ ] 'many consider a broth, made by means of the dung of the cariboo and the hare, to be a dainty dish.' _harmon's jour._, p. . they 'are lazy, dirty, and sensual,' and extremely uncivilized. 'their habits and persons are equally disgusting.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'they are a tall, well formed, good-looking race.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . 'an utter contempt of cleanliness prevailed on all hands, and it was revolting to witness their voracious endeavors to surpass each other in the gluttonous contest.' _ind. life_, p. . [ ] the women 'run a wooden pin through their noses.' _harmon's jour._, p. . at their burial ceremonies they smear the face 'with a composition of fish-oil and charcoal.' when conjuring, the chief and his companions 'wore a kind of coronet formed of the inverted claws of the grizzly bear.' _ind. life_, pp. , . [ ] the tacullies have 'wooden dishes, and other vessels of the rind of the birch and pine trees.' 'have also other vessels made of small roots or fibres of the cedar or pine tree, closely laced together, which serve them as buckets to put water in.' _harmon's jour._, p. . [ ] 'in the summer season both sexes bathe often; and this is the only time, when the married people wash themselves.' the tacullies are very fond and very jealous of their wives, 'but to their daughters, they allow every liberty, for the purpose, as they say, of keeping the young men from intercourse with the married women.' _harmon's jour._, pp. , , . a father, whose daughter had dishonored him, killed her and himself. _ind. life_, . [ ] 'the people of every village have a certain extent of country, which they consider their own, and in which they may hunt and fish; but they may not transcend these bounds, without purchasing the privilege of those who claim the land. mountains and rivers serve them as boundaries.' _harmon's jour._, p. . [ ] mackenzie, _voy._, p. , found on fraser river, about latitude °, a deserted house, by , with three doors, by ½ feet; three fire-places, and beds on either side; behind the beds was a narrow space, like a manger, somewhat elevated, for keeping fish. 'their houses are well formed of logs of small trees, buttressed up internally, frequently above seventy feet long and fifteen high, but, unlike those of the coast, the roof is of bark; their winter habitations are smaller, and often covered over with grass and earth; some even dwell in excavations of the ground, which have only an aperture at the top, and serves alike for door and chimney.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . [ ] 'quelques peuplades du nord, telles que les sikanis, enterrent leurs morts.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'the sicaunies bury, while the tacullies, burn their dead.' _harmon's jour._, p. . they 'and the chimmesyans on the coast, and other tribes speaking their language, burn the dead.' _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . see also _dunn's oregon_, pp. , ; _ind. life_, pp. , ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , . [ ] they fire guns as a warning to their friends not to invade their sorrow. _mackenzie's voy._, p. . [ ] 'in the winter season, the carriers often keep their dead in their huts during five or six months, before they will allow them to be burned.' _harmon's jour._, p. . [ ] 'she must frequently put her hands through the flames and lay them upon his bosom, to show her continued devotion.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . they have a custom of mourning over the grave of the dead; their expressions of grief are generally exceedingly vociferous. _ind. life_, pp. , . [ ] 'on the end of a pole stuck in front of the lodge.' _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] women cut off a joint of one of their fingers. men only cut off their hair close to their heads, but also frequently cut and scratch their faces and arms. _harmon's jour._, p. . with some sharp instrument they 'force back the flesh beyond the first joint, which they immediately amputate.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. . [ ] 'the men are completely destitute of beard, and both men and women, are intensely ugly.' _jones_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'they reminded me of the ideal north american indian i had read of but never seen.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . distinguished from all other tribes for the frankness and candor of their demeanor, and bold countenances. _simpson's nar._, p. . 'males are of the average hight of europeans, and well-formed, with regular features, high foreheads, and lighter complexions than those of the other red indians. the women resemble the men.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'tunic or shirt reaching to the knees, and very much ornamented with beads, and hyaqua shells from the columbia.' _kirby_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the tenan kutchins are 'gay with painted faces, feathers in their long hair, patches of red clay at the back of their head.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . jackets like the eskimos. _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . 'both sexes wear breeches.' _simpson's nar._, p. . [ ] 'the kutch-a-kutchin, are essentially traders.' _kirby_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . appear to care more for useful than ornamental articles. _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'dentalium and arenicola shells are transmitted from the west coast in traffic, and are greatly valued.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . [ ] some wear 'wampum (a kind of long, hollow shell) through the septum of the nose.' _hooper's tuski_, p. . they pierce the nose and insert shells, which are obtained from the eskimos at a high price. _franklin's nar._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] the loucheux live in huts 'formed of green branches. in winter their dwellings are partly under ground. the spoils of the moose and reindeer furnish them with meat, clothing, and tents.' _simpson's nar._, pp. , . the co-yukon winter dwellings are made under ground, and roofed over with earth, having a hole for the smoke to escape by, in the same manner as those of the malemutes and ingaliks. _whymper's alaska_, pp. , . their movable huts are constructed of deer-skin, 'dressed with the hair on, and sewed together, forming two large rolls, which are stretched over a frame of bent poles,' with a side door and smoke-hole at the top. _jones_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] the loucheux are 'great gormandizers, and will devour solid fat, or even drink grease, to surfeiting.' _hooper's tuski_, p. . 'the bears are not often eaten in summer, as their flesh is not good at that time.' _jones_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . some of their reindeer-pounds are over one hundred years old and are hereditary in the family. _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . 'the mode of fishing through the ice practiced by the russians is much in vogue with them.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . [ ] the kutchins 'have no knowledge of scalping.' 'when a man kills his enemy, he cuts all his joints.' _jones_, in _smithsonian rept._, , . the loucheux of peel river and the eskimos are constantly at war. _hooper's tuski_, p. . [ ] 'at peace river the bark is taken off the tree the whole length of the intended canoe, which is commonly about eighteen feet, and is sewed with watupe at both ends.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. . when the kutchins discover a leak, 'they go ashore, light a small fire, warm the gum, of which they always carry a supply, turn the canoe bottom upward, and rub the healing balm in a semi-fluid state into the seam until it is again water-tight.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . the tacullies 'make canoes which are clumsily wrought, of the aspin tree, as well as of the bark of the spruce fir.' _harmon's jour._, p. . rafts are employed on the mackenzie. _simpson's nar._, p. . 'in shape the northern indian canoe bears some resemblance to a weaver's shuttle; covered over with birch bark.' _hearne's jour._, pp. , . 'kanots aus birkenrinde, auf denen sie die flüsse u. seen befahren.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . the kutchin canoe 'is flat-bottomed, is about nine feet long and one broad, and the sides nearly straight up and down like a wall.' _jones_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] as for instance for a life, the fine is forty beaver-skins, and may be paid in guns at twenty skins each; blankets, equal to ten skins each; powder, one skin a measure; bullets, eighteen for a skin; worsted belts, two skins each. _hooper's tuski_, p. . 'for theft, little or no punishment is inflicted; for adultery, the woman only is punished'--sometimes by beating, sometimes by death. _jones_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] kutchin 'female chastity is prized, but is nearly unknown.' _jones_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . loucheux mothers had originally a custom of casting away their female children, but now it is only done by the mountain indians, _simpson's nar._, p. . the kutchin 'women are much fewer in number and live a much shorter time than the men.' _kirby_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the old people 'are not ill-used, but simply neglected.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . the children are carried in small chairs made of birch bark. _id._, p. . 'in a seat of birch bark.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . [ ] the loucheux dances 'abound in extravagant gestures, and demand violent exertion.' _simpson's nar._, p. . see _hardisty_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'singing is much practiced, but it is, though varied, of a very hum-drum nature.' _hooper's tuski_, p. . 'at the festivals held on the meeting of friendly tribes, leaping and wrestling are practised.' _richardson's jour._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'irrespective of tribe, they are divided into three classes, termed respectively, chit-sa, nate-sa, and tanges-at-sa, faintly representing the aristocracy, the middle classes, and the poorer orders of civilized nations, the former being the most wealthy and the latter the poorest.' _kirby_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] on peel river 'they bury their dead on stages.' on the yukon they burn and suspend the ashes in bags from the top of a painted pole. _kirby_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . they of the yukon 'do not inter the dead, but put them in oblong boxes, raised on posts.' _whymper's alaska_, pp. , . [illustration: native races of the pacific states columbian group] chapter iii. columbians. habitat of the columbian group--physical geography--sources of food-supply--influence of food and climate--four extreme classes--haidahs--their home--physical peculiarities-- clothing--shelter--sustenance--implements--manufactures-- arts--property--laws--slavery--women--customs--medicine-- death--the nootkas--the sound nations--the chinooks--the shushwaps--the salish--the sahaptins--tribal boundaries. the term columbians, or, as scouler[ ] and others have called them, _nootka-columbians_, is, in the absence of a native word, sufficiently characteristic to distinguish the aboriginal nations of north-western america between the forty-third and fifty-fifth parallels, from those of the other great divisions of this work. the columbia river, which suggests the name of this group, and nootka sound on the western shore of vancouver island, were originally the chief centres of european settlement on the north-west coast; and at an early period these names were compounded to designate the natives of the anglo-american possessions on the pacific, which lay between the discoveries of the russians on the north and those of the spaniards on the south. as a simple name is always preferable to a complex one, and as no more pertinent name suggests itself than that of the great river which, with its tributaries, drains a large portion of this territory, i drop 'nootka' and retain only the word 'columbian.'[ ] these nations have also been broadly denominated flatheads, from a custom practiced more or less by many of their tribes, of compressing the cranium during infancy;[ ] although the only indians in the whole area, tribally known as flatheads, are those of the salish family, who do not flatten the head at all. [sidenote: columbian families.] in describing the columbian nations it is necessary, as in the other divisions, to subdivide the group; arbitrarily this may have been done in some instances, but as naturally as possible in all. thus the people of queen charlotte islands, and the adjacent coast for about a hundred miles inland, extending from ° to ° of north latitude, are called _haidahs_ from the predominant tribe of the islands. the occupants of vancouver island and the opposite main, with its labyrinth of inlets from ° to °, i term _nootkas_. the _sound indians_ inhabit the region drained by streams flowing into puget sound, and the adjacent shores of the strait and ocean; the _chinooks_ occupy the banks of the columbia from the dalles to the sea, extending along the coast northward to gray harbor, and southward nearly to the californian line. the interior of british columbia, between the cascade and rocky mountains, and south of the territory occupied by the hyperborean carriers, is peopled by the _shushwaps_, the _kootenais_, and the _okanagans_. between ° and °, extending west from the cascade to the rocky mountains, chiefly on the columbia and clarke fork, is the _salish_ or flathead family. the nations dwelling south of ° and east of the cascade range, on the columbia, the lower snake, and their tributary streams, may be called _sahaptins_, from the name of the nez percé tribes.[ ] the great _shoshone_ family, extending south-east from the upper waters of the columbia, and spreading out over nearly the whole of the great basin, although partially included in the columbian limits, will be omitted in this, and included in the californian group, which follows. these divisions, as before stated, are geographic rather than ethnographic.[ ] many attempts have been made by practical ethnologists, to draw partition lines between these peoples according to race, all of which have proved signal failures, the best approximation to a scientific division being that of philologists, the results of whose researches are given in the third volume of this series; but neither the latter division, nor that into coast and inland tribes--in many respects the most natural and clearly defined of all[ ]--is adapted to my present purpose. in treating of the columbians, i shall first take up the coast families, going from north to south, and afterward follow the same order with those east of the mountains. [sidenote: home of the columbians.] no little partiality was displayed by the great spirit of the columbians in the apportionment of their dwelling-place. the cascade mountains, running from north to south throughout their whole territory, make of it two distinct climatic divisions, both highly but unequally favored by nature. on the coast side--a strip which may be called one hundred and fifty miles wide and one thousand miles long--excessive cold is unknown, and the earth, warmed by asiatic currents and watered by numerous mountain streams, is thickly wooded; noble forests are well stocked with game; a fertile soil yields a great variety of succulent roots and edible berries, which latter means of subsistence were lightly appreciated by the indolent inhabitants, by reason of the still more abundant and accessible food-supply afforded by the fish of ocean, channel, and stream. the sources of material for clothing were also bountiful far beyond the needs of the people. passing the cascade barrier, the climate and the face of the country change. here we have a succession of plains or table-lands, rarely degenerating into deserts, with a good supply of grass and roots; though generally without timber, except along the streams, until the heavily wooded western spurs of the rocky mountains are reached. the air having lost much of its moisture, affords but a scanty supply of rain, the warming and equalizing influence of the ocean stream is no longer felt, and the extremes of heat and cold are undergone according to latitude and season. yet are the dwellers in this land blessed above many other aboriginal peoples, in that game is plenty, and roots and insects are at hand in case the season's hunt prove unsuccessful. ethnologically, no well-defined line can be drawn to divide the people occupying these two widely different regions. diverse as they certainly are in form, character, and customs, their environment, the climate, and their methods of seeking food may well be supposed to have made them so. not only do the pursuit of game in the interior and the taking of fish on the coast, develop clearly marked general peculiarities of character and life in the two divisions, but the same causes produce grades more or less distinct in each division. west of the cascade range, the highest position is held by the tribes who in their canoes pursue the whale upon the ocean, and in the effort to capture leviathan become themselves great and daring as compared with the lowest order who live upon shell-fish and whatever nutritious substances may be cast by the tide upon the beach. likewise in the interior, the extremes are found in the deer, bear, elk, and buffalo hunters, especially when horses are employed, and in the root and insect eaters of the plains. between these four extreme classes may be traced many intermediate grades of physical and intellectual development, due to necessity and the abilities exercised in the pursuit of game. the columbians hitherto have been brought in much closer contact with the whites than the hyperboreans, and the results of the association are known to all. the cruel treacheries and massacres by which nations have been thinned, and flickering remnants of once powerful tribes gathered on government reservations or reduced to a handful of beggars, dependent for a livelihood on charity, theft, or the wages of prostitution, form an unwritten chapter in the history of this region. that this process of duplicity was unnecessary as well as infamous, i shall not attempt to show, as the discussion of indian policy forms no part of my present purpose. whatever the cause, whether from an inhuman civilized policy, or the decrees of fate, it is evident that the columbians, in common with all the aborigines of america, are doomed to extermination. civilization and savagism will not coalesce, any more than light and darkness; and although it may be necessary that these things come, yet are those by whom they are unrighteously accomplished none the less culpable. once more let it be understood that the time of which this volume speaks, was when the respective peoples were first known to europeans. it was when, throughout this region of the columbia, nature's wild magnificence was yet fresh; primeval forests unprofaned; lakes, and rivers, and rolling plains unswept; it was when countless villages dotted the luxuriant valleys; when from the warrior's camp-fire the curling smoke never ceased to ascend, nor the sounds of song and dance to be heard; when bands of gaily dressed savages roamed over every hill-side; when humanity unrestrained vied with bird and beast in the exercise of liberty absolute. this is no history; alas! they have none; it is but a sun-picture, and to be taken correctly must be taken quickly. nor need we pause to look back through the dark vista of unwritten history, and speculate, who and what they are, nor for how many thousands of years they have been coming and going, counting the winters, the moons, and the sleeps; chasing the wild game, basking in the sunshine, pursuing and being pursued, killing and being killed. all knowledge regarding them lies buried in an eternity of the past, as all knowledge of their successors remains folded in an eternity of the future. we came upon them unawares, unbidden, and while we gazed they melted away. the infectious air of civilization penetrated to the remotest corner of their solitudes. their ignorant and credulous nature, unable to cope with the intellect of a superior race, absorbed only its vices, yielding up its own simplicity and nobleness for the white man's diseases and death. [sidenote: haidah nations.] in the haidah family i include the nations occupying the coast and islands from the southern extremity of prince of wales archipelago to the bentinck arms in about °. their territory is bounded on the north and east by the thlinkeet and carrier nations of the hyperboreans, and on the south by the nootka family of the columbians. its chief nations, whose boundaries however can rarely be fixed with precision, are the _massets_, the _skiddegats_, and the _cumshawas_, of queen charlotte islands; the _kaiganies_, of prince of wales archipelago; the _chimsyans_, about fort simpson, and on chatham sound; the _nass_ and the _skeenas_, on the rivers of the same names; the _sebassas_, on pitt archipelago and the shores of gardner channel; and the millbank sound indians, including the _hailtzas_ and the _bellacoolas_, the most southern of this family. these nations, the orthography of whose names is far from uniform among different writers, are still farther subdivided into numerous indefinite tribes, as specified at the end of this chapter. the haidah territory, stretching on the mainland three hundred miles in length, and in width somewhat over one hundred miles from the sea to the lofty chilkoten plain, is traversed throughout its length by the northern extension of the cascade range. in places its spurs and broken foot-hills touch the shore, and the very heart of the range is penetrated by innumerable inlets and channels, into which pour short rapid streams from interior hill and plain. the country, though hilly, is fertile and covered by an abundant growth of large, straight pines, cedars, and other forest trees. the forest abounds with game, the waters with fish. the climate is less severe than in the middle united states; and notwithstanding the high latitude of their home, the haidahs have received no small share of nature's gifts. little has been explored, however, beyond the actual coast, and information concerning this nation, coming from a few sources only, is less complete than in the case of the more southern nootkas. [sidenote: physical peculiarities of the haidahs.] favorable natural conditions have produced in the haidahs a tall, comely, and well-formed race, not inferior to any in north-western america;[ ] the northern nations of the family being generally superior to the southern,[ ] and having physical if not linguistic affinities with their thlinkeet neighbors, rather than with the nootkas. their faces are broad, with high cheek bones;[ ] the eyes small, generally black, though brown and gray with a reddish tinge have been observed among them.[ ] the few who have seen their faces free from paint pronounce their complexion light,[ ] and instances of albino characteristics are sometimes found.[ ] the hair is not uniformly coarse and black, but often soft in texture, and of varying shades of brown, worn by some of the tribes cut close to the head.[ ] the beard is usually plucked out with great care, but moustaches are raised sometimes as strong as those of europeans;[ ] indeed there seems to be little authority for the old belief that the north-western american indians were destitute of hair except on the head.[ ] dr scouler, comparing chimsyan skulls with those of the chinooks, who are among the best known of the north-western nations, finds that in a natural state both have broad, high cheek-bones, with a receding forehead, but the chimsyan skull, between the parietal and temporal bones, is broader than that of the chinook, its vertex being remarkably flat.[ ] swollen and deformed legs are common from constantly doubling them under the body while sitting in the canoe. the teeth are frequently worn down to the gums by eating sanded salmon.[ ] [sidenote: haidah dress and ornament.] the haidahs have no methods of distortion peculiar to themselves, by which they seek to improve their fine physique; but the custom of flattening the head in infancy obtains in some of the southern nations of this family, as the hailtzas and bellacoolas,[ ] and the thlinkeet lip-piece, already sufficiently described, is in use throughout a larger part of the whole territory. it was observed by simpson as far south as millbank sound, where it was highly useful as well as ornamental, affording a firm hold for the fair fingers of the sex in their drunken fights. these ornaments, made of either wood, bone, or metal, are worn particularly large in queen charlotte islands, where they seem to be not a mark of rank, but to be worn in common by all the women.[ ] besides the regular lip-piece, ornaments, various in shape and material, of shell, bone, wood, or metal, are worn stuck in the lips, nose, and ears, apparently according to the caprice or taste of the wearer, the skin being sometimes, though more rarely, tattooed to correspond.[ ] both for ornament and as a protection against the weather, the skin is covered with a thick coat of paint, a black polish being a full dress uniform. figures of birds and beasts, and a coat of grease are added in preparation for a feast, with fine down of duck or goose--a stylish coat of tar and feathers--sprinkled over the body as an extra attraction.[ ] when the severity of the weather makes additional protection desirable, a blanket, formerly woven by themselves from dog's hair, and stained in varied colors, but now mostly procured from europeans, is thrown loosely over the shoulders. chiefs, especially in times of feasting, wear richer robes of skins.[ ] the styles of dress and ornament adopted around the forts from contact with the whites need not be described. among the more unusual articles that have been noticed by travelers are, "a large hat, resembling the top of a small parasol, made of the twisted fibres of the roots of trees, with an aperture in the inside, at the broader end" for the head, worn by a sebassa chief; and at millbank sound, "masks set with seals' whiskers and feathers, which expand like a fan," with secret springs to open the mouth and eyes.[ ] mackenzie and vancouver, who were among the earliest visitors to this region, found fringed robes of bark-fibre, ornamented with fur and colored threads. a circular mat, with an opening in the centre for the head, was worn as a protection from the rain; and war garments consisted of several thicknesses of the strongest hides procurable, sometimes strengthened by strips of wood on the inside.[ ] [sidenote: haidah houses.] the haidahs use as temporary dwellings, in their frequent summer excursions for war and the hunt, simple lodges of poles, covered, among the poorer classes by cedar mats, and among the rich by skins. their permanent villages are usually built in strong natural positions, guarded by precipices, sometimes on rocks detached from the main land, but connected with it by a narrow platform. their town houses are built of light logs, or of thick split planks, usually of sufficient size to accommodate a large number of families. poole mentions a house on queen charlotte islands, which formed a cube of fifty feet, ten feet of its height being dug in the ground, and which accommodated seven hundred indians. the buildings are often, however, raised above the ground on a platform supported by posts, sometimes carved into human or other figures. some of these raised buildings seen by the earlier visitors were twenty-five or thirty feet from the ground, solidly and neatly constructed, an inclined log with notches serving as a ladder. these houses were found only in the southern part of the haidah territory. the fronts were generally painted with figures of men and animals. there were no windows or chimney; the floors were spread with cedar mats, on which the occupants slept in a circle round a central fire, whose smoke in its exit took its choice between the hole which served as a door and the wall-cracks. on the south-eastern boundary of this territory, mackenzie found in the villages large buildings of similar but more careful construction, and with more elaborately carved posts, but they were not dwellings, being used probably for religious purposes.[ ] [sidenote: food of the haidahs.] although game is plentiful, the haidahs are not a race of hunters, but derive their food chiefly from the innumerable multitude of fish and sea animals, which, each variety in its season, fill the coast waters. most of the coast tribes, and all who live inland, kill the deer and other animals, particularly since the introduction of firearms, but it is generally the skin and not the flesh that is sought. some tribes about the bentinck channels, at the time of mackenzie's visit, would not taste flesh except from the sea, from superstitious motives. birds that burrow in the sand-banks are enticed out by the glare of torches, and knocked down in large numbers with clubs. they are roasted without plucking or cleaning, the entrails being left in to improve the flavor. potatoes, and small quantities of carrots and other vegetables, are now cultivated throughout this territory, the crop being repeated until the soil is exhausted, when a new place is cleared. wild parsnips are abundant on the banks of lakes and streams, and their tender tops, roasted, furnish a palatable food; berries and bulbs abound, and the inner tegument of some varieties of the pine and hemlock is dried in cakes and eaten with salmon-oil. the varieties of fish sent by nature to the deep inlets and streams for the haidah's food, are very numerous; their standard reliance for regular supplies being the salmon, herring, eulachon or candle-fish, round-fish, and halibut. salmon are speared; dipped up in scoop-nets; entangled in drag-nets managed between two canoes and forced by poles to the bottom; intercepted in their pursuit of smaller fish by gill-nets with coarse meshes, made of cords of native hemp, stretched across the entrance of the smaller inlets; and are caught in large wicker baskets, placed at openings in weirs and embankments which are built across the rivers. the salmon fishery differs little in different parts of the northwest. the candle-fish, so fat that in frying they melt almost completely into oil, and need only the insertion of a pith or bark wick to furnish an excellent lamp, are impaled on the sharp teeth of a rake, or comb. the handle of the rake is from six to eight feet long, and it is swept through the water by the haidahs in their canoes by moonlight. herring in immense numbers are taken in april by similar rakes, as well as by dip-nets, a large part of the whole take being used for oil. seals are speared in the water or shot while on the rocks, and their flesh is esteemed a great delicacy. clams, cockles, and shell-fish are captured by squaws, such an employment being beneath manly dignity. fish, when caught, are delivered to the women, whose duty it is to prepare them for winter use by drying. no salt is used, but the fish are dried in the sun, or smoke-dried by being hung from the top of dwellings, then wrapped in bark, or packed in rude baskets or chests, and stowed on high scaffolds out of the reach of dogs and children. salmon are opened, and the entrails, head, and back-bone removed before drying. during the process of drying, sand is blown over the fish, and the teeth of the eater are often worn down by it nearly even with the gums. the spawn of salmon and herring is greatly esteemed, and besides that obtained from the fish caught, much is collected on pine boughs, which are stuck in the mud until loaded with the eggs. this native caviare is dried for preservation, and is eaten prepared in various ways; pounded between two stones, and beaten with water into a creamy consistency; or boiled with sorrel and different berries, and moulded into cakes about twelve inches square and one inch thick by means of wooden frames. after a sufficient supply of solid food for the winter is secured, oil, the great heat-producing element of all northern tribes, is extracted from the additional catch, by boiling the fish in wooden vessels, and skimming the grease from the water or squeezing it from the refuse. the arms and breast of the women are the natural press in which the mass, wrapped in mats, is hugged; the hollow stalks of an abundant sea-weed furnish natural bottles in which the oil is preserved for use as a sauce, and into which nearly everything is dipped before eating. when the stock of food is secured, it is rarely infringed upon until the winter sets in, but then such is the indian appetite--ten pounds of flour in the pancake-form at a meal being nothing for the stomach of a haidah, according to poole--that whole tribes frequently suffer from hunger before spring.[ ] the haidah weapons are spears from four to sixteen feet long, some with a movable head or barb, which comes off when the seal or whale is struck; bows and arrows; hatchets of bone, horn, or iron, with which their planks are made; and daggers. both spears and arrows are frequently pointed with iron, which, whether it found its way across the continent from the hudson-bay settlements, down the coast from the russians, or was obtained from wrecked vessels, was certainly used in british columbia for various purposes before the coming of the whites. bows are made of cedar, with sinew glued along one side. poole states that before the introduction of fire-arms, the queen charlotte islanders had no weapon but a club. brave as the haidah warrior is admitted to be, open fair fight is unknown to him, and in true indian style he resorts to night attacks, superior numbers, and treachery, to defeat his foe. cutting off the head as a trophy is practiced instead of scalping, but though unmercifully cruel to all sexes and ages in the heat of battle, prolonged torture of captives seems to be unknown. treaties of peace are arranged by delegations from the hostile tribes, following set forms, and the ceremonies terminate with a many days' feast.[ ] nets are made of native wild hemp and of cedar-bark fibre; hooks, of two pieces of wood or bone fastened together at an obtuse angle; boxes, troughs, and household dishes, of wood; ladles and spoons, of wood, horn, and bone. candle-fish, with a wick of bark or pith, serve as lamps; drinking vessels and pipes are carved with great skill from stone. the haidahs are noted for their skill in the construction of their various implements, particularly for sculptures in stone and ivory, in which they excel all the other tribes of northern america.[ ] [sidenote: haidah manufactures.] the cedar-fibre and wild hemp were prepared for use by the women by beating on the rocks; they were then spun with a rude distaff and spindle, and woven on a frame into the material for blankets, robes, and mats, or twisted by the men into strong and even cord, between the hand and thigh. strips of otter-skin, bird-feathers, and other materials, were also woven into the blankets. dogs of a peculiar breed, now nearly extinct, were shorn each year, furnishing a long white hair, which, mixed with fine hemp and cedar, made the best cloth. by dyeing the materials, regular colored patterns were produced, each tribe having had, it is said, a peculiar pattern by which its matting could be distinguished. since the coming of europeans, blankets of native manufacture have almost entirely disappeared. the bellacoolas made very neat baskets, called _zeilusqua_, as well as hats and water-tight vessels, all of fine cedar-roots. each chief about fort simpson kept an artisan, whose business it was to repair canoes, make masks, etc.[ ] the haidah canoes are dug out of cedar logs, and are sometimes sixty feet long, six and a half wide, and four and a half deep, accommodating one hundred men. the prow and stern are raised, and often gracefully curved like a swan's neck, with a monster's head at the extremity. boats of the better class have their exteriors carved and painted, with the gunwale inlaid in some cases with otter-teeth. each canoe is made of a single log, except the raised extremities of the larger boats. they are impelled rapidly and safely over the often rough waters of the coast inlets, by shovel-shaped paddles, and when on shore, are piled up and covered with mats for protection against the rays of the sun. since the coming of europeans, sails have been added to the native boats, and other foreign features imitated.[ ] [sidenote: trade and government.] rank and power depend greatly upon wealth, which consists of implements, wives, and slaves. admission to alliance with medicine-men, whose influence is greatest in the tribe, can only be gained by sacrifice of private property. before the disappearance of sea-otters from the haidah waters, the skins of that animal formed the chief element of their trade and wealth; now the potatoes cultivated in some parts, and the various manufactures of queen charlotte islands, supply their slight necessities. there is great rivalry among the islanders in supplying the tribes on the main with potatoes, fleets of forty or fifty canoes engaging each year in the trade from queen charlotte islands. fort simpson is the great commercial rendezvous of the surrounding nations, who assemble from all directions in september, to hold a fair, dispose of their goods, visit friends, fight enemies, feast, and dance. thus continue trade and merry-making for several weeks. large fleets of canoes from the north also visit victoria each spring for trading purposes.[ ] very little can be said of the government of the haidahs in distinction from that of the other nations of the northwest coast. among nearly all of them rank is nominally hereditary, for the most part by the female line, but really depends to a great extent on wealth and ability in war. females often possess the right of chieftainship. in early intercourse with whites the chief traded for the whole tribe, subject, however, to the approval of the several families, each of which seemed to form a kind of subordinate government by itself. in some parts the power of the chief seems absolute, and is wantonly exercised in the commission of the most cruel acts according to his pleasure. the extensive embankments and weirs found by mackenzie, although their construction must have required the association of all the labor of the tribe, were completely under the chief's control, and no one could fish without his permission. the people seemed all equal, but strangers must obey the natives or leave the village. crimes have no punishment by law; murder is settled for with relatives of the victim, by death or by the payment of a large sum; and sometimes general or notorious offenders, especially medicine-men, are put to death by an agreement among leading men.[ ] slavery is universal, and as the life of the slave is of no value to the owner except as property, they are treated with extreme cruelty. slaves the northern tribes purchase, kidnap, or capture in war from their southern neighbors, who obtain them by like means from each other, the course of the slave traffic being generally from south to north, and from the coast inland.[ ] polygamy is everywhere practiced, and the number of wives is regulated only by wealth, girls being bought of parents at any price which may be agreed upon, and returned, and the price recovered, when after a proper trial they are not satisfactory. the transfer of the presents or price to the bride's parents is among some tribes accompanied by slight ceremonies nowhere fully described. the marriage ceremonies at millbank sound are performed on a platform over the water, supported by canoes. while jealousy is not entirely unknown, chastity appears to be so, as women who can earn the greatest number of blankets win great admiration for themselves and high position for their husbands. abortion and infanticide are not uncommon. twin births are unusual, and the number of children is not large, although the age of bearing extends to forty or forty-six years. women, except in the season of preparing the winter supply of fish, are occupied in household affairs and the care of children, for whom they are not without some affection, and whom they nurse often to the age of two or three years. many families live together in one house, with droves of filthy dogs and children, all sleeping on mats round a central fire.[ ] [sidenote: haidah gamblers.] the haidahs, like all indians, are inveterate gamblers, the favorite game on queen charlotte islands being odd and even, played with small round sticks, in which the game is won when one player has all the bunch of forty or fifty sticks originally belonging to his opponent. farther south, and inland, some of the sticks are painted with red rings, and the player's skill or luck consists in naming the number and marks of sticks previously wrapped by his antagonist in grass. all have become fond of whisky since the coming of whites, but seem to have had no intoxicating drink before. at their annual trading fairs, and on other occasions, they are fond of visiting and entertaining friends with ceremonious interchange of presents, a suitable return being expected for each gift. at these reception feasts, men and women are seated on benches along opposite walls; at wedding feasts both sexes dance and sing together. in dancing, the body, head, and arms are thrown into various attitudes to keep time with the music, very little use being made of the legs. on queen charlotte islands the women dance at feasts, while the men in a circle beat time with sticks, the only instruments, except a kind of tambourine. for their dances they deck themselves in their best array, including plenty of birds' down, which they delight to communicate to their partners in bowing, and which they also blow into the air at regular intervals, through a painted tube. their songs are a simple and monotonous chant, with which they accompany most of their dances and ceremonies, though mackenzie heard among them some soft, plaintive tones, not unlike church music. the chiefs in winter give a partly theatrical, partly religious entertainment, in which, after preparation behind a curtain, dressed in rich apparel and wearing masks, they appear on a stage and imitate different spirits for the instruction of the hearers, who meanwhile keep up their songs.[ ] after the salmon season, feasting and conjuring are in order. the chief, whose greatest authority is in his character of conjurer, or _tzeetzaiak_ as he is termed in the hailtzuk tongue, pretends at this time to live alone in the forest, fasting or eating grass, and while there is known as _taamish_. when he returns, clad in bear-robe, chaplet, and red-bark collar, the crowd flies at his approach, except a few brave spirits, who boldly present their naked arms, from which he bites and swallows large mouthfuls. this, skillfully done, adds to the reputation of both biter and bitten, and is perhaps all the foundation that exists for the report that these people are cannibals; although mr duncan, speaking of the chimsyans in a locality not definitely fixed, testifies to the tearing to pieces and actual devouring of the body of a murdered slave by naked bands of cannibal medicine-men. only certain parties of the initiated practice this barbarism, others confining their tearing ceremony to the bodies of dogs.[ ] [sidenote: magicians and medicine-men.] none of these horrible orgies are practiced by the queen charlotte islanders. the performances of the haidah magicians, so far as they may differ from those of the nootkas have not been clearly described by travelers. the magicians of chatham sound keep infernal spirits shut up in a box away from the vulgar gaze, and possess great power by reason of the implicit belief on the part of the people, in their ability to charm away life. the doctor, however, is not beyond the reach of a kinsman's revenge, and is sometimes murdered.[ ] with their ceremonies and superstitions there seems to be mixed very little religion, as all their many fears have reference to the present life. certain owls and squirrels are regarded with reverence, and used as charms; salmon must not be cut across the grain, or the living fish will leave the river; the mysterious operations with astronomical and other european instruments about their rivers caused great fear that the fisheries would be ruined; fogs are conjured away without the slightest suspicion of the sun's agency.[ ] european navigators they welcome by paddling their boats several times round the ship, making long speeches, scattering birds' down, and singing.[ ] ordinary presents, like tobacco or trinkets, are gladly received, but a written testimonial is most highly prized by the haidahs, who regard writing as a great and valuable mystery. they have absolutely no methods of recording events. although living so constantly on the water, i find no mention of their skill in swimming, while poole states expressly that they have no knowledge of that art.[ ] very slight accounts are extant of the peculiar methods of curing diseases practiced by the haidahs. their chief reliance, as in the case of all indian tribes, is on the incantations and conjurings of their sorcerers, who claim supernatural powers of seeing, hearing, and extracting disease, and are paid liberally when successful. bark, herbs, and various decoctions are used in slight sickness, but in serious cases little reliance is placed on them. to the bites of the sorcerer-chiefs on the main, eagle-down is applied to stop the bleeding, after which a pine-gum plaster or sallal-bark is applied. on queen charlotte islands, in a case of internal uneasiness, large quantities of sea-water are swallowed, shaken up, and ejected through the mouth for the purpose, as the natives say, of 'washing themselves inside out.'[ ] [sidenote: haidah burials.] death is ascribed to the ill will and malign influence of an enemy, and one suspected of causing the death of a prominent individual, must make ready to die. as a rule, the bodies of the dead are burned, though exceptions are noted in nearly every part of the territory. in the disposal of the ashes and larger bones which remain unburned, there seems to be no fixed usage. encased in boxes, baskets, or canoes, or wrapped in mats or bark, they are buried in or deposited on the ground, placed in a tree, on a platform, or hung from a pole. articles of property are frequently deposited with the ashes, but not uniformly. slaves' bodies are simply thrown into the river or the sea. mourning for the dead consists usually of cutting the hair and blackening anew the face and neck for several months. among the kaiganies, guests at the burning of the bodies are wont to lacerate themselves with knives and stones. a tribe visited by mackenzie, kept their graves free from shrubbery, a woman clearing that of her husband each time she passed. the nass indians paddle a dead chief, gaily dressed, round the coast villages.[ ] the haidahs, compared with other north american indians, may be called an intelligent, honest, and brave race, although not slow under european treatment to become drunkards, gamblers, and thieves. acts of unprovoked cruelty or treachery are rare; missionaries have been somewhat successful in the vicinity of fort simpson, finding in intoxicating liquors their chief obstacle.[ ] [sidenote: the nootkas.] the nootkas, the second division of the columbian group, are immediately south of the haidah country; occupying vancouver island, and the coast of the main land, between the fifty-second and the forty-ninth parallels. the word _nootka_ is not found in any native dialect of the present day. captain cook, to whom we are indebted for the term, probably misunderstood the name given by the natives to the region of nootka sound.[ ]the first european settlement in this region was on the sound, which thus became the central point of early english and spanish intercourse with the northwest coast; but it was soon abandoned, and no mission or trading post has since taken its place, so that no tribes of this family have been less known in later times than those on the west coast of vancouver island. the chief tribes of the nootka family, or those on whose tribal existence, if not on the orthography of their names authors to some extent agree, are as follows.[ ] the _nitinats_, _clayoquots_, and _nootkas_, on the sounds of the same names along the west coast of vancouver island; the _quackolls_ and _newittees_,[ ] in the north; the _cowichins_, _ucletas_, and _comux_, on the east coast of vancouver and on the opposite main; the _saukaulutuchs_[ ], in the interior of the island; the _clallums_,[ ] _sokes_, and _patcheena_, on the south end; and the _kwantlums_ and _teets_,[ ] on the lower fraser river. these tribes differ but little in physical peculiarities, or manners and customs, but by their numerous dialects they have been classed in nations. no comprehensive or satisfactory names have, however, been applied to them as national divisions.[ ] between the nootka family and its fish-eating neighbors on the north and south, the line of distinction is not clearly marked, but the contrast is greater with the interior hunting tribes on the east. since their first intercourse with whites, the nootkas have constantly decreased in numbers, and this not only in those parts where they have been brought into contact with traders and miners, but on the west coast, where they have retained in a measure their primitive state. the savage fades before the superior race, and immediate intercourse is not necessary to produce in native races those 'baleful influences of civilization,' which like a pestilence are wafted from afar, as on the wings of the wind.[ ] [sidenote: nootka physique.] the nootkas are of less than medium height, smaller than the haidahs, but rather strongly built; usually plump, but rarely corpulent;[ ] their legs, like those of all the coast tribes, short, small, and frequently deformed, with large feet and ankles;[ ] the face broad, round, and full, with the usual prominent cheek-bone, a low forehead, flat nose, wide nostrils, small black eyes, round thickish-lipped mouth, tolerably even well-set teeth; the whole forming a countenance rather dull and expressionless, but frequently pleasant.[ ] the nootka complexion, so far as grease and paint have allowed travelers to observe it, is decidedly light, but apparently a shade darker than that of the haidah family.[ ] the hair, worn long, is as a rule black or dark brown, coarse, and straight, though instances are not wanting where all these qualities are reversed.[ ] the beard is carefully plucked out by the young men, and this operation, repeated for generations, has rendered the beard naturally thin. old men often allow it to grow on the chin and upper lip. [sidenote: nootka hair and beard.] to cut the hair short is to the nootka a disgrace. worn at full length, evened at the ends, and sometimes cut straight across the forehead, it is either allowed to hang loosely from under a band of cloth or fillet of bark, or is tied in a knot on the crown. on full-dress occasions the top-knot is secured with a green bough, and after being well saturated with whale-grease, the hair is powdered plentifully with white feathers, which are regarded as the crowning ornament for manly dignity in all these regions. both sexes, but particularly the women, take great pains with the hair, carefully combing and plaiting their long tresses, fashioning tasteful head-dresses of bark-fibre, decked with beads and shells, attaching leaden weights to the braids to keep them straight. the bruised root of a certain plant is thought by the ahts to promote the growth of the hair.[ ] the custom of flattening the head is practiced by the nootkas, in common with the sound and chinook families, but is not universal, nor is so much importance attached to it as elsewhere; although all seem to admire a flattened forehead as a sign of noble birth, even among tribes that do not make this deformity a sign of freedom. among the quatsinos and quackolls of the north, the head, besides being flattened, is elongated into a conical sugar-loaf shape, pointed at the top. the flattening process begins immediately after birth, and is continued until the child can walk. it is effected by compressing the head with tight bandages, usually attached to the log cradle, the forehead being first fitted with a soft pad, a fold of soft bark, a mould of hard wood, or a flat stone. observers generally agree that little or no harm is done to the brain by this infliction, the traces of which to a great extent disappear later in life. many tribes, including the aht nations, are said to have abandoned the custom since they have been brought into contact with the whites.[ ] [sidenote: nootka face-painting.] the body is kept constantly anointed with a reddish clayey earth, mixed in train oil, and consequently little affected by their frequent baths. in war and mourning the whole body is blackened; on feast days the head, limbs, and body are painted in fantastic figures with various colors, apparently according to individual fancy, although the chiefs monopolize the fancy figures, the common people being restricted to plain colors. solid grease is sometimes applied in a thick coating, and carved or moulded in _alto-rilievo_ into ridges and figures afterwards decorated with red paint, while shining sand or grains of mica are sprinkled over grease and paint to impart a glittering appearance. the women are either less fond of paint than the men, or else are debarred by their lords from the free use of it; among the ahts, at least of late, the women abandon ornamental paint after the age of twenty-five. in their dances, as in war, masks carved from cedar to represent an endless variety of monstrous faces, painted in bright colors, with mouth and eyes movable by strings, are attached to their heads, giving them a grotesquely ferocious aspect.[ ] the nose and ears are regularly pierced in childhood, with from one to as many holes as the feature will hold, and from the punctures are suspended bones, shells, rings, beads, or in fact any ornament obtainable. the lip is sometimes, though more rarely, punctured. bracelets and anklets of any available material are also commonly worn.[ ] the aboriginal dress of the nootkas is a square blanket, of a coarse yellow material resembling straw matting, made by the women from cypress bark, with a mixture of dog's hair. this blanket had usually a border of fur; it sometimes had arm-holes, but was ordinarily thrown over the shoulders, and confined at the waist by a belt. chiefs wore it painted in variegated colors or unpainted, but the common people wore a coarser material painted uniformly red. women wore the garment longer and fastened under the chin, binding an additional strip of cloth closely about the middle, and showing much modesty about disclosing the person, while the men often went entirely naked. besides the blanket, garments of many kinds of skin were in use, particularly by the chiefs on public days. in war, a heavy skin dress was worn as a protection against arrows. the nootkas usually went bareheaded, but sometimes wore a conical hat plaited of rushes, bark, or flax. european blankets have replaced those of native manufacture, and many indians about the settlements have adopted also the shirt and breeches.[ ] [sidenote: dwellings of the nootkas.] the nootkas choose strong positions for their towns and encampments. at desolation sound, vancouver found a village built on a detached rock with perpendicular sides, only accessible by planks resting on the branches of a tree, and protected on the sea side by a projecting platform resting on timbers fixed in the crevices of the precipice. the nimkish tribe, according to lord, build their homes on a table-land overhanging the sea, and reached by ascending a vertical cliff on a bark-rope ladder. each tribe has several villages in favorable locations for fishing at different seasons. the houses, when more than one is needed for a tribe, are placed with regularity along streets; they vary in size according to the need or wealth of the occupants, and are held in common under the direction of the chief. they are constructed in the manner following. a row of large posts, from ten to fifteen feet high, often grotesquely carved, supports an immense ridge-pole, sometimes two and a half feet thick and one hundred feet long. similar but smaller beams, on shorter posts, are placed on either side of the central row, distant from it fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five feet, according to the dimensions required. this frame is then covered with split cedar planks, about two inches thick, and from three to eight feet wide. the side planks are tied together with bark, and supported by slender posts in couples just far enough apart to receive the thickness of the plank. a house like this, forty by one hundred feet, accommodates many families, each of which has its allotted space, sometimes partitioned off like a double row of stalls, with a wide passage in the middle. in the centre of each stall is a circle of stones for a fire-place, and round the walls are raised couches covered with mats. in rainy weather, cracks in the roof and sides are covered with mats. no smoke or window holes are left, and when smoke becomes troublesome a roof-plank is removed. the entrance is at one end. these dwellings furnish, according to nootka ideas, a comfortable shelter, except when a high wind threatens to unroof them, and then the occupants go out and sit on the roof to keep it in place. frequently the outside is painted in grotesque figures of various colors. only the frame is permanent; matting, planks, and all utensils are several times each year packed up and conveyed in canoes to another locality where a frame belonging to the tribe awaits covering. the odor arising from fish-entrails and other filth, which they take no pains to remove, appears to be inoffensive, but the nootkas are often driven by mosquitos to sleep on a stage over the water.[ ] [sidenote: food of the nootkas.] the nootkas, like the haidahs, live almost wholly on the products of the sea, and are naturally expert fishermen. salmon, the great staple, are taken in august and september, from sea, inlet, and river, by nets, spears, pots or baskets, and even by hooks. hooks consist of sharp barbed bones bound to straight pieces of hard wood; sea-wrack, maple-bark, and whale-sinew furnish lines, which in salmon-fishing are short and attached to the paddles. the salmon-spear is a forked pole, some fifteen feet long, the detachable head having prongs pointed with fish-bone or iron, and the fish in deep water is sometimes attracted within its reach by a wooden decoy, forced down by a long pole, and then detached and allowed to ascend rapidly to the surface. spearing is carried on mostly by torch-light. a light-colored stone pavement is sometimes laid upon the bottom of the stream, which renders the fish visible in their passage over it. nets are made of nettles or of wild flax, found along fraser river. they are small in size, and used as dip-nets, or sunk between two canoes and lifted as the fish pass over. a pot or basket fifteen to twenty feet long, three to five feet in diameter at one end, and tapering to a point at the other, is made of pine splinters one or two inches apart, with twig-hoops; and placed, large end up stream, at the foot of a fall or at an opening in an embankment. the salmon are driven down the fall with poles, and entering the basket are taken out by a door in the small end. this basket is sometimes enclosed in another one, similar but of uniform diameter, and closed at one end. fences of stakes across the river oblige the salmon to enter the open mouth in their passage up, and passing readily through an opening left in the point of the inner basket, they find themselves entrapped. in march, herring appear on the coast in great numbers, and in april and may they enter the inlets and streams, where they are taken with a dip-net, or more commonly by the fish-rake--a pole armed with many sharp bones or nails. early in the season they can be taken only by torch-light. halibut abound from march to june, and are caught with hooks and long lines, generally at some distance from shore. for all other fish, european hooks were early adopted, but the halibut, at least among the ahts, must still be taken with the native hook. many other varieties of fish, caught by similar methods, are used as food, but those named supply the bulk of the nootka's provision. in may or june, whales appear and are attacked in canoes by the chief, with the select few from each tribe who alone have the right to hunt this monarch of the sea. the head of their harpoon is made of two barbed bones and pointed with muscle-shell; it is fastened to a whale-sinew line of a few feet in length, and this short line to a very long bark rope, at one end of which are seal-skin air-bags and bladders, to keep it afloat. the point is also fastened to a shaft from ten to twenty-five feet in length, from which it is easily detached. with many of these buoys in tow the whale cannot dive, and becomes an easy prey. whale-blubber and oil are great delicacies, the former being preferred half putrid, while the oil with that of smaller denizens of the sea preserved in bladders, is esteemed a delicious sauce, and eaten with almost everything. sea-otters and seals are also speared, the former with a weapon more barbed and firmly attached to the handle, as they are fierce fighters; but when found asleep on the rocks, they are shot with arrows. seals are often attracted within arrow-shot by natives disguised as seals in wooden masks. clams and other shell-fish, which are collected in great numbers by the women, are cooked, strung on cypress-bark cords, and hung in the houses to dry for winter use. fish are preserved by drying only, the use of salt being unknown. salmon, after losing their heads and tails, which are eaten in the fishing season, are split open and the back-bone taken out before drying; smaller fry are sometimes dried as they come from their element; but halibut and cod are cut up and receive a partial drying in the sun. the spawn of all fish, but particularly of salmon and herring, is carefully preserved by stowing it away in baskets, where it ferments. bear, deer, and other land animals, as well as wild fowl, are sometimes taken for food, by means of rude traps, nets, and covers, successful only when game is abundant, for the nootkas are but indifferent hunters. in the time of jewitt, three peculiarities were observable in the nootka use of animal food, particularly bear-meat. when a bear was killed, it was dressed in a bonnet, decked with fine down, and solemnly invited to eat in the chief's presence, before being eaten; after partaking of bruin's flesh, which was appreciated as a rarity, the nootka could not taste fresh fish for two months; and while fish to be palatable must be putrid, meat when tainted was no longer fit for food. the nootka cuisine furnished food in four styles; namely, boiled--the mode par excellence, applicable to every variety of food, and effected, as by the haidahs, by hot stones in wooden vessels; steamed--of rarer use, applied mostly to heads, tails, and fins, by pouring water over them on a bed of hot stones, and covering the whole tightly with mats; roasted--rarely, in the case of some smaller fish and clams; and raw--fish-spawn and most other kinds of food, when conveniences for cooking were not at hand. some varieties of sea-weed and lichens, as well as the camass, and other roots, were regularly laid up for winter, while berries, everywhere abundant, were eaten in great quantities in their season, and at least one variety preserved by pressing in bunches. in eating, they sit in groups of five or six, with their legs doubled under them round a large wooden tray, and dip out the food nearly always boiled to a brothy consistency, with their fingers or clam-shells, paying little or no attention to cleanliness. chiefs and slaves have trays apart, and the principal meal, according to cook, was about noon. feasting is the favorite way of entertaining friends, so long as food is plentiful; and by a curious custom, of the portion allotted them, guests must carry away what they cannot eat. water in aboriginal days was the only nootka drink; it is also used now when whisky is not to be had.[ ] [sidenote: nootka battles and boats.] lances and arrows, pointed with shell, slate, flint, or bone, and clubs and daggers of wood and bone, were the weapons with which they met their foes; but firearms and metallic daggers, and tomahawks, have long since displaced them, as they have to a less degree the original hunting and fishing implements.[ ] the nootka tribes were always at war with each other, hereditary quarrels being handed down for generations. according to their idea, loss of life in battle can be forgotten only when an equal number of the hostile tribe are killed. their military tactics consist of stratagem and surprise in attack, and watchfulness in defense. before engaging in war, some weeks are spent in preparation, which consists mainly of abstinence from women, bathing, scrubbing the skin with briers till it bleeds, and finally painting the whole body jet-black. all prisoners not suitable for slaves are butchered or beheaded. in an attack the effort is always made to steal into the adversary's camp at night and kill men enough to decide the victory before the alarm can be given. when they fail in this, the battle is seldom long continued, for actual hand-to-hand fighting is not to the nootka taste. on the rare occasions when it is considered desirable to make overtures of peace, an ambassador is sent with an ornamented pipe, and with this emblem his person is safe. smoking a pipe together by hostile chiefs also solemnizes a treaty.[ ] nootka boats are dug out each from a single pine-tree, and are made of all sizes from ten to fifty feet long, the largest accommodating forty or fifty men. selecting a proper tree in the forest, the aboriginal nootka fells it with a sort of chisel of flint or elk-horn, three by six inches, fastened in a wooden handle, and struck by a smooth stone mallet. then the log is split with wooden wedges, and the better piece being selected, it is hollowed out with the aforesaid chisel, a mussel-shell adze, and a bird's-bone gimlet worked between the two hands. sometimes, but not always, fire is used as an assistant. the exterior is fashioned with the same tools. the boat is widest in the middle, tapers toward each end, and is strengthened by light cross-pieces extending from side to side, which, being inserted after the boat is soaked in hot water, modify and improve the original form. the bow is long and pointed, the stern square-cut or slightly rounded; both ends are raised higher than the middle by separate pieces of wood painted with figures of birds or beasts, the head on the bow and the tail on the stern. the inside is painted red; the outside, slightly burned, is rubbed smooth and black, and for the whale fishery is ornamented along the gunwales with a row of small shells or seal-teeth, but for purposes of war it is painted with figures in white. paddles are neatly made of hard wood, about five and a half feet long with a leaf-shaped blade of two feet, sharp at the end, and used as a weapon in canoe-fighting. a cross-piece is sometimes added to the handle like the top of a crutch.[ ] in addition to the implements already named are chests and boxes, buckets, cups and eating-troughs, all of wood, either dug out or pinned together; baskets of twigs and bags of matting; all neatly made, and many of the articles painted or carved, or ornamented with shell work. as among the haidahs, the dried _eulachon_ is often used as a lamp.[ ] the matting and coarser kinds of cloth are made of rushes and of pine or cedar bark, which after being soaked is beaten on a plank with a grooved instrument of wood or bone until the fibres are separated. the threads are twisted into cords between the hand and thigh; these cords, hung to a horizontal beam and knotted with finer thread at regular intervals, form the cloth. thread of the same bark is used with a sharpened twig for a needle. intercourse with europeans has modified their manufactures, and checked the development of their native ingenuity.[ ] [sidenote: property of the nootkas.] captain cook found among the ahts very "strict notions of their having a right to the exclusive property of everything that their country produces," so that they claimed pay for even wood, water, and grass. the limits of tribal property are very clearly defined, but individuals rarely claim any property in land. houses belong to the men who combine to build them. private wealth consists of boats and implements for obtaining food, domestic utensils, slaves, and blankets, the latter being generally the standard by which wealth or price is computed. food is not regarded as common property, yet any man may help himself to his neighbor's store when needy. the accumulation of property beyond the necessities of life is considered desirable only for the purpose of distributing it in presents on great feast-days, and thereby acquiring a reputation for wealth and liberality; and as these feasts occur frequently, an unsuccessful man may often take a fresh start in the race. instead of being given away, canoes and blankets are often destroyed, which proves that the motive in this disposal of property is not to favor friends, but merely to appear indifferent to wealth. it is certainly a most remarkable custom, and one that exerts a great influence on the whole people. gifts play an important part in procuring a wife, and a division of property accompanies a divorce. to enter the ranks of the medicine-men or magicians, or to attain rank of any kind, property must be sacrificed; and a man who receives an insult or suffers any affliction must tear up the requisite quantity of blankets and shirts, if he would retain his honor.[ ] trade in all their productions was carried on briskly between the different nootka tribes before the coming of the whites. they manifest much shrewdness in their exchanges; even their system of presents is a species of trade, the full value of each gift being confidently expected in a return present on the next festive occasion. in their intertribal commerce, a band holding a strong position where trade by canoes between different parts may be stopped, do not fail to offer and enforce the acceptance of their services as middlemen, thereby greatly increasing market prices.[ ] the system of numeration, sufficiently extensive for the largest numbers, is decimal, the numbers to ten having names which are in some instances compounds but not multiples of smaller numbers. the fingers are used to aid in counting. the year is divided into months with some reference to the moon, but chiefly by the fish-seasons, ripening of berries, migrations of birds, and other periodical events, for which the months are named, as: 'when the herrings spawn,' etc. the unit of measure is the span, the fingers representing its fractional parts.[ ] the nootkas display considerable taste in ornamenting with sculpture and paintings their implements and houses, their chief efforts being made on the posts of the latter, and the wooden masks which they wear in war and some of their dances; but all implements may be more or less carved and adorned according to the artist's fancy. they sometimes paint fishing and hunting scenes, but generally their models exist only in imagination, and their works consequently assume unintelligible forms. there seems to be no evidence that their carved images and complicated paintings are in any sense intended as idols or hieroglyphics. a rude system of heraldry prevails among them, by which some animal is adopted as a family crest, and its figure is painted or embroidered on canoes, paddles, or blankets.[ ] [sidenote: nootka art and government.] to the nootka system of government the terms patriarchal, hereditary, and feudal have been applied. there is no confederation, each tribe being independent of all the rest, except as powerful tribes are naturally dominant over the weak. in each tribe the head chief's rank is hereditary by the male line; his grandeur is displayed on great occasions, when, decked in all his finery, he is the central figure. at the frequently recurring feasts of state he occupies the seat of honor; presides at all councils of the tribe, and is respected and highly honored by all; but has no real authority over any but his slaves. between the chief, or king, and the people is a nobility, in number about one fourth of the whole tribe, composed of several grades, the highest being partially hereditary, but also, as are all the lower grades, obtainable by feats of valor or great liberality. all chieftains must be confirmed by the tribe, and some of them appointed by the king; each man's rank is clearly defined in the tribe, and corresponding privileges strictly insisted on. there are chiefs who have full authority in warlike expeditions. harpooners also form a privileged class, whose rank is handed down from father to son. this somewhat complicated system of government nevertheless sits lightly, since the people are neither taxed nor subjected to any laws, nor interfered with in their actions. still, long-continued custom serves as law and marks out the few duties and privileges of the nootka citizen. stealing is not common except from strangers; and offenses requiring punishment are usually avenged--or pardoned in consideration of certain blankets received--by the injured parties and their friends, the chiefs seeming to have little or nothing to do in the matter.[ ] [sidenote: nootka slavery and marriage.] slavery is practiced by all the tribes, and the slave-trade forms an important part of their commerce. slaves are about the only property that must not be sacrificed to acquire the ever-desired reputation for liberality. only rich men--according to some authorities only the nobles--may hold slaves. war and kidnapping supply the slave-market, and no captive, whatever his rank in his own tribe, can escape this fate, except by a heavy ransom offered soon after he is taken, and before his whereabouts becomes unknown to his friends. children of slaves, whose fathers are never known, are forever slaves. the power of the owner is arbitrary and unlimited over the actions and life of the slave, but a cruel exercise of his power seems of rare occurrence, and, save the hard labor required, the material condition of the slave is but little worse than that of the common free people, since he is sheltered by the same roof and partakes of the same food as his master. socially the slave is despised; his hair is cut short, and his very name becomes a term of reproach. female slaves are prostituted for hire, especially in the vicinity of white settlements. a runaway slave is generally seized and resold by the first tribe he meets.[ ] [sidenote: the nootka family.] the nootka may have as many wives as he can buy, but as prices are high, polygamy is practically restricted to the chiefs, who are careful not to form alliances with families beneath them in rank. especially particular as to rank are the chiefs in choosing their first wife, always preferring the daughters of noble families of another tribe. courtship consists in an offer of presents by the lover to the girl's father, accompanied generally by lengthy speeches of friends on both sides, extolling the value of the man and his gift, and the attractions of the bride. after the bargain is concluded, a period of feasting follows if the parties are rich, but this is not necessary as a part of the marriage ceremony. betrothals are often made by parents while the parties are yet children, mutual deposits of blankets and other property being made as securities for the fulfillment of the contract, which is rarely broken. girls marry at an average age of sixteen. the common nootka obtains his one bride from his own rank also by a present of blankets, much more humble than that of his rich neighbor, and is assisted in his overtures by perhaps a single friend instead of being followed by the whole tribe. courtship among this class is not altogether without the attentions which render it so charming in civilized life; as when the fond girl lovingly caresses and searches her lover's head, always giving him the fattest of her discoveries. wives are not ill treated, and although somewhat overworked, the division of labor is not so oppressive as among many indian tribes. men build houses, make boats and implements, hunt and fish; women prepare the fish and game for winter use, cook, manufacture cloth and clothing, and increase the stock of food by gathering berries and shell-fish; and most of this work among the richer class is done by slaves. wives are consulted in matters of trade, and in fact seem to be nearly on terms of equality with their husbands, except that they are excluded from some public feasts and ceremonies. there is much reason to suppose that before the advent of the whites, the nootka wife was comparatively faithful to her lord, that chastity was regarded as a desirable female quality, and offenses against it severely punished. the females so freely brought on board the vessels of early voyagers and offered to the men, were perhaps slaves, who are everywhere prostituted for gain, so that the fathers of their children are never known. women rarely have more than two or three children, and cease bearing at about twenty-five, frequently preventing the increase of their family by abortions. pregnancy and childbirth affect them but little. the male child is named at birth, but his name is afterwards frequently changed. he is suckled by the mother until three or four years old, and at an early age begins to learn the arts of fishing by which he is to live. children are not quarrelsome among themselves, and are regarded by both parents with some show of affection and pride. girls at puberty are closely confined for several days, and given a little water but no food; they are kept particularly from the sun or fire, to see either of which at this period would be a lasting disgrace. at such times feasts are given by the parents. divorces or separations may be had at will by either party, but a strict division of property and return of betrothal presents is expected, the woman being allowed not only the property she brought her husband, and articles manufactured by her in wedlock, but a certain proportion of the common wealth. such property as belongs to the father and is not distributed in gifts during his life, or destroyed at his death, is inherited by the eldest son.[ ] from the middle of november to the middle of january, is the nootka season of mirth and festivity, when nearly the whole time is occupied with public and private gaiety. their evenings are privately passed by the family group within doors in conversation, singing, joking, boasting of past exploits, personal and tribal, and teasing the women until bed-time, when one by one they retire to rest in the same blankets worn during the day.[ ] swimming and trials of strength by hooking together the little fingers, or scuffling for a prize, seem to be the only out-door amusements indulged in by adults, while the children shoot arrows and hurl spears at grass figures of birds and fishes, and prepare themselves for future conflicts by cutting off the heads of imaginary enemies modeled in mud.[ ] to gambling the nootkas are passionately addicted, but their games are remarkably few and uniform. small bits of wood compose their entire paraphernalia, sometimes used like dice, when the game depends on the side turned up; or passed rapidly from hand to hand, when the gamester attempts to name the hand containing the trump stick; or again concealed in dust spread over a blanket and moved about by one player that the rest may guess its location. in playing they always form a circle seated on the ground, and the women rarely if ever join the game.[ ] they indulge in smoking, the only pipes of their own manufacture being of plain cedar, filled now with tobacco by those who can afford it, but in which they formerly smoked, as it is supposed, the leaves of a native plant--still mixed with tobacco to lessen its intoxicating properties. the pipe is passed round after a meal, but seems to be less used in serious ceremonies than among eastern indian nations.[ ] [sidenote: nootka amusements.] but the nootka amusement par excellence is that of feasts, given by the richer classes and chiefs nearly every evening during 'the season.' male and female heralds are employed ceremoniously to invite the guests, the house having been first cleared of its partitions, and its floor spread with mats.[ ] as in countries more civilized, the common people go early to secure the best seats, their allotted place being near the door. the élite come later, after being repeatedly sent for; on arrival they are announced by name, and assigned a place according to rank. in one corner of the hall the fish and whale-blubber are boiled by the wives of the chiefs, who serve it to the guests in pieces larger or smaller, according to their rank. what can not be eaten must be carried home. their drink ordinarily is pure water, but occasionally berries of a peculiar kind, preserved in cakes, are stirred in until a froth is formed which swells the body of the drinker nearly to bursting.[ ] eating is followed by conversation and speech-making, oratory being an art highly prized, in which, with their fine voices, they become skillful. finally, the floor is cleared for dancing. in the dances in which the crowd participate, the dancers, with faces painted in black and vermilion, form a circle round a few leaders who give the step, which consists chiefly in jumping with both feet from the ground, brandishing weapons or bunches of feathers, or sometimes simply bending the body without moving the feet. as to the participation of women in these dances, authorities do not agree.[ ] in a sort of conversational dance all pass briskly round the room to the sound of music, praising in exclamations the building and all within it, while another dance requires many to climb upon the roof and there continue their motions. their special or character dances are many, and in them they show much dramatic talent. a curtain is stretched across a corner of the room to conceal the preparations, and the actors, fantastically dressed, represent personal combats, hunting scenes, or the actions of different animals. in the seal-dance naked men jump into the water and then crawl out and over the floors, imitating the motions of the seal. indecent performances are mentioned by some visitors. sometimes in these dances men drop suddenly as if dead, and are at last revived by the doctors, who also give dramatic or magic performances at their houses; or they illuminate a wax moon out on the water, and make the natives believe they are communing with the man in the moon. to tell just where amusement ceases and solemnity begins in these dances is impossible.[ ] birds' down forms an important item in the decoration at dances, especially at the reception of strangers. all dances, as well as other ceremonies, are accompanied by continual music, instrumental and vocal. the instruments are: boxes and benches struck with sticks; a plank hollowed out on the under side and beaten with drum-sticks about a foot long; a rattle made of dried seal-skin in the form of a fish, with pebbles; a whistle of deer-bone about an inch long with one hole, which like the rattle can only be used by chiefs; and a bunch of muscle-shells, to be shaken like castanets.[ ] their songs are monotonous chants, extending over but few notes, varied by occasional howls and whoops in some of the more spirited melodies, pleasant or otherwise, according to the taste of the hearer.[ ] certain of their feasts are given periodically by the head chiefs, which distant tribes attend, and during which take place the distributions of property already mentioned. whenever a gift is offered, etiquette requires the recipient to snatch it rudely from the donor with a stern and surly look.[ ] [sidenote: miscellaneous customs.] among the miscellaneous customs noticed by the different authorities already quoted, may be mentioned the following. daily bathing in the sea is practiced, the vapor-bath not being used. children are rolled in the snow by their mothers to make them hardy. camps and other property are moved from place to place by piling them on a plank platform built across the canoes. whymper saw indians near bute inlet carrying burdens on the back by a strap across the forehead. in a fight they rarely strike but close and depend on pulling hair and scratching; a chance blow must be made up by a present. invitations to eat must not be declined, no matter how often repeated. out of doors there is no native gesture of salutation, but in the houses a guest is motioned politely to a couch; guests are held sacred, and great ceremonies are performed at the reception of strangers; all important events are announced by heralds. friends sometimes saunter along hand in hand. a secret society, independent of tribe, family, or crest, is supposed by sproat to exist among them, but its purposes are unknown. in a palaver with whites the orator holds a long white pole in his hand, which he sticks occasionally into the ground by way of emphasis. an animal chosen as a crest must not be shot or ill-treated in the presence of any wearing its figure; boys recite portions of their elders' speeches as declamations; names are changed many times during life, at the will of the individual or of the tribe. [sidenote: customs and cannibalism.] in sorcery, witchcraft, prophecy, dreams, evil spirits, and the transmigration of souls, the nootkas are firm believers, and these beliefs enable the numerous sorcerers of different grades to acquire great power in the tribes by their strange ridiculous ceremonies. most of their tricks are transparent, being deceptions worked by the aid of confederates to keep up their power; but, as in all religions, the votary must have some faith in the efficacy of their incantations. the sorcerer, before giving a special demonstration, retires apart to meditate. after spending some time alone in the forests and mountains, fasting and lacerating the flesh, he appears suddenly before the tribe, emaciated, wild with excitement, clad in a strange costume, grotesquely painted, and wearing a hideous mask. the scenes that ensue are indescribable, but the aim seems to be to commit all the wild freaks that a maniac's imagination may devise, accompanied by the most unearthly yells which can terrorize the heart. live dogs and dead human bodies are seized and torn by their teeth; but, at least in later times, they seem not to attack the living, and their performances are somewhat less horrible and bloody than the wild orgies of the northern tribes. the sorcerer is thought to have more influence with bad spirits than with good, and is always resorted to in the case of any serious misfortune. new members of the fraternity are initiated into the mysteries by similar ceremonies. old women are not without their traditional mysterious powers in matters of prophecy and witchcraft; and all chiefs in times of perplexity practice fasting and laceration. dreams are believed to be the visits of spirits or of the wandering soul of some living party, and the unfortunate nootka boy or girl whose blubber-loaded stomach causes uneasy dreams, must be properly hacked, scorched, smothered, and otherwise tormented until the evil spirit is appeased.[ ] whether or not these people were cannibals, is a disputed question, but there seems to be little doubt that slaves have been sacrificed and eaten as a part of their devilish rites.[ ] the nootkas are generally a long-lived race, and from the beginning to the failing of manhood undergo little change in appearance. jewitt states that during his captivity of three years at nootka sound, only five natural deaths occurred, and the people suffered scarcely any disease except the colic. sproat mentions as the commonest diseases; bilious complaints, dysentery, a consumption which almost always follows syphilis, fevers, and among the aged, ophthalmia. accidental injuries, as cuts, bruises, sprains, and broken limbs, are treated with considerable success by means of simple salves or gums, cold water, pine-bark bandages, and wooden splints. natural pains and maladies are invariably ascribed to the absence or other irregular conduct of the soul, or to the influence of evil spirits, and all treatment is directed to the recall of the former and to the appeasing of the latter. still, so long as the ailment is slight, simple means are resorted to, and the patient is kindly cared for by the women; as when headache, colic, or rheumatism is treated by the application of hot or cold water, hot ashes, friction, or the swallowing of cold teas made from various roots and leaves. nearly every disease has a specific for its cure. oregon grape and other herbs cure syphilis; wasp-nest powder is a tonic, and blackberries an astringent; hemlock bark forms a plaster, and dog-wood bark is a strengthener; an infusion of young pine cones or the inside scrapings of a human skull prevent too rapid family increase, while certain plants facilitate abortion. when a sickness becomes serious, the sorcerer or medicine-man is called in and incantations begin, more or less noisy according to the amount of the prospective fee and the number of relatives and friends who join in the uproar. a very poor wretch is permitted to die in comparative quiet. in difficult cases the doctor, wrought up to the highest state of excitement, claims to see and hear the soul, and to judge of the patient's prospects by its position and movements. the sick man shows little fortitude, and abandons himself helplessly to the doctor's ridiculous measures. failing in a cure, the physician gets no pay, but if successful, does not fail to make a large demand. both the old and the helplessly sick are frequently abandoned by the ahts to die without aid in the forest.[ ] [sidenote: nootka burial.] after death the nootka's body is promptly put away; a slave's body is unceremoniously thrown into the water; that of a freeman, is placed in a crouching posture, their favorite one during life, in a deep wooden box, or in a canoe, and suspended from the branches of a tree, deposited on the ground with a covering of sticks and stones, or, more rarely, buried. common people are usually left on the surface; the nobility are suspended from trees at heights differing, as some authorities say, according to rank. the practice of burning the dead seems also to have been followed in some parts of this region. each tribe has a burying-ground chosen on some hill-side or small island. with chiefs, blankets, skins, and other property in large amounts are buried, hung up about the grave, or burned during the funeral ceremonies, which are not complicated except for the highest officials. the coffins are often ornamented with carvings or paintings of the deceased man's crest, or with rows of shells. when a death occurs, the women of the tribe make a general howl, and keep it up at intervals for many days or months; the men, after a little speech-making, keep silent. the family and friends, with blackened faces and hair cut short, follow the body to its last resting-place with music and other manifestations of sorrow, generally terminating in a feast. there is great reluctance to explain their funeral usages to strangers; death being regarded by this people with great superstition and dread, not from solicitude for the welfare of the dead, but from a belief in the power of departed spirits to do much harm to the living.[ ] [sidenote: character of the nootkas.] the nootka character presents all the inconsistencies observable among other american aborigines, since there is hardly a good or bad trait that has not by some observer been ascribed to them. their idiosyncrasies as a race are perhaps best given by sproat as "want of observation, a great deficiency of foresight, extreme fickleness in their passions and purposes, habitual suspicion, and a love of power and display; added to which may be noticed their ingratitude and revengeful disposition, their readiness for war, and revolting indifference to human suffering." these qualities, judged by civilized standards censurable, to the nootka are praiseworthy, while contrary qualities are to be avoided. by a strict application, therefore, of 'put yourself in his place' principles, to which most 'good indians' owe their reputation, nootka character must not be too harshly condemned. they are not, so far as physical actions are concerned, a remarkably lazy people, but their minds, although intelligent when aroused, are averse to effort and quickly fatigued; nor can they comprehend the advantage of continued effort for any future good which is at all remote. what little foresight they have, has much in common with the instinct of beasts. ordinarily, they are quiet and well behaved, especially the higher classes, but when once roused to anger, they rage, bite, spit and kick without the slightest attempt at self-possession. a serious offense against an individual, although nominally pardoned in consideration of presents, can really never be completely atoned for except by blood; hence private, family, and tribal feuds continue from generation to generation. women are not immodest, but the men have no shame. stealing is recognized as a fault, and the practice as between members of the same tribe is rare, but skillful pilfering from strangers, if not officially sanctioned, is extensively carried on and much admired; still any property confided in trust to a nootka is said to be faithfully returned. to his wife he is kind and just; to his children affectionate. efforts for their conversion to foreign religions have been in the highest degree unsuccessful.[ ] [sidenote: the sound indians.] the sound indians, by which term i find it convenient to designate the nations about puget sound, constitute the third family of the columbian group. in this division i include all the natives of that part of washington which lies to the west of the cascade range, except a strip from twenty-five to forty miles wide along the north bank of the columbia. the north-eastern section of this territory, including the san juan group, whidbey island, and the region tributary to bellingham bay, is the home of the _nooksak_, _lummi_, _samish_ and _skagit_ nations, whose neighbors and constant harassers on the north are the fierce kwantlums and cowichins of the nootka family about the mouth of the fraser. the central section, comprising the shores and islands of admiralty inlet, hood canal, and puget sound proper, is occupied by numerous tribes with variously spelled names, mostly terminating in _mish_, which names, with all their orthographic diversity, have been given generally to the streams on whose banks the different nations dwelt. all these tribes may be termed the _nisqually_ nation, taking the name from the most numerous and best-known of the tribes located about the head of the sound. the _clallams_ inhabit the eastern portion of the peninsula between the sound and the pacific. the western extremity of the same peninsula, terminating at cape flattery, is occupied by the _classets_ or _makahs_; while the _chehalis_ and _cowlitz_ nations are found on the chehalis river, gray harbor, and the upper cowlitz. excepting a few bands on the headwaters of streams that rise in the vicinity of mount baker, the sound family belongs to the coast fish-eating tribes rather than to the hunters of the interior. indeed, this family has so few marked peculiarities, possessing apparently no trait or custom not found as well among the nootkas or chinooks, that it may be described in comparatively few words. when first known to europeans they seem to have been far less numerous than might have been expected from the extraordinary fertility and climatic advantages of their country; and since they have been in contact with the whites, their numbers have been reduced,--chiefly through the agency of small-pox and ague,--even more rapidly than the nations farther to the north-west.[ ] these natives of washington are short and thick-set, with strong limbs, but bow-legged; they have broad faces, eyes fine but wide apart; noses prominent, both of roman and aquiline type; color, a light copper, perhaps a shade darker than that of the nootkas, but capable of transmitting a flush; the hair usually black and almost universally worn long.[ ] all the tribes flatten the head more or less, but none carry the practice to such an extent as their neighbors on the south, unless it be the cowlitz nation, which might indeed as correctly be classed with the chinooks. by most of the sound natives tattooing is not practiced, and they seem somewhat less addicted to a constant use of paint than the nootkas; yet on festive occasions a plentiful and hideous application is made of charcoal or colored earth pulverized in grease, and the women appreciate the charms imparted to the face by the use of vermilion clay. the nose, particularly at cape flattery, is the grand centre of facial ornamentation. perforating is extravagantly practiced, and pendant trinkets of every form and substance are worn, those of bone or shell preferred, and, if we may credit wilkes, by some of the women these ornaments are actually kept clean. [sidenote: sound dress and dwellings.] the native garment, when the weather makes nakedness uncomfortable, is a blanket of dog's hair, sometimes mixed with birds' down and bark-fibre, thrown about the shoulders. some few fasten this about the neck with a wooden pin. the women are more careful in covering the person with the blanket than are the men, and generally wear under it a bark apron hanging from the waist in front. a cone-shaped, water-proof hat, woven from colored grasses, is sometimes worn on the head.[ ] temporary hunting-huts in summer are merely cross-sticks covered with coarse mats made by laying bulrushes side by side, and knotting them at intervals with cord or grass. the poorer individuals or tribes dwell permanently in similar huts, improved by the addition of a few slabs; while the rich and powerful build substantial houses, of planks split from trees by means of bone wedges, much like the nootka dwellings in plan, and nearly as large. these houses sometimes measure over one hundred feet in length, and are divided into rooms or pens, each house accommodating many families. there are several fire-places in each dwelling; raised benches extend round the sides, and the walls are often lined with matting.[ ] [sidenote: food of the sound indians.] in spring time they abandon their regular dwellings and resort in small companies to the various sources of food-supply. fish is their chief dependence, though game is taken in much larger quantities than by the nootkas; some of the more inland sound tribes subsisting almost entirely by the chase and by root-digging. nearly all the varieties of fish which support the northern tribes are also abundant here, and are taken substantially by the same methods, namely, by the net, hook, spear, and rake; but fisheries seem to be carried on somewhat less systematically, and i find no account of the extensive and complicated embankments and traps mentioned by travelers in british columbia. to the salmon, sturgeon, herring, rock-cod, and candle-fish, abundant in the inlets of the sound, the classets, by venturing out to sea, add a supply of whale-blubber and otter-meat, obtained with spears, lines, and floats. at certain points on the shore tall poles are erected, across which nets are spread; and against these nets large numbers of wild fowl, dazzled by torch-lights at night, dash themselves and fall stunned to the ground, where the natives stand ready to gather in the feathery harvest. vancouver noticed many of these poles in different localities, but could not divine their use. deer and elk in the forests are also hunted by night, and brought within arrow-shot by the spell of torches. for preservation, fish are dried in the sun or dried and smoked by the domestic hearth, and sometimes pounded fine, as are roots of various kinds; clams are dried on strings and hung up in the houses, or occasionally worn round the neck, ministering to the native love of ornament until the stronger instinct of hunger impairs the beauty of the necklace. in the better class of houses, supplies are neatly stored in baskets at the sides. the people are extremely improvident, and, notwithstanding their abundant natural supplies in ocean, stream, and forest, are often in great want. boiling in wooden vessels by means of hot stones is the ordinary method of cooking. a visitor to the nooksaks thus describes their method of steaming elk-meat: "they first dig a hole in the ground, then build a wood fire, placing stones on the top of it. as it burns, the stones become hot and fall down. moss and leaves are then placed on the top of the hot stones, the meat on these, and another layer of moss and leaves laid over it. water is poured on, which is speedily converted into steam. this is retained by mats carefully placed over the heap. when left in this way for a night, the meat is found tender and well cooked in the morning." fowls were cooked in the same manner by the queniults.[ ] i find no mention of other weapons, offensive or defensive, than spears, and bows and arrows. the arrows and spears were usually pointed with bone; the bows were of yew, and though short, were of great power. vancouver describes a superior bow used at puget sound. it was from two and a half to three feet long, made from a naturally curved piece of yew, whose concave side became the convex of the bow, and to the whole length of this side a strip of elastic hide or serpent-skin was attached so firmly by a kind of cement as to become almost a part of the wood. this lining added greatly to the strength of the bow, and was not affected by moisture. the bow-string was made of sinew.[ ] the tribes were continually at war with each other, and with northern nations, generally losing many of their people in battle. sticking the heads of the slain enemy on poles in front of their dwellings, is a common way of demonstrating their joy over a victory. the indians at port discovery spoke to wilkes of scalping among their warlike exploits, but according to kane the classets do not practice that usage.[ ] vancouver, finding sepulchres at penn cove, in which were large quantities of human bones but no limb-bones of adults, suspected that the latter were used by the indians for pointing their arrows, and in the manufacture of other implements.[ ] [sidenote: manufactures of puget sound.] the sound manufactures include only the weapons and utensils used by the natives. their articles were made with the simplest tools of bone or shell. blankets were made of dog's hair,--large numbers of dogs being raised for the purpose,--the wool of mountain sheep, or wild goats, found on the mountain slopes, the down of wild-fowl, cedar bark-fibre, ravellings of foreign blankets, or more commonly of a mixture of several of these materials. the fibre is twisted into yarn between the hand and thigh, and the strands arranged in perpendicular frames for weaving purposes. willow and other twigs supply material for baskets of various forms, often neatly made and colored. oil, both for domestic use and for barter, is extracted by boiling, except in the case of the candle-fish, when hanging in the hot sun suffices; it is preserved in bladders and skin-bottles.[ ] canoes are made by the sound indians in the same manner as by the nootkas already described; being always dug out, formerly by fire, from a single cedar trunk, and the form improved afterwards by stretching when soaked in hot water. of the most elegant proportions, they are modeled by the builder with no guide but the eye, and with most imperfect tools; three months' work is sufficient to produce a medium-sized boat. the form varies among different nations according as the canoe is intended for ocean, sound, or river navigation; being found with bow or stern, or both, in various forms, pointed, round, shovel-nosed, raised or level. the raised stern, head-piece, and stern-post are usually formed of separate pieces. like the nootkas, they char and polish the outside and paint the interior with red. the largest and finest specimen seen by mr. swan was forty-six feet long and six feet wide, and crossed the bar into shoalwater bay with thirty queniult indians from the north. the paddle used in deep water has a crutch-like handle and a sharp-pointed blade.[ ] [sidenote: trade and government of the sound indians.] in their barter between the different tribes, and in estimating their wealth, the blanket is generally the unit of value, and the _hiaqua_, a long white shell obtained off cape flattery at a considerable depth, is also extensively used for money, its value increasing with its length. a kind of annual fair for trading purposes and festivities is held by the tribes of puget sound at bajada point, and here and in their other feasts they are fond of showing their wealth and liberality by disposing of their surplus property in gifts.[ ] the system of government seems to be of the simplest nature, each individual being entirely independent and master of his own actions. there is a nominal chief in each tribe, who sometimes acquires great influence and privileges by his wealth or personal prowess, but he has no authority, and only directs the movements of his band in warlike incursions. i find no evidence of hereditary rank or caste except as wealth is sometimes inherited.[ ] slaves are held by all the tribes, and are treated very much like their dogs, being looked upon as property, and not within the category of humanity. for a master to kill half a dozen slaves is no wrong or cruelty; it only tends to illustrate the owner's noble disposition in so freely sacrificing his property. slaves are obtained by war and kidnapping, and are sold in large numbers to northern tribes. according to sproat, the classets, a rich and powerful tribe, encourage the slave-hunting incursions of the nootkas against their weaker neighbors.[ ] wives are bought by presents, and some performances or ceremonies, representative of hunting or fishing scenes, not particularly described by any visitor, take place at the wedding. women have all the work to do except hunting and fishing, while their lords spend their time in idleness and gambling. still the females are not ill-treated; they acquire great influence in the tribe, and are always consulted in matters of trade before a bargain is closed. they are not overburdened with modesty, nor are husbands noted for jealousy. hiring out their women, chiefly however slaves, for prostitution, has been a prominent source of tribal revenue since the country was partially settled by whites. women are not prolific, three or four being ordinarily the limit of their offspring. infants, properly bound up with the necessary apparatus for head-flattening, are tied to their cradle or to a piece of bark, and hung by a cord to the end of a springy pole kept in motion by a string attached to the mother's great toe. affection for children is by no means rare, but in few tribes can they resist the temptation to sell or gamble them away.[ ] [sidenote: amusements of the sound indians.] feasting, gambling, and smoking are the favorite amusements; all their property, slaves, children, and even their own freedom in some cases are risked in their games. several plants are used as substitutes for tobacco when that article is not obtainable. if any important differences exist between their ceremonies, dances, songs and feasts, and those of vancouver island, such variations have not been recorded. in fact, many authors describe the manners and customs of 'north-west america' as if occupied by one people.[ ] there is no evidence of cannibalism; indeed, during vancouver's visit at puget sound, some meat offered to the natives was refused, because it was suspected to be human flesh. since their acquaintance with the whites they have acquired a habit of assuming great names, as duke of york, or jenny lind, and highly prize scraps of paper with writing purporting to substantiate their claims to such distinctions. their superstitions are many, and they are continually on the watch in all the commonest acts of life against the swarm of evil influences, from which they may escape only by the greatest care.[ ] [sidenote: character of the sound indians.] disorders of the throat and lungs, rheumatism and intermittent fevers, are among the most prevalent forms of disease, and in their methods of cure, as usual, the absurd ceremonies, exorcisms, and gesticulations of the medicine-men play the principal part; but hot and cold baths are also often resorted to without regard to the nature or stage of the malady.[ ] the bodies of such as succumb to their diseases, or to the means employed for cure, are disposed of in different ways according to locality, tribe, rank, or age. skeletons are found by travelers buried in the ground or deposited in a sitting posture on its surface; in canoes or in boxes supported by posts, or, more commonly, suspended from the branches of trees. corpses are wrapped in cloth or matting, and more or less richly decorated according to the wealth of the deceased. several bodies are often put in one canoe or box, and the bodies of young children are found suspended in baskets. property and implements, the latter always broken, are deposited with or near the remains, and these last resting-places of their people are religiously cared for and guarded from intrusion by all the tribes.[ ] all the peculiarities and inconsistencies of the nootka character perhaps have been noted by travelers among the indians of the sound, but none of these peculiarities are so clearly marked in the latter people. in their character, as in other respects, they have little individuality, and both their virtues and vices are but faint reflections of the same qualities in the great families north and south of their territory. the cape flattery tribes are at once the most intelligent, bold, and treacherous of all, while some of the tribes east and north-east of the sound proper have perhaps the best reputation. since the partial settlement of their territory by the whites, the natives here as elsewhere have lost many of their original characteristics, chiefly the better ones. the remnants now for the most part are collected on government reservations, or live in the vicinity of towns, by begging and prostitution. some tribes, especially in the region of bellingham bay, have been nominally converted to christianity, have abandoned polygamy, slavery, head-flattening, gambling, and superstitious ceremonies, and pay considerable attention to a somewhat mixed version of church doctrine and ceremonies.[ ] the chinooks constitute the fourth division of the columbian group. originally the name was restricted to a tribe on the north bank of the columbia between gray bay and the ocean; afterwards, from a similarity in language and customs, it was applied to all the bands on both sides of the river, from its mouth to the dalles.[ ] it is employed in this work to designate all the oregon tribes west of the cascade range, southward to the rogue river or umpqua mountains. this family lies between the sound indians on the north and the californian group on the south, including in addition to the tribes of the columbia, those of the willamette valley and the coast. all closely resemble each other in manners and customs, having also a general resemblance to the northern families already described, springing from their methods of obtaining food; and although probably without linguistic affinities, except along the columbia river, they may be consistently treated as one family--the last of the great coast or fish-eating divisions of the columbian group. among the prominent tribes, or nations of the chinook family may be mentioned the following: the _watlalas_ or upper chinooks, including the bands on the columbia from the cascades to the cowlitz, and on the lower willamette; the lower chinooks from the cowlitz to the pacific comprising the _wakiakums_ and _chinooks_ on the north bank, and the _cathlamets_ and _clatsops_ on the south; the _calapooyas_ occupying the valley of the willamette, and the _clackamas_ on one of its chief tributaries of the same name; with the _killamooks_ and _umpquas_ who live between the coast range[ ] and the ocean. with respect to the present condition of these nations, authorities agree in speaking of them as a squalid and poverty-stricken race, once numerous and powerful, now few and weak. their country has been settled by whites much more thickly than regions farther north, and they have rapidly disappeared before the influx of strangers. whole tribes have been exterminated by war and disease, and in the few miserable remnants collected on reservations or straggling about the oregon towns, no trace is apparent of the independent, easy-living bands of the remote past.[ ] it is however to be noted that at no time since this region has been known to europeans has the indian population been at all in proportion to the supporting capacity of the land, while yet in a state of nature, with its fertile soil and well-stocked streams and forests. [sidenote: chinook physique.] in physique the chinook can not be said to differ materially from the nootka. in stature the men rarely exceed five feet six inches, and the women five feet. both sexes are thick-set, but as a rule loosely built, although in this respect they had doubtless degenerated when described by most travelers. their legs are bowed and otherwise deformed by a constant squatting position in and out of their canoes. trained by constant exposure with slight clothing, they endure cold and hunger better than the white man, but to continued muscular exertion they soon succumb. physically they improve in proportion to their distance from the columbia and its fisheries; the calapooyas on the upper willamette, according to early visitors, presenting the finest specimens.[ ] descending from the north along the coast, hyperboreans, columbians, and californians gradually assume a more dusky hue as we proceed southward. the complexion of the chinooks may be called a trifle darker than the natives of the sound, and of vancouver; though nothing is more difficult than from the vague expressions of travelers to determine shades of color.[ ] points of resemblance have been noted by many observers between the chinook and mongolian physiognomy, consisting chiefly in the eyes turned obliquely upward at the outer corner. the face is broad and round, the nose flat and fat, with large nostrils, the mouth wide and thick-lipped, teeth irregular and much worn, eyes black, dull and expressionless; the hair generally black and worn long, and the beard carefully plucked out; nevertheless, their features are often regular.[ ] [sidenote: head-flattening phenomenon.] it is about the mouth of the columbia that the custom of flattening the head seems to have originated. radiating from this centre in all directions, and becoming less universal and important as the distance is increased, the usage terminates on the south with the nations which i have attached to the chinook family, is rarely found east of the cascade range, but extends, as we have seen, northward through all the coast families, although it is far from being held in the same esteem in the far north as in its apparently original centre. the origin of this deformity is unknown. all we can do is to refer it to that strange infatuation incident to humanity which lies at the root of fashion and ornamentation, and which even in these later times civilization is not able to eradicate. as alphonso the wise regretted not having been present at the creation--for then he would have had the world to suit him--so different ages and nations strive in various ways to remodel and improve the human form. thus the chinese lady compresses the feet, the european the waist, and the chinook the head. slaves are not allowed to indulge in this extravagance, and as this class are generally of foreign tribes or families, the work of ethnologists in classifying skulls obtained by travelers, and thereby founding theories of race is somewhat complicated; but the difficulty is lessened by the fact that slaves receive no regular burial, and hence all skulls belonging to bodies from native cemeteries are known to be chinook.[ ] the chinook ideal of facial beauty is a straight line from the end of the nose to the crown of the head. the flattening of the skull is effected by binding the infant to its cradle immediately after birth, and keeping it there from three months to a year. the simplest form of cradle is a piece of board or plank on which the child is laid upon its back with the head slightly raised by a block of wood. another piece of wood, or bark, or leather, is then placed over the forehead and tied to the plank with strings which are tightened more and more each day until the skull is shaped to the required pattern. space is left for lateral expansion; and under ordinary circumstances the child's head is not allowed to leave its position until the process is complete. the body and limbs are also bound to the cradle, but more loosely, by bandages, which are sometimes removed for cleansing purposes. moss or soft bark is generally introduced between the skin and the wood, and in some tribes comfortable pads, cushions, or rabbit-skins are employed. the piece of wood which rests upon the forehead is in some cases attached to the cradle by leather hinges, and instances are mentioned where the pressure is created by a spring. a trough or canoe-shaped cradle, dug out from a log, often takes the place of the simple board, and among the rich this is elaborately worked, and ornamented with figures and shells. the child while undergoing this process, with its small black eyes jammed half out of their sockets, presents a revolting picture. strangely enough, however, the little prisoner seems to feel scarcely any pain, and travelers almost universally state that no perceptible injury is done to the health or brain. as years advance the head partially but not altogether resumes its natural form, and among aged persons the effects are not very noticeable. as elsewhere, the personal appearance of the women is of more importance than that of the men, therefore the female child is subjected more rigorously and longer to the compressing process, than her brothers. failure properly to mould the cranium of her offspring gives to the chinook matron the reputation of a lazy and undutiful mother, and subjects the neglected children to the ridicule of their young companions;[ ] so despotic is fashion. a practice which renders the chinook more hideous than the compression of his skull is that of piercing or slitting the cartilage of the nose and ears, and inserting therein long strings of beads or hiaqua shells, the latter being prized above all other ornaments. tattooing seems to have been practiced, but not extensively, taking usually the form of lines of dots pricked into the arms, legs, and cheeks with pulverized charcoal. imitation tattooing, with the bright-colored juices of different berries, was a favorite pastime with the women, and neither sex could resist the charms of salmon-grease and red clay. in later times, however, according to swan, the custom of greasing and daubing the body has been to a great extent abandoned. great pains is taken in dressing the hair, which is combed, parted in the middle, and usually allowed to hang in long tresses down the back, but often tied up in a queue by the women and girls, or braided so as to hang in two tails tied with strings.[ ] [sidenote: chinook dress.] for dress, skins were much more commonly used in this region than among other coast families; particularly the skins of the smaller animals, as the rabbit and woodrat. these skins, dressed and often painted, were sewed together so as to form a robe or blanket similar in form and use to the more northern blanket of wool, which, as well as a similar garment of goose-skin with the feathers on, was also made and worn by the chinooks, though not in common use among them. they prefer to go naked when the weather permits. skins of larger animals, as the deer and elk, are also used for clothing, and of the latter is made a kind of arrow-proof armor for war; another coat of mail being made of sticks bound together. females almost universally wear a skirt of cedar bark-fibre, fastened about the waist and hanging to the knees. this garment is woven for a few inches at the top, but the rest is simply a hanging fringe, not very effectually concealing the person. a substitute for this petticoat in some tribes is a square piece of leather attached to a belt in front; and in others a long strip of deer-skin passed between the thighs and wound about the waist. a fringed garment, like that described, is also sometimes worn about the shoulders; in cold weather a fur robe is wrapped about the body from the hips to the armpits, forming a close and warm vest; and over all is sometimes thrown a cape, or fur blanket, like that of the men, varying in quality and value with the wealth of the wearer. the best are made of strips of sea-otter skin, woven with grass or cedar bark, so that the fur shows on both sides. chiefs and men of wealth wear rich robes of otter and other valuable furs. the conical hat woven of grass and bark, and painted in black and white checks or with rude figures, with or without a brim, and fastened under the chin, is the only covering for the head.[ ] [sidenote: dwellings of the chinooks.] the chinooks moved about less for the purpose of obtaining a supply of food, than many others, even of the coast families, yet the accumulation of filth or--a much stronger motive--of fleas, generally forced them to take down their winter dwellings each spring, preserving the materials for re-erection on the same or another spot. the best houses were built of cedar planks attached by bark-fibre cords to a frame, which consisted of four corner, and two central posts and a ridge pole. the planks of the sides and ends were sometimes perpendicular, but oftener laid horizontally, overlapping here in clapboard fashion as on the roof. in some localities the roof and even the whole structure was of cedar bark. these dwellings closely resembled those farther north, but were somewhat inferior in size, twenty-five to seventy-five feet long, and fifteen to twenty-five feet wide, being the ordinary dimensions. on the columbia they were only four or five feet high at the eaves, but an equal depth was excavated in the ground, while on the willamette the structure was built on the surface. the door was only just large enough to admit the body, and it was a favorite fancy of the natives to make it represent the mouth of an immense head painted round it. windows there were none, nor chimney; one or more fireplaces were sunk in the floor, and the smoke escaped by the cracks, a plank in the roof being sometimes moved for the purpose. mats were spread on the floor and raised berths were placed on the sides, sometimes in several tiers. partitions of plank or matting separated the apartments of the several families. smaller temporary huts, and the permanent homes of the poorer indians were built in various forms, of sticks, covered with bark, rushes, or skins. the interior and exterior of all dwellings were in a state of chronic filth.[ ] [sidenote: fisheries of the chinooks.] the salmon fisheries of the columbia are now famous throughout the world. once every year innumerable multitudes of these noble fish enter the river from the ocean to deposit their spawn. impelled by instinct, they struggle to reach the extreme limits of the stream, working their way in blind desperation to the very sources of every little branch, overcoming seeming impossibilities, and only to fulfill their destiny and die; for if they escape human enemies, they either kill themselves in their mad efforts to leap impassable falls, or if their efforts are crowned with success, they are supposed never to return to the ocean. this fishery has always been the chief and an inexhaustible source of food for the chinooks, who, although skillful fishermen, have not been obliged to invent a great variety of methods or implements for the capture of the salmon, which rarely if ever have failed them. certain ceremonies must, however, be observed with the first fish taken; his meat must be cut only with the grain, and the hearts of all caught must be burned or eaten, and on no account be thrown into the water or be devoured by a dog. with these precautions there is no reason to suppose that the chinook would ever lack a supply of fish. the salmon begin to run in april, but remain several weeks in the warmer waters near the mouth, and are there taken while in their best condition, by the chinook tribe proper, with a straight net of bark or roots, sometimes five hundred feet long and fifteen feet deep, with floats and sinkers. one end of the net is carried out into the river at high water, and drawn in by the natives on the shore, who with a mallet quiet the fish and prevent them from jumping over the net and escaping. farther up, especially at the cascades and at the falls of the willamette, salmon are speared by natives standing on the rocks or on planks placed for the purpose; scooped up in small dip-nets; or taken with a large unbaited hook attached by a socket and short line to a long pole. there is some account of artificial channels of rocks at these places, but such expedients were generally not needed, since, beside those caught by the chinooks, such numbers were cast on the rocks by their own efforts to leap the falls, that the air for months was infected by the decaying mass; and many of these in a palatable state of decay were gathered by the natives for food. hooks, spears, and nets were sometimes rubbed with the juice of certain plants supposed to be attractive to the fish. once taken, the salmon were cleaned by the women, dried in the sun and smoked in the lodges; then they were sometimes powdered fine between two stones, before packing in skins or mats for winter use. the heads were always eaten as favorite portions during the fishing season. next to the salmon the sturgeon was ranked as a source of food. this fish, weighing from two hundred to five hundred pounds, was taken by a baited hook, sunk about twenty feet, and allowed to float down the current; when hooked, the sturgeon rises suddenly and is dispatched by a spear, lifted into the canoe by a gaff-hook, or towed ashore. the chinooks do not attack the whale, but when one is accidentally cast upon the shore, more or less decayed, a season of feasting ensues and the native heart is glad. many smaller varieties of fish are taken by net, spear, hook, or rake, but no methods are employed meriting special description. wild fowl are snared or shot; elk and deer are shot with arrows or taken in a carefully covered pit, dug in their favorite haunts. as to the methods of taking rabbits and woodrats, whose skins are said to have been so extensively used for clothing, i find no information. nuts, berries, wild fruits and roots are all used as food, and to some extent preserved for winter. the wapato, a bulbous root, compared by some to the potatoe and turnip, was the aboriginal staple, and was gathered by women wading in shallow ponds, and separating the root with their toes.[ ] boiling in wooden kettles by means of hot stones, was the usual manner of cooking, but roasting on sticks stuck in the sand near the fire was also common. clam-shells and a few rude platters and spoons of wood were in use, but the fingers, with the hair for a napkin, were found much more convenient table ware.[ ] in all their personal habits the chinooks are disgustingly filthy, although said to be fond of baths for health and pleasure. the clatsops, as reported by one visitor, form a partial exception to this rule, as they occasionally wash the hands and face.[ ] [sidenote: weapons of the chinooks.] their chief weapons are bows and arrows, the former of which is made of cedar, or occasionally, as it is said, of horn and bone; its elasticity is increased by a covering of sinew glued on. the arrow-head is of bone, flint, or copper, and the shaft consists of a short piece of some hard wood, and a longer one of a lighter material. the bows are from two and a half to four feet long; five styles, differing in form and curve, are pictured by schoolcraft. another weapon in common use was a double-edged wooden broad-sword, or sharp club, two and a half or three feet long; spears, tomahawks, and scalping knives are mentioned by many travelers, but not described, and it is doubtful if either were ever used by these aborigines.[ ] i have already spoken of their thick arrow-proof elk-skin armor, and of a coat of short sticks bound together with grass; a bark helmet is also employed of sufficient strength to ward off arrows and light blows. ross states that they also carry a circular elk-skin shield about eighteen inches in diameter. although by no means a blood-thirsty race, the chinook tribes were frequently involved in quarrels, resulting, it is said, from the abduction of women more frequently than from other causes. they, like almost all other american tribes, make a free use of war paint, laying it on grotesquely and in bright colors; but unlike most other nations, they never resorted to treachery, surprise, night attacks, or massacre of women and children. fighting was generally done upon the water. when efforts to settle amicably their differences, always the first expedient, failed, a party of warriors, covered from head to foot with armor, and armed with bows, arrows, and bludgeons, was paddled by women to the enemies' village, where diplomatic efforts for peace were renewed. if still unsuccessful, the women were removed from danger, and the battle commenced, or, if the hour was late, fighting was postponed till the next morning. as their armor was arrow-proof and as they rarely came near enough for hand-to-hand conflict, the battles were of short duration and accompanied by little bloodshed; the fall of a few warriors decided the victory, the victors gained their point in the original dispute, the vanquished paid some damages, and the affair ended.[ ] [sidenote: implements, manufactures, boats.] troughs dug out of one piece of cedar, and woven baskets served this people for dishes, and were used for every purpose. the best baskets were of silk grass or fine fibre, of a conical form, woven in colors so closely as to hold liquids, and with a capacity of from one to six gallons. coarser baskets were made of roots and rushes, rude spoons of ash-wood, and circular mats did duty as plates. wapato diggers used a curved stick with handle of horn; fish-hooks and spears were made of wood and bone in a variety of forms; the wing-bone of the crane supplied a needle. with regard to their original cutting instruments, by which trees were felled for canoes or for planks which were split off by wedges, there is much uncertainty; since nearly all authorities state that before their intercourse with europeans, chisels made of 'old files,' were employed, and driven by an oblong stone or a spruce-knot mallet. pipe-bowls were of hard wood fitted to an elder stem, but the best ones, of stone elegantly carved, were of haidah manufacture and obtained from the north.[ ] to kindle a fire the chinook twirls rapidly between the palms a cedar stick, the point of which is pressed into a small hollow in a flat piece of the same material, the sparks falling on finely-frayed bark. sticks are commonly carried for the purpose, improving with use. besides woven baskets, matting is the chief article of chinook manufacture. it is made by the women by placing side by side common bulrushes or flags about three feet long, tying the ends, and passing strings of twisted rushes through the whole length, sometimes twenty or thirty feet, about four inches apart, by means of a bone needle.[ ] chinook boats do not differ essentially, either in material, form, or method of manufacture, from those already described as in use among the sound family. always dug out of a single log of the common white cedar, they vary in length from ten to fifty feet, and in form according to the waters they are intended to navigate or the freight they are to carry. in these canoes lightness, strength, and elegance combine to make them perfect models of water-craft. lewis and clarke describe four forms in use in this region, and their description of boats, as of most other matters connected with this people, has been taken with or without credit by nearly all who have treated of the subject. i cannot do better than to give their account of the largest and best boats used by the killamooks and other tribes on the coast outside the river. "the sides are secured by cross-bars, or round sticks, two or three inches in thickness, which are inserted through holes just below the gunwale, and made fast with cords. the upper edge of the gunwale itself is about five-eighths of an inch thick, and four or five in breadth, and folds outwards, so as to form a kind of rim, which prevents the water from beating into the boat. the bow and stern are about the same height, and each provided with a comb, reaching to the bottom of the boat. at each end, also, are pedestals, formed of the same solid piece, on which are placed strange grotesque figures of men or animals, rising sometimes to the height of five feet, and composed of small pieces of wood, firmly united, with great ingenuity, by inlaying and mortising, without a spike of any kind. the paddle is usually from four feet and a half to five feet in length; the handle being thick for one-third of its length, when it widens, and is hollowed and thinned on each side of the centre, which forms a sort of rib. when they embark, one indian sits in the stern, and steers with a paddle, the others kneel in pairs in the bottom of the canoe, and sitting on their heels, paddle over the gunwale next to them. in this way they ride with perfect safety the highest waves, and venture without the least concern in seas where other boats or seamen could not live an instant." the women are as expert as the men in the management of canoes.[ ] [sidenote: chinook property and trade.] the chinooks were always a commercial rather than a warlike people, and are excelled by none in their shrewdness at bargaining. before the arrival of the europeans they repaired annually to the region of the cascades and dalles, where they met the tribes of the interior, with whom they exchanged their few articles of trade--fish, oil, shells, and wapato--for the skins, roots, and grasses of their eastern neighbors. the coming of ships to the coast gave the chinooks the advantage in this trade, since they controlled the traffic in beads, trinkets and weapons; they found also in the strangers ready buyers of the skins obtained from the interior in exchange for these articles. their original currency or standard of value was the hiaqua shell from the northern coast, whose value was in proportion to its length, a fathom string of forty shells being worth nearly double a string of fifty to the fathom. since the white men came, beaver-skins and blankets have been added to their currency. individuals were protected in their rights to personal property, such as slaves, canoes, and implements, but they had no idea of personal property in lands, the title to which rested in the tribe for purposes of fishing and the chase.[ ] in decorative art this family cannot be said to hold a high place compared with more northern nations, their only superior work being the modeling of their canoes, and the weaving of ornamental baskets. in carving they are far inferior to the haidahs; the cathlamets, according to lewis and clarke, being somewhat superior to the others, or at least more fond of the art. their attempts at painting are exceedingly rude.[ ] little can be said of their system of government except that it was eminently successful in producing peaceful and well regulated communities. each band or village was usually a sovereignty, nominally ruled by a chief, either hereditary or selected for his wealth and popularity, who exerted over his tribe influence rather than authority, but who was rarely opposed in his measures. sometimes a league existed, more or less permanent, for warlike expeditions. slight offenses against usage--the tribal common law--were expiated by the payment of an amount of property satisfactory to the party offended. theft was an offense, but the return of the article stolen removed every trace of dishonor. serious crimes, as the robbery of a burial-place, were sometimes punished with death by the people, but no special authorities or processes seem to have been employed, either for detection or punishment.[ ] slavery, common to all the coast families, is also practiced by the chinooks, but there is less difference here perhaps than elsewhere between the condition of the slaves and the free. obtained from without the limits of the family, towards the south or east, by war, or more commonly by trade, the slaves are obliged to perform all the drudgery for their masters, and their children must remain in their parents' condition, their round heads serving as a distinguishing mark from freemen. but the amount of the work connected with the chinook household is never great, and so long as the slaves are well and strong, they are liberally fed and well treated. true, many instances are known of slaves murdered by the whim of a cruel and rich master, and it was not very uncommon to kill slaves on the occasion of the death of prominent persons, but wives and friends are also known to have been sacrificed on similar occasions. no burial rights are accorded to slaves, and no care taken of them in serious illness; when unable to work they are left to die, and their bodies cast into the sea or forest as food for fish or beast. it was not a rare occurrence for a freeman to voluntarily subject himself to servitude in payment of a gambling-debt; nor for a slave to be adopted into the tribe, and the privilege of head-flattening accorded to his offspring.[ ] [sidenote: marital relations of the chinooks.] not only were the chinooks a peaceable people in their tribal intercourse, but eminently so in their family relations. the young men when they married brought their wives to their father's home, and thus several generations lived amicably in their large dwellings until forced to separate by numbers, the chief authority being exercised not by the oldest but by the most active and useful member of the household. overtures for marriage were made by friends of the would-be bridegroom, who offered a certain price, and if accepted by the maiden's parents, the wedding ceremony was celebrated simply by an interchange and exhibition of presents with the congratulations of invited guests. a man might take as many wives as he could buy and support, and all lived together without jealousy; but practically few, and those among the rich and powerful, indulged in the luxury of more than one wife. it has been noticed that there was often great disparity in the ages of bride and groom, for, say the chinooks, a very young or very aged couple lack either the experience or the activity necessary for fighting the battles of life. divorce or separation is easily accomplished, but is not of frequent occurrence. a husband can repudiate his wife for infidelity, or any cause of dissatisfaction, and she can marry again. some cases are known of infidelity punished with death. barrenness is common, the birth of twins rare, and families do not usually exceed two children. childbirth, as elsewhere among aboriginals, is accompanied with but little inconvenience, and children are often nursed until three or five years old. they are carried about on the mother's back until able to walk; at first in the head-flattening cradle, and later in wicker baskets. unmarried women have not the slightest idea of chastity, and freely bestow their favors in return for a kindness, or for a very small consideration in property paid to themselves or parents. when married, all this is changed--female virtue acquires a marketable value, the possessorship being lodged in the man and not in the woman. rarely are wives unfaithful to their husbands; but the chastity of the wife is the recognized property of the husband, who sells it whenever he pleases. although attaching no honor to chastity, the chinook woman feels something like shame at becoming the mother of an illegitimate child, and it is supposed to be partly from this instinct, that infanticide and abortion are of frequent occurrence. at her first menstruation a girl must perform a certain penance, much less severe, however, than among the northern nations. in some tribes she must bathe frequently for a moon, and rub the body with rotten hemlock, carefully abstaining from all fish and berries which are in season, and remaining closely in the house during a south wind. did she partake of the forbidden food, the fish would leave the streams and the berries drop from the bushes; or did she go out in a south wind, the thunder-bird would come and shake his wings. all thunder-storms are thus caused. both young children and the old and infirm are kindly treated. work is equally divided between the sexes; the women prepare the food which the men provide; they also manufacture baskets and matting; they are nearly as skillful as the men with the canoe, and are consulted on all important matters. their condition is by no means a hard one. it is among tribes that live by the chase or by other means in which women can be of little service, that we find the sex most oppressed and cruelly treated.[ ] [sidenote: chinook feasts and festivities.] like all indians, the chinooks are fond of feasting, but their feasts are simply the coming together of men and women during the fishing season with the determination to eat as much as possible, and this meeting is devoid of those complicated ceremonies of invitation, reception, and social etiquette, observed farther north; nor has any traveler noticed the distribution of property as a feature of these festivals. fantastically dressed and gaudily decked with paint, they are wont to jump about on certain occasions in a hopping, jolting kind of dance, accompanied by songs, beating of sticks, clapping of hands, and occasional yells, the women usually dancing in a separate set. as few visitors mention their dances, it is probable that dancing was less prevalent than with others. their songs were often soft and pleasing, differing in style for various occasions, the words extemporized, the tunes being often sung with meaningless sounds, like our tra-la-la. swan gives examples of the music used under different circumstances. smoking was universal, the leaves of the bear-berry being employed, mixed in later times with tobacco obtained from the whites. smoke is swallowed and retained in the stomach and lungs until partial intoxication ensues. no intoxicating drink was known to them before the whites came, and after their coming for a little time they looked on strong drink with suspicion, and were averse to its use. they are sometimes sober even now, when no whisky is at hand. but the favorite amusement of all the chinook nations is gambling, which occupies the larger part of their time when not engaged in sleeping, eating, or absolutely necessary work. in their games they risk all their property, their wives and children, and in many instances their own freedom, losing all with composure, and nearly always accompanying the game with a song. two persons, or two parties large or small, play one against the other; a banking game is also in vogue, in which one individual plays against all comers. a favorite method is to pass rapidly from hand to hand two small sticks, one of which is marked, the opponent meanwhile guessing at the hand containing the marked stick. the sticks sometimes take the form of discs of the size of a silver dollar, each player having ten; these are wrapped in a mass of fine bark-fibre, shuffled and separated in two portions; the winner naming the bunch containing the marked or trump piece. differently marked sticks may also be shuffled or tossed in the air, and the lucky player correctly names the relative position in which they shall fall. a favorite game of females, called _ahikia_, is played with beaver-teeth, having figured sides, which are thrown like dice; the issue depends on the combinations of figures which are turned up. in all these games the players squat upon mats; sticks are used as counters; and an essential point for a successful gambler is to make as much noise as possible, in order to confuse the judgment of opponents. in still another game the players attempt to roll small pieces of wood between two pins set up a few inches apart, at a distance of ten feet, into a hole in the floor just beyond. the only sports of an athletic nature are shooting at targets with arrows and spears, and a game of ball in which two goals are placed a mile apart, and each party--sometimes a whole tribe--endeavors to force the ball past the other's goal, as in foot-ball, except that the ball is thrown with a stick, to one end of which is fixed a small hoop or ring.[ ] children's sports are described only by swan, and as rag babies and imitated catholic baptisms were the favorite pastimes mentioned, they may be supposed not altogether aboriginal. [sidenote: customs and superstitions.] personal names with the chinooks are hereditary, but in many cases they either have no meaning or their original signification is soon forgotten. they are averse to telling their true name to strangers, for fear, as they sometimes say, that it may be stolen; the truth is, however, that with them the name assumes a personality; it is the shadow or spirit, or other self, of the flesh and blood person, and between the name and the individual there is a mysterious connection, and injury cannot be done to one without affecting the other; therefore, to give one's name to a friend is a high mark of chinook favor. no account is kept of age. they are believers in sorcery and secret influences, and not without fear of their medicine-men or conjurers, but, except perhaps in their quality of physicians, the latter do not exert the influence which is theirs farther north; their ceremonies and tricks are consequently fewer and less ridiculous. inventions of the whites not understood by the natives are looked on with great superstition. it was, for instance, very difficult at first to persuade them to risk their lives before a photographic apparatus, and this for the reason before mentioned; they fancied that their spirit thus passed into the keeping of others, who could torment it at pleasure.[ ] consumption, liver complaint and ophthalmia are the most prevalent chinook maladies; to which, since the whites came, fever and ague have been added, and have killed eighty or ninety per cent. of the whole people, utterly exterminating some tribes. the cause of this excessive mortality is supposed to be the native method of treatment, which allays a raging fever by plunging the patient in the river or sea. on the columbia this alleviating plunge is preceded by violent perspiration in a vapor bath; consequently the treatment has been much more fatal there than on the coast where the vapor bath is not in use. for slight ills and pains, especially for external injuries, the chinooks employ simple remedies obtained from various plants and trees. many of these remedies have been found to be of actual value, while others are evidently quack nostrums, as when the ashes of the hair of particular animals are considered essential ingredients of certain ointments. fasting and bathing serve to relieve many slight internal complaints. strangely enough, they never suffer from diseases of the digestive organs, notwithstanding the greasy compounds used as food. when illness becomes serious or refuses to yield to simple treatment, the conclusion is that either the spirits of the dead are striving to remove the spirit of the sick person from the troubles of earth to a happier existence, or certain evil spirits prefer this world and the patient's body for their dwelling-place. then the doctor is summoned. medical celebrities are numerous, each with his favorite method of treatment, but all agree that singing, beating of sticks, indeed a noise, however made, accompanied by mysterious passes and motions, with violent pressure and kneading of the body are indispensable. the patient frequently survives the treatment. several observers believe that mesmeric influences are exerted, sometimes with benefit, by the doctors in their mummeries.[ ] [sidenote: chinook burial rites.] when the chinook dies, relatives are careful to speak in whispers, and indulge in no loud manifestations of grief so long as the body remains in the house. the body is prepared for final disposition by wrapping it in blankets, together with ornaments and other property of a valuable but not bulky nature. for a burial place an elevated but retired spot near the river bank or on an island is almost always selected, but the methods of disposing of the dead in these cemeteries differ somewhat among the various tribes. in the region about the mouth of the columbia, the body with its wrappings is placed in the best canoe of the deceased, which is washed for the purpose, covered with additional blankets, mats, and property, again covered, when the deceased is of the richer class, by another inverted canoe, the whole bound together with matting and cords, and deposited usually on a plank platform five or six feet high, but sometimes suspended from the branches of trees, or even left on the surface of the ground. the more bulky articles of property, such as utensils, and weapons, are deposited about or hung from the platform, being previously spoiled for use that they may not tempt desecrators among the whites or foreign tribes; or, it may be that the sacrifice or death of the implements is necessary before the spirits of the implements can accompany the spirit of the owner. for the same purpose, and to allow the water to pass off, holes are bored in the bottom of the canoe, the head of the corpse being raised a little higher than the feet. some travelers have observed a uniformity in the position of the canoe, the head pointing towards the east, or down the current of the stream. after about a year, the bones are sometimes taken out and buried, but the canoe and platform are never removed. chiefs' canoes are often repainted. farther up both the columbia and willamette rivers, excavations of little depth are often made, in which bodies are deposited on horizontal boards and covered over with a slightly inclining roof of heavy planks or poles. in these vaults several tiers of corpses are often placed one above another. at the cascades, depositories of the dead have been noticed in the form of a roofed inclosure of planks, eight feet long, six feet wide, and five feet high, with a door in one end, and the whole exterior painted. the calapooyas also buried their dead in regular graves, over which was erected a wooden head-board. desecration of burial places is a great crime with the chinook; he also attaches great importance to having his bones rest in his tribal cemetery wherever he may die. for a long time after a death, relatives repair daily at sunrise and sunset to the vicinity of the grave to sing songs of mourning and praise. until the bones are finally disposed of, the name of the deceased must not be spoken, and for several years it is spoken only with great reluctance. near relatives often change their name under the impression that spirits will be attracted back to earth if they hear familiar names often repeated. chiefs are supposed to die through the evil influence of another person, and the suspected, though a dear friend, was formerly often sacrificed. the dead bodies of slaves are never touched save by other slaves.[ ] [sidenote: chinook character.] there is little difference of opinion concerning the character of the chinooks. all agree that they are intelligent and very acute in trade; some travelers have found them at different points harmless and inoffensive; and in a few instances honesty has been detected. so much for their good qualities. as to the bad, there is unanimity nearly as great that they are thieves and liars, and for the rest each observer applies to them a selection of such adjectives as lazy, superstitious, cowardly, inquisitive, intrusive, libidinous, treacherous, turbulent, hypocritical, fickle, etc. the clatsops, with some authors, have the reputation of being the most honest and moral; for the lowest position in the scale all the rest might present a claim. it should however be said in their favor that they are devotedly attached to their homes, and treat kindly both their young children and aged parents; also that not a few of their bad traits originated with or have been aggravated by contact with civilization.[ ] the inland families, constituting the fifth and last division of the columbians, inhabit the region between the cascade range and the eastern limit of what i term the pacific states, from ° ´ to ° of north latitude. these bounds are tolerably distinct; though that on the south, separating the eastern portions of the columbian and californian groups, is irregular and marked by no great river, mountain chain, or other prominent physical feature. these inland natives of the northwest occupy, in person, character, and customs, as well as in the location of their home, an intermediate position between the coast people already described--to whom they are pronounced superior in most respects--and the rocky mountain or eastern tribes. travelers crossing the rocky mountains into this territory from the east, or entering it from the pacific by way of the columbia or fraser, note contrasts on passing the limits, sufficient to justify me in regarding its inhabitants as one people for the purposes aimed at in this volume.[ ] instead, therefore, of treating each family separately, as has been done with the coast divisions of the group, i deem it more convenient, as well as less monotonous to the reader, to avoid repetition by describing the manners and customs of all the people within these limits together, taking care to note such variations as may be found to exist. the division into families and nations, made according to principles already sufficiently explained, is as follows, beginning again at the north: [sidenote: the shushwaps.] the shushwaps, our first family division, live between ° ´ and ° in the interior of british columbia, occupying the valleys of the fraser, thompson, and upper columbia rivers with their tributary streams and lakes. they are bounded on the west by the nootkas and on the north by the carriers, from both of which families they seem to be distinct. as national divisions of this family may be mentioned the shushwaps proper, or _atnahs_,[ ] who occupy the whole northern portion of the territory; the _okanagans_,[ ] in the valley of the lake and river of the same name; and the _kootenais_,[ ] who inhabit the triangle bounded by the upper columbia, the rocky mountains, and the th parallel, living chiefly on flatbow river and lake. all three nations might probably be joined with quite as much reason to the salish family farther south, as indeed has usually been done with the okanagans; while the kootenais are by some considered distinct from any of their adjoining nations. the salish family dwells south of the shushwaps, between ° and °, altogether on the columbia and its tributaries. its nations, more clearly defined than in most other families, are the _flatheads_,[ ] or salish proper, between the bitter root and rocky mountains on flathead and clarke rivers; the _pend d'oreilles_,[ ] who dwell about the lake of the same name and on clarke river, for fifty to seventy-five miles above and below the lake; the _coeurs d'alêne_,[ ] south of the pend d'oreilles, on coeur d'alêne lake and the streams falling into it; the _colvilles_,[ ] a term which may be used to designate the variously named bands about kettle falls, and northward along the columbia to the arrow lakes; the _spokanes_,[ ] on the spokane river and plateau along the columbia below kettle falls, nearly to the mouth of the okanagan; and the _pisquouse_,[ ] on the west bank of the columbia between the okanagan and priest rapids. [sidenote: the sahaptin family.] the sahaptin family, the last of the columbian group, is immediately south of the salish, between the cascade and bitter root mountains, reaching southward, in general terms, to the forty-fifth parallel, but very irregularly bounded by the shoshone tribes of the californian group. of its nations, the _nez percés_,[ ] or sahaptins proper, dwell on the clearwater and its branches, and on the snake about the forks; the _palouse_[ ] occupy the region north of the snake about the mouth of the palouse; the south banks of the columbia and snake near their confluence, and the banks of the lower walla walla are occupied by the _walla wallas_;[ ] the _yakimas_ and _kliketats_[ ] inhabit the region north of the dalles, between the cascade range and the columbia, the former in the valley of the yakima, the latter in the mountains about mt. adams. both nations extend in some bands across into the territory of the sound family. the natives of oregon east of the cascade range, who have not usually been included in the sahaptin family, i will divide somewhat arbitrarily into the _wascos_, extending from the mountains eastward to john day river, and the _cayuse_,[ ] from this river across the blue mountains to the grande ronde. [sidenote: physique of the inland tribes.] the inland columbians are of medium stature, usually from five feet seven to five feet ten inches, but sometimes reaching a height of six feet; spare in flesh, but muscular and symmetrical; with well-formed limbs, the legs not being deformed as among the chinooks by constant sitting in the canoe; feet and hands are in many tribes small and well made. in bodily strength they are inferior to whites, but superior, as might be expected from their habits, to the more indolent fish-eaters on the pacific. the women, though never corpulent, are more inclined to rotundity than the men. the nez percés and cayuses are considered the best specimens, while in the north the kootenais seem to be superior to the other shushwap nations. the salish are assigned by wilkes and hale an intermediate place in physical attributes between the coast and mountain tribes, being in stature and proportion superior to the chinooks, but inferior to the nez percés.[ ] inland, a higher order of face is observed than on the coast. the cheek-bones are still high, the forehead is rather low, the face long, the eyes black, rarely oblique, the nose prominent and frequently aquiline, the lips thin, the teeth white and regular but generally much worn. the general expression of the features is stern, often melancholy, but not as a rule harsh or repulsive. dignified, fine-looking men, and handsome young women have been remarked in nearly all the tribes, but here again the sahaptins bear off the palm. the complexion is not darker than on the coast, but has more of a coppery hue. the hair is black, generally coarse, and worn long. the beard is very thin, and its growth is carefully prevented by plucking.[ ] [sidenote: head-flattening in the interior.] the custom of head-flattening, apparently of seaboard origin and growth, extends, nevertheless, across the cascade barrier, and is practiced to a greater or less extent by all the tribes of the sahaptin family. among them all, however, with the exception perhaps of the kliketats, the deformity consists only of a very slight compression of the forehead, which nearly or quite disappears at maturity. the practice also extends inland up the valley of the fraser, and is found at least in nearly all the more western tribes of the shushwaps. the salish family do not flatten the skull.[ ] other methods of deforming the person, such as tattooing and perforating the features are as a rule not employed; the yakimas and kliketats, however, with some other lower columbia tribes, pierce or cut away the septum of the nose,[ ] and the nez percés probably derived their name from a similar custom formerly practiced by them. paint, however, is used by all inland as well as coast tribes on occasions when decoration is desired, but applied in less profusion by the latter. the favorite color is vermilion, applied as a rule only to the face and hair.[ ] elaborate hair-dressing is not common, and both sexes usually wear the hair in the same style, soaked in grease, often painted, and hanging in a natural state, or in braids, plaits, or queues, over the shoulders. some of the southern tribes cut the hair across the forehead, while others farther north tie it up in knots on the back of the head.[ ] the coast dress--robes or blankets of bark-fibre or small skins--is also used for some distance inland on the banks of the columbia and fraser, as among the nicoutamuch, kliketats, and wascos; but the distinctive inland dress is of dressed skin of deer, antelope, or mountain sheep; made into a rude frock, or shirt, with loose sleeves; leggins reaching half-way up the thigh, and either bound to the leg or attached by strings to a belt about the waist; moccasins, and rarely a cap. men's frocks descend half-way to the knees; women's nearly to the ankles. over this dress, or to conceal the want of some part of it, a buffalo or elk robe is worn, especially in winter. all garments are profusely and often tastefully decorated with leather fringes, feathers, shells, and porcupine quills; beads, trinkets and various bright-colored cloths having been added to indian ornamentation since the whites came. a new suit of this native skin clothing is not without beauty, but by most tribes the suit is worn without change till nearly ready to drop off, and becomes disgustingly filthy. some tribes clean and whiten their clothing occasionally with white earth, or pipe-clay. the buffalo and most of the other large skins are obtained from the country east of the mountains.[ ] [sidenote: inland dwellings.] the inland dwelling is a frame of poles, covered with rush matting, or with the skins of the buffalo or elk. as a rule the richest tribes and individuals use skins, although many of the finest sahaptin houses are covered with mats only. notwithstanding these nations are rich in horses, i find no mention that horse-hides are ever employed for this or any other purpose. the form of the lodge is that of a tent, conical or oblong, and usually sharp at the top, where an open space is left for light and air to enter, and smoke to escape. their internal condition presents a marked contrast with that of the chinook and nootka habitations, since they are by many interior tribes kept free from vermin and filth. their light material and the frequency with which their location is changed contributes to this result. the lodges are pitched by the women, who acquire great skill and celerity in the work. holes are left along the sides for entrance, and within, a floor of sticks is laid, or more frequently the ground is spread with mats, and skins serve for beds. dwellings are often built sufficiently large to accommodate many families, each of which in such case has its own fireplace on a central longitudinal line, a definite space being allotted for its goods, but no dividing partitions are ever used. the dwellings are arranged in small villages generally located in winter on the banks of small streams a little away from the main rivers. for a short distance up the columbia, houses similar to those of the chinooks are built of split cedar and bark. the walla wallas, living in summer in the ordinary mat lodge, often construct for winter a subterranean abode by digging a circular hole ten or twelve feet deep, roofing it with poles or split cedar covered with grass and mud, leaving a small opening at the top for exit and entrance by means of a notched-log ladder. the atnahs on fraser river spend the winter in similar structures, a simple slant roof of mats or bark sufficing for shade and shelter in summer. the okanagans construct their lodges over an excavation in the ground several feet deep, and like many other nations, cover their matting in winter with grass and earth.[ ] [sidenote: food of the inland nations.] the inland families eat fish and game, with roots and fruit; no nation subsists without all these supplies; but the proportion of each consumed varies greatly according to locality. some tribes divide their forces regularly into bands, of men to fish and hunt, of women to cure fish and flesh, and to gather roots and berries. i have spoken of the coast tribes as a fish-eating, and the interior tribes as a hunting people, attributing in great degree their differences of person and character to their food, or rather to their methods of obtaining it; yet fish constitutes an important element of inland subsistence as well. few tribes live altogether without salmon, the great staple of the northwest; since those dwelling on streams inaccessible to the salmon by reason of intervening falls, obtain their supply by annual migrations to the fishing-grounds, or by trade with other nations. the principal salmon fisheries of the columbia are at the dalles, the falls ten miles above, and at kettle falls. other productive stations are on the powder, snake, yakima, okanagan, and clarke rivers. on the fraser, which has no falls in its lower course, fishing is carried on all along the banks of the river instead of at regular stations, as on the columbia. nets, weirs, hooks, spears, and all the implements and methods by which fish are taken and cured have been sufficiently described in treating of the coast region; in the interior i find no important variations except in the basket method in use at the chaudières or kettle falls by the quiarlpi tribe. here an immense willow basket, often ten feet in diameter and twelve feet deep, is suspended at the falls from strong timbers fixed in crevices of the rocks, and above this is a frame so attached that the salmon in attempting to leap the fall strike the sticks of the frame and are thrown back into the basket, in the largest of which naked men armed with clubs await them. five thousand pounds of salmon have thus been taken in a day by means of a single basket. during the fishing-season the salmon chief has full authority; his basket is the largest, and must be located a month before others are allowed to fish. the small nets used in the same region have also the peculiarity of a stick which keeps the mouth open when the net is empty, but is removed by the weight of the fish. besides the salmon, sturgeon are extensively taken in the fraser, and in the arrow lakes, while trout and other varieties of small fish abound in most of the streams. the fishing-season is the summer, between june and september, varying a month or more according to locality. this is also the season of trade and festivity, when tribes from all directions assemble to exchange commodities, gamble, dance, and in later times to drink and fight.[ ] [sidenote: hunting by shushwaps, salish, and sahaptins.] the larger varieties of game are hunted by the natives on horseback wherever the nature of the country will permit. buffalo are now never found west of the rocky mountains, and there are but few localities where large game has ever been abundant, at least since the country became known to white men. consequently the flatheads, nez percés, and kootenais, the distinctively hunting nations, as well as bands from nearly every other tribe, cross the mountains once or twice each year, penetrating to the buffalo-plains between the yellowstone and the missouri, in the territory of hostile nations. the bow and arrow was the weapon with which buffalo and all other game were shot. no peculiar cunning seems to have been necessary to the native hunter of buffalo; he had only to ride into the immense herds on his well-trained horse, and select the fattest animals for his arrows. various devices are mentioned as being practiced in the chase of deer, elk, and mountain sheep; such as driving them by a circle of fire on the prairie towards the concealed hunters, or approaching within arrow-shot by skillful manipulations of a decoy animal; or the frightened deer are driven into an ambush by converging lines of bright-colored rags so placed in the bushes as to represent men. kane states that about the arrow lakes hunting dogs are trained to follow the deer and to bring back the game to their masters even from very long distances. deer are also pursued in the winter on snow-shoes, and in deep snow often knocked down with clubs. bear and beaver are trapped in some places; and, especially about the northern lakes and marshes, wild fowl are very abundant, and help materially to eke out the supply of native food.[ ] [sidenote: food and its preparation.] their natural improvidence, or an occasional unlucky hunting or fishing season, often reduces them to want, and in such case the resort is to roots, berries, and mosses, several varieties of which are also gathered and laid up as a part of their regular winter supplies. chief among the roots are the camass, a sweet, onion-like bulb, which grows in moist prairies, the couse, which flourishes in more sterile and rocky spots, and the bitter-root, which names a valley and mountain range. to obtain these roots the natives make regular migrations, as for game or fish. the varieties of roots and berries used for food are very numerous; and none seem to grow in the country which to the native taste are unpalatable or injurious, though many are both to the european.[ ] towards obtaining food the men hunt and fish; all the other work of digging roots, picking berries, as well as dressing, preserving, and cooking all kinds of food is done by the women, with some exceptions among the nez percés and pend d'oreilles. buffalo-meat is jerked by cutting in thin pieces and drying in the sun and over smouldering fires on scaffolds of poles. fish is sun-dried on scaffolds, and by some tribes on the lower columbia is also pulverized between two stones and packed in baskets lined with fish-skin. here, as on the coast, the heads and offal only are eaten during the fishing-season. the walla wallas are said usually to eat fish without cooking. roots, mosses, and such berries as are preserved, are usually kept in cakes, which for eating are moistened, mixed in various proportions and cooked, or eaten without preparation. to make the cakes simply drying, pulverizing, moistening, and sun-drying usually suffice; but camas and pine-moss are baked or fermented for several days in an underground kiln by means of hot stones, coming out in the form of a dark gluey paste of the proper consistency for moulding. many of these powdered roots may be preserved for years without injury. boiling by means of hot stones and roasting on sharp sticks fixed in the ground near the fire, are the universal methods of cooking. no mention is made of peculiar customs in eating; to eat often and much is the aim; the style of serving is a secondary consideration.[ ] life with all these nations is but a struggle for food, and the poorer tribes are often reduced nearly to starvation; yet they never are known to kill dogs or horses for food. about the missions and on the reservations cattle have been introduced and the soil is cultivated by the natives to considerable extent.[ ] [sidenote: personal habits in the interior.] in their personal habits, as well as the care of their lodges, the cayuses, nez percés, and kootenais, are mentioned as neat and cleanly; the rest, though filthy, are still somewhat superior to the dwellers on the coast. the flatheads wash themselves daily, but their dishes and utensils never. de smet represents the pend d'oreille women as untidy even for savages.[ ] guns, knives and tomahawks have generally taken the place of such native weapons as these natives may have used against their foes originally. only the bow and arrow have survived intercourse with white men, and no other native weapon is described, except one peculiar to the okanagans,--a kind of indian slung-shot. this is a small cylindrical ruler of hard wood, covered with raw hide, which at one end forms a small bag and holds a round stone as large as a goose-egg; the other end of the weapon is tied to the wrist. arrow-shafts are of hard wood, carefully straightened by rolling between two blocks, fitted by means of sinews with stone or flint heads at one end, and pinnated with feathers at the other. the most elastic woods are chosen for the bow, and its force is augmented by tendons glued to its back.[ ] [sidenote: the inland nations at war.] the inland families cannot be called a warlike race. resort to arms for the settlement of their intertribal disputes seems to have been very rare. yet all are brave warriors when fighting becomes necessary for defense or vengeance against a foreign foe; notably so the cayuses, nez percés, flatheads and kootenais. the two former waged both aggressive and defensive warfare against the snakes of the south; while the latter joined their arms against their common foes, the eastern blackfeet, who, though their inferiors in bravery, nearly exterminated the flathead nation by superiority in numbers, and by being the first to obtain the white man's weapons. departure on a warlike expedition is always preceded by ceremonious preparation, including councils of the wise, great, and old; smoking the pipe, harangues by the chiefs, dances, and a general review, or display of equestrian feats and the manoeuvres of battle. the warriors are always mounted; in many tribes white or speckled war-horses are selected, and both rider and steed are gaily painted, and decked with feathers, trinkets, and bright-colored cloths. the war-party in most nations is under the command of a chief periodically elected by the tribe, who has no authority whatever in peace, but who keeps his soldiers in the strictest discipline in time of war. stealthy approach and an unexpected attack in the early morning constitute their favorite tactics. they rush on the enemy like a whirlwind, with terrific yells, discharge their guns or arrows, and retire to prepare for another attack. the number slain is rarely large; the fall of a few men, or the loss of a chief decides the victory. when a man falls, a rush is made for his scalp, which is defended by his party, and a fierce hand-to-hand conflict ensues, generally terminating the battle. after the fight, or before it when either party lacks confidence in the result, a peace is made by smoking the pipe, with the most solemn protestations of goodwill, and promises which neither party has the slightest intention of fulfilling. the dead having been scalped, and prisoners bound and taken up behind the victors, the party starts homeward. torture of the prisoners, chiefly perpetrated by the women, follows the arrival. by the flatheads and northern nations captives are generally killed by their sufferings; among the sahaptins some survive and are made slaves. in the flathead torture of the blackfeet are practiced all the fiendish acts of cruelty that native cunning can devise, all of which are borne with the traditional stoicism and taunts of the north american indian. the nez percé system is a little less cruel in order to save life for future slavery. day after day, at a stated hour, the captives are brought out and made to hold the scalps of their dead friends aloft on poles while the scalp-dance is performed about them, the female participators meanwhile exerting all their devilish ingenuity in tormenting their victims.[ ] the native saddle consists of a rude wooden frame, under and over which is thrown a buffalo-robe, and which is bound to the horse by a very narrow thong of hide in place of the mexican _cincha_. a raw-hide crupper is used; a deer-skin pad sometimes takes the place of the upper robe, or the robe and pad are used without the wooden frame. stirrups are made by binding three straight pieces of wood or bone together in triangular form, and sometimes covering all with raw-hide put on wet; or one straight piece is suspended from a forked thong, and often the simple thong passing round the foot suffices. the bridle is a rope of horse-hair or of skin, made fast with a half hitch round the animal's lower jaw. the same rope usually serves for bridle and lariat. sharp bones, at least in later times, are used for spurs. wood is split for the few native uses by elk-horn wedges driven by bottle-shaped stone mallets. baskets and vessels for holding water and cooking are woven of willow, bark, and grasses. rushes, growing in all swampy localities are cut of uniform length, laid parallel and tied together for matting. rude bowls and spoons are sometimes dug out of horn or wood, but the fingers, with pieces of bark and small mats are the ordinary table furniture. skins are dressed by spreading, scraping off the flesh, and for some purposes the hair, with a sharp piece of bone, stone, or iron attached to a short handle, and used like an adze. the skin is then smeared with the animal's brains, and rubbed or pounded by a very tedious process till it becomes soft and white, some hides being previously smoked and bleached with white clay.[ ] [sidenote: preparation of skins. river-boats.] on the lower columbia the wascos, kliketats, walla wallas, and other tribes use dug-out boats like those of the coast, except that little skill or labor is expended on their construction or ornamentation; the only requisite being supporting capacity, as is natural in a country where canoes play but a small part in the work of procuring food. farther in the interior the mountain tribes of the sahaptin family, as the cayuses and nez percés, make no boats, but use rude rafts or purchase an occasional canoe from their neighbors, for the rare cases when it becomes necessary to transport property across an unfordable stream. the flatheads sew up their lodge-skins into a temporary boat for the same purpose. on the fraser the nootka dug-out is in use. but on the northern lakes and rivers of the interior, the pend d'oreille, flatbow, arrow, and okanagan, northward to the tacully territory, the natives manufacture and navigate bark canoes. both birch and pine are employed, by stretching it over a cedar hoop-work frame, sewing the ends with fine roots, and gumming the seams and knots. the form is very peculiar; the stem and stern are pointed, but the points are on a level with the bottom of the boat, and the slope or curve is upward towards the centre. travelers describe them as carrying a heavy load, but easily capsized unless when very skillfully managed.[ ] [sidenote: horses, property, and trade.] horses constitute the native wealth, and poor indeed is the family which has not for each member, young and old, an animal to ride, as well as others sufficient to transport all the household goods, and to trade for the few foreign articles needed. the nez percés, cayuses and walla wallas have more and better stock than other nations, individuals often possessing bands of from one thousand to three thousand. the kootenais are the most northern equestrian tribes mentioned. how the natives originally obtained horses is unknown, although there are some slight traditions in support of the natural supposition that they were first introduced from the south by way of the shoshones. the latter are one people with the comanches, by whom horses were obtained during the spanish expeditions to new mexico in the sixteenth century. the horses of the natives are of small size, probably degenerated from a superior stock, but hardy and surefooted; sustaining hunger and hard usage better than those of the whites, but inferior to them in form, action, and endurance. all colors are met with, spotted and mixed colors being especially prized.[ ] the different articles of food, skins and grasses for clothing and lodges and implements, shells and trinkets for ornamentation and currency are also bartered between the nations, and the annual summer gatherings on the rivers serve as fairs for the display and exchange of commodities; some tribes even visit the coast for purposes of trade. smoking the pipe often precedes and follows a trade, and some peculiar commercial customs prevail, as for instance when a horse dies soon after purchase, the price may be reclaimed. the rights of property are jealously defended, but in the salish nations, according to hale, on the death of a father his relatives seize the most valuable property with very little attention to the rights of children too young to look out for their own interests.[ ] indeed, i have heard of deeds of similar import in white races. in decorative art the inland natives must be pronounced inferior to those of the coast, perhaps only because they have less time to devote to such unproductive labor. sculpture and painting are rare and exceedingly rude. on the coast the passion for ornamentation finds vent in carving and otherwise decorating the canoe, house, and implements; in the interior it expends itself on the caparison of the horse, or in bead and fringe work on garments. systems of numeration are simple, progressing by fours, fives, or tens, according to the different languages, and is sufficiently extensive to include large numbers; but the native rarely has occasion to count beyond a few hundreds, commonly using his fingers as an aid to his numeration. years are reckoned by winters, divided by moons into months, and these months named from the ripening of some plant, the occurrence of a fishing or hunting season, or some other periodicity in their lives, or by the temperature. among the salish the day is divided according to the position of the sun into nine parts. de smet states that maps are made on bark or skins by which to direct their course on distant excursions, and that they are guided at night by the polar star.[ ] [sidenote: chiefs and their authority.] war chiefs are elected for their bravery and past success, having full authority in all expeditions, marching at the head of their forces, and, especially among the flatheads, maintaining the strictest discipline, even to the extent of inflicting flagellation on insubordinates. with the war their power ceases, yet they make no effort by partiality during office to insure re-election, and submit without complaint to a successor. except by the war chiefs no real authority is exercised. the regular chieftainship is hereditary so far as any system is observed, but chiefs who have raised themselves to their position by their merits are mentioned among nearly all the nations. the leaders are always men of commanding influence and often of great intelligence. they take the lead in haranguing at the councils of wise men, which meet to smoke and deliberate on matters of public moment. these councils decide the amount of fine necessary to atone for murder, theft, and the few crimes known to the native code; a fine, the chief's reprimand, and rarely flogging, probably not of native origin, are the only punishments; and the criminal seldom attempts to escape. as the more warlike nations have especial chiefs with real power in time of war, so the fishing tribes, some of them, grant great authority to a 'salmon chief' during the fishing-season. but the regular inland chiefs never collect taxes nor presume to interfere with the rights or actions of individuals or families.[ ] prisoners of war, not killed by torture, are made slaves, but they are few in number, and their children are adopted into the victorious tribe. hereditary slavery and the slave-trade are unknown. the shushwaps are said to have no slaves.[ ] [sidenote: family relations.] in choosing a helpmate, or helpmates, for his bed and board, the inland native makes capacity for work the standard of female excellence, and having made a selection buys a wife from her parents by the payment of an amount of property, generally horses, which among the southern nations must be equaled by the girl's parents. often a betrothal is made by parents while both parties are yet children, and such a contract, guaranteed by an interchange of presents, is rarely broken. to give away a wife without a price is in the highest degree disgraceful to her family. besides payment of the price, generally made for the suitor by his friends, courtship in some nations includes certain visits to the bride before marriage; and the spokane suitor must consult both the chief and the young lady, as well as her parents; indeed the latter may herself propose if she wishes. runaway matches are not unknown, but by the nez percés the woman is in such cases considered a prostitute, and the bride's parents may seize upon the man's property. many tribes seem to require no marriage ceremony, but in others an assemblage of friends for smoking and feasting is called for on such occasions; and among the flatheads more complicated ceremonies are mentioned, of which long lectures to the couple, baths, change of clothing, torch-light processions, and dancing form a part. in the married state the wife must do all the heavy work and drudgery, but is not otherwise ill treated, and in most tribes her rights are equally respected with those of the husband. [sidenote: women and children.] when there are several wives each occupies a separate lodge, or at least has a separate fire. among the spokanes a man marrying out of his own tribe joins that of his wife, because she can work better in a country to which she is accustomed; and in the same nation all household goods are considered as the wife's property. the man who marries the eldest daughter is entitled to all the rest, and parents make no objection to his turning off one in another's favor. either party may dissolve the marriage at will, but property must be equitably divided, the children going with the mother. discarded wives are often reinstated. if a kliketat wife die soon after marriage, the husband may reclaim her price; the nez percé may not marry for a year after her death, but he is careful to avoid the inconvenience of this regulation by marrying just before that event. the salish widow must remain a widow for about two years, and then must marry agreeably to her mother-in-law's taste or forfeit her husband's property.[ ] the women make faithful, obedient wives and affectionate mothers. incontinence in either girls or married women is extremely rare, and prostitution almost unknown, being severely punished, especially among the nez percés. in this respect the inland tribes present a marked contrast to their coast neighbors.[ ] at the first appearance of the menses the woman must retire from the sight of all, especially men, for a period varying from ten days to a month, and on each subsequent occasion for two or three days, and must be purified by repeated ablutions before she may resume her place in the household. also at the time of her confinement she is deemed unclean, and must remain for a few weeks in a separate lodge, attended generally by an old woman. the inland woman is not prolific, and abortions are not uncommon, which may probably be attributed in great measure to her life of labor and exposure. children are not weaned till between one and two years of age; sometimes not until they abandon the breast of their own accord or are supplanted by a new arrival; yet though subsisting on the mother's milk alone, and exposed with slight clothing to all extremes of weather, they are healthy and robust, being carried about in a rude cradle on the mother's back, or mounted on colts and strapped to the saddle that they may not fall off when asleep. after being weaned the child is named after some animal, but the name is changed frequently later in life.[ ] although children and old people are as a rule kindly cared for, yet so great the straits to which the tribes are reduced by circumstances, that both are sometimes abandoned if not put to death.[ ] [sidenote: games in the interior.] the annual summer gathering on the river banks for fishing and trade, and, among the mountain nations, the return from a successful raid in the enemy's country, are the favorite periods for native diversions.[ ] to gambling they are no less passionately addicted in the interior than on the coast,[ ] but even in this universal indian vice, their preference for horse-racing, the noblest form of gaming, raises them above their stick-shuffling brethren of the pacific. on the speed of his horse the native stakes all he owns, and is discouraged only when his animal is lost, and with it the opportunity to make up past losses in another race. foot-racing and target-shooting, in which men, women and children participate, also afford them indulgence in their gambling propensities and at the same time develop their bodies by exercise, and perfect their skill in the use of their native weapon.[ ] the colvilles have a game, _alkollock_, played with spears. a wooden ring some three inches in diameter is rolled over a level space between two slight stick barriers about forty feet apart; when the ring strikes the barrier the spear is hurled so that the ring will fall over its head; and the number scored by the throw depends on which of six colored beads, attached to the hoop's inner circumference, falls over the spear's head.[ ] the almost universal columbian game of guessing which hand contains a small polished bit of bone or wood is also a favorite here, and indeed the only game of the kind mentioned; it is played, to the accompaniment of songs and drumming, by parties sitting in a circle on mats, the shuffler's hands being often wrapped in fur, the better to deceive the players.[ ] all are excessively fond of dancing and singing; but their songs and dances, practiced on all possible occasions, have not been, if indeed they can be, described. they seem merely a succession of sounds and motions without any fixed system. pounding on rude drums of hide accompanies the songs, which are sung without words, and in which some listeners have detected a certain savage melody. scalp-dances are performed by women hideously painted, who execute their diabolical antics in the centre of a circle formed by the rest of the tribe who furnish music to the dancers.[ ] all are habitual smokers, always inhaling the smoke instead of puffing it out after the manner of more civilized devotees of the weed. to obtain tobacco the native will part with almost any other property, but no mention is made of any substitute used in this region before the white man came. besides his constant use of the pipe as an amusement or habit, the inland native employs it regularly to clear his brain for the transaction of important business. without the pipe no war is declared, no peace officially ratified; in all promises and contracts it serves as the native pledge of honor; with ceremonial whiffs to the cardinal points the wise men open and close the deliberations of their councils; a commercial smoke clinches a bargain, as it also opens negotiations of trade.[ ] [sidenote: treatment of horses.] the use of the horse has doubtless been a most powerful agent in molding inland customs; and yet the introduction of the horse must have been of comparatively recent date. what were the customs and character of these people, even when america was first discovered by the spaniards, must ever be unknown. it is by no means certain that the possession of the horse has materially bettered their condition. indeed, by facilitating the capture of buffalo, previously taken perhaps by stratagem, by introducing a medium with which at least the wealthy may always purchase supplies, as well as by rendering practicable long migrations for food and trade, the horse may have contributed somewhat to their present spirit of improvidence. the horses feed in large droves, each marked with some sign of ownership, generally by clipping the ears, and when required for use are taken by the lariat, in the use of which all the natives have some skill, though far inferior to the mexican _vaqueros_. the method of breaking and training horses is a quick and an effectual one. it consists of catching and tying the animal; then buffalo-skins and other objects are thrown at and upon the trembling beast, until all its fear is frightened out of it. when willing to be handled, horses are treated with great kindness, but when refractory, the harshest measures are adopted. they are well trained to the saddle, and accustomed to be mounted from either side. they are never shod and never taught to trot. the natives are skillful riders, so far as the ability to keep their seat at great speed over a rough country is concerned, but they never ride gracefully, and rarely if ever perform the wonderful feats of horsemanship so often attributed to the western indians. a loose girth is used under which to insert the knees when riding a wild horse. they are hard riders, and horses in use always have sore backs and mouths. women ride astride, and quite as well as the men; children also learn to ride about as early as to walk.[ ] each nation has its superstitions; by each individual is recognized the influence of unseen powers, exercised usually through the medium of his medicine animal chosen early in life. the peculiar customs arising from this belief in the supernatural are not very numerous or complicated, and belong rather to the religion of these people treated elsewhere. the pend d'oreille, on approaching manhood, was sent by his father to a high mountain and obliged to remain until he dreamed of some animal, bird, or fish, thereafter to be his medicine, whose claw, tooth, or feather was worn as a charm. the howling of the medicine-wolf and some other beasts forebodes calamity, but by the okanagans the white-wolf skin is held as an emblem of royalty, and its possession protects the horses of the tribe from evil-minded wolves. a ram's horns left in the trunk of a tree where they were fixed by the misdirected zeal of their owner in attacking a native, were much venerated by the flatheads, and gave them power over all animals so long as they made frequent offerings at the foot of the tree. the nez percés had a peculiar custom of overcoming the _mawish_ or spirit of fatigue, and thereby acquiring remarkable powers of endurance. the ceremony is performed annually from the age of eighteen to forty, lasts each time from three to seven days, and consists of thrusting willow sticks down the throat into the stomach, a succession of hot and cold baths, and abstinence from food. medicine-men acquire or renew their wonderful powers by retiring to the mountains to confer with the wolf. they are then invulnerable; a bullet fired at them flattens on their breast. to allowing their portraits to be taken, or to the operations of strange apparatus they have the same aversion that has been noted on the coast.[ ] steam baths are universally used, not for motives of cleanliness, but sometimes for medical purposes, and chiefly in their superstitious ceremonies of purification. the bath-house is a hole dug in the ground from three to eight feet deep, and sometimes fifteen feet in diameter, in some locality where wood and water are at hand, often in the river bank. it is also built above ground of willow branches covered with grass and earth. only a small hole is left for entrance, and this is closed up after the bather enters. stones are heated by a fire in the bath itself, or are thrown in after being heated outside. in this oven, heated to a suffocating temperature, the naked native revels for a long time in the steam and mud, meanwhile singing, howling, praying, and finally rushes out dripping with perspiration, to plunge into the nearest stream.[ ] every lodge is surrounded by a pack of worthless coyote-looking curs. these are sometimes made to carry small burdens on their backs when the tribe is moving; otherwise no use is made of them, as they are never eaten, and, with perhaps the exception of a breed owned by the okanagans, are never trained to hunt. i give in a note a few miscellaneous customs noticed by travelers.[ ] [sidenote: medical practice.] these natives of the interior are a healthy but not a very long-lived race. ophthalmia, of which the sand, smoke of the lodges, and reflection of the sun's rays on the lakes are suggested as the causes, is more or less prevalent throughout the territory; scrofulous complaints and skin-eruptions are of frequent occurrence, especially in the sahaptin family. other diseases are comparatively rare, excepting of course epidemic disorders like small-pox and measles contracted from the whites, which have caused great havoc in nearly all the tribes. hot and cold baths are the favorite native remedy for all their ills, but other simple specifics, barks, herbs, and gums are employed as well. indeed, so efficacious is their treatment, or rather, perhaps, so powerful with them is nature in resisting disease, that when the locality or cause of irregularity is manifest, as in the case of wounds, fractures, or snake-bites, remarkable cures are ascribed to these people. but here as elsewhere, the sickness becoming at all serious or mysterious, medical treatment proper is altogether abandoned, and the patient committed to the magic powers of the medicine-man. in his power either to cause or cure disease at will implicit confidence is felt, and failure to heal indicates no lack of skill; consequently the doctor is responsible for his patient's recovery, and in case of death is liable to, and often does, answer with his life, so that a natural death among the medical fraternity is extremely rare. his only chance of escape is to persuade relatives of the dead that his ill success is attributable to the evil influence of a rival physician, who is the one to die; or in some cases a heavy ransom soothes the grief of mourning friends and avengers. one motive of the cayuses in the massacre of the whitman family is supposed to have been the missionary's failure to cure the measles in the tribe. he had done his best to relieve the sick, and his power to effect in all cases a complete cure was unquestioned by the natives. the methods by which the medicine-man practices his art are very uniform in all the nations. the patient is stretched on his back in the centre of a large lodge, and his friends few or many sit about him in a circle, each provided with sticks wherewith to drum. the sorcerer, often grotesquely painted, enters the ring, chants a song, and proceeds to force the evil spirit from the sick man by pressing both clenched fists with all his might in the pit of his stomach, kneading and pounding also other parts of the body, blowing occasionally through his own fingers, and sucking blood from the part supposed to be affected. the spectators pound with their sticks, and all, including doctor, and often the patient in spite of himself, keep up a continual song or yell. there is, however, some method in this madness, and when the routine is completed it is again begun, and thus repeated for several hours each day until the case is decided. in many nations the doctor finally extracts the spirit, in the form of a small bone or other object, from the patient's body or mouth by some trick of legerdemain, and this once effected, he assures the surrounding friends that the tormentor having been thus removed, recovery must soon follow.[ ] grief at the death of a relative is manifested by cutting the hair and smearing the face with black. the women also howl at intervals for a period of weeks or even months; but the men on ordinary occasions rarely make open demonstrations of sorrow, though they sometimes shed tears at the death of a son. several instances of suicide in mourning are recorded; a walla walla chieftain caused himself to be buried alive in the grave with the last of his five sons. the death of a wife or daughter is deemed of comparatively little consequence. in case of a tribal disaster, as the death of a prominent chief, or the killing of a band of warriors by a hostile tribe, all indulge in the most frantic demonstrations, tearing the hair, lacerating the flesh with flints, often inflicting serious injury. the sacrifice of human life, generally that of a slave, was practiced, but apparently nowhere as a regular part of the funeral rites. among the flatheads the bravest of the men and women ceremonially bewail the loss of a warrior by cutting out pieces of their own flesh and casting them with roots and other articles into the fire. a long time passes before a dead person's name is willingly spoken in the tribe. the corpse is commonly disposed of by wrapping in ordinary clothing and burying in the ground without a coffin. the northern tribes sometimes suspended the body in a canoe from a tree, while those in the south formerly piled their dead in wooden sheds or sepulchres above ground. the okanagans often bound the body upright to the trunk of a tree. property was in all cases sacrificed; horses usually, and slaves sometimes, killed on the grave. the more valuable articles of wealth were deposited with the body; the rest suspended on poles over and about the grave or left on the surface of the ground; always previously damaged in such manner as not to tempt the sacrilegious thief, for their places of burial are held most sacred. mounds of stones surmounted with crosses indicate in later times the conversion of the natives to a foreign religion.[ ] [sidenote: inland morality.] in character and in morals,[ ] as well as in physique, the inland native is almost unanimously pronounced superior to the dweller on the coast. the excitement of the chase, of war, and of athletic sports ennobles the mind as it develops the body; and although probably not by nature less indolent than their western neighbors, yet are these natives of the interior driven by circumstances to habits of industry, and have much less leisure time for the cultivation of the lower forms of vice. as a race, and compared with the average american aborigines, they are honest, intelligent, and pure in morals. travelers are liable to form their estimate of national character from a view, perhaps unfair and prejudiced, of the actions of a few individuals encountered; consequently qualities the best and the worst have been given by some to each of the nations now under consideration. for the best reputation the nez percés, flatheads and kootenais have always been rivals; their good qualities have been praised by all, priest, trader and tourist. honest, just, and often charitable; ordinarily cold and reserved, but on occasions social and almost gay; quick-tempered and revengeful under what they consider injustice, but readily appeased by kind treatment; cruel only to captive enemies, stoical in the endurance of torture; devotedly attached to home and family; these natives probably come as near as it is permitted to flesh-and-blood savages to the traditional noble red man of the forest, sometimes met in romance. it is the pride and boast of the flathead that his tribe has never shed the blood of a white man. yet none, whatever their tribe, could altogether resist the temptation to steal horses from their neighbors of a different tribe, or in former times, to pilfer small articles, wonderful to the savage eye, introduced by europeans. many have been nominally converted by the zealous labors of the jesuit fathers, or protestant missionaries; and several nations have greatly improved, in material condition as well as in character, under their change of faith. as mr alexander ross remarks, "there is less crime in an indian camp of five hundred souls than there is in a civilized village of but half that number. let the lawyer or moralist point out the cause." tribal boundaries. the columbian group comprises the tribes inhabiting the territory immediately south of that of the hyperboreans, extending from the fifty-fifth to the forty-third parallel of north latitude. [sidenote: the haidah family.] in the haidah family, i include all the coast and island nations of british columbia, from ° to °, and extending inland about one hundred miles to the borders of the chilcoten plain, the _haidah nation_ proper having their home on the queen charlotte islands. 'the haidah tribes of the northern family inhabit queen charlotte's island.' 'the massettes, skittegás, cumshawás, and other (haidah) tribes inhabiting the eastern shores of queen charlotte's island.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'the principal tribes upon it (q. char. isl.) are the sketigets, massets, and comshewars.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . 'tribal names of the principal tribes inhabiting the islands:--klue, skiddan, ninstence or cape st. james, skidagate, skidagatees, gold-harbour, cumshewas, and four others.... hydah is the generic name for the whole.' _poole's q. char. isl._, p. . 'the cumshewar, massit, skittageets, keesarn, and kigarnee, are mentioned as living on the island.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the following bands, viz.: lulanna, (or sulanna), nightan, massetta, (or mosette), necoon, aseguang, (or asequang), skittdegates, cumshawas, skeedans, queeah, cloo, kishawin, kowwelth, (or kawwelth), and too, compose the queen charlotte island indians, 'beginning at n. island, north end, and passing round by the eastward.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; and _kane's wand._, end of vol. 'the hydah nation which is divided into numerous tribes inhabiting the island and the mainland opposite.' _reed's nar._ 'queen charlotte's island and prince of wales archipelago are the country of the haidahs; ... including the kygany, massett, skittegetts, hanega, cumshewas, and other septs.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . 'les indiens koumchaouas, haïdas, massettes, et skidegats, de l'île de la reine charlotte.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . my haidah family is called by warre and vavasour _quacott_, who with the newette and twenty-seven other tribes live, 'from lat. ° to lat. °, including queen charlotte's island; north end of vancouver's island, millbank sound and island, and the main shore.' _martin's hudson's bay_, p. . the massets and thirteen other tribes besides the quacott tribes occupy queen charlotte islands. _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. bay_, p. . the ninstence tribe inhabits 'the southernmost portions of moresby island.' _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. , - . the crosswer indians live on skiddegate channel. _downie_, in _b. col. papers_, vol. iii., p. . the _kaiganies_ inhabit the southern part of the prince of wales archipelago, and the northern part of queen charlotte island. the kygargeys or kygarneys are divided by schoolcraft and kane into the youahnoe, clictass (or clictars), quiahanles, houaguan, (or wonagan), shouagan, (or showgan), chatcheenie, (or chalchuni). _archives_, vol. v., p. ; _wanderings_, end of vol. the kygáni 'have their head-quarters on queen charlotte's archipelago, but there are a few villages on the extreme southern part of prince of wales archipelago.' _dall's alaska_, p. . a colony of the hydahs 'have settled at the southern extremity of prince of wales's archipelago, and in the northern island.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'die kaigàni (kigarnies, kigarnee, kygànies der engländer) bewohnen den südlichen theil der inseln (archipels) des prinzen von wales.' _radloff_, _sprache der kaiganen_, in _mélanges russes_, tom. iii., livrais. v., p. . 'the kegarnie tribe, also in the russian territory, live on an immense island, called north island.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . the hydahs of the south-eastern alexander archipelago include 'the kassaaus, the chatcheenees, and the kaiganees.' _bendel's alex. arch._, p. . 'called kaiganies and kliavakans; the former being near kaigan harbor, and the latter near the gulf of kliavakan scattered along the shore from cordova to tonvel's bay.' _halleck and scott_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. - . 'a branch of this tribe, the kyganies (kigarnies) live in the southern part of the archipel of the prince of wales.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . 'to the west and south of prince of wales island is an off-shoot of the hydah,' indians, called anega or hennegas. _mahony_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _chimsyans_ inhabit the coast and islands about fort simpson. ten tribes of chymsyans at 'chatham sound, portland canal, port essington, and the neighbouring islands.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hudson's bay_, p. . 'the chimsians or fort simpson indians.' _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . 'indians inhabiting the coast and river mouth known by the name of chyniseyans.' _ind. life_, p. . the tsimsheeans live 'in the fort simpson section on the main land.' _poole's q. char. isl._, p. . chimpsains, 'living on chimpsain peninsula.' _scott_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the chimmesyans inhabit 'the coast of the main land from ° ´ n., down to ° ´ n.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the chimseeans 'occupy the country from douglas' canal to nass river.' _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . divided into the following bands; kispachalaidy, kitlan (or ketlane), keeches (or keechis), keenathtoix, kitwillcoits, kitchaclaith, kelutsah (or ketutsah), kenchen kieg, ketandou, ketwilkcipa, who inhabit 'chatham's sound, from portland canal to port essington (into which skeena river discharges) both main land and the neighboring islands.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. the chymsyan connection 'extending from milbank sound to observatory inlet, including the sebassas, neecelowes, nass, and other offsets.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii. p. . mr. duncan divides the natives speaking the tsimshean language into four parts at fort simpson, nass river, skeena river, and the islands of milbank sound. _mayne's b. c._, p. . the keethratlah live 'near fort simpson.' _id._, p. . the _nass_ nation lives on the banks of the nass river, but the name is often applied to all the mainland tribes of what i term the haidah family. the nation consists of the kithateen, kitahon, ketoonokshelk, kinawalax (or kinaroalax), located in that order from the mouth upward. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. four tribes, 'nass river on the main land.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hudson's bay_, p. . 'on observatory inlet, lat. °.' _bryant_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . adjoin the sebassa tribe. _cornwallis' n. el dorado_, p. . about fort simpson. _dunn's oregon_, p. . the hailtsa, haeeltzuk, billechoola, and chimmesyans are nass tribes. _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . see _buschmann_, _brit. nordamer._, pp. - . 'there is a tribe of about souls now living on a westerly branch of the naas near stikeen river; they are called "lackweips" and formerly lived on portland channel.' _scott_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _skeenas_ are on the river of the same name, 'at the mouth of the skeena river.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hudson's bay_, p. . they are the 'kitsalas, kitswingahs, kitsiguchs, kitspayuchs, hagulgets, kitsagas, and kitswinscolds.' _scott_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . keechumakarlo (or keechumakailo) situated 'on the lower part of the skeena river.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. the kitswinscolds live 'between the nass and the skeena.' _scott_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the kitatels live 'on the islands in ogden's channel, about sixty miles below fort simpson.' _id._ the _sebassas_ occupy the shores of gardner channel and the opposite islands. inhabit banks island. _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . the labassas in five tribes are situated on 'gardner's canal, canal de principe, canal de la reida.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hudson's bay_, p. . keekheatla (or keetheatla), on canal de principe; kilcatah, at the entrance of gardner canal; kittamaat (or kittamuat), on the north arm of gardner canal; kitlope on the south arm; neeslous on canal de la reido (reina). _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. 'in the neighbourhood of seal harbour dwell the sebassa tribe.' _cornwallis' n. el dorado_, p. . 'the shebasha, a powerful tribe inhabiting the numerous islands of pitt's archipelago.' _bryant_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . the _millbank sound_ tribes are the onieletoch, weitletoch (or weetletoch), and kokwaiytoch, on millbank sound; eesteytoch, on cascade canal; kuimuchquitoch, on dean canal; bellahoola, at entrance of salmon river of mackenzie; guashilla, on river canal; nalalsemoch, at smith inlet, and weekemoch on calvert island. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., pp. - ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. 'the millbank indians on millbank sound.' _bryant_, in _am. antiq. soc. transact._, vol. ii., p. . the _bellacoolas_ live about the mouth of salmon river. '"bentick's arms"--inhabited by a tribe of indians--the bellaghchoolas. their village is near salmon river.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . the billechoolas live on salmon river in latitude ° ´. _buschmann_, _brit. nordamer._, p. . the bellahoolas 'on the banks of the salmon river.' _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . 'the indians at milbank sound called belbellahs.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . 'spread along the margins of the numerous canals or inlets with which this part of the coast abounds.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'in the neighbourhood of the fort (mcloughlin) was a village of about five hundred ballabollas.' _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . the _hailtzas_, hailtzuks, or haeelzuks 'dwell to the south of the billechoola, and inhabit both the mainland and the northern entrance of vancouver's island from latitude ° ´ n. to ° ´ n.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'the hailtsa commencing in about latitude ° n., and extending through the ramifications of fitzhugh and milbank sounds.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . 'an diesem sunde (milbank) wohnen die hailtsa-indianer.' _buschmann_, _brit. nordamer._, p. ; _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . [sidenote: the nootka family.] the nootka family dwells south of the haidah, occupying the coast of british columbia, from bentinck arms to the mouth of the fraser, and the whole of vancouver island. by other authors the name has been employed to designate a tribe at nootka sound, or applied to nearly all the coast tribes of the columbian group. 'the native population of vancouver island ... is chiefly composed of the following tribes:--north and east coasts (in order in which they stand from north to south)--quackolls, newittees, comuxes, yukletas, suanaimuchs, cowitchins, sanetchs, other smaller tribes;--south coast (... from east to west)--tsomass, tsclallums, sokes, patcheena, sennatuch;--west coast ... (from south to north)--nitteenats, chadukutl, oiatuch, toquatux, schissatuch, upatsesatuch, cojuklesatuch, uqluxlatuch, clayoquots, nootkas, nespods, koskeemos, other small tribes.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . 'in barclay sound: pacheenett, nittinat, ohiat, ouchuchlisit, opecluset, shechart, toquart, ucletah, tsomass;--clayoquot sound: clayoquot, kilsamat, ahouset, mannawousut, ishquat;--nootka sound: matchclats, moachet, neuchallet, ehateset.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'about queen charlotte sound;--naweetee, quacolth, queehavuacolt (or queehaquacoll), marmalillacalla, clowetsus (or clawetsus), murtilpar (or martilpar), nimkish, wewarkka, wewarkkum, clallueis (or clalluiis), cumquekis, laekquelibla, clehuse (or clehure), soiitinu (or soiilenu), quicksutinut (or quicksulinut), aquamish, clelikitte, narkocktau, quainu, exenimuth, (or cexeninuth), tenuckttau, oiclela.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. on the seaboard, south of nitinaht sound, and on the nitinaht river, the pacheenaht and nitinaht tribes; on barclay, otherwise nitinaht sound, the ohyaht, howchuklisaht, opechisaht, seshaht, youclulaht, and toquaht tribes; on klahohquaht sound, the klahohquaht, killsmaht, ahousaht and manohsaht tribes; on nootkah sound, the hishquayaht, muchlaht, moouchat (the so-called nootkahs), ayhuttisaht and noochahlaht; north of nootkah sound, the kyohquaht, chaykisaht, and klahosaht tribes. _sproat's scenes_, p. . alphabetical list of languages on vancouver island: ahowzarts, aitizzarts, aytcharts, cayuquets, eshquates (or esquiates), klahars, klaizzarts, klaooquates (or tlaoquatch), michlaïts, mowatchits, neuchadlits, neuwitties, newchemass, (nuchimas), savinnars, schoomadits, suthsetts, tlaoquatch, wicananish. _buschmann_, _brit. nordamer._, p. . 'among those from the north were the aitizzarts, schoomadits, neuwitties, savinnars, ahowzarts, mowatchits, suthsetts, neuchadlits, michlaits, and cayuquets; the most of whom were considered as tributary to nootka. from the south the aytcharts, and esquiates also tributary, with the klaooquates and the wickanninish, a large and powerful tribe, about two hundred miles distant.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. - . 'tribes situated between nanaimo and fort rupert, on the north of vancouver island, and the mainland indians between the same points ... are divided into several tribes, the nanoose, comoux, nimpkish, quawguult, &c., on the island; and the squawmisht, sechelt, clahoose, ucletah, mamalilaculla, &c., on the coast, and among the small islands off it.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . list of tribes on vancouver island: 'songes, sanetch, kawitchin, uchulta, nimkis, quaquiolts, neweetg, quacktoe, nootka, nitinat, klayquoit, soke.' _findlay's directory_, pp. - . the proper name of the vancouver island tribes is yucuatl. _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the nootka territory 'extends to the northward as far as cape saint james, in the latitude of ° ´ n. ... and to the southward to the islands ... of the wicananish.' _meares' voy._, p. . 'the cawitchans, ucaltas, and coquilths, who are i believe of the same family, occupy the shores of the gulf of georgia and johnston's straits.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . 'twenty-four tribes speaking the challam and cowaitzchim languages, from latitude ° along the coast south to whitby island in latitude °; part of vancouver's island, and the mouth of franc's river.' also on the strait of juan de fuca and vancouver islands, the sanetch, three tribes; hallams, eleven tribes; sinahomish; skatcat; cowitchici, seven tribes; soke; cowitciher, three tribes. _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hudson's bay_, p. ; also in _hazlitt's b. c._, pp. - . five tribes at fort rupert;--quakars, qualquilths, kumcutes, wanlish, lockqualillas. _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . 'the chicklezats and ahazats, inhabiting districts in close proximity on the west coast of vancouver.' _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . 'north of the district occupied by the ucletahs come the nimkish, mamalilacula, matelpy and two or three other smaller tribes. the mamalilaculas live on the mainland.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . the population of vancouver island 'is divided into twelve tribes; of these the kawitchen, quaquidts and nootka are the largest.' _cornwallis' n. el dorado_, p. . 'ouakichs, grande île de quadra et van couver.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . [sidenote: nations inhabiting vancouver island.] in naming the following tribes and nations i will begin at the north and follow the west coast of the island southward, then the east coast and main land northward to the starting-point. the _uclenus_ inhabit scott island. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. the _quanes_ dwell at cape scott. _id._ the _quactoe_ are found in the 'woody part n.w. coast of the island.' _findlay's directory_, p. . the _koskiemos_ and _quatsinos_ live on 'the two sounds bearing those names.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . kuskema, and quatsinu, 'outside vancouver's island south of c. scott.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. the _kycucut_, 'north of nootka sound, is the largest tribe of the west coast.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . the _aitizzarts_ are 'a people living about thirty or forty miles to the northward' of nootka sound. _jewitt's nar._, pp. , . the _ahts_ live on the west coast of the island. 'the localities inhabited by the aht tribes are, chiefly, the three large sounds on the west coast of vancouver island, called nitinaht (or barclay) klahohquaht, and nootkah.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . the _chicklezahts_ and _ahazats_ inhabit districts in close proximity on the west coast of vancouver. _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . the _clayoquots_, or klahohquahts, live at clayoquot sound, and the moouchats at nootka sound. _sproat's scenes_, pp. , . north of the wickininish. _jewitt's nar._, p. . the _toquahts_ are a people 'whose village is in a dreary, remote part of nitinaht (or barclay) sound.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . the _seshats_ live at alberni, barclay sound. _sproat's scenes_, p. . the _pacheenas_, or 'pacheenetts, which i have included in barclay sound, also inhabit port san juan.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . the _tlaoquatch_ occupy the south-western part of vancouver. 'den südwesten der quadra- und vancouver-insel nehmen die tlaoquatch ein, deren sprache mit der vom nutka-sunde verwandt ist.' _buschmann_, _brit. nordamer._, p. . tlaoquatch, or tloquatch, on 'the south-western coast of vancouver's island.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the _sokes_ dwell 'between victoria and barclay sound.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'east point of san juan to the songes territory.' _findlay's directory_, p. . the _wickinninish_ live about two hundred miles south of nootka. _jewitt's nar._, p. . the _songhies_ are 'a tribe collected at and around victoria.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'the songhish tribe, resident near victoria.' _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. . songes, 's.e. part of the island.' _findlay's directory_, p. . the _sanetch_ dwell 'sixty miles n.w. of mount douglas.' _findlay's directory_, p. . the _cowichins_ live 'in the harbour and valley of cowitchen, about miles north of victoria.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'cowichin river, which falls into that (haro) canal about miles n. of cowichin head, and derives its name from the tribe of indians which inhabits the neighbouring country.' _douglas_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxiv., p. . kawitchin, 'country n.w. of sanetch territory to the entrance of johnson's straits.' _findlay's directory_, p. . 'north of fraser's river, and on the opposite shores of vancouver's island.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'north of fraser's river, on the north-west coast.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the _comux_, or komux, 'live on the east coast between the kowitchan and the quoquoulth tribes.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . comoux, south of johnston straits. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. the comoux 'extend as far as cape mudge.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . the _kwantlums_ dwell about the mouth of the fraser. 'at and about the entrance of the fraser river is the kuantlun tribe: they live in villages which extend along the banks of the river as far as langley.' _mayne's b. c._, pp. , . the _teets_ live on the lower frazer river. 'from the falls (of the fraser) downward to the seacoast, the banks of the river are inhabited by several branches of the haitlin or teet tribe.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . 'extending from langley to yale, are the smess, chillwayhook, pallalts, and teates.... the smess indians occupy the smess river and lake, and the chillwayhooks the river and lake of that name.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . teate indians. see _bancroft's map of pac. states_. the _nanaimos_ are 'gathered about the mouth of the fraser.' _mayne's b. c._, p. .--chiefly on a river named the nanaimo, which falls into wentuhuysen inlet. _douglas_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxiv., p. . the _squawmishts_ 'live in howe sound.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . the _sechelts_ live on jervis inlet. _mayne's b. c._, pp. - . the _clahoose_, or klahous, 'live in desolation sound.' _mayne's b. c._, pp. - . the _nanoose_ 'inhabit the harbour and district of that name, which lies miles north of nanaimo.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . the _tacultas_, or tahcultahs, live at point mudge on valdes island. _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . the _ucletas_ are found 'at and beyond cape mudge.' 'they hold possession of the country on both sides of johnstone straits until met or miles south of fort rupert by the nimpkish and mamalilacullas.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . yougletats--'une partie campe sur l'ile vancouver elle-même, le reste habite sur le continent, au nord de la rivière fraser.' _de smet_, _miss. de l'orégon_, p. . yongletats, both on vancouver island, and on the mainland above the fraser river. _bolduc_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cviii., pp. - . the _nimkish_ are 'at the mouth of the nimpkish river, about miles below fort rupert.' _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . the _necultas_ and _queehanicultas_ dwell at the entrance of johnston straits. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _kane's wand._, end of vol. the _quackolls_ and 'two smaller tribes, live at fort rupert.' _mayne's b. c._, pp. , . 'on the north-east side of vancouver's island, are to be found the coquilths.' _cornwallis' n. el dorado_, p. . coquilths, a numerous tribe living at the north-east end. _dunn's oregon_, p. . the cogwell indians live around fort rupert. _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . the _newittees_ 'east of cape scott ... meet the quawguults at fort rupert.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . neweetg, 'at n.w. entrance of johnson's straits.' _findlay's directory_, p. . 'at the northern extremity of the island the newette tribe.' _cornwallis' n. el dorado_, p. . newchemass came to nootka 'from a great way to the northward, and from some distance inland.' _jewitt's nar._, p. . the _saukaulutucks_ inhabit the interior of the northern end of vancouver island. _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . 'at the back of barclay sound, ... about two days' journey into the interior, live the only inland tribe.... they are called the upatse satuch, and consist only of four families.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . [sidenote: the sound family.] the sound family includes all the tribes about puget sound and admiralty inlet, occupying all of washington west of the cascade range, except a narrow strip along the north bank of the columbia. in locating the nations of this family i begin with the extreme north-east, follow the eastern shores of the sound southward, the western shores northward, and the coast of the pacific southward to gray harbor. list of tribes between olympia and nawaukum river. 'staktamish, squaks'namish, sehehwamish, squalliamish, puyallupamish, s'homamish, suquamish, sinahomish, snoqualmook, sinaahmish, nooklummi.' _tolmie_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . a canadian trapper found the following tribes between fort nisqually and fraser river; 'sukwámes, sunahúmes, tshikátstat, puiále, and kawítshin.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. - . cheenales, west; cowlitz, south; and nisqually, east of puget sound. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. , map. the _shimiahmoos_ occupy the 'coast towards frazer's river.' 'between lummi point and frazer's river.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . 'most northern tribe on the american side of the line.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . the _lummis_ 'are divided into three bands--a band for each mouth of the lummi river.' _fitzhugh_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'on the northern shore of bellingham bay.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'lummi river, and peninsula.' _id._, p. . 'on a river emptying into the northern part of bellingham bay and on the peninsula.' _id._, p. , and in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the _nooksaks_ are 'on the south fork of the lummi river.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . nooksâhk, 'on the main fork of the river.' _id._, p. . nooksáhk, 'above the lummi, on the main fork of the river.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'south fork lummi river.' _id._, p. . nootsaks 'occupy the territory from the base of mount baker down to within five miles of the mouth of the lummi.' _coleman_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xxxix., p. . neuksacks 'principally around the foot of mount baker.' _fitzhugh_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the neukwers and siamanas, or stick indians 'live on lakes back of whatcom and siamana lakes and their tributaries.' _id._, p. . three tribes at bellingham bay, neuksack, samish, and lummis, with some neukwers and siamanas who live in the back country. _id._, p. . neuksacks, a tribe inhabiting a country drained by the river of the same name ... taking the name lummi before emptying into the gulf of georgia. _simmons_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . nooklummie, 'around bellingham's bay.' _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . the _samish_ live on samish river and southern part of bellingham bay. _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . 'they have several islands which they claim as their inheritance, together with a large scope of the main land.' _fitzhugh_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _skagits_ 'live on the main around the mouth of skagit river, and own the central parts of whidby's island, their principal ground being the neighborhood of penn's cove.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. , and in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . whidby's island 'is in the possession of the sachet tribe.' _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., p. . the sachets inhabit whidby's island. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . sachets, 'about possession sound.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . skadjets, 'on both sides of the skadjet river, and on the north end of whidby's island.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. . the skagit, 'on skagit river, and penn's cove,' the n'quachamish, smalèhhu, miskaiwhu, sakuméhu, on the branches of the same river. _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . sockamuke, 'headwaters of skagit river,' neutubvig, 'north end of whidby's island, and county between skagit's river and bellingham's bay.' cowewachin, noothum, miemissouks, north to frazer river. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the _kikiallis_ occupy the banks of 'kikiallis river and whitby's island.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . the _skeysehamish_ dwell in the 'country along the skeysehamish river and the north branch of the sinahemish.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. . the _snohomish_ reside on 'the southern end of whidby's island, and the country on and near the mouth of the sinahomish river.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , . the sinahemish 'live on the sinahemish river (falling into possession sound).' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. . 'sinahoumez (en tribus) de la rivière fraser à la baie de puget.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'n'quutlmamish, skywhamish, sktahlejum, upper branches, north side, sinahomish river.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . neewamish, 'neewamish river, bay and vicinity;' sahmamish, 'on a lake between neewamish and snohomish river;' snohomish, 'south end of whitney's island, snohomish river, bay and vicinity;' skeawamish, 'north fork of the snohomish river, called skeawamish river;' skuckstanajumps, 'skuckstanajumps river, a branch of skeawamish river;' stillaquamish, 'stillaquamish river and vicinity;' kickuallis, 'mouth of kickuallis river and vicinity.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . stoluchwámish, on stoluchwámish river, also called steilaquamish. _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , , also in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . squinámish, swodámish, sinaahmish, 'north end of whitby's island, canoe passage, and sinamish river.' _id._, pp. , . 'southern end of whidby's island and sinahomish river.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. - . the _snoqualmooks_ 'reside on the south fork, north side of the sinahomish river.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. , and in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . snoqualimich, 'snoqualimich river and the south branch of the sinahemish.' _harley_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. . the _dwamish_ are 'living on and claiming the lands on the d'wamish river.' _paige_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . dwamish river and lake, white and green rivers. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . on d'wamish lake etc. ... reside the samamish and s'ketehlmish tribes. 'the d'wamish tribe have their home on lake fork, d'wamish river.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , . dwamish, 'lake fork, dwamish river;' samamish, s'ketéhlmish, 'dwamish lake;' smelkámiah, 'head of white river;' skopeáhmish, 'head of green river;' stkámish, 'main white river.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _skopeahmish_ have their home at the 'head of green river.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the sekamish band 'on the main white river;' the smulkamish tribe 'at the head of white river.' _ib._ the _seattles_, a tribe of the snowhomish nation, occupied as their principal settlement, 'a slight eminence near the head of what is now known as port madison bay.' _overland monthly_, , vol. iv., p. . the _suquamish_ 'claim all the land lying on the west side of the sound, between apple tree cove on the north, and gig harbor on the south.' _paige_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . soquamish, 'country about port orchard and neighbourhood, and the west side of widby's island.' _harley_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. . 'peninsula between hood's canal and admiralty inlet.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , and in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . snoquamish, 'port orchard, elliott's bay, and their vicinity.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . shomamish, 'on vashon's island.' _ib._ 'vashon's island.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . s'slomamish, 'vaston's island.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'the indians frequenting this port (orchard) call themselves the jeachtac tribe.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . the _puyallupamish_ live 'at the mouth of puyallup river;' t'quaquamish, 'at the heads of puyallup river.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , and in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . squallyamish and pugallipamish, 'in the country about nesqually, pugallipi, and sinnomish rivers.' _harley_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. . puallipawmish or pualliss, 'on pualliss river, bay, and vicinity.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . puyyallapamish, 'puyallop river.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . the _nisquallies_, or skwall, 'inhabit the shores of puget's sound.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'nesquallis, de la baie de puget à la pointe martinez.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . nasqually tribes, 'nasqually river and puget's sound.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hudson bay_, p. . squallyamish, 'at puget sound.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the squalliahmish are composed of six bands, and have their residence on nisqually river and vicinity. _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . squallyamish or nisqually, nisqually river and vicinity. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . fort nisqually is frequented by the 'squallies, the clallams, the paaylaps, the scatchetts, the checaylis,' and other tribes. _simpson's overland journey_, vol. i., p. . the _steilacoomish_ dwell on 'stalacom creek;' loquamish, 'hood's reef.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . stitcheosawmish, 'budd's inlet and south bay,' in the vicinity of olympia. _id._, vol. iv., p. . steilacoomamish, 'steilacoom creek and vicinity.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , and in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the _sawamish_ have their residence on 'totten's inlet.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . sayhaymamish, 'totten inlet.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'srootlemamish, quackenamish at case's inlet.' _ib._ quáks'namish, 'case's inlet;' s'hotlemamish, 'carr's inlet;' sahéhwamish, 'hammersly's inlet;' sawámish, 'totten's inlet;' squaiaitl, 'eld's inlet;' stéhchasámish, 'budd's inlet;' noosehchatl, 'south bay.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _skokomish_ live at the upper end of hood canal. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . töanhooch and shokomish on hood's canal. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . tuanoh and skokomish 'reside along the shores of hood's canal.' _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. . toankooch, 'western shore of hood's canal. they are a branch of the nisqually nation.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . tuanooch, 'mouth of hood's canal.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'the region at the head of puget sound is inhabited by a tribe called the toandos.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . homamish, hotlimamish, squahsinawmish, sayhaywamish, stitchassamish, 'reside in the country from the narrows along the western shore of puget's sound to new market.' _mitchell and harley_, in _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. . the _noosdalums_, or nusdalums, 'dwell on hood's channel.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . 'die noosdalum, wohnen am hood's-canal;' _buschmann_, _brit. nordamer._, p. . 'noostlalums, consist of eleven tribes or septs living about the entrance of hood's canal, dungeness, port discovery, and the coast to the westward.' _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . the _chimakum_, or chinakum, 'territory seems to have embraced the shore from port townsend to port ludlow.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . 'on port townsend bay.' _id._, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the _clallams_, or clalams, are 'about port discovery.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . 'their country stretches along the whole southern shore of the straits to between port discovery and port townsend.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . southern shore of the straits of fuca east of the classets. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . at port discovery. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . sklallum, 'between los angelos and port townsend.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . sklallams, 'at cape flattery.' _id._, vol. v., p. . 'scattered along the strait and around the bays and bights of admiralty inlet, upon a shoreline of more than a hundred miles.' _scammon_, in _overland monthly_, , vol. vii., p. . 's'klallams, chemakum, toanhooch, skokomish, and bands of the same, taking names from their villages, ... and all residing on the shores of the straits of fuca and hood's canal.' _webster_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . kahtai, kaquaith, and stehllum, at port townsend, port discovery, and new dungeness. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . stentlums at new dungeness. _id._, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . [sidenote: indians of the coast of washington.] the _makahs_, or _classets_, dwell about cape flattery. macaw, 'cape flattery to neah bay.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . pistchin, 'neah bay to los angelos point.' _ib._ 'country about cape flattery, and the coast for some distance to the southward, and eastward to the boundary of the halam or noostlalum lands.' _id._, vol. v., p. ; _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , ; _hale_, in _id._, , p. ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , . 'at neah bay or waadda, and its vicinity.' _simmons_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . tatouche, a tribe of the classets. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . classets 'reside on the south side of the straits of fuca.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. ; _mitchell and harley_, in _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. . tatouche or classets, 'between the columbia and the strait of fuca.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . 'clatset tribe.' _cornwallis' n. el dorado_, p. . 'classets, on the strait of fuca.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. ; _stevens' address_, p. . makahs, 'inhabiting a wild broken peninsula circumscribed by the river wyatch, the waters of the strait and the pacific.' _scammon_, in _overland monthly_, , vol. vii., p. . klaizzarts, 'living nearly three hundred miles to the south' of nootka sound. _jewitt's nar._, p. . the elkwhahts have a village on the strait. _sproat's scenes_, p. . list of tribes between columbia river and cape flattery on the coast; calasthocle, chillates, chiltz, clamoctomichs, killaxthocles, pailsh, potoashs, quieetsos, quinnechart, quiniülts. _morse's rept._, p. . the _quillehute_ and _queniult_, or quenaielt, 'occupy the sea-coast between ozelt or old cape flattery, on the north, and quinaielt river on the south.' _simmons_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . quinaielt, quillehuté, queets, and hoh, live on the quinaielt river and ocean. _smith_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the queniult live 'at point grenville.' _swan's n. w. coast_, p. . 'on the banks of a river of the same name.' _id._, p. . the wilapahs 'on the wilapah river.' _id._, p. . the copalis 'on the copalis river, eighteen miles north of gray's harbor.' _id._, p. . quinaitle, north of gray's harbor. _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . quinaik, 'coast from gray's harbor northward.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . ehihalis, quinailee, grey's harbor and north. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . south of the classets along the coast come the quinnechants, calasthortes, chillates, quinults, pailsk, etc. _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . the kaliouches and konnichtchates, spoken of as dwelling on destruction island and the neighboring main. _tarakanov_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xx., p. , et seq. the _chehalis_, or chickeeles, 'inhabit the country around gray's harbour.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . on the chehalis river. _nesmith_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . frequent also shoalwater bay. _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . on the cowelits. 'among the tsihailish are included the kwaiantl and kwenaiwitl ... who live near the coast, thirty or forty miles south of cape flattery.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. - . 'in the vicinity of the mouth of the columbia.' _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. . 'chekilis, et quinayat. près du havre de gray et la rivière chekilis.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. ; _swan's n. w. coast_, p. ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _starling_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'a quarante milles au nord, (from the columbia) le long de la côte, habitent les tchéilichs.' _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. x., p. . the whiskkah and wynooche tribes on the northern branches of the chihailis. _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . sachals 'reside about the lake of the same name, and along the river chickeeles.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . the _cowlitz_ live on the upper cowlitz river. occupy the middle of the peninsula which lies west of puget sound and north of the columbia. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . on the cowlitz river. the taitinapams have their abode at the base of the mountains on the cowlitz. _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; and in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. , vol. v., p. . cowlitsick, 'on columbia river, miles from its mouth.' _morse's rept._, p. . there are three small tribes in the vicinity of the cowlitz farm, 'the cowlitz, the checaylis and the squally.' _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . the staktomish live 'between nisqually and cowlitz and the head waters of chehaylis river.' _am. quar. register_, vol. iii., p. ; _harley_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . [sidenote: the chinook family.] the chinook family includes, according to my division, all the tribes of oregon west of the cascade range, together with those on the north bank of the columbia river. the name has usually been applied only to the tribes of the columbia valley up to the dalles, and belonged originally to a small tribe on the north bank near the mouth. 'the nation, or rather family, to which the generic name of chinook has attached, formerly inhabited both banks of the columbia river, from its mouth to the grand dalles, a distance of about a hundred and seventy miles.' 'on the north side of the river, first the chinooks proper (tchi-nuk), whose territory extended from cape disappointment up the columbia to the neighborhood of gray's _bay_ (not gray's _harbor_, which is on the pacific), and back to the northern vicinity of shoalwater bay, where they interlocked with the chihalis of the coast.' _gibbs' chinook vocab._, pp. iii., iv. the name watlalas or upper chinooks 'properly belongs to the indians at the cascades,' but is applied to all 'from the multnoma island to the falls of the columbia.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. - . 'the principal tribes or bands were the wakaíkam (known as the wahkyekum), the katlámat (cathlamet), the tshinuk (chinook), and the tlatsap (clatsop).' _ib._ 'the natives, who dwell about the lower parts of the columbia, may be divided into four tribes--the clotsops, who reside around point adams, on the south side; ... the chinooks; waakiacums; and the cathlamets; who live on the north side of the river, and around baker's bay and other inlets.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . the tribes may be classed: 'chinooks, clatsops, cathlamux, wakicums, wacalamus, cattleputles, clatscanias, killimux, moltnomas, chickelis.' _ross' adven._, p. . tribes on north bank of the columbia from mouth; chilts, chinnook, cathlamah, wahkiakume, skillute, quathlapotle. _lewis and clarke's map._ 'all the natives inhabiting the southern shore of the straits (of fuca), and the deeply indented territory as far as and including the tide-waters of the columbia, may be comprehended under the general term of chinooks.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . 'the chenook nation resides along upon the columbia river, from the cascades to its confluence with the ocean.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'inhabiting the lower parts of the columbia.' _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. . 'hauts-tchinouks, près des cascades du rio colombia. tchinouks d'en bas, des cascades jusqu'à la mer, bas-tchinouks.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. , - . 'on the right bank of the columbia.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the cheenooks and kelussuyas, tribes, live at 'pillar rock, oak point, the dallas, the cascades, cheate river, takama river, on the columbia.' 'cheenooks, clatsops and several tribes near the entrance of the columbia river.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . upper and lower chinooks on the columbia river, lower chinooks at shoalwater bay. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . chinooks, 'north of the columbia.' _id._, p. . 'upper chinooks, five bands, columbia river, above the cowlitz. lower chinooks, columbia river below the cowlitz, and four other bands on shoalwater bay.' _stevens_, in _id._, p. . 'mouth of columbia river, north side, including some miles interior.' _emmons_, in _id._, vol. iii., p. . the chinnooks 'reside chiefly along the banks of a river, to which we gave the same name; and which, running parallel to the sea coast ... empties itself into haley's bay.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. , and map; _irving's astoria_, p. . 'to the south of the mouth of the columbia.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'chenooks on the columbia.' _swan's n. w. coast_, p. . north side of the columbia. _morse's report_, p. ; _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. . tshinuk south of the columbia at mouth. watlala on both sides of the river from the willamette to dalles. they properly belong to the indians at the cascades. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. - , and map, p. . banks of the columbia from dalles to the mouth. _farnham's trav._, p. . the upper chinooks were the shalala and echeloots of lewis and clarke. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . in the vicinity of the mouth of the columbia, there are, besides the chinooks, the klickatacks, cheehaylas, naas, and many other tribes. _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. . 'the flathead indians are met with on the banks of the columbia river, from its mouth eastward to the cascades, a distance of about miles; they extend up the walhamette river's mouth about thirty or forty miles, and through the district between the walhamette and fort astoria.' _kane's wand._, p. . 'the flatheads are a very numerous people, inhabiting the shores of the columbia river, and a vast tract of country lying to the south of it.' _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. . 'the cathlascon tribes, which inhabit the columbia river.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . cathlascos on the columbia river, s. side miles from its mouth. _morse's rept._, p. . shoalwater bay indians: whilapah on whilapah river; necomanchee, or nickomin, on nickomin river, flowing into the east side of the bay; quelaptonlilt, at the mouth of whilapah river; wharhoots, at the present site of bruceport; querqueltin, at the mouth of a creek; palux, on copalux or palux river; marhoo, nasal, on the peninsula. _swan's n. w. coast_, p. . 'karweewee, or artsmilsh, the name of the shoalwater bay tribes.' _id._, p. . along the coast north of the columbia are the chinnooks, killaxthockle, chilts, clamoitomish, potoashees, etc. _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . quillequeoquas at shoalwater bay. map in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . kwalhioqua, north of the columbia near the mouth. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. , and map, p. . klatskanai, 'on the upper waters of the nehalem, a stream running into the pacific, on those of young's river, and one bearing their own name, which enters the columbia at oak point.' _gibbs' chinook vocab._, p. iv. willopahs, 'on the willopah river, and the head of the chihalis.' _ib._ the _chilts_ inhabit the 'coast to the northward of cape disappointment.' _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. . 'north of the mouth of the columbia and chealis rivers.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. , and map. 'on the sea-coast near point lewis.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . miscellaneous bands on the columbia; aleis, on the north side of the colombia. _gass' jour._, p. . cathlacumups 'on the main shore s.w. of wappatoo isl.' _morse's rept._, p. . cathlakamaps, 'at the mouth of the wallaumut.' _id._, p. . cathlanamenamens, 'on the island in the mouth of the wallaumut.' _id._, p. . cathlanaquiahs, 'on the s.w. side of wappatoo isl.' _id._, p. . cathlapootle, eighty miles from mouth of the columbia opposite the mouth of the willamette. _id._, p. . calhlathlas, 'at the rapids, s. side.' _id._, p. . clahclellah, 'below the rapids.' _morse's rept._, p. . clannarminnamuns, 's.w. side of wappatoo isl.' _id._, p. . clanimatas, 's.w. side of wappatoo isl.' _ib._ clockstar, 's.e. side of wappattoo isl.' _ib._ cooniacs, 'of oak point (kahnyak or kukhnyak, the kreluits of franchère and skilloots of lewis and clarke).' _gibbs' chinook vocab._, p. iv. hellwits, 's. side miles from mouth.' _morse's rept._, p. . katlagakya, 'from the cascades to vancouver.' _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . katlaminimim, on multnomah island. _ib._ katlaportl, river of same name, and right bank of columbia for five miles above its mouth. _ib._ ketlakaniaks, at oak point, formerly united with kolnit. _ib._ klakalama, between kathlaportle and towalitch rivers. _ib._ mamnit, 'multnomah isl.' _ib._ nechakoke, 's. side, near quicksand river, opposite diamond isl.' _morse's rept._, p. . neerchokioon, south side above the wallaumut river. _ib._ shalala at the grand rapids down to the willamet. _ib._ quathlapotle, between the cowlits and chahwahnahinooks (cathlapootle?) river. _lewis and clarke's map._ seamysty, 'at the mouth of the towalitch river.' _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . shoto, w. side back of a pond and nearly opposite the entrance of the willamut. _morse's rept._, p. . skillutes, 'about junction of cowlitz.' _lewis and clarke's map._ skiloots on the columbia on each side, from the lower part of the columbia valley as low as sturgeon island, and on both sides of the coweliskee river. _morse's rept._, p. . smockshop. _id._, p. . trile kalets, near fort vancouver. _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . wahclellah, 'below all the rapids.' _morse's rept._, p. . wakamass, 'deer's isle to the lower branch of the wallamat.' _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . wyampams, at the narrows. _ross' adven._, pp. - . tchilouits on the columbia, south bank, below the cowlitz. _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. x., p. . cathlâkaheckits and cathlathlalas in vicinity of the cascades. _id._, tom. xii., , p. . the _clatsops_ live on point adams. _hines' voy._, p. . 'south side of the (columbia) river at its mouth.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, pp. , . 'southern shore of the bay at the mouth of the columbia, and along the seacoast on both sides of point adams.' _morton's crania_, p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , and map. miles from mouth, south side. _morse's rept._, p. . 'south side of the river.' _gass' jour._, p. . 'from near tillamook head to point adams and up the river to tongue point.' _gibbs' chinook vocab._, p. iv. klakhelnk, 'on clatsop point, commonly called clatsops.' _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. , vol. v., p. . [sidenote: coast tribes of oregon.] the _wakiakum_, or 'wakaikum, live on the right bank of the columbia; on a small stream, called cadet river.' _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . wakiakums (wakáiakum) 'towards oak point.' _gibbs' chinook vocab._, p. iv. wahkiacums, adjoining the cathlamahs on the south-east and the skilloots on the north-west. _lewis and clarke's map._ waakicums, thirty miles from the mouth of the columbia, north side. _morse's rept._, p. . the _cathlamets_ extend from tongue point to puget's island. _gibbs' chinook vocab._, p. iv. 'opposite the lower village of the wahkiacums.' _irving's astoria_, p. . ' miles from the mouth of columbia.' _morse's rept._, p. . 'on a river of same name.' _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _lewis and clarke's map._ 'along the coast south of the columbia river are the clatsops, killamucks, lucktons, kahunkle, lickawis, youkone, necketo, ulseah, youitts, shiastuckle, killawats, cookoose, shalalahs, luckasos, hannakalals.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - . 'along the coast s. of columbia river, and speak the killamucks language,' youicone, neekeetoos, ulseahs, youitts, sheastukles, killawats, cookkoooose, shallalah, luckkarso, hannakallal. _morse's rept._, p. . náélim, 'on a river on the sea-coast, miles s. of clatsop point,' and the following tribes proceeding southward. nikaas, kowai, neselitch, tacóón, aleya, sayonstla, kiliwatsal, kaons, godamyou (!), stotonia, at the mouth of coquin river. _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., pp. - . the _killamooks_ dwell along the coast southward from the mouth of the columbia. 'near the mouth of the columbia.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . callimix, ' miles s. of columbia.' _morse's rept._, p. . killamucks, 'along the s.e. coast for many miles.' _id._, p. . tillamooks, 'along the coast from umpqua river to the neachesna, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles.' _palmer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . kilamukes, 'south and east of mouth of the columbia, extending to the coast.' _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . nsietshawus, or killamuks, 'on the sea-coast south of the columbia.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. , and map, p. . 'between the river columbia and the umpqua.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . 'country about cape lookout.' _palmer's jour._, p. . 'on comprend sous le nom général de killimous, les indiens du sud du rio colombia, tels que les nahelems, les nikas, les kaouais, les alsiias, les umquas, les toutounis et les sastés. ces deux dernières peuplades se sont jusqu'à présent montrées hostiles aux caravanes des blancs.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. , . killamucks, next to the clatsops. _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . 'callemeux nation.' _gass' jour._, p. . callemax on the coast forty leagues south of the columbia. _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, tom. x., p. . the lucktons are found 'adjoining the killamucks, and in a direction s.s.e.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . the jakon, or yakones, dwell south of the killamooks on the coast. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. , and map, p. . the tlatskanai are farther inland than the killamooks. _id._, p. . the _umpquas_ live 'on a river of that name.' _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc. jour._, vol. ii., p. . 'in a valley of the same name. they are divided into six tribes; the sconta, chalula, palakahu, quattamya, and chastà.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . umbaquâs. _id._, p. . 'umpquas ( tribus) sur la rivière de ce nom, et de la rivière aux vaches.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'the umkwa inhabit the upper part of the river of that name, having the kalapuya on the north, the lutuami (clamets), on the east, and the sainstkla between them and the sea.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. , and map, p. . two hundred and twenty-five miles south of the columbia. _hines' voy._, p. . 'the country of the umpquas is bounded east by the cascade mountains, west by the umpqua mountains and the ocean, north by the calipooia mountains and south by grave creek and rogue river mountains.' _palmer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. , vol. v., p. . the saiustkla reside 'upon a small stream which falls into the sea just south of the umqua river.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. , map, p. . sinselaw, 'on the banks of the sinselaw river.' _harvey_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . sayousla, 'near the mouth of sayousla bay.' _brooks_, in _id._, , p. . saliutla, 'at the mouth of the umbaquâ river.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . the katlawotsetts include the siuslaw and alsea bands on siuslaw river; the scottsburg, lower umpqua, and kowes bay bands on umpqua river. _drew_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . kiliwatshat, 'at the mouth of the umpqua.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . the alseas, or alseyas, live on alsea bay. _brooks_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _harvey_, in _id._, , p. . chocreleatan, 'at the forks of the coquille river.' quahtomahs, between coquille river and port orford. nasomah, 'near the mouth of the coquille river.' _parrish_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [sidenote: natives of the willamette valley.] willamette valley nations: 'the nations who inhabit this fertile neighbourhood are very numerous. the wappatoo inlet extends three hundred yards wide, for ten or twelve miles to the south, as far as the hills near which it receives the waters of a small creek, whose sources are not far from those of the killamuck river. on that creek resides the clackstar nation, a numerous people of twelve hundred souls, who subsist on fish and wappatoo, and who trade by means of the killamuck river, with the nation of that name on the sea-coast. lower down the inlet, towards the columbia, is the tribe called cathlacumup. on the sluice which connects the inlet with the multnomah, are the tribes cathlanahquiah and cathlacomatup; and on wappatoo island, the tribes of clannahminamun and clahnaquah. immediately opposite, near the towahnahiooks, are the quathlapotles, and higher up, on the side of the columbia, the shotos. all these tribes, as well as the cathlahaws, who live somewhat lower on the river, and have an old village on deer island, may be considered as parts of the great multnomah nation, which has its principal residence on wappatoo island, near the mouth of the large river to which they give their name. forty miles above its junction with the columbia, it receives the waters of the clackamos, a river which may be traced through a woody and fertile country to its sources in mount jefferson, almost to the foot of which it is navigable for canoes. a nation of the same name resides in eleven villages along its borders: they live chiefly on fish and roots, which abound in the clackamos and along its banks, though they sometimes descend to the columbia to gather wappatoo, where they cannot be distinguished by dress or manners, or language, from the tribes of multnomahs. two days' journey from the columbia, or about twenty miles beyond the entrance of the clackamos, are the falls of the multnomah. at this place are the permanent residences of the cushooks and chaheowahs, two tribes who are attracted to that place by the fish, and by the convenience of trading across the mountains and down killamuck river, with the nation of killamucks, from whom they procure train oil. these falls were occasioned by the passage of a high range of mountains; beyond which the country stretches into a vast level plain, wholly destitute of timber. as far as the indians, with whom we conversed, had ever penetrated that country, it was inhabited by a nation called calahpoewah, a very numerous people, whose villages, nearly forty in number, are scattered along each side of the multnomah, which furnish them with their chief subsistence, fish, and the roots along its banks.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - . calapooyas, moolallels, and clackamas in the willamette valley. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. , map. cathlakamaps at the mouth of the ouallamat; cathlapoutles opposite; cathlanaminimins on an island a little higher up; mathlanobes on the upper part of the same island; cathlapouyeas just above the falls; the cathlacklas on an eastern branch farther up; and still higher the chochonis. _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. x., pp. , . the cathlathlas live ' miles from the mouth of the wallaumut.' _morse's rept._, p. . the cloughewallhah are 'a little below the falls.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . the katlawewalla live 'at the falls of the wallamat.' _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . the leeshtelosh occupy the 'headwaters of the multnomah.' _hunter's captivity_, p. . the multnomahs (or mathlanobs) dwell 'at upper end of the island in the mouth of the wallaumut.' _morse's rept._, p. . the nemalquinner lands are 'n.e. side of the wallaumut river, miles above its mouth.' _morse's rept._, p. . the newaskees extend eastward of the headwaters of the multnomah, on a large lake. _hunter's captivity_, p. . the yamkallies dwell 'towards the sources of the wallamut river.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . the _calapooyas_ live in the upper willamette valley. callipooya, 'willamette valley.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. , vol. iii., p. . kalapuya, 'above the falls.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . callawpohyeaas, willamette tribes sixteen in number. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . calapooah, seventeen tribes on the willamette and its branches. _parker's explor. tour_, p. . callappohyeaass nation consists of wacomeapp, nawmooit, chillychandize, shookany, coupé, shehees, longtonguebuff, lamalle, and pecyou tribes. _ross' adven._, pp. - . kalapooyahs, 'on the shores of the oregon.' _morton's crania_, p. . 'willamat plains.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . kalapuyas, 'above the falls of the columbia.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . ' miles from the mouth of the wallaumut, w. side.' _morse's rept._, p. . vule puyas, valley of the willamette. _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . the _clackamas_ are on the 'clackama river.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'clakemas et kaoulis, sur le ouallamet et la rivière kaoulis.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'valley of the clakamus and the willamuta falls.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . klackamas, 'three miles below the falls.' _hines' voy._, p. . clackamis. _palmer's jour._, p. . clarkamees. _morse's rept._, p. . clackamus. _lewis and clarke's map._ the _mollales_ are found in 'willamettee valley.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'at the mouth of the wallamet, and the wapatoo islands.' _tucker's oregon_, p. . 'upon the west side of the willamette and opposite oregon city.' _palmer's jour._, p. . [sidenote: the shushwap family.] the shushwap family comprises all the inland tribes of british columbia, south of lat. ° ´. the _atnahs_, strangers, niccoutamuch, or shushwaps proper, inhabit the fraser and thompson valleys. 'at spuzzum ... a race very different both in habits and language is found. these are the nicoutamuch, or nicoutameens, a branch of a widely-extended tribe. they, with their cognate septs, the atnaks, or shuswapmuch, occupy the frazer river from spuzzum to the frontier of that part of the country called by the hudson bay company new caledonia, which is within a few miles of fort alexandria.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'shushwaps of the rocky mountains inhabit the country in the neighbourhood of jasper house, and as far as tête jaune cache on the western slope. they are a branch of the great shushwap nation who dwell near the shushwap lake and grand fork of the thompson river in british columbia.' thompson river and lake kamloops. _milton and cheadle's northw. pass._, pp. , . 'on the pacific side, but near the rocky mountains, are the shoushwaps who, inhabiting the upper part of frazer's river, and the north fork of the columbia.' _blakiston_, in _palliser's explor._, p. . 'the shooshaps live below the sinpauelish indians.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'the shushwaps possess the country bordering on the lower part of frazer's river, and its branches.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . the atnahs or soushwap, 'live in the country on the fraser's and thompson's rivers.' 'they were termed by mackenzie the chin tribe.' (see p. , note of this vol.) _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. ; _buschmann_, _brit. nordamer._, p. . shooshaps, south of the sinpavelist. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - . 'the atnah, or chin indian country extends about one hundred miles,' from fort alexander. _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . shooshewaps inhabit the region of the north bend of the columbia, in °. atnahs, in the region of the fraser and thompson rivers. _macdonald's lecture on b. c._, p. ; _hector_, in _palliser's explor._, p. . 'the shewhapmuch (atnahs of mackenzie) ... occupy the banks of thompson's river; and along frazer's river from the rapid village, twenty miles below alexandria, to the confluence of these two streams. thence to near the falls the tribe bears the name of nicutemuch.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . 'the stta llimuh, natives of anderson lake, speak a dialect of the sheswap language.' skowhomish, in the same vicinity. _mckay_, in _b. c. papers_, vol. ii., p. . 'the loquilt indians have their home in the winter on lake anderson, and the surrounding district, whence they descend to the coast in jervis inlet in the summer.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . the kamloops dwell about one hundred and fifty miles north-west of okanagan. _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . the clunsus are east of fraser river, between yale and latitude °; skowtous, on the fiftieth parallel south of lake kamloops and west of lake okanagan; sockatcheenum, east of fraser and north of °. _bancroft's map of pac. states._ the _kootenais_ live in the space bounded by the columbia river, rocky mountains, and clarke river. the kitunaha, coutanies, or flatbows, 'wander in the rugged and mountainous tract enclosed between the two northern forks of the columbia. the flat-bow river and lake also belong to them.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. - , map, p. . 'inhabit the country extending along the foot of the rocky mountains, north of the flatheads, for a very considerable distance, and are about equally in american and in british territory.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . kootoonais, 'on mcgillivray's river, the flat bow lake, etc.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . kootonais, on 'or about the fiftieth parallel at fort kootonie, east of fort colville.' _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . 'between the rocky mountains, the upper columbia and its tributary the killuspeha or pend'oreille, and watered by an intermediate stream called the kootanais river is an angular piece of country peopled by a small, isolated tribe bearing the same name as the last-mentioned river, on the banks of which they principally live.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . the lands of the cottonois 'lie immediately north of those of the flatheads.' _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. . kutanàe, kútani, kitunaha, kutneha, coutanies, flatbows, 'near the sources of the mary river, west of the rocky mountains.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . 'inhabit a section of country to the north of the ponderas, along m'gillivray's river.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'koutanies ou arcs-plats, près du fort et du lac de ce nom.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'in the kootanie valley.' _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . kootonays, south of the shushwaps. _palliser's explor._, p. . 'great longitudinal valley' of the kootanie river. _hector_, in _id._, p. . 'the tobacco plains form the country of the kootanies.' _blakiston_, in _id._, p. . 'about the northern branches of the columbia.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. . kootanais, 'angle between the saeliss lands and the eastern heads of the columbia.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . about the river of the same name, between the columbia and rocky mountains. _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . a band called sinatcheggs on the upper arrow lake. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. ii., p. . the kootenais were perhaps the tushepaws of lewis and clarke. the _tushepaws_ are 'a numerous people of four hundred and fifty tents, residing on the heads of the missouri and columbia rivers, and some of them lower down the latter river.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. , and map; _bulfinch's ogn._, p. . 'on a n. fork of clarke's river.' _morse's rept._, p. . ootlashoots, micksucksealton (pend d'oreilles?), hohilpos (flatheads?), branches of the tushepaws. _id._, and _lewis and clarke's map_. the tushepaw nation might as correctly be included in the salish family or omitted altogether. according to _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. , they were the kootenais. the _okanagans_, or okinakanes, 'comprise the bands lying on the river of that name, as far north as the foot of the great lake. they are six in number, viz: the tekunratum at the mouth; konekonep, on the creek of that name; kluckhaitkwee, at the falls; kinakanes, near the forks; and milaketkun, on the west fork. with them may be classed the n'pockle, or sans puelles, on the columbia river, though these are also claimed by the spokanes. the two bands on the forks are more nearly connected with the schwogelpi than with the ones first named.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , and in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . oakinackens, priests' rapids, northward over miles, and miles in width, to the shewhaps, branching out into tribes, as follows, beginning with the south: 'skamoynumachs, kewaughtchenunaughs, pisscows, incomecanétook, tsillane, intiétook, battlelemuleemauch, or meatwho, inspellum, sinpohellechach, sinwhoyelppetook, samilkanuigh and oakinacken, which is nearly in the centre.' _ross' adven._, pp. - . 'on both sides the okanagan river from its mouth up to british columbia, including the sennelkameen river.' _ross_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'près du fort de ce nom.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'on the okanagan and piscour rivers.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . 'composed of several small bands living along the okinakane river, from its confluence with the columbia to lake okinakane.... a majority of the tribe live north of the boundary line.' _paige_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'columbia valley.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . north-east and west of the shoopshaps. _de smet_, _voy._, p. . junction of the okanagan and columbia. _parker's map._ 'upper part of fraser's river and its tributaries.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . principal family called conconulps about miles up stream of the same name. _ross' adven._, pp. - . the similkameen live on s. river, and 'are a portion of the okanagan tribe.' _palmer_, in _b. col. papers_, vol. iii., p. . the okanagans, called catsanim by lewis and clarke. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . cutsahnim, on the columbia above the sokulks, and on the northern branches of the taptul. _morse's rept._, p. . [sidenote: the salish family.] the salish family includes all the inland tribes between ° and °. the salish, saalis, selish, or flatheads, 'inhabit the country about the upper part of the columbia and its tributary streams, the flathead, spokan, and okanagan rivers. the name includes several independent tribes or bands, of which the most important are the salish proper, the kullespelm, the soayalpi, the tsakaitsitlin, and the okinakan.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'the saeliss or shewhapmuch race, whose limits may be defined by the rocky mountains eastward; on the west the line of frazer's river from below alexandria to kequeloose, near the falls, in about latitude ° ´; northward by the carrier offset of the chippewyans; and south by the sahaptins or nez percés of oregon.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . 'from thompson's river other septs of this race--the shuswaps, skowtous, okanagans, spokans, skoielpoi (of colville), pend'oreilles, and coeurs d'aleines--occupy the country as far as the flathead passes of the rocky mountains, where the saelies or flatheads form the eastern portion of the race.' _mayne's b. c._, pp. - . 'about the northern branches of the columbia.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . tribes mentioned in _lewis and clarke's trav._, and map: tushepaw (kootenai), hopilpo (flathead), micksucksealtom (pend d'oreilles), wheelpo, (chualpays), sarlisto and sketsomish (spokanes), hehighenimmo (sans poils), according to _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . see _morse's rept._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'between the two great branches of the columbia and the rocky mountains are only five petty tribes: the kootanais and selish, or flatheads, at the foot of the mountains, and the pointed hearts, pend d'oreilles, and spokanes lower down.' _ross' fur hunters_, vol. ii., p. . 'divided into several tribes, the most important of which are the selishes, the kullespelms, the soayalpis, the tsakaïtsitlins, and the okinakans.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. - . the _flatheads_, or salish proper, reside on the river, valley, and lake of the same name. 'inhabit st. mary's or the flathead valley and the neighborhood of the lake of the same name.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. , and in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'occupying the valleys between the bitter root and rocky mountains.' _thompson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'south of the flathead valley on the bitter root.' _sully_, in _id._, , p. . st. mary's river. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'east and south-east (of the coeurs d'alène) and extends to the rocky mountains.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. , and map. _de smet_, _miss. de l'orégon_, p. . saalis ou faux têtes-plates. sur la rivière de ce nom au pied des montagnes rocheuses. _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'along the foot of the mountains.' _ross' adven._, p. . 'in new caledonia, w. of the rocky mountains.' _morse's rept._, p. . bitter root valley. _hutchins_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , , p. ; _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . hopilpo, of lewis and clarke. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'ils occupent le pays compris entre le lewis river et la branche nord-ouest ou la columbia, et borné en arrière par les monts-rocailleux.' _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xii., p. . the _pend d'oreilles_ occupy the vicinity of the lake of the same name. 'on the flathead or clarke river.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . 'at clark's fork.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . lower pend d'oreilles, 'in the vicinity of the st. ignatius mission.' _paige_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the kalispelms or pend d'oreilles of the lower lake, inhabit the country north of the coeur d'alenes and around the kalispelm lake.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . calispels, or calispellum, 'on fool's prairie at the head of colville valley, and on both sides of the pend d'oreille river, from its mouth to the idaho line, but principally at the camas prairie.' _winans_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , , . situated to the east of fort colville, adjoining the kootonais on their eastern border. _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . 'pend'oreilles ou kellespem. au-dessous du fort colville.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . skatkmlschi, or pend d'oreilles of the upper lake. a tribe who, by the consent of the selish, occupy jointly with them the country of the latter. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . kullas-palus, 'on the flathead or clarke river.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . ponderas, 'north of clarke's river and on a lake which takes its name from the tribe.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. and map; _de smet_, _voy._, p. . the pend'oreilles were probably the micksucksealtom of lewis and clarke. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . tribes baptized by de smet: thlishatkmuche, stietshoi, zingomenes, shaistche, shuyelpi, tschilsolomi, siur poils, tinabsoti, yinkaceous, yejak-oun, all of same stock. tribes mentioned by morse as living in the vicinity of clarke river: coopspellar, lahama, lartielo, hihighenimmo, wheelpo, skeetsomish. _rept._, p. . the _coeurs d'aléne_ 'live about the lake which takes its name from them.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . east of the spokanes, at headwaters of the spokane river. _parker's explor. tour_, p. , and map. 'the skitswish or coeur d'alenes, live upon the upper part of the coeur d'alene river, above the spokanes, and around the lake of the same name.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . their mission is on the river ten miles above the lake and thirty miles from the mountains. _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . stietshoi, or coeur d'alenes on the river, and about the lake. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. , map, vol. v., p. . pointed hearts, 'shores of a lake about fifty miles to the eastward of spokan house.' _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. ; _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. ; _de smet_, _miss. de l'orégon_, p. . 'st. joseph's river.' _mullan's rept._, p. . the _colvilles_ include the tribes about kettle falls, and the banks of the columbia up to the arrow lakes. 'colville valley and that of the columbia river from kettle falls to a point thirty miles below.' _paige_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the colvilles, whose tribal name is swielpree, are located in the colville valley, on the kettle river, and on both sides of the columbia river, from kettle falls down to the mouth of the spokane.' _winans_, in _id._, , p. . colvilles and spokanes, 'near fort colville.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . the lakes, 'whose tribal name is senijextee, are located on both sides of the columbia river, from kettle falls north to british columbia.' _winans_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'so named from their place of residence, which is about the arrow lakes.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'les sauvages des lacs ... résident sur le lac-aux-flèches.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . the chaudières, or kettle falls, reside 'about colville.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . the village of les chaudières 'is situated on the north side just below the fall.' _cox's advent._, vol. i., p. . chaudières 'live south of the lake indians.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . 'fort colville is the principal ground of the schwoyelpi or kettle falls tribe.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'the tribe in the vicinity (of fort colville) is known as the chaudière, whose territory reaches as far up as the columbia lakes.' _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . 'gens des chaudières. près du lac schouchouap au-dessous des dalles.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'called in their own language, chualpays.' _kane's wand._, pp. - . 'called quiarlpi (basket people).' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . the chualpays called wheelpo by lewis and clarke, and by morse. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . [sidenote: the spokane nation.] the _spokanes_ live on the spokane river and plateau, along the banks of the columbia from below kettle falls, nearly to the okanagan. 'the spokihnish, or spokanes, lie south of the schrooyelpi, and chiefly upon or near the spokane river. the name applied by the whites to a number of small bands, is that given by the coeur d'alene to the one living at the forks. they are also called sinkoman, by the kootonies. these bands are eight in number: the sinslihhooish, on the great plain above the crossings of the coeur d'alene river; the sintootoolish, on the river above the forks; the smahoomenaish (spokehnish), at the forks; the skaischilt'nish, at the old chemakane mission; the skecheramouse, above them on the colville trail; the scheeetstish, the sinpoilschne, and sinspeelish, on the columbia river; the last-named band is nearly extinct. the sinpoilschne (n'pochle, or sans puelles) have always been included among the okinakanes, though, as well as the sinspeelish below them, they are claimed by the spokanes. the three bands on the columbia all speak a different language from the rest.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , ; and _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. - . 'this tribe claim as their territory the country commencing on the large plain at the head of the slawntehus--the stream entering the columbia at fort colville; thence down the spokane to the columbia, down the columbia half way to fort okinakane, and up the spokane and coeur d'alene, to some point between the falls and the lake, on the latter.' _id._, p. . 'inhabit the country on the spokane river, from its mouth to the boundary of idaho.' _paige_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'at times on the spokane, at times on the spokane plains.' _mullan's rept._, pp. , . 'principally on the plains.' _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . 'north-east of the palooses are the spokein nation.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. , and map. 'au-dessous du fort okanagam à l'est.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'au nord-ouest des palooses se trouve la nation des spokanes.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . 'have a small village at the entrance of their river, but their chief and permanent place of residence is about forty miles higher up ... where the pointed-heart river joins the spokan from the south-east.' _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . 'the spokanes, whose tribal names are sineequomenach, or upper, sintootoo, or middle spokamish, and chekasschee, or lower spokanes, living on the spokane river, from the idaho line to its mouth.' _winans_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . spokane, the sarlilso and sketsomish of lewis and clarke. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the _sans poils_ (hairless), or 'sanpoils, which includes the nespeelum indians, are located on the columbia, from the mouth of the spokane down to grand coulée (on the south of the columbia), and from a point opposite the mouth of the spokane down to the mouth of the okanagan on the north side of the columbia, including the country drained by the sanpoil, and nespeelum creeks.' _winans_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . sinpoilish, west of the columbia between priest rapids and okanagan. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. , map. sinpauelish, west of the kettle falls indians. _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'sinipouals. près des grands rapides du rio colombia.' _mofras_, _explor_., tom. ii., p. . sinpavelist, west of the chaudières. _de smet_, _voy._, p. . sinapoils, 'occupy a district on the northern banks of the columbia, between the spokan and oakinagan rivers.' _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . hehighenimmo of lewis and clarke. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the _pisquouse_ inhabit the west bank of the columbia between the okanagan and priest rapids. piskwaus, or piscous; 'name properly belongs to the tribe who live on the small river which falls into the columbia on the west side, about forty miles below fort okanagan. but it is here extended to all the tribes as far down as priest's rapids.' the map extends their territory across the columbia. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. , and map, p. . pisquouse, 'immediately north of that of the yakamas.' 'on the columbia between the priest's and ross rapids.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; and _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'piscaous. sur la petite rivière de ce nom à l'ouest de la colombie.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . the skamoynumacks live on the banks of the columbia, at priest rapids, near the mouth of the umatilla. thirty miles distant up the river are the kewaughtohenemachs. _ross' adven._, pp. , . 'the mithouies are located on the west side of the columbia river, from the mouth of the okanagan down to the wonatchee, and includes the country drained by the mithouie, lake chelan, and enteeatook rivers.' _winans_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the isle de pierres, whose tribal name is linkinse, are located on the east and south side of the col. riv. from grand coulée down to priests' rapids, which includes the peninsula made by the great bend of the col.' _ib._ [sidenote: sahaptin family.] the sahaptin family is situated immediately south of the salish. only six of the eight nations mentioned below have been included in the family by other authors. 'the country occupied by them extends from the dalles of the columbia to the bitter-root mountains, lying on both sides of the columbia and upon the kooskooskie and salmon forks of lewis' and snake river, between that of the selish family on the north, and of the snakes on the south.' _gibbs_, in _pandosy's gram._, p. vii. 'the first and more northern indians of the interior may be denominated the shahaptan family, and comprehends three tribes; the shahaptan, or nez percés of the canadians; the kliketat, a scion from the shahaptans who now dwell near mount rainier, and have advanced toward the falls of the columbia; and the okanagan, who inhabit the upper part of fraser's river and its tributaries.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . hale's map, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. , divides the territory among the nez percés, walla-wallas, waiilaptu, and molele. 'the indians in this district (of the dalles) are dog river, wascos, tyicks, des chutes, john day, utilla, cayuses, walla-walla, nez percés, mountain snakes and bannacks.' _dennison_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the different tribes attached to fort nez percés, and who formerly went by that cognomen, are the shamooinaugh, skamnaminaugh, e'yackimah, ispipewhumaugh, and inaspetsum. these tribes inhabit the main north branch above the forks. on the south branch are the palletto pallas, shawhaapten or nez percés proper, pawluch, and cosispa tribes. on the main columbia, beginning at the dallas, are the necootimeigh, wisscopam, wisswhams, wayyampas, lowhim, sawpaw, and youmatalla bands.' _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. - . cathlakahikits, at the rapids of columbia river, n. side; chippanchickchicks, 'n. side of columbia river, in the long narrows, a little below the falls.' hellwits, 'at the falls of columbia river;' ithkyemamits, 'on columbia river, n. side near chippanchickchicks'; yehah, 'above the rapids.' _morse's rept._, pp. - . the _nez percés_ 'possess the country on each side of the lewis or snake river, from the peloose to the wapticacoes, about a hundred miles--together with the tributary streams, extending, on the east, to the foot of the rocky mountains.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'on both sides of the kooskooskia and north fork of snake river.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; and _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'a few bands of the nez percés indians occupy the salmon river and the clearwater.' _thompson_, in _id._, p. . 'the nez percés country is bounded west by the palouse river and the tucannon; on the north by the range of mountains between clear water and the coeur d'alene; east by the bitter root mountains; on the south they are bounded near the line dividing the two territories.' _craig_, in _id._, , p. . the buffalo, a tribe of the nez perces, winter in the bitter root valley. _owen_, in _id._, , p. . 'upper waters and mountainous parts of the columbia.' _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. . 'country lying along lewis river and its tributaries from the eastern base of the blue mountains to the columbia.' _palmer's jour._, p. . nez percés or sahaptins, 'on the banks of the lewis fork or serpent river.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'chohoptins, or nez-percés, ... on the banks of lewis river.' _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . 'rove through the regions of the lewis branch.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. . 'the lower nez percés range upon the wayleeway, immahah, yenghies, and other of the streams west of the mountains.' _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. . some flatheads live along the clearwater river down to below its junction with the snake. _gass' jour._, p. . country 'drained by the kooskooskie, westward from the blackfoot country, and across the rocky mountains.' _brownell's ind. races_, p. . 'près du fort de ce nom, à la junction des deux branches du fleuve.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . junction of snake and clearwater. _parker's explor. tour_, _map_. chopunnish. _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. , and map. copunnish. _bulfinch's oregon_, p. . 'the nez-percés are divided into two classes, the nez-percés proper, who inhabit the mountains, and the polonches, who inhabit the plain country about the mouth of the snake river.' _gairdner_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . chopunnish, 'on lewis river below the entrance of the kooskooskee, on both sides.' 'on the kooskooskee river below the forks, and on cotter's creek.' bands of the chopunnish; pelloatpallah, kimmooenim, yeletpoo, willewah, soyennom. _morse's rept._, p. . the _palouse_, or 'the palus, usually written paloose, live between the columbia and the snake.' _gibbs_, in _pandosy's gram._, p. vi. 'the peloose tribe has a stream called after it which empties into lewis river.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . upon the peloose river. 'entrance of great snake river and surrounding country.' _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. , . 'properly a part of the nez percés. their residence is along the nez percé river and up the pavilion.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . in three bands; at the mouth of the pelouse river; on the north bank of snake river, thirty miles below the pelouse; and at the mouth of the snake river. _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - , and in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. - . palouse, or pelouse, 'reside on the banks of the palouse and snake rivers.' _mullan's rept._, pp. , . 'la tribu paloose appartient à la nation des nez-percés ... elle habite les bords des deux rivières des nez-percés et du pavilion.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . selloatpallah, north of the snake, near its confluence with the columbia. _lewis and clarke's map._ same as the sewatpalla. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the _walla-wallas_ 'occupy the country south of the columbia and about the river of that name.' _gibbs_, in _pandosy's gram._, p. vii. 'a number of bands living usually on the south side of the columbia, and on the snake river to a little east of the peluse.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'are on a small stream which falls into the columbia near fort nez-percés.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'inhabit the country about the river of the same name, and range some distance below along the columbia.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'upon the banks of the columbia, below the mouth of the lewis fork are found the walla-wallas.' _brownell's ind. races_, p. . 'oualla-oualla, au-dessus du fort des nez percés.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'under this term are embraced a number of bands living usually on the south side of the columbia, and on the snake river, to a little east of the pelouse; as also the klikatats and yakamas, north of the former.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'on both sides of the columbia river between snake river and hudson bay fort, walla-walla.' _dennison_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . walla wallapum. _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'les walla-walla habitent, sur la rivière du même nom, l'un des tributaires de la colombie, et leur pays s'étend aussi le long de ce fleuve.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . wollaw wollah. south side of the snake, at junction with the columbia. _lewis and clarke's map._ wollaolla and wollawalla, 'on both sides of col., as low as the muscleshell rapid, and in winter pass over to the taptul river.' _morse's rept._, pp. - . 'country south of the columbia and about the river of that name.' _gibbs_, in _pandosy's gram._, p. vii. walawaltz nation about the junction of the snake and columbia. on walla walle river. _gass' jour._, pp. - . 'on both banks of the columbia, from the blue mountains to the dalles.' _farnham's trav._, p. . wallah wallah. _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . 'about the river of that name.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, pp. , . wallawallahs, 'reside along the lower part of the walla walla, the low bottom of the umatilla and the columbia, from the mouth of lewis river for one hundred miles south.' _palmer's jour._, pp. , . 'on the borders of the wallahwallah and columbia.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xii., p. . the sciatogas and toustchipas live on canoe river (tukanon?), and the euotalla (touchet?), the akaïtchis 'sur le big-river,' (columbia). _hunt_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. x., pp. - . the sciatogas 'possède le pays borné au sud-est par la grande-plaine; au nord, par le lewis-river; à l'ouest par la columbia; au sud par l'oualamat.' _id._, , tom. xii., p. . [sidenote: the cayuses and wascos.] the _cayuses_ extend from john day river eastward to grande ronde valley. the cayuse, cailloux, waiilatpu, 'country south of the sahaptin and wallawalla. their head-quarters are on the upper part of wallawalla river.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. , map, p. . 'the country belonging to the cayuse is to the south of and between the nez perces and walla-wallas, extending from the des chutes, or wanwanwi, to the eastern side of the blue mountains.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'on the west side of the blue mountains and south of the columbia river.' _thompson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'occupy a portion of the walla-walla valley.' _dennison_, in _id._, , p. ; _cain_, in _id._, , pp. - . 'À l'ouest des nez-perces sont les kayuses.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . the kayouse dwell upon the utalla or emnutilly river. _townsend's nar._, p. . 'west of the nez percés.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. , and map. 'rove through the regions of the lewis branch.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. . 'kayouses. près du grand détour de la colombie.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . waiilatpu, molele, called also willetpoos, cayuse, 'western oregon, south of the columbia river.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. ; _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . caäguas 'inhabit the country bordering on wallawalla river and its tributaries, the blue mountains and grand round.' _palmer's jour._, pp. - . wyeilat or kyoose, country to the south of walla walla. _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . the skyuses 'dwell about the waters of the wayleeway and the adjacent country.' _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. . the willewah 'reside on the willewah river, which falls into the lewis river on the s.w. side, below the forks.' _morse's rept._, p. . in grande ronde valley. _lewis and clarke's map_; _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the umatillas 'live near the junction of the umatilla and columbia rivers.' _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . umatallow river and country extending thence westward to dalles. _tolmie_, in _id._, p. . 'the utillas occupy the country along the river bearing that name.' _dennison_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the wahowpum live 'on the n. branch of the columbia, in different bands from the pishquitpahs; as low as the river lapage; the different bands of this nation winter on the waters of taptul and cataract rivers.' _morse's rept._, p. ; _lewis and clarke's map._ on john day's river. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the _wascos_ include all the tribes between the cascade range and john day river, south of the columbia. 'they are known by the name of wasco indians, and they call their country around the dallas, wascopam. they claim the country extending from the cascades up to the falls of the columbia, the distance of about fifty miles.' _hines' voy._, p. . 'the wascos occupy a small tract of country near to and adjoining the dalles.' _dennison_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . on both sides of the columbia about the dalles are the wascopams. _map_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . eneshur, echeloots, chillukkitequaw and sinacshop occupy the territory, on _lewis and clarke's map_; _morse's rept._, p. . the tchipantchicktchick, cathlassis, ilttekaïmamits, and tchelouits about the dalles. _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xii., p. ; _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'the residence of the molele is (or was) in the broken and wooded country about mounts hood and vancouver.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . the mollales have their home in the willamette valley. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'the tairtla, usually called taigh, belong ... to the environs of the des-chutes river.' _gibbs_, in _pandosy's gram._, p. vii. 'the des chutes ... formerly occupied that section of country between the dalles and the tyich river.' _dennison_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the tyichs ... formerly occupied the tyich valley and the country in its vicinity, which lies about miles south of fort dalles.' _ib._ 'the john day rivers occupy the country in the immediate vicinity of the river bearing that name.' _ib._ 'the dog river, or cascade indians reside on a small stream called dog river, which empties into the columbia river, about half way between the cascades and dalles.' _id._, p. . the cascades dwell 'on the river of that name.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . the _yakimas_ occupy the valley of the yakima river and its branches. 'the upper yakimas occupy the country upon the wenass and main branch of the yakima, above the forks; the lower upon the yakima and its tributaries, below the forks and along the columbia from the mouth of the yakima to a point three miles below the dalles.' _robie_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . three bands, wishhams, clickahut, and skien, along the columbia. _id._, p. . 'the pshwanwappam bands, usually called yakamas, inhabit the yakama river.' _gibbs_, in _pandosy's gram._, p. vii. lewis and clarke's chanwappan, shaltattos, squamaross, skaddals, and chimnahpum, on the yakima river. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the yakimas 'are divided into two principal bands, each made up of a number of villages, and very closely connected; one owning the country on the nahchess and lower yakima, the other are upon the wenass and main branch above the forks.' _id._, p. . yackamans, northern banks of the columbia and on the yackamans river. _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . on the yakima. _hale's ethnog._, _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'south of the long rapids, to the confluence of lewis' river with the columbia, are the yookoomans.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . pishwanwapum (yakima), in yakimaw or eyakema valley. _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . called stobshaddat by the sound indians. _id._, p. . the chimnapums are 'on the n.w. side of col. river, both above and below the entrance of lewis' r. and the taptul r.' _morse's rept._, p. ; _lewis and clarke's map._ the 'chunnapuns and chanwappans are between the cascade range and the north branch of the columbia.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . the pisquitpahs, 'on the muscleshell rapids, and on the n. side of the columbia, to the commencement of the high country; this nation winter on the waters of the taptul and cataract rivers.' _morse's rept._, p. . the sokulks dwell north of the confluence of the snake and columbia. _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. , and map; _morse's rept._, p. . at priest rapids. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . [sidenote: the kliketats.] the _kliketats_ live in the mountainous country north of the cascades, on both sides of the cascade range, and south of the yakimas. klikatats 'inhabit, properly, the valleys lying between mounts st. helens and adams, but they have spread over districts belonging to other tribes, and a band of them is now located as far south as the umpqua.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'roilroilpam is the klikatat country, situated in the cascade mountains north of the columbia and west of the yakamas.' _gibbs_, in _pandosy's gram._, p. vii. 'wander in the wooded country about mount st. helens.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'in the vicinity of the mouth of the columbia.' _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. . klikatats. 'au-dessus du fort des nez-percés.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'the kliketat, a scion from the sahaptans, who now dwell near mount rainier and have advanced towards the falls of the columbia.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . on _lewis and clarke's map_ the kliketat territory is occupied by the chanwappan, shallatos, squamaros, skaddals, shahalas. also in _morse's rept._, p. . whulwhypum, or kliketat, 'in the wooded and prairie country between vancouver and the dalles.' _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . the weyehhoo live on the north side of the columbia, near chusattes river. (kliketat.) _gass' jour._, p. . footnotes: [ ] the _nootka-columbians_ comprehend 'the tribes inhabiting quadra and vancouver's island, and the adjacent inlets of the mainland, down to the columbia river, and perhaps as far s. as umpqua river and the northern part of new california.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . [ ] gilbert malcolm sproat, a close observer and clear writer, thinks 'this word nootkah--no word at all--together with an imaginary word, columbian, denoting a supposed original north american race--is absurdly used to denote all the tribes which inhabit the rocky mountains and the western coast of north america, from california inclusively to the regions inhabited by the esquimaux. in this great tract there are more tribes, differing totally in language and customs, than in any other portion of the american continent; and surely a better general name for them could be found than this meaningless and misapplied term _nootkah columbian_.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . yet mr sproat suggests no other name. it is quite possible that cook, _voy. to the pacific_, vol. ii., p. , misunderstood the native name of nootka sound. it is easy to criticise any name which might be adopted, and even if it were practicable or desirable to change all meaningless and misapplied geographical names, the same or greater objections might be raised against others, which necessity would require a writer to invent. [ ] _kane's wand._, p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. ; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. ; the name being given to the people between the region of the columbia and ° ´. [ ] the name _nez percés_, 'pierced noses,' is usually pronounced as if english, _nez pér-ces_. [ ] for particulars and authorities see tribal boundaries at end of this chapter. [ ] 'the indian tribes of the north-western coast may be divided into two groups, the insular and the inland, or those who inhabit the islands and adjacent shores of the mainland, and subsist almost entirely by fishing; and those who live in the interior and are partly hunters. this division is perhaps arbitrary, or at least imperfect, as there are several tribes whose affinities with either group are obscure.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . see _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. - , and _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'the best division is into coast and inland tribes.' _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'by far the best looking, most intelligent and energetic people on the n. w. coast.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . also ranked by prichard as the finest specimens physically on the coast. _researches_, vol. v., p. . the nass people 'were peculiarly comely, strong, and well grown.' _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . 'would be handsome, or at least comely,' were it not for the paint. 'some of the women have exceedingly handsome faces, and very symmetrical figures.' 'impressed by the manly beauty and bodily proportions of my islanders.' _poole's queen charlotte isl._, pp. , . mackenzie found the coast people 'more corpulent and of better appearance than the inhabitants of the interior.' _voy._, pp. - ; see pp. - . 'the stature (at burke's canal) ... was much more stout and robust than that of the indians further south. the prominence of their countenances and the regularity of their features, resembled the northern europeans.' _vancouver's voy._ vol. ii., p. . a chief of 'gigantic person, a stately air, a noble mien, a manly port, and all the characteristics of external dignity, with a symmetrical figure, and a perfect order of european contour.' _dunn's oregon_, pp. , , , . mayne says, 'their countenances are decidedly plainer' than the southern indians. _b. c._, p. . 'a tall, well-formed people.' _bendel's alex. arch._, p. . 'no finer men ... can be found on the american continent.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . in °, 'son bien corpulentos.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. . 'the best looking indians we had ever met.' 'much taller, and in every way superior to the puget sound tribes. the women are stouter than the men, but not so good-looking.' _reed's nar._ [ ] the sebassas are 'more active and enterprising than the millbank tribes.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . the haeeltzuk are 'comparatively effeminate in their appearance.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . the kyganies 'consider themselves more civilised than the other tribes, whom they regard with feelings of contempt.' _id._, p. . the chimsyans 'are much more active and cleanly than the tribes to the south.' _id._, p. . 'i have, as a rule, remarked that the physical attributes of those tribes coming from the north, are superior to those of the dwellers in the south.' _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . [ ] _mackenzie's voy._, pp. - , - ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., pp. , ; _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'regular, and often fine features.' _bendel's alex. arch._, p. . [ ] _mackenzie's voy._, pp. - , - , - ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . 'opening of the eye long and narrow.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . [ ] 'had it not been for the filth, oil, and paint, with which, from their earliest infancy, they are besmeared from head to foot, there is great reason to believe that their colour would have differed but little from such of the labouring europeans, as are constantly exposed to the inclemency and alterations of the weather.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'between the olive and the copper.' _mackenzie's voy._, pp. - . 'their complexion, when they are washed free from paint, is as white as that of the people of the s. of europe.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . skin 'nearly as white as ours.' _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. - . 'of a remarkable light color.' _bendel's alex. arch._, p. . 'fairer in complexion than the vancouverians.' 'their young women's skins are as clear and white as those of englishwomen.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'fair in complexion, sometimes with ruddy cheeks.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'de buen semblante, color blanco y bermejos.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. . [ ] tolmie mentions several instances of the kind, and states that 'amongst the hydah or queen charlotte island tribes, exist a family of coarse, red-haired, light-brown eyed, square-built people, short-sighted, and of fair complexion.' _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] _mackenzie's voy._, pp. - , ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _dunn's oregon_, p. ; _poole's q. char. isl._, p. . [ ] _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _poole's q. char. isl._, p. . 'what is very unusual among the aborigines of america, they have thick beards, which appear early in life.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . [ ] 'after the age of puberty, their bodies, in their natural state, are covered in the same manner as those of the europeans. the men, indeed, esteem a beard very unbecoming, and take great pains to get rid of it, nor is there any ever to be perceived on their faces, except when they grow old, and become inattentive to their appearance. every crinous efflorescence on the other parts of the body is held unseemly by them, and both sexes employ much time in their extirpation. the nawdowessies, and the remote nations, pluck them out with bent pieces of hard wood, formed into a kind of nippers; whilst those who have communication with europeans procure from them wire, which they twist into a screw or worm; applying this to the part, they press the rings together, and with a sudden twitch draw out all the hairs that are inclosed between them.' _carver's trav._, p. . [ ] _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . [ ] _mackenzie's voy._, pp. - ; _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. ; _dunn's oregon_, p. . [ ] _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. ; _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., pp. , , . 'the most northern of these flat-head tribes is the hautzuk.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., pp. , . 'this wooden ornament seems to be wore by all the sex indiscriminately, whereas at norfolk sound it is confined to those of superior rank.' _dixon's voy._, pp. , , with a cut. a piece of brass or copper is first put in, and 'this corrodes the lacerated parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually increases the orifice.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., pp. - , . _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , ; _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. ; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, p. ; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. , with plate. [ ] _mayne's b. c._, pp. - ; _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. , ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, pp. - ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , . [ ] _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. , , , - ; _mayne's b. c._, pp. , ; _dunn's oregon_, p. . [ ] _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , , ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. ; _poole's q. char. isl._, p. . 'the men habitually go naked, but when they go off on a journey they wear a blanket.' _reed's nar._ 'cuero de nutrias y lobo marino ... sombreros de junco bien tejidos con la copa puntiaguda.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. . [ ] _dunn's oregon_, pp. , - ; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] at salmon river, ° ´, 'their dress consists of a single robe tied over the shoulders, falling down behind, to the heels, and before, a little below the knees, with a deep fringe round the bottom. it is generally made of the bark of the cedar tree, which they prepare as fine as hemp; though some of these garments are interwoven with strips of the sea-otter skin, which give them the appearance of a fur on one side. others have stripes of red and yellow threads fancifully introduced towards the borders.' clothing is laid aside whenever convenient. 'the women wear a close fringe hanging down before them about two feet in length, and half as wide. when they sit down they draw this between their thighs.' _mackenzie's voy._, pp. - , ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., pp. , . [ ] a house 'erected on a platform, ... raised and supported near thirty feet from the ground by perpendicular spars of a very large size; the whole occupying a space of about thirty-five by fifteen (yards), was covered in by a roof of boards lying nearly horizontal, and parallel to the platform; it seemed to be divided into three different houses, or rather apartments, each having a separate access formed by a long tree in an inclined position from the platform to the ground, with notches cut in it by way of steps, about a foot and a half asunder.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . see also pp. , - , , . 'their summer and winter residences are built of split plank, similar to those of the chenooks.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'ils habitent dans des loges de soixante pieds de long, construites avec des troncs de sapin et recouvertes d'écorces d'arbres.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'their houses are neatly constructed, standing in a row; having large images, cut out of wood, resembling idols. the dwellings have all painted fronts, showing imitations of men and animals. attached to their houses most of them have large potatoe gardens.' _dunn's oregon_, pp. - . see also, pp. - , - , ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., pp. , , with cuts on p. and frontispiece. 'near the house of the chief i observed several oblong squares, of about twenty feet by eight. they were made of thick cedar boards, which were joined with so much neatness, that i at first thought they were one piece. they were painted with hieroglyphics, and figures of different animals,' probably for purposes of devotion, as was 'a large building in the middle of the village.... the ground-plot was fifty feet by forty-five; each end is formed by four stout posts, fixed perpendicularly in the ground. the corner ones are plain, and support a beam of the whole length, having three intermediate props on each side, but of a larger size, and eight or nine feet in height. the two centre posts, at each end, are two and a half feet in diameter, and carved into human figures, supporting two ridge poles on their heads, twelve feet from the ground. the figures at the upper part of this square represent two persons, with their hands upon their knees, as if they supported the weight with pain and difficulty: the others opposite to them stand at their ease, with their hands resting on their hips.... posts, poles, and figures, were painted red and black, but the sculpture of these people is superior to their painting.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. . see also pp. , , - , , ; _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. , - ; _reed's nar._; _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] on food of the haidahs and the methods of procuring it, see _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. , ; _mackenzie's voy._, pp. , - , - , , , , - ; _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. , - , - ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , , , - ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. ; _pemberton's vancouver island_, p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. ; _reed's nar._ [ ] _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _poole's q. char. isl._, p. ; _mackenzie's voy._, p. - . 'once i saw a party of kaiganys of about two hundred men returning from war. the paddles of the warriors killed in the fight were lashed upright in their various seats, so that from a long distance the number of the fallen could be ascertained; and on each mast of the canoes--and some of them had three--was stuck the head of a slain foe.' _bendel's alex. arch._, p. . [ ] the kaiganies 'are noted for the beauty and size of their cedar canoes, and their skill in carving. most of the stone pipes, inlaid with fragments of haliotis or pearl shells, so common in ethnological collections, are their handiwork. the slate quarry from which the stone is obtained is situated on queen charlotte's island.' _dall's alaska_, p. . the chimsyans 'make figures in stone dressed like englishmen; plates and other utensils of civilization, ornamented pipe stems and heads, models of houses, stone flutes, adorned with well-carved figures of animals. their imitative skill is as noticeable as their dexterity in carving.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . the supporting posts of their probable temples were carved into human figures, and all painted red and black, 'but the sculpture of these people ( ° ´) is superior to their painting.' _mackenzie's voy._, pp. - ; see pp. - . 'one man (near fort simpson) known as the arrowsmith of the north-east coast, had gone far beyond his compeers, having prepared very accurate charts of most parts of the adjacent shores.' _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . 'the indians of the northern family are remarkable for their ingenuity and mechanical dexterity in the construction of their canoes, houses, and different warlike or fishing implements. they construct drinking-vessels, tobacco-pipes, &c., from a soft argillaceous stone, and these articles are remarkable for the symmetry of their form, and the exceedingly elaborate and intricate figures which are carved upon them. with respect to carving and a faculty for imitation, the queen charlotte's islanders are equal to the most ingenious of the polynesian tribes.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'like the chinese, they imitate literally anything that is given them to do; so that if you give them a cracked gun-stock to copy, and do not warn them, they will in their manufacture repeat the blemish. many of their slate-carvings are very good indeed, and their designs most curious.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . see also, _dunn's oregon_, p. ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. , and plate p. . the skidagates 'showed me beautifully wrought articles of their own design and make, and amongst them some flutes manufactured from an unctuous blue slate.... the two ends were inlaid with lead, giving the idea of a fine silver mounting. two of the keys perfectly represented frogs in a sitting posture, the eyes being picked out with burnished lead.... it would have done credit to a european modeller.' _poole's q. char. isl._, p. . 'their talent for carving has made them famous far beyond their own country.' _bendel's alex. arch._, p. . a square wooden box, holding one or two bushels, is made from three pieces, the sides being from one piece so mitred as to bend at the corners without breaking. 'during their performance of this character of labor, (carving, etc.) their superstitions will not allow any spectator of the operator's work.' _reed's nar._; _ind. life_, p. . 'of a very fine and hard slate they make cups, plates, pipes, little images, and various ornaments, wrought with surprising elegance and taste.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'ils peignent aussi avec le même goût.' _rossi_, _souvenirs_, p. ; _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., pp. - . [ ] _mackenzie's voy._, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., pp. - , , ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , , , . 'they boil the cedar root until it becomes pliable to be worked by the hand and beaten with sticks, when they pick the fibres apart into threads. the warp is of a different material--sinew of the whale, or dried kelp-thread.' _reed's nar._ 'petatito de vara en cuadro bien vistoso, tejido de palma fina de dos colores blanco y negro que tejido en cuadritos.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., pp. , - . [ ] _poole's q. char. isl._, p. , and cuts on pp. , ; _mackenzie's voy._, p. ; _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. cxxv; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _reed's nar._; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. , with plate. the bellabellahs 'promised to construct a steam-ship on the model of ours.... some time after this rude steamer appeared. she was from to feet long, all in one piece--a large tree hollowed out--resembling the model of our steamer. she was black, with painted ports; decked over; and had paddles painted red, and indians under cover, to turn them round. the steersman was not seen. she was floated triumphantly, and went at the rate of three miles an hour. they thought they had nearly come up to the point of external structure; but then the enginery baffled them; and this they thought they could imitate in time, by perseverance, and the helping illumination of the great spirit.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . see also, p. . 'a canoe easily distanced the champion boat of the american navy, belonging to the man-of-war _saranac_.' _bendel's alex. arch._, p. . [ ] _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _macfie's b. c._, pp. , , ; _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , - , ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. cxxv. [ ] _mackenzie's voy._, pp. - ; _tolmie and anderson_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - , ; _macfie's b. c._, p. ; _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. ; _dixon's voy._, p. . 'there exists among them a regular aristocracy.' 'the chiefs are always of unquestionable birth, and generally count among their ancestors men who were famous in battle and council.' 'the chief is regarded with all the reverence and respect which his rank, his birth, and his wealth can claim,' but 'his power is by no means unlimited.' _bendel's alex. arch._, p. . [ ] _dunn's oregon_, pp. - , ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. ; _bendel's alex. arch._, p. ; _kane's wand._, p. . [ ] 'polygamy is universal, regulated simply by the facilities for subsistence.' _anderson_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . see pp. - , and vol. i., pp. - . the women 'cohabit almost promiscuously with their own tribe though rarely with other tribes.' poole, spending the night with a chief, was given the place of honor, under the same blanket with the chief's daughter--and her father. _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. - , - , . 'the indians are in general very jealous of their women.' _dixon's voy._, p. - . 'tous les individus d'une famille couchent pêle-mêle sur le sol plancheyé de l'habitation.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'soon after i had retired ... the chief paid me a visit to insist on my going to his bed-companion, and taking my place himself.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. . see pp. , - . _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'on the weddingday they have a public feast, at which they dance and sing.' _dunn's oregon_, pp. - , - . 'according to a custom of the bellabollahs, the widow of the deceased is transferred to his brother's harem.' _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. - . 'the temporary present of a wife is one of the greatest honours that can be shown there to a guest.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . [ ] 'the queen charlotte islanders surpass any people that i ever saw in passionate addiction' to gambling. _poole's q. char. isl._, p. - . see pp. - , - . _mackenzie's voy._, pp. , . the sebassas are great gamblers, and 'resemble the chinooks in their games.' _dunn's oregon_, pp. - , - , - , . 'the indian mode of dancing bears a strange resemblance to that in use among the chinese.' _poole's q. char. isl._, p. . _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. ; _ind. life_, p. . [ ] _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _duncan_, in _mayne's b. c._, pp. - , and in _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _white's oregon_, p. ; _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. ; _hutchings' cal. mag._, nov. , pp. - ; _ind. life_, p. ; _reed's nar._; _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . [ ] the indians of millbank sound became exasperated against me, 'and they gave me the name of "_schloapes_," i. e., "_stingy_:" and when near them, if i should spit, they would run and try to take up the spittle in something; for, according as they afterwards informed me, they intended to give it to their doctor or magician; and he would charm my life away.' _dunn's oregon_, pp. - . see pp. - ; _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. - . [ ] _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - , - ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , - . [ ] _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. - , ; _anderson_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] at about ° ´, between the fraser river and the pacific, mackenzie observed the treatment of a man with a bad ulcer on his back. they blew on him and whistled, pressed their fingers on his stomach, put their fists into his mouth, and spouted water into his face. then he was carried into the woods, laid down in a clear spot, and a fire was built against his back while the doctor scarified the ulcer with a blunt instrument. _voy._, pp. - ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , ; _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. - ; _duncan_, in _mayne's b. c._, - ; _reed's nar._, in _olympia wash. stand._, _may , _. [ ] at boca de quadra, vancouver found 'a box about three feet square, and a foot and a half deep, in which were the remains of a human skeleton, which appeared from the confused situation of the bones, either to have been cut to pieces, or thrust with great violence into this small space.' ... 'i was inclined to suppose that this mode of depositing their dead is practised only in respect to certain persons of their society.' _voy._, vol. ii., p. . at cape northumberland, in ° ´, 'was a kind of vault formed partly by the natural cavity of the rocks, and partly by the rude artists of the country. it was lined with boards, and contained some fragments of warlike implements, lying near a square box covered with mats and very curiously corded down.' _id._, p. ; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, pp. - . on queen charlotte islands, 'ces monumens sont de deux espèces: les premiers et les plus simples ne sont composés que d'un seul pilier d'environ dix pieds d'élévation et d'un pied de diamètre, sur le sommet duquel sont fixées des planches formant un plateau; et dans quelques-uns ce plateau est supporté par deux piliers. le corps, déposé sur cette plate-forme, est recouvert de mousse et de grosses pierres' ... 'les mausolées de la seconde espèce sont plus composés: quatre poteaux plantés en terre, et élevés de deux pieds seulement au-dessus du sol portent un sarcophage travaillé avec art, et hermétiquement clos.' _marchand_, _voy._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'according to another account it appeared that they actually bury their dead; and when another of the family dies, the remains of the person who was last interred, are taken from the grave and burned.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. . see also pp. , - ; _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., pp. - ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , , ; _mayne's b. c._, pp. , ; _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _dall's alaska_, p. . [ ] on the coast, at ° ´, vancouver found them 'civil, good-humoured and friendly.' at cascade canal, about ° ´, 'in traffic they proved themselves to be keen traders, but acted with the strictest honesty;' at point hopkins 'they all behaved very civilly and honestly;' while further north, at observatory inlet, 'in their countenances was expressed a degree of savage ferocity infinitely surpassing any thing of the sort i had before observed,' presents being scornfully rejected. _voy._, vol. ii., pp. , , , . the kitswinscolds on skeena river 'are represented as a very superior race, industrious, sober, cleanly, and peaceable.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the chimsyans are fiercer and more uncivilized than the indians of the south. _sproat's scenes_, p. . 'finer and fiercer men than the indians of the south.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'they appear to be of a friendly disposition, but they are subject to sudden gusts of passion, which are as quickly composed; and the transition is instantaneous, from violent irritation to the most tranquil demeanor. of the many tribes ... whom i have seen, these appear to be the most susceptible of civilization.' _mackenzie's voy._, p. , . at stewart's lake the natives, whenever there is any advantage to be gained are just as readily tempted to betray each other as to deceive the colonists. _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - , - ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . a kygarnie chief being asked to go to america or england, refused to go where even chiefs were slaves--that is, had duties to perform--while he at home was served by slaves and wives. the sebassas 'are more active and enterprising than the milbank tribes, but the greatest thieves and robbers on the coast.' _dunn's oregon_, p. , . 'all these visitors of fort simpson are turbulent and fierce. their broils, which are invariably attended with bloodshed, generally arise from the most trivial causes.' _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. . the kygarnies 'are very cleanly, fierce and daring.' the islanders, 'when they visit the mainland, they are bold and treacherous, and always ready for mischief.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . the kygarnies 'are a very fierce, treacherous race, and have not been improved by the rum and fire-arms sold to them.' _dall's alaska_, p. . queen charlotte islanders look upon white men as superior beings, but conceal the conviction. the skidagates are the most intelligent race upon the islands. wonderfully acute in reading character, yet clumsy in their own dissimulation.... 'not revengeful or blood-thirsty, except when smarting under injury or seeking to avert an imaginary wrong.' ... 'i never met with a really brave man among them.' the acoltas have 'given more trouble to the colonial government than any other along the coast.' _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. , - , - , , , , , , , - , , , - . 'of a cruel and treacherous disposition.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . they will stand up and fight englishmen with their fists. _sproat's scenes_, p. . intellectually superior to the puget sound tribes. _reed's nar._ 'mansos y de buena indole.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. . on skeena river, 'the worst i have seen in all my travels.' _downie_, in _b. c. papers_, vol. iii., p. . 'as rogues, where all are rogues,' preëminence is awarded them. _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., pp. - . [ ] 'on my arrival at this inlet, i had honoured it with the name of king george's sound; but i afterward found, that it is called nootka by the natives.' _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., p. . 'no aht indian of the present day ever heard of such a name as nootkah, though most of them recognize the other words in cook's account of their language.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . sproat conjectures that the name may have come from _noochee! noochee!_ the aht word for mountain. a large proportion of geographical names originate in like manner through accident. [ ] for full particulars see tribal boundaries at end of this chapter. [ ] 'the newatees, mentioned in many books, are not known on the west coast. probably the klah-oh-quahts are meant.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . [ ] there are no indians in the interior. _fitzwilliam's evidence_, in _hud. b. co., rept. spec. com._, , p. . [ ] the same name is also applied to one of the _sound_ nations across the strait in washington. [ ] the teets or haitlins are called by the tacullies, '_sa-chinco_' strangers. _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., pp. - . [ ] sproat's division into nations, 'almost as distinct as the nations of europe' is into the quoquoulth (quackoll) or fort rupert, in the north and north-east; the kowitchan, or thongeith, on the east and south; aht on the west coast; and komux, a distinct tribe also on the east of vancouver. 'these tribes of the ahts are not confederated; and i have no other warrant for calling them a nation than the fact of their occupying adjacent territories, and having the same superstitions and language.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - , . mayne makes by language four nations; the first including the cowitchen in the harbor and valley of the same name north of victoria, with the nanaimo and kwantlum indians about the mouth of the fraser river, and the songhies; the second comprising the comoux, nanoose, nimpkish, quawguult, etc., on vancouver, and the squawmisht, sechelt, clahoose, ucle-tah, mama-lil-a-culla, etc., on the main, and islands, between nanaimo and fort rupert; the third and fourth groups include the twenty-four west-coast tribes who speak two distinct languages, not named. _mayne's vanc. isl._, pp. - . grant's division gives four languages on vancouver, viz., the quackoll, from clayoquot sound north to c. scott, and thence s. to johnson's strait; the cowitchin, from johnson's strait to sanetch arm; the tsclallum, or clellum, from sanetch to soke, and on the opposite american shore; and the macaw, from patcheena to clayoquot sound. 'these four principal languages ... are totally distinct from each other, both in sound, formation, and modes of expression.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . scouler attempts no division into nations or languages. _lond. geo. soc., jour._, vol. xi., pp. , . mofras singularly designates them as one nation of , souls, under the name of _ouakich_. _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . recent investigations have shown a somewhat different relationship of these languages, which i shall give more particularly in a subsequent volume. [ ] see _sproat's scenes_, pp. - , on the 'effects upon savages of intercourse with civilized men.' 'hitherto, ( ) in vancouver island, the tribes who have principally been in intercourse with the white man, have found it for their interest to keep up that intercourse in amity for the purposes of trade, and the white adventurers have been so few in number, that they have not at all interfered with the ordinary pursuits of the natives.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . [ ] 'muy robustos y bien apersonados.' 'de mediana estatura, excepto los xefes cuya corpulencia se hace notar.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , . 'the young princess was of low stature, very plump.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . macquilla, the chief was five feet eight inches, with square shoulders and muscular limbs; his son was five feet nine inches. _belcher's voy._, vol. i., pp. - . the seaboard tribes have 'not much physical strength.' _poole's q. char. isl._, p. . 'la gente dicen ser muy robusta.' _perez_, _rel. del viage, ms._, p. . 'leur taille est moyenne.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'in general, robust and well proportioned.' _meares' voy._, p. . under the common stature, pretty full and plump, but not muscular--never corpulent, old people lean--short neck and clumsy body; women nearly the same size as the men. _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'of smaller stature than the northern tribes; they are usually fatter and more muscular.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . in the north, among the clayoquots and quackolls, men are often met of five feet ten inches and over; on the south coast the stature varies from five feet three inches to five feet six inches. _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . 'the men are in general from about five feet six to five feet eight inches in height; remarkably straight, of a good form, robust and strong.' only one dwarf was seen. _jewitt's nar._, pp. - . the klah-oh-quahts are 'as a tribe physically the finest. individuals may be found in all the tribes who reach a height of five feet eleven inches, and a weight of pounds, without much flesh on their bodies.' extreme average height: men, five feet six inches, women, five feet one-fourth inch. 'many of the men have well-shaped forms and limbs. none are corpulent.' 'the men generally have well-set, strong frames, and, if they had pluck and skill, could probably hold their own in a grapple with englishmen of the same stature.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'rather above the middle stature, copper-colored and of an athletic make.' _spark's life of ledyard_, p. ; _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . 'spare muscular forms.' _barrett-lennard's trav._, pp. ; _gordon's hist. and geog. mem._, pp. - . [ ] limbs small, crooked, or ill-made; large feet; badly shaped, and projecting ankles from sitting so much on their hams and knees. _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'their limbs, though stout and athletic, are crooked and ill-shaped.' _meares' voy._, p. . 'ils ont les membres inférieures légèrement arqués, les chevilles très-saillantes, et la pointe des pieds tournée en dedans, difformité qui provient de la manière dont ils sont assis dans leurs canots.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'stunted, and move with a lazy waddling gait.' _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. . 'skeleton shanks ... not much physical strength ... bow-legged--defects common to the seaboard tribes.' _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. - . all the females of the northwest coast are very short-limbed. 'raro es el que no tiene muy salientes los tobillos y las puntas de los pies inclinadas hácia dentro ... y una especie de entumecimiento que se advierte, particularmente en las mugeres.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , , - . they have great strength in the fingers. _sproat's scenes_ p. . women, short-limbed, and toe in. _id._, p. ; _mayne's b. c._, pp. - . 'the limbs of both sexes are ill-formed, and the toes turned inwards.' 'the legs of the women, especially those of the slaves, are often swollen as if oedematous, so that the leg appears of an uniform thickness from the ankle to the calf,' from wearing a garter. _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . [ ] the different aht tribes vary in physiognomy somewhat--'faces of the chinese and spanish types may be seen.' 'the face of the ahts is rather broad and flat; the mouth and lips of both men and women are large, though to this there are exceptions, and the cheekbones are broad but not high. the skull is fairly shaped, the eyes small and long, deep set, in colour a lustreless inexpressive black, or very dark hazel, none being blue, grey, or brown.... one occasionally sees an indian with eyes distinctly chinese. the nose ... in some instances is remarkably well-shaped.' 'the teeth are regular, but stumpy, and are deficient in enamel at the points,' perhaps from eating sanded salmon. _sproat's scenes_, pp. , . 'their faces are large and full, their cheeks high and prominent, with small black eyes; their noses are broad and flat; their lips thick, and they have generally very fine teeth, and of the most brilliant whiteness.' _meares' voy._, pp. - ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . 'la fisonomia de estos (nitinats) era differente de la de los habitantes de nutka: tenian el cráneo de figura natural, los ojos chicos muy próximos, cargados los párpados.' many have a languid look, but few a stupid appearance. _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , , - , . 'dull and inexpressive eye.' 'unprepossessing and stupid countenances.' _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. , . the wickinninish have 'a much less open and pleasing expression of countenance' than the klaizzarts. the newchemass 'were the most savage looking and ugly men that i ever saw.' 'the shape of the face is oval; the features are tolerably regular, the lips being thin and the teeth very white and even: their eyes are black but rather small, and the nose pretty well formed, being neither flat nor very prominent.' the women 'are in general very well-looking, and some quite handsome.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. , , . 'features that would have attracted notice for their delicacy and beauty, in those parts of the world where the qualities of the human form are best understood.' _meares' voy._, p. . face round and full, sometimes broad, with prominent cheek-bones ... falling in between the temples, the nose flattening at the base, wide nostrils and a rounded point ... forehead low; eyes small, black and languishing; mouth round, with large, round, thickish lips; teeth tolerably equal and well-set, but not very white. remarkable sameness, a dull phlegmatic want of expression; no pretensions to beauty among the women. _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - . see portraits of nootkas in _belcher's voy._, vol. i., p. ; _cook's atlas_, pl. - ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, _atlas_; _whymper's alaska_, p. . 'long nose, high cheek bones, large ugly mouth, very long eyes, and foreheads villainously low.' 'the women of vancouver island have seldom or ever good features; they are almost invariably pug-nosed; they have however, frequently a pleasing expression, and there is no lack of intelligence in their dark hazel eyes.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. - . 'though without any pretensions to beauty, could not be considered as disagreeable.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'have the common facial characteristics of low foreheads, high cheek-bones, aquiline noses, and large mouths.' 'among some of the tribes pretty women may be seen.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . [ ] 'her skin was clean, and being nearly white,' etc. _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'reddish brown, like that of a dirty copper kettle.' some, when washed, have 'almost a florid complexion.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. , . 'brown, somewhat inclining to a copper cast.' the women are much whiter, 'many of them not being darker than those in some of the southern parts of europe.' the newchemass are much darker than the other tribes. _jewitt's nar._, pp. , . 'their complexion, though light, has more of a copper hue' than that of the haidahs. _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'skin white, with the clear complexion of europe.' _meares' voy._, p. . the color hard to tell on account of the paint, but in a few cases 'the whiteness of the skin appeared almost to equal that of europeans; though rather of that pale effete cast ... of our southern nations.... their children ... also equalled ours in whiteness.' _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., p. . 'their complexion is a dull brown,' darker than the haidahs. 'cook and meares probably mentioned exceptional cases.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'tan blancos como el mejor español.' _perez_, _rel. del viage, ms._, p. . 'por lo que se puede inferir del (color) de los niños, parece menos obscuro que el de los mexicanos,' but judging by the chiefs' daughters they are wholly white. _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . 'a dark, swarthy copper-coloured figure.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . they 'have lighter complexions than other aborigines of america.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. . 'sallow complexion, verging towards copper colour.' _barrett-lennard's trav._, pp. - . copper-coloured. _spark's life of ledyard_, p. . [ ] 'the hair of the natives is never shaven from the head. it is black or dark brown, without gloss, coarse and lank, but not scanty, worn long.... slaves wear their hair short. now and then, but rarely, a light-haired native is seen. there is one woman in the opechisat tribe at alberni who had curly, or rather wavy, brown hair. few grey-haired men can be noticed in any tribe. the men's beards and whiskers are deficient, probably from the old alleged custom, now seldom practiced, of extirpating the hairs with small shells. several of the nootkah sound natives (moouchahts) have large moustaches and whiskers.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'el cabello es largo lacio y grueso, variando su color entre rubio, obscuro, castaño y negro. la barba sale á los mozos con la misma regularidad que á los de otros paises, y llega á ser en los ancianos tan poblada y larga como la de los turcos; pero los jóvenes parecen imberbes porque se la arrancan con los dedos, ó mas comunmente con pinzas formadas de pequeñas conchas.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - , . 'hair of the head is in great abundance, very coarse, and strong; and without a single exception, black, straight and lank.' no beards at all, or a small thin one on the chin, not from a natural defect, but from plucking. old men often have beards. eyebrows scanty and narrow. _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'neither beard, whisker, nor moustache ever adorns the face of the redskin.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _jewitt's nar._, pp. , , . hair 'invariably either black or dark brown.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. ; _meares' voy._, p. ; _mayne's b. c._, pp. - ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. ; _spark's life of ledyard_, p. . [ ] _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - ; _sproat's scenes_, pp. - ; _meares' voy._, p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. ; _jewitt's nar._, pp. , , , , - ; _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. ; _mayne's b. c._, pp. - ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . [ ] _mayne's b. c._, pp. , , with cut of a child with bandaged head, and of a girl with a sugar-loaf head, measuring eighteen inches from the eyes to the summit. _sproat's scenes_, pp. - ; _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. ; _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; meares' voy., p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., p. , cut of three skulls of flattened, conical, and natural form; _kane's wand._, p. ; _jewitt's nar._, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. ; _gordon's hist. and geog. mem._, p. . [ ] at valdes island, 'the faces of some were made intirely white, some red, black, or lead colour.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. , . at nuñez gaona bay, 'se pintan de encarnado y negro.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . at nootka sound, 'con esta grasa (de ballena) se untan todo el cuerpo, y despues se pintan con una especie de barniz compuesto de la misma grasa ó aceyte, y de almagre en términos que parece este su color natural.' chiefs only may paint in varied colors, plebeians being restricted to one.' _id._, pp. - . 'many of the females painting their faces on all occasions, but the men only at set periods.' vermilion is obtained by barter. black, their war and mourning color, is made by themselves. _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. . 'ces indiens enduisent leur corps d'huile de baleine, et se peignent avec des ocres.' chiefs only may wear different colors, and figures of animals. _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'rub their bodies constantly with a red paint, of a clayey or coarse ochry substance, mixed with oil.... their faces are often stained with a black, a brighter red, or a white colour, by way of ornament.... they also strew the brown martial mica upon the paint, which makes it glitter.' _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., p. . 'a line of vermilion extends from the centre of the forehead to the tip of the nose, and from this "trunk line" others radiate over and under the eyes and across the cheeks. between these red lines white and blue streaks alternately fill the interstices. a similar pattern ornaments chest, arms, and back, the frescoing being artistically arranged to give apparent width to the chest.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . 'they paint the face in hideous designs of black and red (the only colours used), and the parting of the hair is also coloured red.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'at great feasts the faces of the women are painted red with vermilion or berry-juice, and the men's faces are blackened with burnt wood. about the age of twenty-five the women cease to use paint.... some of the young men streak their faces with red, but grown-up men seldom now use paint, unless on particular occasions.... the leader of a war expedition is distinguished by a streaked visage from his black-faced followers.' _sproat's scenes_, p. - . the manner of painting is often a matter of whim. 'the most usual method is to paint the eye-brows black, in form of a half moon, and the face red in small squares, with the arms and legs and part of the body red; sometimes one half of the face is painted red in squares, and the other black; at others, dotted with red spots, or red and black instead of squares, with a variety of other devices, such as painting one half of the face and body red, and the other black.' _jewitt's nar._, p. ; _meares' voy._, p. ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. ; _spark's life of ledyard_, p. . [ ] 'the habit of tattooing the legs and arms is common to all the women of vancouver's island; the men do not adopt it.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . 'no such practice as tattooing exists among these natives.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . 'the ornament on which they appear to set the most value, is the nose-jewel, if such an appellation may be given to the wooden stick, which some of them employ for this purpose.... i have seen them projecting not less than eight or nine inches beyond the face on each side; this is made fast or secured in its place by little wedges on each side of it.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. - , ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , - ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. ; _whymper's alaska_, pp. , , with cut of mask. _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _kane's wand._, pp. - , and illustration of a hair medicine-cap. [ ] 'their cloaks, which are circular capes with a hole in the centre, edged with sea-otter skin, are constructed from the inner bark of the cypress. it turns the rain, is very soft and pliable,' etc. _belcher's voy._, vol. i., p. . the usual dress of the newchemass 'is a _kootsuck_ made of wolf skin, with a number of the tails attached to it ... hanging from the top to the bottom; though they sometimes wear a similar mantle of bark cloth, of a much coarser texture than that of nootka.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. - , - , - , - . 'their common dress is a flaxen garment, or mantle, ornamented on the upper edge by a narrow strip of fur, and at the lower edge, by fringes or tassels. it passes under the left arm, and is tied over the right shoulder, by a string before, and one behind, near its middle.... over this, which reaches below the knees, is worn a small cloak of the same substance, likewise fringed at the lower part.... their head is covered with a cap, of the figure of a truncated cone, or like a flower-pot, made of fine matting, having the top frequently ornamented with a round or pointed knob, or bunch of leathern tassels.' _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - , - , . 'the men's dress is a blanket; the women's a strip of cloth, or shift, and blanket. the old costume of the natives was the same as at present, but the material was different.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. , . 'their clothing generally consists of skins,' but they have two other garments of bark or dog's hair. 'their garments of all kinds are worn mantlewise, and the borders of them are fringed' with wampum. _spark's life of ledyard_, pp. - ; _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - , , - , - ; _meares' voy._, pp. - ; _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _whymper's alaska_, p. ; _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. ; _macfie's van. isl._, pp. , ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . see portraits in _cook's atlas_, _belcher's voy._, _sutil y mexicana, atlas_, and _whymper's alaska._ [ ] on the east side of vancouver was a village of thirty-four houses, arranged in regular streets. the house of the leader 'was distinguished by three rafters of stout timber raised above the roof, according to the architecture of nootka, though much inferior to those i had there seen, in point of size.' bed-rooms were separated, and more decency observed than at nootka sound. _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. - , with a view of this village; also pp. - , description of the village on desolation sound; p. , on valdes island; p. , view of village on bute canal; and vol. iii., pp. - , a peculiarity not noticed by cook--'immense pieces of timber which are raised, and horizontally placed on wooden pillars, about eighteen inches above the roof of the largest houses in that village; one of which pieces of timber was of a size sufficient to have made a lower mast for a third rate man of war.' see _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. , - , and _atlas_, plate . a sort of a duplicate inside building, with shorter posts, furnishes on its roof a stage, where all kinds of property and supplies are stored. _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'the planks or boards which they make use of for building their houses, and for other uses, they procure of different lengths, as occasion requires, by splitting them out, with hard wooden wedges from pine logs, and afterwards dubbing them down with their chizzels.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. - . grant states that the nootka houses are palisade inclosures formed of stakes or young fir-trees, some twelve or thirteen feet high, driven into the ground close together, roofed in with slabs of fir or cedar. _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . the teets have palisaded enclosures. _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . 'the chief resides at the upper end, the proximity of his relatives to him being according to their degree of kindred.' _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _dunn's oregon_, p. ; _belcher's voy._, vol. i., p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. , - , , - ; _seemann's voy. of herald_, vol. i., pp. - . the carved pillars are not regarded by the natives as idols in any sense. _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - , ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, pp. , - . some houses eighty by two hundred feet. _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _gordon's hist. and geog. mem._, pp. - . [ ] 'their heads and their garments swarm with vermin, which, ... we used to see them pick off with great composure, and eat.' _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., p. . see also pp. - , - . 'their mode of living is very simple--their food consisting almost wholly of fish, or fish spawn fresh or dried, the blubber of the whale, seal, or sea-cow, muscles, clams, and berries of various kinds; all of which are eaten with a profusion of train oil.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. - , - , - , - , . _sproat's scenes_, pp. - , , , - , - . 'the common business of fishing for ordinary sustenance is carried on by slaves, or the lower class of people;--while the more noble occupation of killing the whale and hunting the sea-otter, is followed by none but the chiefs and warriors.' _meares' voy._, p. . 'they make use of the dried fucus giganteus, anointed with oil, for lines, in taking salmon and sea-otters.' _belcher's voy._, vol. i., pp. - . _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , , - , - , , - , - ; _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. - ; _mayne's b. c._, pp. - ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., p. ; _pemberton's vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _dunn's oregon_, p. ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . the sau-kau-lutuck tribe 'are said to live on the edge of a lake, and subsist principally on deer and bear, and such fish as they can take in the lake.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, pp. , - , - , - , - , - , - ; vol. ii., p. ; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, p. ; _forbes' vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _rattray's vanc. isl._, pp. - , - ; _hud. bay co., rept. spec. com._, , p. . [ ] _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , , ; _jewitt's nar._, pp. - ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. . 'the native bow, like the canoe and paddle, is beautifully formed. it is generally made of yew or crab-apple wood, and is three and a half feet long, with about two inches at each end turned sharply backwards from the string. the string is a piece of dried seal-gut, deer-sinew, or twisted bark. the arrows are about thirty inches long, and are made of pine or cedar, tipped with six inches of serrated bone, or with two unbarbed bone or iron prongs. i have never seen an aht arrow with a barbed head.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . 'having now to a great extent discarded the use of the traditional tomahawk and spear. many of these weapons are, however, still preserved as heirlooms among them.' _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . 'no bows and arrows.' 'generally fight hand to hand, and not with missiles.' _fitzwilliam's evidence_, in _hud. bay co. rept._, , p. . [ ] the ahts 'do not take the scalp of the enemy, but cut off his head, by three dexterous movements of the knife ... and the warrior who has taken most heads is most praised and feared.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'scalp every one they kill.' _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. , , . one of the nootka princes assured the spaniards that the bravest captains ate human flesh before engaging in battle. _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . the nittinahts consider the heads of enemies slain in battle as _spolia opima_. _whymper's alaska_, pp. , ; _jewitt's nar._, pp. - ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - , , , , vol. ii., p. - . women keep watch during the night, and tell the exploits of their nation to keep awake. _meares' voy._, p. . _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. ; _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. ; _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, pp. - , - . [ ] 'they have no seats.... the rowers generally sit on their hams, but sometimes they make use of a kind of small stool.' _meares' voy._, pp. - . the larger canoes are used for sleeping and eating, being dry and more comfortable than the houses. _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. , , and _atlas_, pl. . 'the most skillful canoe-makers among the tribes are the nitinahts and the klah-oh-quahts. they make canoes for sale to other tribes.' 'the baling-dish of the canoes, is always of one shape--the shape of the gable-roof of a cottage.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. , - ; _mayne's b. c._, p. , and cut on title-page. canoes not in use are hauled up on the beach in front of their villages. _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . 'they keep time to the stroke of the paddle with their songs.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. - , ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . their canoes 'are believed to supply the pattern after which clipper ships are built.' _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. , . _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. , , , , - . _sproat's scenes_, pp. - , ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - , which describes a painted and ornamented plate of native copper some one and a half by two and a half feet, kept with great care in a wooden case, also elaborately ornamented. it was the property of the tribe at fort rupert, and was highly prized, and only brought out on great occasions, though its use was not discovered. _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. . [ ] woolen cloths of all degrees of fineness, made by hand and worked in figures, by a method not known. _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., p. . _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , ; _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. ; _sproat's scenes_, pp. - ; _jewitt's nar._, p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. , , - ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. ; _pemberton's vanc. isl._, p. ; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, pp. - . 'the implement used for weaving, (by the teets) differed in no apparent respect from the rude loom of the days of the pharaohs.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . [ ] _sproat's scenes_, pp. - , , , - ; _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. , ; _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., p. ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - ; _mayne's b. c._, - . [ ] _jewitt's nar._, pp. - ; _sproat's scenes_, pp. , , - , . before the adoption of blankets as a currency, they used small shells from the coast bays for coin, and they are still used by some of the more remote tribes. _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . 'their acuteness in barter is remarkable.' _forbes' vanc. isl._, p. . [ ] the ahts 'divide the year into thirteen months, or rather moons, and begin with the one that pretty well answers to our november. at the same time, as their names are applied to each actual new moon as it appears, they are not, by half a month and more (sometimes), identical with our calendar months.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'las personas mas cultas dividen el año en catorce meses, y cada uno de estos en veinte dias, agregando luego algunos dias intercalares al fin de cada mes. el de julio, que ellos llaman _satz-tzi-mitl_, y es el primero de su año, á mas de sus veinte dias ordinarios tiene tantos intercalares quantos dura la abundancia de lenguados, atunes, etc.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - , ; _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. , ; _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'they shew themselves ingenious sculptors. they not only preserve, with great exactness, the general character of their own faces, but finish the more minute parts, with a degree of accuracy in proportion, and neatness in execution.' _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - , and _atlas_, pl. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - , vol. ii., pp. - , and cut, p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - , ; _mayne's b. c._, cut on p. . [ ] 'in an aht tribe of two hundred men, perhaps fifty possess various degrees of acquired or inherited rank; there may be about as many slaves; the remainder are independent members.' some of the klah-oh-quahts 'pay annually to their chief certain contributions, consisting of blankets, skins, etc.' 'a chief's "blue blood" avails not in a dispute with one of his own people; he must fight his battle like a common man.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - , - , . cheslakees, a chief on johnson's strait, was inferior but not subordinate in authority to maquinna, the famous king at nootka sound, but the chief at loughborough's channel claimed to be under maquinna. _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. , . 'la dignidad de tays es hereditaria de padres á hijos, y pasa regularmente á estos luego que estan en edad de gobernar, si los padres por ancianidad ú otras causas no pueden seguir mandando.' 'el gobierno de estos naturales puede llamarse patriarcal; pues el xefe de la nacion hace á un mismo tiempo los oficios de padre de familia, de rey y de sumo sacerdote.' 'los nobles gozan de tanta consideracion en nutka, que ni aun de palabra se atreven los tayses á reprehenderlos.' 'todos consideraban á este (maquinna) como soberano de las costas, desde la de buena esperanza hasta la punta de arrecifes, con todos los canales interiores.' to steal, or to know carnally a girl nine years old, is punished with death. _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , , , , . 'there are such men as chiefs, who are distinguished by the name or title of _acweek_, and to whom the others are, in some measure, subordinate. but, i should guess, the authority of each of these great men extends no farther than the family to which he belongs.' _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'la forme de leur gouvernement est toute patriarcale, et la dignité de chef, héréditaire.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . several very populous villages to the northward, included in the territory of maquilla, the head chief, were entrusted to the government of the principal of his female relations. the whole government formed a political bond of union similar to the feudal system which formerly obtained in europe. _meares' voy._, pp. - . 'the king or head tyee, is their leader in war, in the management of which he is perfectly absolute. he is also president of their councils, which are almost always regulated by his opinion. but he has no kind of power over the property of his subjects.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. - , , , . _kane's wand._, pp. - . 'there is no code of laws, nor do the chiefs possess the power or means of maintaining a regular government; but their personal influence is nevertheless very great with their followers.' _douglas_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxiv., p. . [ ] 'usually kindly treated, eat of the same food, and live as well as their masters.' 'none but the king and chiefs have slaves.' 'maquinna had nearly fifty, male and female, in his house.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. - . meares states that slaves are occasionally sacrificed and feasted upon. _voy._, p. . the newettee tribe nearly exterminated by kidnappers. _dunn's oregon_, p. . 'an owner might bring half a dozen slaves out of his house and kill them publicly in a row without any notice being taken of the atrocity. but the slave, as a rule, is not harshly treated.' 'some of the smaller tribes at the north of the island are practically regarded as slave-breeding tribes, and are attacked periodically by stronger tribes.' the american shore of the strait is also a fruitful source of slaves. _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'they say that one flathead slave is worth more than two roundheads.' _rept. ind. aff._, , p. ; _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - , ; _kane's wand._, p. ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. , , - . [ ] 'the women go to bed first, and are up first in the morning to prepare breakfast,' p. . 'the condition of the aht women is not one of unseemly inferiority,' p. . 'their female relations act as midwives. there is no separate place for lying-in. the child, on being born, is rolled up in a mat among feathers.' 'they suckle one child till another comes,' p. . 'a girl who was known to have lost her virtue, lost with it one of her chances of a favourable marriage, and a chief ... would have put his daughter to death for such a lapse,' p. . in case of a separation, if the parties belong to different tribes, the children go with the mother, p. . 'no traces of the existence of polyandry among the ahts,' p. . the personal modesty of the aht women when young is much greater than that of the men, p. . _sproat's scenes_, pp. - , - , - , , , . one of the chiefs said that three was the number of wives permitted: 'como número necesario para no comunicar con la que estuviese en cinta.' 'muchos de ellos mueren sin casarse.' 'el tays no puede hacer uso de sus mugeres sin ver enteramente iluminado el disco de la luna.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - . women treated with no particular respect in any situation. _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., p. . persons of the same crest are not allowed to marry. 'the child again always takes the crest of the mother.' 'as a rule also, descent is traced from the mother, not from the father.' 'intrigue with the wives of men of other tribes is one of the commonest causes of quarrel among the indians.' _mayne's b. c._, pp. - , ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - . the women are 'very reserved and chaste.' _meares' voy._, pp. , , , ; _kane's wand._, pp. - . the indian woman, to sooth her child, makes use of a springy stick fixed obliquely in the ground to which the cradle is attached by a string, forming a convenient baby-jumper. _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. ; _pemberton's vanc. isl._, p. ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'where there are no slaves in the tribe or family they perform all the drudgery of bringing firewood, water, &c.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. - , . no intercourse between the newly married pair for a period of ten days, p. . 'perhaps in no part of the world is virtue more prized,' p. . _jewitt's nar._, pp. - , , - ; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, p. . [ ] 'when relieved from the presence of strangers, they have much easy and social conversation among themselves.' 'the conversation is frequently coarse and indecent.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'cantando y baylando al rededor de las hogueras, abandonándose á todos los excesos de la liviandad.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . [ ] _sproat's scenes_, pp. - ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . [ ] _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. ; _mayne's b. c._, pp. - ; _pemberton's vanc. isl._, p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . [ ] _sproat's scenes_, p. . but lord says 'nothing can be done without it.' _nat._, vol. i., p. . [ ] the indian never invites any of the same crest as himself. _macfie's vanc. isl._, . 'they are very particular about whom they invite to their feasts, and, on great occasions, men and women feast separately, the women always taking the precedence.' _duncan_, in _mayne's b. c._, pp. - ; _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . [ ] _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] 'i have never seen an indian woman dance at a feast, and believe it is seldom if ever done.' _mayne's b. c._, pp. - . the women generally 'form a separate circle, and chaunt and jump by themselves.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. . 'as a rule, the men and women do not dance together; when the men are dancing the women sing and beat time,' but there is a dance performed by both sexes. _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . 'on other occasions a male chief will invite a party of female guests to share his hospitality.' _macfie's vanc. isl._, p. . 'las mugeres baylan desayradisimamente; rara vez se prestan á esta diversion.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . [ ] 'la decencia obliga á pasar en silencio los bayles obscenos de los mischîmis (common people), especialmente el del impotente á causa de la edad, y el del pobre que no ha podido casarse.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - , ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _sproat's scenes_, pp. - ; _mayne's b. c._, pp. - ; _jewitt's nar._, p. ; _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., p. ; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, pp. - . [ ] _jewitt's nar._, pp. , , - ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. iii., pp. - ; _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] their music is mostly grave and serious, and in exact concert, when sung by great numbers. 'variations numerous and expressive, and the cadence or melody powerfully soothing.' _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. - , . dislike european music. _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - . 'their tunes are generally soft and plaintive, and though not possessing great variety, are not deficient in harmony.' jewitt thinks the words of the songs may be borrowed from other tribes. _jewitt's nar._, p. , and specimen of war song, p. . airs consist of five or six bars, varying slightly, time being beaten in the middle of the bar. 'melody they have none, there is nothing soft, pleasing, or touching in their airs; they are not, however, without some degree of rude harmony.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xviii., p. . 'a certain beauty of natural expression in many of the native strains, if it were possible to relieve them from the monotony which is their fault.' there are old men, wandering minstrels, who sing war songs and beg. 'it is remarkable how aptly the natives catch and imitate songs heard from settlers or travelers.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . [ ] _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _jewitt's nar._, p. . [ ] 'i have seen the sorcerers at work a hundred times, but they use so many charms, which appear to me ridiculous,--they sing, howl, and gesticulate in so extravagant a manner, and surround their office with such dread and mystery,--that i am quite unable to describe their performances,' pp. - . 'an unlucky dream will stop a sale, a treaty, a fishing, hunting, or war expedition,' p. . _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . a chief, offered a piece of tobacco for allowing his portrait to be made, said it was a small reward for risking his life. _kane's wand._, p. . shrewd individuals impose on their neighbors by pretending to receive a revelation, telling them where fish or berries are most abundant. description of initiatory ceremonies of the sorcerers. _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. , - , . _jewitt's nar._, pp. - . a brave prince goes to a distant lake, jumps from a high rock into the water, and rubs all the skin off his face with pieces of rough bark, amid the applause of his attendants. description of king's prayers, and ceremonies to bring rain. _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - , . candidates are thrown into a state of _mesmerism_ before their initiation. _'medicus'_, in _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. v., pp. - ; _barrett-lennard's trav._, pp. - ; _californias, noticias_, pp. - . [ ] they brought for sale 'human skulls, and hands not yet quite stripped of the flesh, which they made our people plainly understand they had eaten; and, indeed, some of them had evident marks that they had been upon the fire.' _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., p. . slaves are occasionally sacrificed and feasted upon. _meares' voy._, p. . 'no todos habian comido la carne humana, ni en todo tiempo, sino solamente los guerreros mas animosos quando se preparaban para salir á campaña.' 'parece indudable que estos salvages han sido antropófagos.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . 'at nootka sound, and at the sandwich islands, ledyard witnessed instances of cannibalism. in both places he saw human flesh prepared for food.' _spark's life of ledyard_, p. ; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, pp. - . 'cannibalism, all-though unknown among the indians of the columbia, is practised by the savages on the coast to the northward.' _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - . the cannibal ceremonies quoted by macfie and referred to vancouver island, probably were intended for the haidahs farther north. _vanc. isl._, p. . a slave as late as was drawn up and down a pole by a hook through the skin and tendons of the back, and afterwards devoured. _medicus_, in _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. v., p. . 'l'anthropophagie á été longtemps en usage ... et peut-être y existe-t-elle encore.... le chef maquina ... tuait un prisonnier à chaque lune nouvelle. tous les chefs étaient invités à cette horrible fête.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'it is not improbable that the suspicion that the nootkans are cannibals may be traced to the practice of some custom analagous to the _tzeet-tzaiak_ of the haeel tzuk.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., pp. - . 'the horrid practice of sacrificing a victim is not annual, but only occurs either once in three years or else at uncertain intervals.' _sproat's scenes_, p. . [ ] 'rheumatism and paralysis are rare maladies.' syphilis is probably indigenous. amputation, blood-letting, and metallic medicine not employed. medicines to produce love are numerous. 'young and old of both sexes are exposed when afflicted with lingering disease.' _sproat's scenes_, pp. - , , - . 'headache is cured by striking the part affected with small branches of the spruce tree.' doctors are generally chosen from men who have themselves suffered serious maladies. _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - . 'their cure for rheumatism or similar pains ... is by cutting or scarifying the part affected.' _jewitt's nar._, p. . they are sea sick on european vessels. _poole's q. char. isl._, p. . description of ceremonies. _swan_, in _mayne's b. c._, pp. - , . 'the patient is put to bed, and for the most part starved, lest the food should be consumed by his internal enemy.' 'the warm and steam bath is very frequently employed.' _medicus_, in _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. v., pp. - . [ ] the custom of burning or burying property is wholly confined to chiefs. 'night is their time for interring the dead.' buffoon tricks, with a feast and dance, formed part of the ceremony. _jewitt's nar._, pp. , - , . at valdes island, 'we saw two sepulchres built with plank about five feet in height, seven in length, and four in breadth. these boards were curiously perforated at the ends and sides, and the tops covered with loose pieces of plank;' inclosed evidently the relics of many different bodies. _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. - . 'the coffin is usually an old canoe, lashed round and round, like an egyptian mummy-case.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . 'there is generally some grotesque figure painted on the outside of the box, or roughly sculptured out of wood and placed by the side of it. for some days after death the relatives burn salmon or venison before the tomb.' 'they will never mention the name of a dead man.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. - . 'as a rule, the indians burn their dead, and then bury the ashes.' 'it was at one time not uncommon for indians to desert forever a lodge in which one of their family had died.' _mayne's b. c._, pp. - , with cut of graves. for thirty days after the funeral, dirges are chanted at sunrise and sunset. _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - . children frequently, but grown persons never, were found hanging in trees. _meares' voy._, p. ; _sproat's scenes_, pp. - . the bodies of chiefs are hung in trees on high mountains, while those of the commons are buried, that their souls may have a shorter journey to their residence in a future life. _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - . 'the indians never inter their dead,' and rarely burn them. _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . [ ] 'as light-fingered as any of the sandwich islanders. of a quiet, phlegmatic, and inactive disposition.' 'a docile, courteous, good-natured people ... but quick in resenting what they look upon as an injury; and, like most other passionate people, as soon forgetting it.' not curious; indolent; generally fair in trade, and would steal only such articles as they wanted for some purpose. _cook's voy. to pac._, vol. ii., pp. , - , etc. 'exceedingly hospitable in their own homes, ... lack neither courage nor intelligence.' _pemberton's vanc. isl._, p. . the kla-iz-zarts 'appear to be more civilized than any of the others.' the cayuquets are thought to be deficient in courage; and the kla-os-quates 'are a fierce, bold, and enterprizing people.' _jewitt's nar._, pp. - . 'civil and inoffensive' at horse sound. _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'their moral deformities are as great as their physical ones.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. . the nittinahts given to aggressive war, and consequently 'bear a bad reputation.' _whymper's alaska_, p. . not brave, and a slight repulse daunts them. 'sincere in his friendship, kind to his wife and children, and devotedly loyal to his own tribe,' p. . 'in sickness and approaching death, the savage always becomes melancholy,' p. . _sproat's scenes_, pp. , , , , - , - , , . 'comux and yucletah fellows very savage and uncivilized dogs,' and the nootkas not to be trusted. 'cruel, bloodthirsty, treacherous and cowardly.' _grant_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. , , , , . _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. , - , , , ; _poole's q. char. isl._, pp. - . the spaniards gave the nootkas a much better character than voyagers of other nations. _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. , - , - , , , , , - , - ; _forbes' vanc. isl._, p. ; _rattray's vanc. isl._, pp. - . the ucultas 'are a band of lawless pirates and robbers, levying black-mail on all the surrounding tribes.' _barrett-lennard's trav._, p. . 'bold and ferocious, sly and reserved, not easily provoked, but revengeful.' _spark's life of ledyard_, p. . the teets have 'all the vices of the coast tribes' with 'none of the redeeming qualities of the interior nations.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . [ ] 'those who came within our notice so nearly resembled the people of nootka, that the best delineation i can offer is a reference to the description of those people' (by cook), p. . at cape flattery they closely resembled those of nootka and spoke the same language, p. . at gray harbor they seemed to vary in little or no respect 'from those on the sound, and understood the nootka tongue', p. . 'the character and appearance of their several tribes here did not seem to differ in any material respect from each other,' p. . evidence that the country was once much more thickly peopled, p. . _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. , , , ; vol. ii., p. . the chehalis come down as far as shoal-water bay. a band of klikatats (sahaptins) is spoken of near the head of the cowlitz. 'the makahs resemble the northwestern indians far more than their neighbors.' the lummi are a branch of the clallams. _rept. ind. aff._, , pp. - . the lummi 'traditions lead them to believe that they are descendants of a better race than common savages.' the semianmas 'are intermarried with the north band of the lummis, and cowegans, and quantlums.' the neuk-wers and siamanas are called stick indians, and in had never seen a white. 'the neuk-sacks (mountain men) trace from the salt water indians,' and 'are entirely different from the others.' 'the loomis appear to be more of a wandering class than the others about bellingham bay.' _id._, , pp. - . 'they can be divided into two classes--the salt-water and the stick indians.' _id._, , p. . of the nisquallies 'some live in the plains, and others on the banks of the sound.' the classets have been less affected than the chinooks by fever and ague. _dunn's oregon_, pp. - . the clallams speak a kindred language to that of the ahts. _sproat's scenes_, p. . 'el gobierno de estos naturales de la entrada y canales de fuca, la disposicion interior de las habitaciones las manufacturas y vestidos que usan son muy parecidos á los de los habitantes de nutka.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . the sound indians live in great dread of the northern tribes. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . the makahs deem themselves much superior to the tribes of the interior, because they go out on the ocean. _scammon_, in _overland monthly_, vol. vii., pp. - . the nooksaks are entirely distinct from the lummi, and some suppose them to have come from the clallam country. _coleman_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xxxix., p. . _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . [ ] at port discovery they 'seemed capable of enduring great fatigue.' 'their cheek-bones were high.' 'the oblique eye of the chinese was not uncommon.' 'their countenances wore an expression of wildness, and they had, in the opinion of some of us, a melancholy cast of features.' some of women would with difficulty be distinguished in colour from those of european race. the classet women 'were much better looking than those of other tribes.' portrait of a tatouche chief. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - , , - . 'all are bow-legged.' 'all of a sad-colored, caravaggio brown.' 'all have coarse, black hair, and are beardless.' _winthrop's canoe and saddle_, p. . 'tall and stout.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . sproat mentions a clallam slave who 'could see in the dark like a racoon.' _scenes_, p. . the classet 'cast of countenance is very different from that of the nootkians ... their complexion in also much fairer and their stature shorter.' _jewitt's nar._, p. . the nisqually indians 'are of very large stature; indeed, the largest i have met with on the continent. the women are particularly large and stout.' _kane's wand._, pp. , , . the nisquallies are by no means a large race, being from five feet five inches to five feet nine inches in height, and weighing from one hundred and thirty to one hundred and eighty pounds. _anderson_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . 'de rostro hermoso y da gallarda figura.' _navarrete_, in _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. xciv. the queniults, 'the finest-looking indians i had ever seen.' _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - . neuksacks stronger and more athletic than other tribes. many of the lummi 'very fair and have light hair.' _rept. ind. aff._, , p. ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. ; _morton's crania_, p. , with plate of cowlitz skull; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, p. ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. ; _murphy and harned_, _puget sound directory_, pp. - ; _clark's lights and shadows_, pp. - , - . [ ] 'less bedaubed with paint and less filthy' than the nootkas. at port discovery 'they wore ornaments, though none were observed in their noses.' at cape flattery the nose ornament was straight, instead of crescent-shaped, as among the nootkas. vancouver supposed their garments to be composed of dog's hair mixed with the wool of some wild animal, which he did not see. _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. , , . at port discovery some had small brass bells hung in the rim of the ears, p. . some of the skagits were tattooed with lines on the arms and face, and fond of brass rings, pp. - . the classets 'wore small pieces of an iridescent mussel-shell, attached to the cartilage of their nose, which was in some, of the size of a ten cents piece, and triangular in shape. it is generally kept in motion by their breathing,' p. . _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - , , , , - , - . the conical hats and stout bodies 'brought to mind representations of siberian tribes.' _pickering's races_, in _idem._, vol. ix., p. . the clallams 'wear no clothing in summer.' faces daubed with red and white mud. illustration of head-flattening. _kane's wand._, pp. , , - , . _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., pp. - ; _rossi_, _souvenirs_, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _san francisco bulletin_, _may , _; _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _id._, , p. ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . above gray harbor they were dressed with red deer skins. _navarrete_, in _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. xciv: _cornwallis' new el dorado_, p. ; _winthrop's canoe and saddle_, p. - ; _murphy and harned_, in _puget sd. direct._, pp. - . [ ] the skagit tribe being exposed to attacks from the north, combine dwellings and fort, and build themselves 'enclosures, four hundred feet long, and capable of containing many families, which are constructed of pickets made of thick planks, about thirty feet high. the pickets are firmly fixed into the ground, the spaces between them being only sufficient to point a musket through.... the interior of the enclosure is divided into lodges,' p. . at port discovery the lodges were 'no more than a few rudely-cut slabs, covered in part by coarse mats,' p. . _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - , , . the clallams also have a fort of pickets one hundred and fifty feet square, roofed over and divided into compartments for families. 'there were about two hundred of the tribe in the fort at the time of my arrival.' 'the lodges are built of cedar like the chinook lodges, but much larger, some of them being sixty or seventy feet long.' _kane's wand._, pp. , , - . 'their houses are of considerable size, often fifty to one hundred feet in length, and strongly built.' _rept. ind. aff._, , pp. - . 'the planks forming the roof run the whole length of the building, being guttered to carry off the water, and sloping slightly to one end.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. - . well built lodges of timber and plank on whidbey island. _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., p. . at new dungeness, 'composed of nothing more than a few mats thrown over cross sticks;' and on puget sound 'constructed something after the fashion of a soldier's tent, by two cross sticks about five feet high, connected at each end by a ridge-pole from one to the other, over some of which was thrown a coarse kind of mat; over others a few loose branches of trees, shrubs or grass.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. , . the queniults sometimes, but not always, whitewash the interior of their lodges with pipe-clay, and then paint figures of fishes and animals in red and black on the white surface. see description and cuts of exterior and interior of indian lodge in _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - , , ; _crane's top. mem._, p. ; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, p. ; _clark's lights and shadows_, p. . [ ] the nootsaks, 'like all inland tribes, they subsist principally by the chase.' _coleman_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xxxix., pp. , , ; _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . sturgeon abound weighing to pounds, and are taken by the clallams by means of a spear with a handle seventy to eighty feet long, while lying on the bottom of the river in spawning time. fish-hooks are made of cedar root with bone barbs. their only vegetables are the camas, wappatoo, and fern roots. _kane's wand._, pp. - , - , . at puget sound, 'men, women and children were busily engaged like swine, rooting up this beautiful verdant meadow in quest of a species of wild onion, and two other roots, which in appearance and taste greatly resembled the saranne.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. , , . in fishing for salmon at port discovery 'they have two nets, the drawing and casting net, made of a silky grass,' 'or of the fibres of the roots of trees, or of the inner bark of the white cedar.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . 'the line is made either of kelp or the fibre of the cypress, and to it is attached an inflated bladder.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., p. . at port townsend, 'leurs provisions, consistaient en poisson séché au soleil ou boucané; ... tout rempli de sable.' _rossi_, _souvenirs_, pp. - , . the clallams 'live by fishing and hunting around their homes, and never pursue the whale and seal as do the sea-coast tribes.' _scammon_, in _overland monthly_, vol. vii., p. . the uthlecan or candle-fish is used on fuca strait for food as well as candles. _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . lamprey eels are dried for food and light by the nisquallies and chehalis. 'cammass root, ... stored in baskets. it is a kind of sweet squills, and about the size of a small onion. it is extremely abundant on the open prairies, and particularly on those which are overflowed by the small streams.' cut of salmon fishery, p. . 'hooks are made in an ingenious manner of the yew tree.' 'they are chiefly employed in trailing for fish.' cut of hooks, pp. - . the classets make a cut in the nose when a whale is taken. each seal-skin float has a different pattern painted on it, p. . _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - , , - , - . the chehalis live chiefly on salmon. _id._, vol. v., p. . according to swan the puget sound indians sometimes wander as far as shoalwater bay in chinook territory, in the spring. the queniult indians are fond of large barnacles, not eaten by the chinooks of shoalwater bay. cut of a sea-otter hunt. the indians never catch salmon with a _baited_ hook, but always use the hook as a _gaff_. _n. w. coast_, pp. , , , , , ; _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., pp. - , , - ; _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'they all depend upon fish, berries, and roots for a subsistence, and get their living with great ease.' _starling_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - . the makahs live 'by catching cod and halibut on the banks north and east of cape flattery.' _ind. aff. rept._ , p. . 'when in a state of semi-starvation the beast shows very plainly in them (stick indians): they are generally foul feeders, but at such a time they eat anything, and are disgusting in the extreme.' _id._, , p. ; _id._, , p. ; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - ; _hittell_, in _hesperian_, vol. iii., p. ; _winthrop's canoe and saddle_, pp. - ; _maurelle's jour._, p. . [ ] _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . at gray harbor the bows were somewhat more circular than elsewhere. _id._, vol. ii., p. ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. ; _kane's wand._, pp. - . [ ] _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. ; _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'they have been nearly annihilated by the hordes of northern savages that have infested, and do now, even at the present day, infest our own shores' for slaves. they had fire-arms before our tribes, thus gaining an advantage.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _clark's lights and shadows_, p. . [ ] _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'a single thread is wound over rollers at the top and bottom of a square frame, so as to form a continuous woof through which an alternate thread is carried by the hand, and pressed closely together by a sort of wooden comb; by turning the rollers every part of the woof is brought within reach of the weaver; by this means a bag formed, open at each end, which being cut down makes a square blanket.' _kane's wand._, pp. - . cuts showing the loom and process of weaving among the nootsaks, also house, canoes, and willow baskets. _coleman_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xxxix., pp. - . the clallams 'have a kind of cur with soft and long white hair, which they shear and mix with a little wool or the ravelings of old blankets.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the makahs have 'blankets and capes made of the inner bark of the cedar, and edged with fur.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . the candle-fish 'furnishes the natives with their best oil, which is extracted by the very simple process of hanging it up, exposed to the sun, which in a few days seems to melt it away.' _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., p. . they 'manufacture some of their blankets from the wool of the wild goat.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . the queniults showed 'a blanket manufactured from the wool of mountain sheep, which are to be found on the precipitous slopes of the olympian mountains.' _alta california_, _feb. , _, quoted in _california farmer_, _july , _; _cornwallis' new el dorado_, p. ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] 'they present a model of which a white mechanic might well be proud.' description of method of making, and cuts of queniult, clallam, and cowlitz canoes, and a queniult paddle. _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - . at port orchard they 'exactly corresponded with the canoes of nootka,' while those of some visitors were 'cut off square at each end,' and like those seen below cape orford. at gray harbor the war canoes 'had a piece of wood rudely carved, perforated, and placed at each end, three feet above the gunwale; through these holes they are able to discharge their arrows.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., p. . the clallam boats were 'low and straight, and only adapted to the smoother interior waters.' _scammon_, in _overland monthly_, vol. vii., p. . cut showing nootsak canoes in _harper's mag._, vol. xxxix., p. . 'the sides are exceedingly thin, seldom exceeding three-fourths of an inch.' to mend the canoe when cracks occur, 'holes are made in the sides, through which withes are passed, and pegged in such a way that the strain will draw it tighter; the withe is then crossed, and the end secured in the same manner. when the tying is finished, the whole is pitched with the gum of the pine.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - . the clallams have 'a very large canoe of ruder shape and workmanship, being wide and shovel-nosed,' used for the transportation of baggage. _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. - ; _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., p. ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., pp. - ; _winthrop's canoe and saddle_, p. ; _clark's lights and shadows_, pp. - . [ ] _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _starling_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] 'ils obéissent à un chef, qui n'exerce son pouvoir qu'en temps de guerre.' _rossi_, _souvenirs_, p. . at gray harbor 'they appeared to be divided into three different tribes, or parties, each having one or two chiefs.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . wilkes met a squaw chief at nisqually, who 'seemed to exercise more authority than any that had been met with.' 'little or no distinction of rank seems to exist among them; the authority of the chiefs is no longer recognized.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. ; vol. v., p. . yellow-cum had become chief of the makahs from his own personal prowess. _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . [ ] _sproat's scenes_, p. ; _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., pp. - ; _kane's wand._, pp. - . the nooksaks 'have no slaves.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . it is said 'that the descendants of slaves obtain freedom at the expiration of three centuries.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] the makahs have some marriage ceremonies, 'such as going through the performance of taking the whale, manning a canoe, and throwing the harpoon into the bride's house.' _ind. aff. rept._, p. . the nooksak women 'are very industrious, and do most of the work, and procure the principal part of their sustenance.' _id._, , p. . 'the women have not the slightest pretension to virtue.' _id._, , p. ; _siwash nuptials_, in _olympia washington standard, july , _. in matters of trade the opinion of the women is always called in, and their decision decides the bargain. _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., p. . 'the whole burden of domestic occupation is thrown upon them.' cut of the native baby-jumper. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - , . at gray harbor they were not jealous. at port discovery they offered their children for sale. _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., pp. - . 'rarely having more than three or four' children. _swan's n. w. coast_, p. ; _clark's lights and shadows_, pp. - . [ ] _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. , ; _rossi_, _souvenirs_, pp. - ; _san francisco bulletin_, _may , ._ [ ] _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. , . the lummi 'are a very superstitious tribe, and pretend to have traditions--legends handed down to them by their ancestors.' 'no persuasion or pay will induce them to kill an owl or eat a pheasant.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - ; _kane's wand._, pp. - , . no forms of salutation. _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., pp. - ; _winthrop's canoe and saddle_, pp. - . [ ] among the skagits 'dr. holmes saw an old man in the last stage of consumption, shivering from the effects of a cold bath at the temperature of ° fahrenheit. a favourite remedy in pulmonary consumption is to tie a rope tightly around the thorax, so as to force the diaphram to perform respiration without the aid of the thoracic muscles.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . among the clallams, to cure a girl of a disease of the side, after stripping the patient naked, the medicine-man, throwing off his blanket, 'commenced singing and gesticulating in the most violent manner, whilst the others kept time by beating with little sticks on hollow wooden bowls and drums, singing continually. after exercising himself in this manner for about half an hour, until the perspiration ran down his body, he darted suddenly upon the young woman, catching hold of her side with his teeth and shaking her for a few minutes, while the patient seemed to suffer great agony. he then relinquished his hold, and cried out that he had got it, at the same time holding his hands to his mouth; after which he plunged them in the water and pretended to hold down with great difficulty the disease which he had extracted.' _kane's wand._, pp. - . small-pox seemed very prevalent by which many had lost the sight of one eye. _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . to cure a cold in the face the queniults burned certain herbs to a cinder and mixing them with grease, anointed the face. _swan's n. w. coast_, p. . among the nooksaks mortality has not increased with civilization. 'as yet the only causes of any amount are consumption and the old diseases.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . at neah bay, 'a scrofulous affection pervades the whole tribe.' the old, sick and maimed are abandoned by their friends to die. _id._, , p. . [ ] slaves have no right to burial. _kane's wand._, p. . at a queniult burial place 'the different colored blankets and calicoes hung round gave the place an appearance of clothes hung out to dry on a washing day.' _swan's n. w. coast_, p. . at port orchard bodies were 'wrapped firmly in matting, beneath which was a white blanket, closely fastened round the body, and under this a covering of blue cotton.' at port discovery bodies 'are wrapped in mats and placed upon the ground in a sitting posture, and surrounded with stakes and pieces of plank to protect them.' on the cowlitz the burial canoes are painted with figures, and gifts are not deposited till several months after the funeral. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. , - , - . among the nisquallies bodies of relatives are sometimes disinterred at different places, washed, re-wrapped and buried again in one grave. _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'ornés de rubans de diverses couleurs, de dents de poissons, de chapelets et d'autres brimborions du goût des sauvages.' _rossi_, _souvenirs_, pp. - . on penn cove, in a deserted village, were found 'several sepulchres formed exactly like a centry box. some of them were open, and contained the skeletons of many young children tied up in baskets.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. - , ; _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . a correspondent describes a flathead mummy from puget sound preserved in san francisco. 'the eye-balls are still round under the lid; the teeth, the muscles, and tendons perfect, the veins injected with some preserving liquid, the bowels, stomach and liver dried up, but not decayed, all perfectly preserved. the very blanket that entwines him, made of some threads of bark and saturated with a pitchy substance, is entire.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] 'their native bashfulness renders all squaws peculiarly sensitive to any public notice or ridicule.' probably the laziest people in the world. the mails are intrusted with safety to indian carriers, who are perfectly safe from interference on the part of any indian they may meet. _kane's wand._, p. - , - , , - . 'la mémoire locale et personelle du sauvage est admirable; il n'oublie jamais un endroit ni une personne.' nature seems to have given him memory to supply the want of intelligence. 'much inclined to vengeance. those having means may avert vengeance by payments.' _rossi_, _souvenirs_, pp. , - . 'perfectly indifferent to exposure; decency has no meaning in their language.' although always begging, they refuse to accept any article not in good condition, calling it _peeshaaak_, a term of contempt. _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., pp. - . murder of a spanish boat's crew in latitude ° ´. _maurelle's jour._, pp. , . 'cheerful and well disposed' at port orchard. at strait of fuca 'little more elevated in their moral qualities than the fuegians.' at nisqually, 'addicted to stealing.' 'vicious and exceedingly lazy, sleeping all day.' the skagits are catholics, and are more advanced than others in civilization. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. , , - , . both at gray harbor and puget sound they were uniformly civil and friendly, fair and honest in trade. each tribe claimed that 'the others were bad people and that the party questioned were the only good indians in the harbor.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., pp. - . 'the clallam tribe has always had a bad character, which their intercourse with shipping, and the introduction of whiskey, has by no means improved.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the superior courage of the makahs, as well as their treachery, will make them more difficult of management than most other tribes.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . the lummis and other tribes at bellingham bay have already abandoned their ancient barbarous habits, and have adopted those of civilization. _coleman_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xxxix., pp. - ; _simpson's overland journ._, vol. i., pp. - . 'the instincts of these people are of a very degraded character. they are filthy, cowardly, lazy, treacherous, drunken, avaricious, and much given to thieving. the women have not the slightest pretension to virtue.' the makahs 'are the most independent indians in my district--they and the quilleyutes, their near neighbors.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , ; _id._, , p. ; _id._, , p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _winthrop's canoe and saddle_, p. ; _cram's top. mem._, p. . [ ] perhaps the cascades might more properly be named as the boundary, since the region of the dalles, from the earliest records, has been the rendezvous for fishing, trading, and gambling purposes, of tribes from every part of the surrounding country, rather than the home of any particular nation. [ ] for details see tribal boundaries at the end of this chapter. the chinooks, clatsops, wakiakums and cathlamets, 'resembling each other in person, dress, language, and manners.' the chinooks and wakiakums were originally one tribe, and wakiakum was the name of the chief who seceded with his adherents. _irving's astoria_, pp. - . 'they may be regarded as the distinctive type of the tribes to the north of the oregon, for it is in them that the peculiarities of the population of these regions are seen in the most striking manner.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. - , . all the tribes about the mouth of the columbia 'appear to be descended from the same stock ... and resemble one another in language, dress, and habits.' _ross' adven._, pp. - . the cathleyacheyachs at the cascades differ but little from the chinooks. _id._, p. . scouler calls the columbia tribes _cathlascons_, and considers them 'intimately related to the kalapooiah family.' _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . the willamette tribes 'differ very little in their habits and modes of life, from those on the columbia river.' _hunter's cap._, p. . mofras makes _killimous_ a general name for all indians south of the columbia. _explor._, tom. ii., p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . the nechecolees on the willamette claimed an affinity with the eloots at the narrows of the columbia. the killamucks 'resemble in almost every particular the clatsops and chinnooks. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , . 'of the coast indians that i have seen there seems to be so little difference in their style of living that a description of one family will answer for the whole.' _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - . 'all the natives inhabiting the southern shore of the straits, and the deeply indented territory as far and including the tide-waters of the columbia, may be comprehended under the general term of chinooks.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] 'the race of the chenooks is nearly run. from a large and powerful tribe ... they have dwindled down to about a hundred individuals, ... and these are a depraved, licentious, drunken set.' _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - . the willopahs 'may be considered as extinct, a few women only remaining.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. ; _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., p. ; _de smet_, _missions de l'orégon_, pp. - ; _kane's wand._, pp. - , - ; _irving's astoria_, pp. - ; _fitzgerald's hud. b. co._, pp. - ; _hines' oregon_, pp. - , ; _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _palmer's jour._, pp. , ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - . 'in the wallamette valley, their favorite country, ... there are but few remnants left, and they are dispirited and broken-hearted.' _robertson's oregon_, p. . [ ] 'the personal appearance of the chinooks differs so much from that of the aboriginal tribes of the united states, that it was difficult at first to recognize the affinity.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . 'there are no two nations in europe so dissimilar as the tribes to the north and those to the south of the columbia.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., p. . 'thick set limbs,' north; 'slight,' south. _id._, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., p. . 'very inferior in muscular power.' _id._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'among the ugliest of their race. they are below the middle size, with squat, clumsy forms.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. , . the men from five feet to five feet six inches high, with well-shaped limbs; the women six to eight inches shorter, with bandy legs, thick ankles, broad, flat feet, loose hanging breasts. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - . 'a diminutive race, generally below five feet five inches, with crooked legs and thick ankles.' 'broad, flat feet.' _irving's astoria_, pp. , . 'but not deficient in strength or activity.' _nicolay's oregon_, p. . men 'stout, muscular and strong, but not tall;' women 'of the middle size, but very stout and flabby, with short necks and shapeless limbs.' _ross' adven._, pp. - . at cape orford none exceed five feet six inches; 'tolerably well limbed, though slender in their persons.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . the willamette tribes were somewhat larger and better shaped than those of the columbia and the coast. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , - , , . _hunter's cap._, pp. - ; _hines' voy._, pp. , . 'persons of the men generally are rather symmetrical; their stature is low, with light sinewy limbs, and remarkably small, delicate hands. the women are usually more rotund, and, in some instances, even approach obesity.' _townsend's nar._, p. . 'many not even five feet.' _franchère's nar._, pp. - . can endure cold, but not fatigue; sharp sight and hearing, but obtuse smell and taste. 'the women are uncouth, and from a combination of causes appear old at an early age. _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - . 'the indians north of the columbia are, for the most part good-looking, robust men, some of them having fine, symmetrical, forms. they have been represented as diminutive, with crooked legs and uncouth features. this is not correct; but, as a general rule, the direct reverse is the truth.' _swan's n. w. coast_, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - . [ ] the following terms applied to chinook complexion are taken from the authors quoted in the preceding note: 'copper-colored brown;' 'light copper color;' 'light olive;' 'fair complexion.' 'not dark' when young. 'rough tanned skins.' 'dingy copper.' 'fairer' than eastern indians. fairer on the coast than on the columbia. half-breeds partake of the swarthy hue of their mothers. [ ] 'the cheenook cranium, even when not flattened, is long and narrow, compressed laterally, keel-shaped, like the skull of the esquimaux.' broad and high cheek-bones, with a receding forehead.' _scouler_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'skulls ... totally devoid of any peculiar development.' nose flat, nostrils distended, short irregular teeth; eyes black, piercing and treacherous. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. , . 'broad faces, low foreheads, lank black hair, wide mouths.' 'flat noses, and eyes turned obliquely upward at the outer corner.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. , . 'faces are round, with small, but animated eyes. their noses are broad and flat at the top, and fleshy at the end, with large nostrils.' _irving's astoria_, p. . portraits of two calapooya indians. _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . south of the columbia they have 'long faces, thin lips,' but the calapooyas in willamette valley have 'broad faces, low foreheads,' and the chinooks have 'a wide face, flat nose, and eyes turned obliquely outwards.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; vol. ii., pp. - . 'dull phlegmatic want of expression' common to all adults. _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . women 'well-featured,' with 'light hair, and prominent eyes.' _ross' adven._, pp. - . 'their features rather partook of the general european character.' hair long and black, clean and neatly combed. _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'women have, in general, handsome faces.' 'there are rare instances of high aquiline noses; the eyes are generally black,' but sometimes 'of a dark yellowish brown, with a black pupil.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , - . the men carefully eradicate every vestige of a beard. _dunn's oregon_, p. . 'the features of many are regular, though often devoid of expression.' _townsend's nar._, p. . 'pluck out the beard at its first appearance.' _kane's wand._, p. . portrait of chief, p. . 'a few of the old men only suffer a tuft to grow upon their chins.' _franchère's nar._, p. . one of the clatsops 'had the reddest hair i ever saw, and a fair skin, much freckled.' _gass' jour._, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . for descriptions and plates of chinook skulls see _morton's crania_, pp. - ; pl. - , , , and _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'practiced by at least ten or twelve distinct tribes of the lower country.' _townsend's nar._, pp. - . 'on the coast it is limited to a space of about one hundred and seventy miles, extending between cape flattery and cape look-out. inland, it extends up the columbia to the first rapids, or one hundred and forty miles, and is checked at the falls on the wallamette.' _belcher's voy._, vol. i., p. . the custom 'prevails among all the nations we have seen west of the rocky mountains,' but 'diminishes in receding eastward.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . 'the indians at the dalles do not distort the head.' _kane's wand._, pp. , - . 'the chinooks are the most distinguished for their attachment to this singular usage.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . the tribes from the columbia river to millbank sound flatten the forehead, also the yakimas and klikitats of the interior. _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - , . 'the practice prevails, generally, from the mouth of the columbia to the dalles, about one hundred and eighty miles, and from the straits of fuca on the north, to coos bay.... northward of the straits it diminishes gradually to a mere slight compression, finally confined to women, and abandoned entirely north of milbank sound. so east of the cascade mountains, it dies out in like manner.' _gibbs_, in _nott and gliddon's indig. races_, p. . 'none but such as are of noble birth are allowed to flatten their skulls.' _gray's hist. ogn._, p. . [ ] all authors who mention the chinooks have something to say of this custom; the following give some description of the process and its effects, containing, however, no points not included in that given above. _dunn's oregon_, pp. - , - ; _ross' adven._, pp. - ; _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - , with cut; _chamber's jour._, vol. x., pp. - ; _belcher's voy._, vol. i., pp. - , with cuts; _townsend's nar._, pp. - ; _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. ; _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. ; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., pp. - , with plate. females remain longer than the boys. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , . 'not so great a deformity as is generally supposed.' _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - , - . 'looking with contempt even upon the white for having round heads.' _kane's wand._, p. , , cut. 'as a general thing the tribes that have followed the practice of flattening the skull are inferior in intellect, less stirring and enterprising in their habits, and far more degraded in their morals than other tribes.' _gray's hist. ogn._, p. . mr. gray is the only authority i have seen for this injurious effect, except domenech, who pronounces the flat-heads more subject to apoplexy than others. _deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _gass' jour._, pp. - ; _brownell's ind. races_, pp. - ; _morton's crania am._, pp. - , cut of cradle and of skulls; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. - , _atlas_, pl. ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, pp. - , , with cut; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_ p. ; _wilson_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] the multnomah women's hair 'is most commonly braided into two tresses falling over each ear in front of the body.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - , , - , - . the clackamas 'tattoo themselves below the mouth, which gives a light blue appearance to the countenance.' _kane's wand._, pp. , - , . at cape orford 'they seemed to prefer the comforts of cleanliness to the painting of their bodies.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . on the columbia 'in the decoration of their persons they surpassed all the other tribes with paints of different colours, feathers and other ornaments.' _id._, vol. ii., p. . 'ils mettent toute leur vanité dans leurs colliers et leurs pendants d'oreilles.' _de smet_, _miss. de l'orégon_, p. . 'some of these girls i have seen with the whole rim of their ears bored full of holes, into each of which would be inserted a string of these shells that reached to the floor, and the whole weighing so heavy that to save their ears from being pulled off they were obliged to wear a band across the top of the head.' 'i never have seen either men or women put oil or grease of any kind on their bodies.' _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. , - . see _dunn's oregon_, pp. , - ; _cox's adven._, pp. - ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. ; _irving's astoria_, pp. - ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _franchère's nar._, p. . [ ] 'these robes are in general, composed of the skins of a small animal, which we have supposed to be the brown mungo.' 'sometimes they have a blanket woven with the fingers, from the wool of their native sheep.' every part of the body but the back and shoulders is exposed to view. the nechecolies had 'larger and longer robes, which are generally of deer skin dressed in the hair.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , - , , - , . 'i have often seen them going about, half naked, when the thermometer ranged between ° and °, and their children barefooted and barelegged in the snow.' 'the lower indians do not dress as well, nor with as good taste, as the upper.' _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - . the fringed skirt 'is still used by old women, and by all the females when they are at work in the water, and is called by them their _siwash coat_.' _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - . _ross' adven._, pp. - ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. - , - , ; _townsend's nar._, p. ; _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _franchère's nar._, pp. - . the conical cap reminded pickering of the siberian tribes. _races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., pp. , ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - , - ; _hines' voy._, p. . collars of bears' claws, for the men, and elks' tusks for the women and children. _irving's astoria_, pp. - ; _gass' jour._, pp. , - , - , , , , . [ ] 'their houses seemed to be more comfortable than those at nootka, the roof having a greater inclination, and the planking being thatched over with the bark of trees. the entrance is through a hole, in a broad plank, covered in such a manner as to resemble the face of a man, the mouth serving the purpose of a door-way. the fire-place is sunk into the earth, and confined from spreading above by a wooden frame.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . emmons, in _schoolcraft's archives_, vol. iii., p. , speaks of a palisade enclosure ten or fifteen feet high, with a covered way to the river. 'the indian huts on the banks of the columbia are, for the most part, constructed of the bark of trees, pine branches, and brambles, which are sometimes covered with skins or rags.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . but 'the chinooks build their houses of thick and broad planks,' etc. _id._ lewis and clarke saw a house in the willamette valley two hundred and twenty-six feet long, divided into two ranges of large apartments separated by a narrow alley four feet wide. _travels_, pp. - , , - , - , , . the door is a piece of board 'which hangs loose by a string, like a sort of pendulum,' and is self-closing. _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - . 'the tribes near the coast remove less frequently than those of the interior.' _california, past, present and future_, p. . 'i never saw more than four fires, or above eighty persons--slaves and all--in the largest house.' _ross' adven._, pp. - ; _palmer's jour._, pp. , ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _nicolay's ogn._, pp. , - ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. , from _lewis and clarke_; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - , from _lewis and clarke_; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - , - , ; _franchère's nar._, pp. - ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _townsend's nar._, p. ; _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. , - ; _strickland's hist. missions_, pp. - . [ ] 'in the summer they resort to the principal rivers and the sea coast, ... retiring to the smaller rivers of the interior during the cold season.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. bay_, p. . all small fish are driven into the small coves or shallow waters, 'when a number of indians in canoes continue splashing the water; while others sink branches of pine. the fish are then taken easily out with scoops or wicker baskets.' _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., pp. , - , - , - . fish 'are not eaten till they become soft from keeping, when they are mashed with water.' in the willamette valley they raised corn, beans, and squashes. _hunter's cap._, pp. - . a 'sturgeon, though weighing upwards of three hundred pounds, is, by the single effort of one indian, jerked into the boat'! _dunn's oregon_, pp. , - , , - . the umpquas, to cook salmon, 'all provided themselves with sticks about three feet long, pointed at one end and split at the other. they then apportioned the salmon, each one taking a large piece, and filling it with splinters to prevent its falling to pieces when cooking, which they fastened with great care, into the forked end of the stick; ... then placing themselves around the fire so as to describe a circle, they stuck the pointed end of the stick into the ground, a short distance from the fire, inclining the top towards the flames, so as to bring the salmon in contact with the heat, thus forming a kind of pyramid of salmon over the whole fire.' _hines' voy._, p. ; _id. ogn._, p. . 'there are some articles of food which are mashed by the teeth before being boiled or roasted; this mastication is performed by the women.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , , - . 'the salmon in this country are never caught with a (baited) hook.' _wilkes' hist. ogn._, p. . 'turbot and flounders are caught (at shoalwater bay) while wading in the water, by means of the feet.' _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. , , - , , - , with cuts. on food, see _ross' adven._, vol. i., pp. - , , - ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - , - ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - , , , - , , ; _wells_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xiii., pp. - , with cuts; _nicolay's ogn._, pp. , - ; _palmer's jour._, pp. , ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. ; _irving's astoria_, pp. , ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. - ; vol. ii., pp. - ; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. ; _abbott_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. vi., p. ; _ind. life_, p. ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. ; _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _franchère's nar._, pp. - ; _gass' jour._, pp. , - , - ; _fédix_, _l'orégon_, pp. - ; _stanley's portraits_, pp. - . [ ] for description of the various roots and berries used by the chinooks as food, see _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - . [ ] the multnomahs 'are very fond of cold, hot, and vapour baths, which are used at all seasons, and for the purpose of health as well as pleasure. they, however, add a species of bath peculiar to themselves, by washing the whole body with urine every morning.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , . eat insects from each other's head, for the animals bite them, and they claim the right to bite back. _kane's wand._, pp. - . [ ] _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - ; vol. ii., p. ; _irving's astoria_, pp. , ; _ross' adven._, p. ; _kane's wand._, p. ; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. , pl. ½; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - , ; _hines' ogn._, p. ; _franchère's nar._, p. ; _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. - , - , . [ ] 'when the conflict is postponed till the next day, ... they keep up frightful cries all night long, and, when they are sufficiently near to understand each other, defy one another by menaces, railleries, and sarcasms, like the heroes of homer and virgil.' _franchère's nar._, pp. - ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - ; _dunn's oregon_, p. ; _irving's astoria_, pp. - ; _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. , - ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _stanley's portraits_, pp. - ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. . [ ] pickering makes 'the substitution of the water-proof basket, for the square wooden bucket of the straits' the chief difference between this and the sound family. _races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. ; _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _ross' adven._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , ; _franchère's nar._, pp. - ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. , pl. ½, showing cradle, ladles, wapato diggers, _pautomaugons_, or war clubs and pipes. _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - ; _kane's wand._, pp. - , - . [ ] _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. . [ ] _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - . 'hollowed out of the cedar by fire, and smoothed off with stone axes.' _kane's wand._, p. . at cape orford 'their shape much resembled that of a butcher's tray.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., p. . 'a human face or a white-headed eagle, as large as life, carved on the prow, and raised high in front.' _ross' adven._, pp. - . 'in landing they put the canoe round, so as to strike the beach stern on.' _franchère's nar._, p. . 'the larger canoes on the columbia are sometimes propelled by short oars.' _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'finest canoes in the world.' _wilkes' hist. ogn._, p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - , with cuts; _irving's astoria_, pp. , ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - ; _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. - ; _brownell's ind. races_, pp. - ; _gass' jour._, p. . [ ] dried and pounded salmon, prepared by a method not understood except at the falls, formed a prominent article of commerce, both with coast and interior nations. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - , . a fathom of the largest hiaqua shells is worth about ten beaver-skins. a dying man gave his property to his intimate friends 'with a promise on their part to restore them if he recovered.' _franchère's nar._, pp. - , ; _ross' adven._, pp. - , - ; _swan's n. w. coast_, p. ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. ; _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., p. ; _kane's wand._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _gass' jour._, p. ; _morton's crania am._, pp. - ; _fédix_, _l'orégon_, pp. - . [ ] have no idea of drawing maps on the sand. 'their powers of computation ... are very limited.' _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. , ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _ross' adven._, pp. - , ; _kane's wand._, p. . [ ] the willamette tribes, nine in number, were under four principal chiefs. _ross' adven._, pp. - , , . casanov, a famous chief at fort vancouver employed a hired assassin to remove obnoxious persons. _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _franchère's nar._, p. ; _irving's astoria_, pp. , ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . [ ] 'live in the same dwelling with their masters, and often intermarry with those who are free.' _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , . 'treat them with humanity while their services are useful.' _franchère's nar._, p. . treated with great severity. _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _ross' adven._, pp. - ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _fitzgerald's hud. b. co._, pp. - ; _stanley's portraits_, pp. - . [ ] _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. , ; _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. - . 'in proportion as we approach the rapids from the sea, female impurity becomes less perceptible; beyond this point it entirely ceases.' _cox's adven._, vol. ii., pp. , ; vol. i., pp. - , ; _wells_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xiii., p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - . ceremonies of a widow in her endeavors to obtain a new husband. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. ; _ross' adven._, pp. , - ; _franchère's nar._, pp. , - ; _hunter's cap._, p. ; _hines' voy._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , - ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _kane's wand._, pp. - , ; _gass' jour._, p. ; _strickland's hist. missions_, pp. - . [ ] 'i saw neither musical instruments, nor dancing, among the oregon tribes.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . 'all extravagantly fond of ardent spirits, and are not particular what kind they have, provided it is strong, and gets them drunk quickly.' _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - , - . 'not addicted to intemperance.' _franchère's nar._, p. . at gambling 'they will cheat if they can, and pride themselves on their success.' _kane's wand._, pp. , . seldom cheat, and submit to their losses with resignation. _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , - ; _wells_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xiii., p. , and cut of dance at coos bay; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - ; vol. v., p. ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. - , - ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - , , - , - ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _palmer's jour._, p. . [ ] _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. ; _gass' jour._, pp. , ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _kane's wand._, pp. , - ; _swan's n. w. coast_, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . [ ] doctors, if unsuccessful, are sometimes subjected to rough treatment, but rarely killed, except when they have previously threatened the life of the patient. _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - . at the dalles an old woman, whose incantations had caused a fatal sickness, was beheaded by a brother of the deceased. _ind. life_, pp. - , - . whole tribes have been almost exterminated by the small-pox. _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , . venereal disease prevalent, and a complete cure is never effected. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , . generally succeed in curing venereal disease even in its worst stage. _ross' adven._, pp. - . the unsuccessful doctor killed, unless able to buy his life. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . flatheads more subject to apoplexy than others. _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. - , , - , , vol. ii., pp. - ; _townsend's nar._, pp. , - ; _franchère's nar._, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - , ; _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. ii., p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , - ; _fitzgerald's hud. b. co._, pp. - ; _strickland's hist. missions_, pp. - . [ ] a chief on the death of his daughter 'had an indian slave bound hand and foot, and fastened to the body of the deceased, and enclosed the two in another mat, leaving out the head of the living one. the indian then took the canoe and carried it to a high rock and left it there. their custom is to let the slave live for three days; then another slave is compelled to strangle the victim by a cord.' _letter_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. . see also vol. iii., pp. - ; vol. vi., pp. - , with plate; vol. v., p. . 'the emblem of a squaw's grave is generally a camass-root digger, made of a deer's horns, and fastened on the end of a stick.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., pp. - , vol. iv., p. . 'i believe i saw as many as an hundred canoes at one burying place of the chinooks.' _gass' jour._, p. . 'four stakes, interlaced with twigs and covered with brush,' filled with dead bodies. _abbott_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. vi., p. . at coos bay, 'formerly the body was burned, and the wife of the corpse killed and interred.' now the body is sprinkled with sand and ashes, the ankles are bent up and fastened to the neck; relatives shave their heads and put the hair on the body with shells and roots, and the corpse is then buried and trampled on by the whole tribe. _wells_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xiii., p. . 'the canoe-coffins were decorated with rude carved work.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . strangers are paid to join in the lamentations. _ross' adven._, p. . children who die during the head-flattening process are set afloat in their cradles upon the surface of some sacred pool, where the bodies of the old are also placed in their canoes. _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. . on burial and mourning see also, _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. - , , - , with cut of canoe on platform. _mofras' explor._, vol. ii., p. , and pl. of _atlas_; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , ; _kane's wand._, pp. - , , - ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - , - , vol. ii., p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , - ; _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., pp. - , vol. ii., p. ; _belcher's voy._, vol. i., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - , - ; _nicolay's ogn. ter._, pp. - ; _fremont's ogn. and cal._, p. ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _franchère's nar._, p. ; _palmer's jour._, p. ; _ind. life_, p. ; _townsend's nar._, p. . [ ] 'the clumsy thief, who is detected, is scoffed at and despised.' _dunn's oregon_, pp. - , . 'the kalapuya, like the umkwa, ... are more regular and quiet' than the inland tribes, 'and more cleanly, honest and moral than the' coast tribes. the chinooks are a quarrelsome, thievish, and treacherous people. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. , , , . 'a rascally, thieving set.' _gass' jour._, p. . 'when well treated, kind and hospitable.' _swan's n. w. coast_, pp. , , . at cape orford 'pleasing and courteous deportment ... scrupulously honest.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. i., pp. - . laziness is probably induced by the ease with which they obtain food. _kane's wand._, pp. , . 'crafty and intriguing.' easily irritated, but a trifle will appease him. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. , - , , , - , - , - . 'they possess in an eminent degree, the qualities opposed to indolence, improvidence, and stupidity: the chiefs above all, are distinguished for their good sense and intelligence. generally speaking, they have a ready intellect and a tenacious memory.' 'rarely resist the temptation of stealing' white men's goods. _franchère's nar._, pp. - , . loquacious, never gay, knavish, impertinent. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , - , , - . 'thorough-bred hypocrites and liars.' 'the killymucks the most roguish.' industry, patience, sobriety and ingenuity are their chief virtues; thieving, lying, incontinence, gambling and cruelty may be classed among their vices. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. , , - , , - , , vol. ii., p. . at wishiam 'they were a community of arrant rogues and freebooters.' _irving's astoria_, pp. , . 'lying is very common; thieving comparatively rare.' _white's ogn._, p. . 'do not appear to possess a particle of natural good feeling.' _townsend's nar._, p. . at coos bay 'by no means the fierce and warlike race found further to the northward.' _wells_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xiii., p. . umqua and coose tribes are naturally industrious; the suislaws the most advanced; the alcea not so enterprising. _sykes_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . calapooias, a poor, cowardly, and thievish race. _miller_, in _id._, , p. ; _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. , ; _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. ; _palmer's jour._, pp. , ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - ; _ind. life_, pp. - , ; _fitzgerald's vanc. isl._, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. , etc. [ ] 'they all resemble each other in general characteristics.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . shushwaps and salish all one race. _mayne's b. c._, p. - . 'the indians of the interior are, both physically and morally, vastly superior to the tribes of the coast.' _id._, p. . 'the kliketat near mount rainier, the walla-wallas, and the okanagan ... speak kindred dialects.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . the best-supported opinion is that the inland were of the same original stock with the lower tribes. _dunn's oregon_, p. . 'on leaving the verge of the carrier country, near alexandria, a marked change is at once perceptible.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . inland tribes differ widely from the piscatorial tribes. _ross' adven._, p. . 'those residing near the rocky mountains ... are and always have been superior races to those living on the lower columbia.' _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'i was particularly struck with their vast superiority (on the similkameen river, lat. ° ´, long. ° ´) in point of intelligence and energy to the fish indians on the fraser river, and in its neighbourhood.' _palmer_, in _b. c. papers_, vol. iii., p. . striking contrast noted in passing up the columbia. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . [ ] 'the shewhapmuch ... who compose a large branch of the saeliss family,' known as _nicute-much_--corrupted by the canadians into couteaux--below the junction of the fraser and thompson. _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. - . atnahs is their name in the takali language, and signifies 'strangers.' 'differ so little from their southern neighbors, the salish, as to render a particular description unnecessary.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . they were called by mackenzie the chin tribe, according to _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. , but mackenzie's chin tribe was north of the atnahs, being the nagailer tribe of the carriers. see _mackenzie's voy._, pp. - , and map. [ ] 'about okanagan, various branches of the carrier tribe.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . 'okanagans, on the upper part of frazer's river.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . [ ] also known as flat-bows. 'the poorest of the tribes composing the flathead nation.' _mccormick_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'speaking a language of their own, it is not easy to imagine their origin; but it appears probable that they once belonged to some more southern tribe, from which they became shut off by the intervention of larger tribes.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'in appearance, character, and customs, they resemble more the indians east of the rocky mountains than those of lower oregon.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'les arcs-à-plats, et les koetenais sont connus dans le pays sous le nom de skalzi.' _de smet_, _miss. de l'orégon_, p. . [ ] the origin of the name flathead, as applied to this nation, is not known, as they have never been known to flatten the head. 'the mass of the nation consists of persons who have more or less of the blood of the spokanes, pend d'oreilles, nez perces, and iroquois.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. ; _stuart's montana_, p. . gass applied the name apparently to tribes on the clearwater of the sahaptin family. _jour._, p. . [ ] also called _kalispelms_ and _ponderas_. the upper pend d'oreilles consist of a number of wandering families of spokanes, kalispelms proper, and flatheads. _suckley_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _stevens_, in _id._, p. ; _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'very similar in manners, etc., to the flatheads, and form one people with them.' _de smet_, _miss. de l'orégon_, p. . [ ] the native name, according to hale, is _skitsuish_, and coeur d'alêne, 'awl heart,' is a nickname applied from the circumstance that a chief used these words to express his idea of the canadian traders' meanness. _ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . [ ] _quiarlpi_, 'basket people,' _chaudieres_, 'kettles,' _kettle falls_, _chualpays_, _skoielpoi_, and _lakes_, are some of the names applied to these bands. [ ] 'ils s'appellent entre eux les enfants du soleil, dans leur langue spokane.' _de smet_, _miss. de l'orégon_, p. . 'differing very little from the indians at colville, either in their appearance, habits, or language.' _kane's wand._, p. . [ ] so much intermarried with the yakamas that they have almost lost their nationality.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'pierced noses,' so named by the canadians, perhaps from the nasal ornaments of the first of the tribe seen, although the custom of piercing the nose has never been known to be prevalent with this people. 'generally known and distinguished by the name of "black robes," in contradistinction to those who live on fish.' named nez perces from the custom of boring the nose to receive a white shell, like the fluke of an anchor. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. , - . 'there are two tribes of the pierced-nose indians, the upper and the lower. _brownell's ind. races_, pp. - . 'though originally the same people, their dialect varies very perceptibly from that of the tushepaws.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . called _thoiga-rik-kah_, _tsoi-gah_, 'cowse-eaters,' by the snakes. 'ten times better off to-day than they were then'--'a practical refutation of the time-honored lie, that intercourse with whites is an injury to indians.' _stuart's montana_, pp. - . 'in character and appearance, they resemble more the indians of the missouri than their neighbors, the salish.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'la tribu paloose appartient à la nation des nez-percés et leur ressemble sous tous les rapports.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . [ ] the name comes from that of the river. it should be pronounced wala-wala, very short. _pandosy's gram._, p. . 'descended from slaves formerly owned and liberated by the nez perces.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'not unlike the pierced-noses in general appearance, language, and habits.' _brownell's ind. races_, pp. - . parts of three different nations at the confluence of the snake and columbia. _gass' jour._, pp. - , 'none of the indians have any permanent habitations' on the south bank of the columbia about and above the dalles. _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . 'generally camping in winter on the north side of the river.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] the name yakima is a word meaning 'black bear' in the walla walla dialect. they are called klikatats west of the mountains. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'the klikatats and yakimas, in all essential peculiarities of character, are identical, and their intercourse is constant.' _id._, p. , and _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'pshawanwappam bands, usually called yakamas.' the name signifies 'stony ground.' _gibbs_, in _pandosy's gram._, p. vii. 'roil-roil-pam, is the klikatat country.' 'its meaning is "the mouse country."' _id._ the yakima valley is a great national rendezvous for these and surrounding nations. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. , . kliketats, meaning robbers, was first the name given to the whulwhypums, and then extended to all speaking the same language. for twenty-five years before they overran the willamette valley, but at that time were forced by government to retire to their own country. _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] wasco is said to mean 'basin,' and the tribe derives its name, traditionally, from the fact that formerly one of their chiefs, his wife having died, spent much of his time in making cavities or basins in the soft rock for his children to fill with water and pebbles, and thereby amuse themselves. _victor's all over ogn._, pp. - . the word cayuse is perhaps the french _cailloux_, 'pebbles.' called by tolmie, 'wyeilats or kyoose.' he says their language has an affinity to that of the carriers and umpquas. _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'resemble the walla-wallas very much.' _kane's wand._, pp. - . 'the imperial tribe of oregon' claiming jurisdiction over the whole columbia region. _farnham's trav._, p. . the snakes, walla-wallas, and cayuse meet annually in the grande ronde valley. _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., p. . 'individuals of the pure blood are few, the majority being intermixed with the nez perces and the wallah-wallahs.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . the region which i give to the wascos and cayuses is divided on hale's map between the walla-wallas, waiilatpu, and molele. [ ] in the interior the 'men are tall, the women are of common stature, and both are well formed.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'of middle height, slender.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . the inland tribes of british columbia, compared with those on the coast, 'are of a better cast, being generally of the middle height.' _id._, p. . see also p. . the nez percés and cayuses 'are almost universally fine-looking, robust men.' in criticising the person of one of that tribe 'one was forcibly reminded of the apollo belvidere.' _townsend's nar._, pp. , . the klikatat 'stature is low, with light, sinewy limbs.' _id._, p. ; also pp. - . the walla-wallas are generally powerful men, at least six feet high, and the cayuse are still 'stouter and more athletic.' _gairdner_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . the umatillas 'may be a superior race to the "snakes," but i doubt it.' _barnhart_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the salish are 'rather below the average size, but are well knit, muscular, and good-looking.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'well made and active.' _dunn's oregon_, pp. , . 'below the middle hight, with thick-set limbs.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. - , - . the cootonais are above the medium height. very few shushwaps reach the height of five feet nine inches. _cox's adven._, vol. ii., pp. , , vol. i., p. . see also on physique of the inland nations, _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , , , , - , - ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. ; _dunn_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _; _san francisco herald_, _june, _; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , ; _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - , and vol. i., frontispiece, cut of a group of spokanes. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. , ; _palmer's jour._, p. ; _ross' adven._, pp. , ; _stuart's montana_, p. . [ ] the interior tribes have 'long faces, and bold features, thin lips, wide cheek-bones, smooth skins, and the usual tawny complexion of the american tribes.' 'features of a less exaggerated harshness' than the coast tribes. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. - . 'hair and eyes are black, their cheek bones high, and very frequently they have aquiline noses.' 'they wear their hair long, part it upon their forehead, and let it hang in tresses on each side, or down behind.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . complexion 'a little fairer than other indians.' _id._ the okanagans are 'better featured and handsomer in their persons, though darker, than the chinooks or other indians along the sea-coast.' 'teeth white as ivory, well set and regular.' the voices of walla wallas, nez percés, and cayuses, are strong and masculine. _ross' adven._, pp. , . the flatheads (nez percés) are 'the whitest indians i ever saw.' _gass' jour._, p. . the shushwap 'complexion is darker, and of a more muddy, coppery hue than that of the true red indian.' _milton and cheadle's n. w. pass._, p. . the nez perces darker than the tushepaws. dignified and pleasant features. would have quite heavy beards if they shaved. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , , - , - , . the inland natives are an ugly race, with 'broad faces, low foreheads, and rough, coppery and tanned skins.' the salish 'features are less regular, and their complexion darker' than the sahaptins. _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. - . teeth of the river tribes worn down by sanded salmon. _anderson_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. ; _kane's wand._, p. . nez perces and cayuses 'are almost universally fine looking, robust men, with strong aquiline features, and a much more cheerful cast of countenance than is usual amongst the race. some of the women might almost be called beautiful, and none that i have seen are homely.' some very handsome young girls among the walla wallas. the kliketat features are 'regular, though often devoid of expression.' _townsend's nar._, pp. , , , . flatheads 'comparatively very fair in complexion, ... with oval faces, and a mild, and playful expression of countenance.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . the kayuls had long dark hair, and regular features. _coke's rocky mountains_, p. . cut and description of a clickitat skull, in _morton's crania_, p. , pl. . 'the flatheads are the ugliest, and most of their women are far from being beauties.' _stuart's montana_, p. . [ ] 'the sahaptin and wallawallas compress the head, but not so much as the tribes near the coast. it merely serves with them to make the forehead more retreating, which, with the aquiline nose common to these natives, gives to them occasionally, a physiognomy similar to that represented in the hieroglyphical paintings of central america.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. , . all the shushwaps flatten the head more or less. _mayne's b. c._, p. . 'il est à remarquer que les tribus établies au-dessus de la jonction de la branche sud de la colombie, et désignées sous le nom de têtes plates, ont renoncé depuis longtemps à cet usage.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'a roundhead klickatat woman would be a pariah.' _winthrop's canoe and saddle_, p. . nez percés 'seldom known to flatten the head.' _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. . see _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. - , - ; _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - , - ; _townsend's nar._, p. ; _kane's wand._, p. ; _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. , with cut. walla wallas, skyuse, and nez percés flatten the head and perforate the nose. _farnham's trav._, p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , ; _gass' jour._, p. . [ ] _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., pp. - ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , - . [ ] the salish 'profuse in the use of paint.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - , and in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . nez percés painted in colored stripes. _hines' voy._, p. . 'four indians (nez percés) streaked all over with white mud.' _kane's wand._, p. . walla walla 'faces painted red.' the okanagan 'young of both sexes always paint their faces with red and black bars.' _ross' adven._, pp. , - . the inland tribes 'appear to have less of the propensity to adorn themselves with painting, than the indians east of the mountains, but not unfrequently vermilion mixed with red clay, is used not only upon their faces but upon their hair.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . red clay for face paint, obtained at vermilion forks of the similkameen river, in b. c. _palmer_, in _b. c. papers_, vol. iii., p. . pend d'oreille women rub the face every morning with a mixture of red and brown powder, which is made to stick by a coating of fish-oil. _de smet_, _voy._, p. . [ ] the oakinack 'women wear their hair neatly clubbed on each side of the head behind the ears, and ornamented with double rows of the snowy higua, which are among the oakinackens called shet-la-cane; but they keep it shed or divided in front. the men's hair is queued or rolled up into a knot behind the head, and ornamented like that of the women; but in front it falls or hangs down loosely before the face, covering the forehead and the eyes, which causes them every now and then to shake the head, or use the hands to uncover their eyes.' _ross' adven._, pp. - . the head of the nez perces not ornamented. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , , , , - ; _coke's rocky mts._, p. ; _kane's wand._, p. . [ ] the ootlashoot women wear 'a long shirt of skin, reaching down to the ancles, and tied round the waist.' few ornaments. the nez percés wear 'the buffalo or elk-skin robe decorated with beads, sea-shells, chiefly mother-of-pearl, attached to an otter-skin collar and hung in the hair.' leggins and moccasins are painted; a plait of twisted grass is worn round the neck. the women wear their long robe without a girdle, but to it 'are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles.' 'the dress of the female is indeed more modest, and more studiously so than any we have observed, though the other sex is careless of the indelicacy of exposure.' 'the sokulk females have no other covering but a truss or piece of leather tied round the hips and then drawn tight between the legs.' three fourths of the pisquitpaws 'have scarcely any robes at all.' the chilluckittequaws use skins of wolves, deer, elk, and wild cats. 'round their neck is put a strip of some skin with the tail of the animal hanging down over the breast.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , - , , , , , , , - . many of the walla walla, nez percé, and cayuse females wore robes 'richly garnished with beads, higuas,' etc. the war chief wears as a head-dress the whole skin of a wolf's head, with the ears standing erect. the okanagans wear in winter long detachable sleeves or mittens of wolf or fox skin, also wolf or bear skin caps when hunting. men and women dress nearly alike, and are profuse in the use of ornaments. _ross' adven._, p. , - ; _id._, _fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . the flatheads often change their clothing and clean it with pipe-clay. they have no regular head-dress. from the yakima to the okanagan the men go naked, and the women wear only a belt with a slip passing between the legs. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. , , - , vol. ii., p. . nez percés better clad than any others, cayuses well clothed, walla wallas naked and half starved. _palmer's jour._, pp. , , - . at the dalles, women 'go nearly naked, for they wear little else than what may be termed a breech-cloth, of buckskin, which is black and filthy with dirt.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - , , . the kliketat women wear a short pine-bark petticoat tied round the loins. _townsend's nar._, pp. , , . 'their buffaloe robes and other skins they chiefly procure on the missouri, when they go over to hunt, as there are no buffaloe in this part of the country and very little other game.' _gass' jour._, pp. , , - , . tusshepaw 'women wore caps of willow neatly worked and figured.' _irving's astoria_, pp. , , ; _id._, _bonneville's adven._, p. . the flathead women wear straw hats, used also for drinking and cooking purposes. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - , . the shushwaps wear in wet weather capes of bark trimmed with fur, and reaching to the elbows. moccasins are more common than on the coast, but they often ride barefoot. _mayne's b. c._, p. . _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - ; _kane's wand._, p. , and cut; _fremont's ogn. and cal._, pp. - ; _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. ; _franchère's nar._, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, p. ; _coke's rocky mts._, p. ; _hunt_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, tom. x., , pp. - , . [ ] the sokulk houses 'generally of a square or oblong form, varying in length from fifteen to sixty feet, and supported in the inside by poles or forks about six feet high.' the roof is nearly flat. the echeloot and chilluckittequaw houses were of the chinook style, partially sunk in the ground. the nez percés live in houses built 'of straw and mats, in the form of the roof of a house.' one of these 'was one hundred and fifty-six feet long, and about fifteen wide, closed at the ends, and having a number of doors on each side.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , - , - , . nez percé dwellings twenty to seventy feet long and from ten to fifteen feet wide; free from vermin. flathead houses conical but spacious, made of buffalo and moose skins over long poles. spokane lodges oblong or conical, covered with skins or mats. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. , , . nez percé and cayuse lodges 'composed of ten long poles, the lower ends of which are pointed and driven into the ground; the upper blunt and drawn together at the top by thongs' covered with skins. 'universally used by the mountain indians while travelling.' umatillas live in 'shantys or wigwams of driftwood, covered with buffalo or deer skins.' klicatats 'in miserable loose hovels.' _townsend's nar._, pp. - , , . okanagan winter lodges are long and narrow, 'chiefly of mats and poles, covered over with grass and earth;' dug one or two feet below the surface; look like the roof of a common house set on the ground. _ross' adven._, pp. - . on the yakima river 'a small canopy, hardly sufficient to shelter a sheep, was found to contain four generations of human beings.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., pp. , . on the clearwater 'there are not more than four lodges in a place or village, and these small camps or villages are eight or ten miles apart.' 'summer lodges are made of willows and flags, and their winter lodges of split pine.' _gass' jour._, pp. , , . 'at kettle falls, the lodges are of rush mats.' 'a flooring is made of sticks, raised three or four feet from the ground, leaving the space beneath it entirely open, and forming a cool, airy, and shady place, in which to hang their salmon.' _kane's wand._, pp. , - . the pend d'oreilles roll their tent-mats into cylindrical bundles for convenience in traveling. _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , , . _barnhart_, in _id._, , p. . the shushwap den is warm but 'necessarily unwholesome, and redolent ... of anything but roses.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . yakimas, 'rude huts covered with mats.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . shushwaps erect rude slants of bark or matting; have no tents or houses. _milton and cheadle's n. w. pass._, p. . from the swamps south of flatbow lake, 'the kootanie indians obtain the klusquis or thick reed, which is the only article that serves them in the construction of their lodges,' and is traded with other tribes. _sullivan_, in _palliser's explor._, p. . in winter the salish cover their mats with earth. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . flag huts of the walla wallas. _farnham's trav._, p. ; _mullan's rept._, pp. - ; _palmer's jour._, p. ; _coke's rocky mts._, p. ; _irving's astoria_, pp. , ; _id._, _bonneville's adven._, p. ; _de smet_, _voy._, p. ; _id._, _west. missions_, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . _hunt_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, tom. x., , pp. - , . [ ] natives begin to assemble at kettle falls about three weeks before the salmon begin to run; feuds are laid by; horse-racing, gambling, love-making, etc., occupy the assembly; and the medicine-men are busy working charms for a successful season. the fish are cut open, dried on poles over a small fire, and packed in bales. on the fraser each family or village fishes for itself; near the mouth large gaff-hooks are used, higher up a net managed between two canoes. all the principal indian fishing-stations on the fraser are below fort hope. for sturgeon a spear seventy to eighty feet long is used. cut of sturgeon-fishing. _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - , , - . the pend d'oreilles 'annually construct a fence which reaches across the stream, and guides the fish into a weir or rack,' on clarke river, just above the lake. the walla walla 'fisheries at the dalles and the falls, ten miles above, are the finest on the river.' the yakima weirs constructed 'upon horizontal spars, and supported by tripods of strong poles erected at short distances apart; two of the logs fronting up stream, and one supporting them below;' some fifty or sixty yards long. the salmon of the okanagan were 'of a small species, which had assumed a uniform red color.' 'the fishery at the kettle falls is one of the most important on the river, and the arrangements of the indians in the shape of drying-scaffolds and store-houses are on a corresponding scale.' _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , , , ; _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. - . the salmon chief at kettle falls distributes the fish among the people, every one, even the smallest child, getting an equal share. _kane's wand._, pp. - . on des chutes river 'they spear the fish with barbed iron points, fitted loosely by sockets to the ends of poles about eight feet long,' to which they are fastened by a thong about twelve feet long. _abbott_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. vi., p. . on the upper columbia an indian 'cut off a bit of his leathern shirt, about the size of a small bean; then pulling out two or three hairs from his horse's tail for a line, tied the bit of leather to one end of it, in place of a hook or fly.' _ross' adven._, pp. - . at the mouth of flatbow river 'a dike of round stones, which runs up obliquely against the main stream, on the west side, for more than one hundred yards in length, resembling the foundation of a wall.' similar range on the east side, supposed to be for taking fish at low water. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. ii., pp. - . west of the rocky mountains they fish 'with great success by means of a kind of large basket suspended from a long cord.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. - . on powder river they use the hook as a gaff. _coke's rocky mts._, p. . a wasco spears three or four salmon of twenty to thirty pounds each in ten minutes. _remy and brenchley's jour._, vol. ii., p. . no salmon are taken above the upper falls of the columbia. _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., p. . walla walla fish-weirs 'formed of two curtains of small willow switches matted together with withes of the same plant, and extending across the river in two parallel lines, six feet asunder. these are supported by several parcels of poles, ... and are either rolled up or let down at pleasure for a few feet.... a seine of fifteen or eighteen feet in length is then dragged down the river by two persons, and the bottom drawn up against the curtain of willows.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . make fishing-nets of flax. _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'the inland, as well as the coast, tribes, live to a great extent upon salmon.' _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _nicolay's ogn. ter._, pp. - . palouse 'live solely by fishing.' _mullan's rept._, p. . salmon cannot ascend to coeur d'alêne lake. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. - . okanagan food 'consists principally of salmon and a small fish which they call carp.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . the walla wallas 'may well be termed the fishermen of the skyuse camp.' _farnham's trav._, p. . [ ] the shushwaps formerly crossed the mountains to the assinniboine territory. the okanagans when hunting wear wolf or bear skin caps; there is no bird or beast whose voice they cannot imitate. war and hunting were the nez percé occupation; cross the mountains for buffalo. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. , , - , . the chief game of the nez percés is the deer, 'and whenever the ground will permit, the favourite hunt is on horseback.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . the salish live by the chase, on elk, moose, deer, big-horn and bears; make two trips annually, spring to fall, and fall to mid-winter, across the mountains, accompanied by other nations. the pend d'oreilles hunt deer in the snow with clubs; have distinct localities for hunting each kind of game. nez percés, flatheads, coeurs d'alêne, spokanes, pend d'oreilles, etc., hunt together. yakimas formerly joined the flatheads in eastern hunt. _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - , - , , - . 'two hunts annually across the mountains--one in april, for the bulls, from which they return in june and july; and another, after about a month's recruit, to kill cows, which have by that time become fat.' _stevens, gibbs, and suckley_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , , - , vol. xii., p. . kootenais live by the chase principally. _hutchins_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . spokanes rather indolent in hunting; hunting deer by fire. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. , vol. ii., pp. - . the kootenais 'seldom hunt;' there is not much to shoot except wild fowl in fall. trap beaver and carriboeuf on a tributary of the kootanie river. _palliser's explor._, pp. , , . flatheads 'follow the buffalo upon the headwaters of clarke and salmon rivers.' nez percé women accompany the men to the buffalo-hunt. _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , . kootenais cross the mountains for buffalo. _mayne's b. c._, p. . coeurs d'alêne ditto. _mullan's rept._, p. . half of the nez percés 'usually make a trip to the buffalo country for three months.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . shushwaps 'live by hunting the bighorns, mountain goats, and marmots.' _milton and cheadle's n. w. pass._, p. . buffalo never pass to west of the rocky mountains. _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. ; _kane's wand._, p. ; _de smet_, _voy._, pp. , , - ; _ind. life_, pp. - , - ; _franchère's nar._, pp. - ; _hunt_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, tom. x., , pp. - ; _stuart_, in _id._, tom. xii., pp. , - ; _joset_, in _id._, tom. cxxiii., , pp. - . [ ] the kliketats gather and eat _peahay_, a bitter root boiled into a jelly; _n'poolthla_, ground into flour; _mamum_ and _seekywa_, made into bitter white cakes; _kamass_; _calz_, a kind of wild sunflower. _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . the flatheads go every spring to camass prairie. _de smet_, _voy._, p. . the kootenais eat kamash and an edible moss. _id._, _missions de l'orégon_, pp. - . 'the cayooses, nez percés, and other warlike tribes assemble (in yakima valley) every spring to lay in a stock of the favourite kamass and pelua, or sweet potatoes.' _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . quamash, round, onion-shaped, and sweet, eaten by the nez percés. _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . couse root dug in april or may; camas in june and july. _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . the skyuses 'main subsistence is however upon roots.' the nez percés eat _kamash_, _cowish_ or biscuit root, _jackap_, _aisish_, _quako_, etc. _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. , . okanagans live extensively on moss made into bread. the nez percés also eat moss. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. , . pend d'oreilles at the last extremity live on pine-tree moss; also collect camash, bitter-roots, and sugar pears. _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , - . 'i never saw any berry in the course of my travels which the indians scruple to eat, nor have i seen any ill effect from their doing so.' _kane's wand._, p. . the kootenai food in september 'appears to be almost entirely berries; namely, the "sasketoom" of the crees, a delicious fruit, and a small species of cherry, also a sweet root which they obtain to the southward.' _blakiston_, in _palliser's explor._, p. . flatheads dig _konah_, 'bitter root' in may. it is very nutritious and very bitter. _pahseego_, camas, or 'water seego,' is a sweet, gummy, bulbous root. _stuart's montana_, pp. - . colvilles cut down pines for their moss (alectoria?). kamas also eaten. _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . the shushwaps eat moss and lichens, chiefly the black lichen, or _whyelkine_. _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. . the salish in march and april eat _popkah_, an onion-like bulb; in may, _spatlam_, a root like vermicelli; in june and july, _itwha_, like roasted chestnuts; in august, wild fruits; in september, _marani_, a grain. _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] at the dalles 'during the fishing season, the indians live entirely on the heads, hearts and offal of the salmon, which they string on sticks, and roast over a small fire.' besides pine-moss, the okanagans use the seed of the balsam oriza pounded into meal, called _mielito_. 'to this is added the _siffleurs_.' berries made into cakes by the nez percés. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. , , . quamash, 'eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup, or made into a cake, which is then called pasheco.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , , . women's head-dress serves the flatheads for cooking, etc. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. , - ; _id._, _missions de l'orégon_, pp. - . 'the dog's tongue is the only dish-cloth known' to the okanagans. pine-moss cooked, or _squill-ape_, will keep for years. 'at their meals they generally eat separately and in succession--man, woman and child.' _ross' adven._, pp. - , , - . 'most of their food is roasted, and they excel in roasting fish.' _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , . 'pine moss, which they boil till it is reduced to a sort of glue or black paste, of a sufficient consistence to take the form of biscuit.' _franchère's nar._, p. . couse tastes like parsnips, is dried and pulverized, and sometimes boiled with meat. _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . root bread on the clearwater tastes like that made of pumpkins. _gass' jour._, pp. - . kamas after coming from the kiln is 'made into large cakes, by being mashed, and pressed together, and slightly baked in the sun.' white-root, pulverized with stones, moistened and sun-baked, tastes not unlike stale biscuits. _townsend's nar._, pp. - . camas and sun-flower seed mixed with salmon-heads caused in the eater great distension of the stomach. _remy and brenchley's jour._, vol. ii., pp. - . _sowete_, is the name of the mixture last named, among the cayuses. _coke's rocky mts._, p. ; _ind. life_, p. ; _stuart's montana_, pp. - ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. ; _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . [ ] additional notes and references on procuring food. the okanagans break up winter quarters in february; wander about in small bands till june. assemble on the river and divide into two parties of men and two of women for fishing and dressing fish, hunting and digging roots, until october; hunt in small parties in the mountains or the interior for four or six weeks; and then go into winter quarters on the small rivers. _ross' adven._, pp. - . further south on the columbia plains the natives collect and dry roots until may; fish on the north bank of the river till september, burying the fish; dig camas on the plains till snow falls; and retire to the foot of the mountains to hunt deer and elk through the winter. the nez percés catch salmon and dig roots in summer; hunt deer on snow-shoes in winter; and cross the mountains for buffalo in spring. sokulks live on fish, roots, and antelope. eneeshur, echeloots, and chilluckittequaw, on fish, berries, roots and nuts. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - , - , , , . spokanes live on deer, wild fowl, salmon, trout, carp, pine-moss, roots and wild fruit. they have no repugnance to horse-flesh, but never kill horses for food. the sinapoils live on salmon, camas, and an occasional small deer. the chaudiere country well stocked with game, fish and fruit. _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., p. . the kayuse live on fish, game, and camass bread. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - . 'ils cultivent avec succès le blé, les patates, les pois et plusieurs autres légumes et fruits.' _id._, _miss. de l'orégon._, p. . pend d'oreilles; fish, kamash, and pine-tree moss. _id._, _west. missions_, p. . 'whole time was occupied in providing for their bellies, which were rarely full.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . yakimas and kliketats; unis or fresh-water muscles, little game, sage-fowl and grouse, kamas, berries, salmon. the okanagans raise some potatoes. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , , . kootenais; fish and wild fowl, berries and pounded meat, have cows and oxen. _palliser's explor._, pp. , . palouse; fish, birds, and small animals. umatillas; fish, sage-cocks, prairie-hares. _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. , - . tushepaws would not permit horses or dogs to be eaten. _irving's astoria_, p. . nez percés; beaver, elk, deer, white bear, and mountain sheep, also steamed roots. _id._, _bonneville's adven._, p. . sahaptin; gather cherries and berries on clarke river. _gass' jour._, p. ; _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. ; _hines' voy._, p. ; _brownell's ind. races_, pp. - ; _stanley's portraits_, pp. - ; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. ; _kane's wand._, pp. - ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - , ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. ; _hale's ethnog._, _ib._, vol. vi., p. . [ ] _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , ; _townsend's nar._, p. ; _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - , ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - , , vol. ii., pp. , , ; _coke's rocky mts._, p. ; _palmer's jour._, pp. , , . [ ] the okanagan weapon is called a _spampt_. _ross' adven._, pp. - ; _id._, _fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. - . 'ils ... faire leurs arcs d'un bois très-élastique, ou de la corne du cerf.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _townsend's nar._, p. ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - , ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. . [ ] torture of blackfeet prisoners; burning with a red-hot gun-barrel, pulling out the nails, taking off fingers, scooping out the eyes, scalping, revolting cruelties to female captives. the disputed right of the flatheads to hunt buffalo at the eastern foot of the mountains is the cause of the long-continued hostility. the wisest and bravest is annually elected war chief. the war chief carries a long whip and secures discipline by flagellation. except a few feathers and pieces of red cloth, both the flathead and kootenai enter battle perfectly naked. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - , vol. ii., p. . the cayuse and sahaptin are the most warlike of all the southern tribes. the nez percés good warriors, but do not follow war as a profession. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. - , , - , vol. ii., pp. - , . among the okanagans 'the hot bath, council, and ceremony of smoking the great pipe before war, is always religiously observed. their laws, however, admit of no compulsion, nor is the chief's authority implicitly obeyed on these occasions; consequently, every one judges for himself, and either goes or stays as he thinks proper. with a view, however, to obviate this defect in their system, they have instituted the dance, which answers every purpose of a recruiting service.' 'every man, therefore, who enters within this ring and joins in the dance ... is in honour bound to assist in carrying on the war.' _id._, _adven._, pp. - . mock battles and military display for the entertainment of white visitors. _hines' voy._, pp. - . the chilluckittequaws cut off the forefingers of a slain enemy as trophies. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - . when scouting, 'flathead chief would ride at full gallop so near the foe as to flap in their faces the eagle's tail streaming behind (from his cap), yet no one dared seize the tail or streamer, it being considered sacrilegious and fraught with misfortune to touch it.' _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., p. . a thousand walla wallas came to the sacramento river in , to avenge the death of a young chief killed by an american about a year before. _colton's three years in cal._, p. . one flathead is said to be equal to four blackfeet in battle. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. , ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _gray's hist. ogn._, pp. - ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - ; _stanley's portraits_, pp. - ; _ind. life_, pp. - ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . [ ] white marl clay used to cleanse skin robes, by making it into a paste, rubbing it on the hide and leaving it to dry, after which it is rubbed off. saddles usually sit uneasily on the horse's back. _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , - . 'mallet of stone curiously carved' among the sokulks. near the cascades was seen a ladder resembling those used by the whites. the pishquitpaws used 'a saddle or pad of dressed skin, stuffed with goats' hair.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , , . on the fraser a rough kind of isinglass was at one time prepared and traded to the hudson bay company. _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . 'the sahaptins still make a kind of vase of lava, somewhat in the shape of a crucible, but very wide; they use it as a mortar for pounding the grain, of which they make cakes.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , . (undoubtedly an error.) pend d'oreilles; 'les femmes ... font des nattes de joncs, des paniers, et des chapeaux sans bords.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . 'nearly all (the shushwaps) use the spanish wooden saddle, which they make with much skill.' _mayne's b. c._, pp. - . 'the saddles for women differ in form, being furnished with the antlers of a deer, so as to resemble the high pommelled saddle of the mexican ladies.' _franchère's nar._, pp. - ; _palmer's jour._, p. ; _irving's astoria_, p. , ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] 'the white-pine bark is a very good substitute for birch, but has the disadvantage of being more brittle in cold weather.' _suckley_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . yakima boats are 'simply logs hollowed out and sloped up at the ends, without form or finish.' _gibbs_, in _id._, p. . the flatheads 'have no canoes, but in ferrying streams use their lodge skins, which are drawn up into an oval form by cords, and stretched on a few twigs. these they tow with horses, riding sometimes three abreast.' _stevens_, in _id._, p. . in the kootenai canoe 'the upper part is covered, except a space in the middle.' the length is twenty-two feet, the bottom being a dead level from end to end. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. ii., pp. - . 'the length of the bottom of the one i measured was twelve feet, the width between the gunwales only seven and one half feet.' 'when an indian paddles it, he sits at the extreme end, and thus sinks the conical point, which serves to steady the canoe like a fish's tail.' _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - , - . on the arrow lakes 'their form is also peculiar and very beautiful. these canoes run the rapids with more safety than those of any other shape.' _kane's wand._, p. . see _de smet_, _voy._, pp. , ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _hector_, in _palliser's explor._, p. ; _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , , , . [ ] 'the tradition is that horses were obtained from the southward,' not many generations back. _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. , - . individuals of the walla wallas have over one thousand horses. _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. bay_, p. . kootenais rich in horses and cattle. _palliser's explor._, pp. , . kliketat and yakima horses sometimes fine, but injured by early usage; deteriorated from a good stock; vicious and lazy. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'la richesse principale des sauvages de l'ouest consiste en chevaux.' _de smet_, _voy._, pp. , . at an assemblage of walla wallas, shahaptains and kyoots, 'the plains were literally covered with horses, of which there could not have been less than four thousand in sight of the camp.' _ross' adven._, p. . the kootanies about arrow lake, or sinatcheggs have no horses, as the country is not suitable for them. _id._, _fur hunters_, vol. ii., pp. - . of the spokanes the 'chief riches are their horses, which they generally obtain in barter from the nez percés.' _cox's adven._, vol. i., p. . a skyuse is poor who has but fifteen or twenty horses. the horses are a fine race, 'as large and of better form and more activity than most of the horses of the states.' _farnham's trav._, p. . the flatheads 'are the most northern of the equestrian tribes.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . many nez percés 'have from five to fifteen hundred head of horses.' _palmer's jour._, pp. - . indians of the spokane and flathead tribes 'own from one thousand to four thousand head of horses and cattle.' _stevens' address_, p. . the nez percé horses 'are principally of the pony breed; but remarkably stout and long-winded.' _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. ; _hastings' em. guide_, p. ; _hines' voy._, p. ; _gass' jour._, p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. . [ ] the chilluckittequaw intercourse seems to be an intermediate trade with the nations near the mouth of the columbia. the chopunnish trade for, as well as hunt, buffalo-robes east of the mountains. course of trade in the sahaptin county: the plain indians during their stay on the river from may to september, before they begin fishing, go down to the falls with skins, mats, silk-grass, rushes and chapelell bread. here they meet the mountain tribes from the kooskooskie (clearwater) and lewis rivers, who bring bear-grass, horses, quamash and a few skins obtained by hunting or by barter from the tushepaws. at the falls are the chilluckittequaws, eneeshurs, echeloots and skilloots, the latter being intermediate traders between the upper and lower tribes. these tribes have pounded fish for sale; and the chinooks bring wappato, sea-fish, berries, and trinkets obtained from the whites. then the trade begins; the chopunnish and mountain tribes buy wappato, pounded fish and beads; and the plain indians buy wappato, horses, beads, etc. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , - . horse-fairs in which the natives display the qualities of their steeds with a view to sell. _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . the oakinacks make trips to the pacific to trade wild hemp for hiaqua shells and trinkets. _ross' adven._, pp. , . trade conducted in silence between a flathead and crow. _de smet_, _voy._, p. . kliketats and yakimas 'have become to the neighboring tribes what the yankees were to the once western states, the traveling retailers of notions.' _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , . cayuses, walla wallas, and nez percés meet in grande ronde valley to trade with the snakes. _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., p. ; _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. ; _cox's adven._, vol. ii., pp. - , ; _palmer's jour._, pp. , ; _dunniway's capt. gray's comp._, p. ; _coke's rocky mts._, p. ; _mayne's b. c._, p. ; _gass' jour._, p. . [ ] in calculating time the okanagans use their fingers, each finger standing for ten; some will reckon to a thousand with tolerable accuracy, but most can scarcely count to twenty. _ross' adven._, p. . the flatheads 'font néanmoins avec précision, sur des écorces d'arbres ou sur des peaux le plan, des pays qu'ils ont parcourus, marquant les distances par journées, demi-journées ou quarts de journées.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . count years by snows, months by moons, and days by sleeps. have names for each number up to ten; then add ten to each; and then add a word to multiply by ten. _parker's explor. tour_, p. . names of the months in the pisquouse and salish languages beginning with january;--'cold, a certain herb, snow-gone, bitter-root, going to root-ground, camass-root, hot, gathering berries, exhausted salmon, dry, house-building, snow.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'menses computant lunis, ex spkani, _sol_ vel _luna_ et dies per ferias. hebdomadam unicam per splcháskat, _septem dies_, plures vero hebdomadas per s'chaxèus, id est, _vexillum_ quod a duce maximo qualibet die dominica suspendebatur. dies antem in novem dividitur partes.' _mengarini_, _grammatica linguae selicae_, p. ; _sproat's scenes_, p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . [ ] the twelve oakinack tribes 'form, as it were, so many states belonging to the same union, and are governed by petty chiefs.' the chieftainship descends from father to son; and though merely nominal in authority, the chief is rarely disobeyed. property pays for all crimes. _ross' adven._, pp. - , - , . the chualpays are governed by the 'chief of the earth' and 'chief of the waters,' the latter having exclusive authority in the fishing-season. _kane's wand._, pp. - . the nez percés offered a flathead the position of head chief, through admiration of his qualities. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. , . among the kalispels the chief appoints his successor, or if he fails to do so, one is elected. _de smet_, _western miss._, p. . the flathead war chief carries a long whip, decorated with scalps and feathers to enforce strict discipline. the principal chief is hereditary. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - , vol. ii., p. . the 'camp chief' of the flatheads as well as the war chief was chosen for his merits. _ind. life_, pp. - . among the nez percés and wascos 'the form of government is patriarchal. they acknowledge the hereditary principle--blood generally decides who shall be the chief.' _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., pp. - . no regularly recognized chief among the spokanes, but an intelligent and rich man often controls the tribe by his influence. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - . 'the salish can hardly be said to have any regular form of government.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. - . every winter the cayuses go down to the dalles to hold a council over the chinooks 'to ascertain their misdemeanors and punish them therefor by whipping'! _farnham's trav._, p. - . among the salish 'criminals are sometimes punished by banishment from their tribe.' 'fraternal union and the obedience to the chiefs are truly admirable.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. - ; _hines' voy._, p. ; _stanley's portraits_, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _white's oregon_, p. ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. ; _joset_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, tom. cxxiii., , pp. - . [ ] 'slavery is common with all the tribes.' _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hud. b._, p. . sahaptins always make slaves of prisoners of war. the cayuses have many. _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _palmer's jour._, p. . among the okanagans 'there are but few slaves ... and these few are adopted as children, and treated in all respects as members of the family.' _ross' adven._, p. . the inland tribes formerly practiced slavery, but long since abolished it. _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'not practised in the interior.' _mayne's b. c._, p. . not practiced by the shushwaps. _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . [ ] each okanagan 'family is ruled by the joint will or authority of the husband and wife, but more particularly by the latter.' wives live at different camps among their relatives; one or two being constantly with the husband. brawls constantly occur when several wives meet. the women are chaste, and attached to husband and children. at the age of fourteen or fifteen the young man pays his addresses in person to the object of his love, aged eleven or twelve. after the old folks are in bed, he goes to her wigwam, builds a fire, and if welcome the mother permits the girl to come and sit with him for a short time. these visits are several times repeated, and he finally goes in the day-time with friends and his purchase money. _ross' adven._, pp. - . the spokane husband joins his wife's tribe; women are held in great respect; and much affection is shown for children. among the nez percés both men and women have the power of dissolving the marriage tie at pleasure. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. , - , , . the coeurs d'alêne 'have abandoned polygamy.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , ; _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . pend d'oreille women less enslaved than in the mountains, but yet have much heavy work, paddle canoes, etc. generally no marriage among savages. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - , . the nez percés generally confine themselves to two wives, and rarely marry cousins. no wedding ceremony. _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . polygamy not general on the fraser; and unknown to kootenais. _cox's adven._, vol. ii., pp. , , vol. i., pp. - . nez percés have abandoned polygamy. _palmer's jour._, pp. , . flathead women do everything but hunt and fight. _ind. life_, p. . flathead women 'by no means treated as slaves, but, on the contrary, have much consideration and authority.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'rarely marry out of their own nation,' and do not like their women to marry whites. _dunn's oregon_, pp. - . the sokulk men 'are said to content themselves with a single wife, with whom ... the husband shares the labours of procuring subsistence much more than is usual among savages.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _dunniway's capt. gray's comp._, p. ; _gray's hist. ogn._, p. ; _tolmie and anderson_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _de smet's west. miss._, p. . [ ] the wife of a young kootenai left him for another, whereupon he shot himself. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. ii., p. . among the flatheads 'conjugal infidelity is scarcely known.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . the sahaptins 'do not exhibit those loose feelings of carnal desire, nor appear addicted to the common customs of prostitution.' _gass' jour._, p. . inland tribes have a reputation for chastity, probably due to circumstances rather than to fixed principles. _mayne's b. c._, p. . spokanes 'free from the vice of incontinence'. among the walla wallas prostitution is unknown, 'and i believe no inducement would tempt them to commit a breach of chastity.' prostitution common on the fraser. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. , - . nez percé women remarkable for their chastity. _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . [ ] in the salish family on the birth of a child wealthy relatives make presents of food and clothing. the nez percé mother gives presents but receives none on such an occasion. the flatheads and pend d'oreilles bandage the waist and legs of infants with a view to producing broad-shouldered, small-waisted and straight-limbed adults. _tolmie and anderson_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - . among the walla wallas 'when traveling a hoop, bent over the head of the child, protects it from injury.' the confinement after child-birth continues forty days. at the first menstruation the spokane woman must conceal herself two days in the forest; for a man to see her would be fatal; she must then be confined for twenty days longer in a separate lodge. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - , . the okanagan mother is not allowed to prepare her unborn infant's swaddling clothes, which consist of a piece of board, a bit of skin, a bunch of moss, and a string. _ross' adven._, pp. - . 'small children, not more than three years old, are mounted alone and generally upon colts.' younger ones are carried on the mother's back 'or suspended from a high knob upon the forepart of their saddles.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . houses among the chopunnish 'appropriated for women who are undergoing the operation of the menses.' 'when anything is to be conveyed to these deserted females, the person throws it to them forty or fifty paces off, and then retires.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _townsend's nar._, p. ; _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . [ ] with the pend d'oreilles 'it was not uncommon for them to bury the very old and the very young alive, because, they said, "these cannot take care of themselves, and we cannot take care of them, and they had better die."' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _suckley_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _white's ogn._, p. ; _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] in the yakima valley 'we visited every street, alley, hole and corner of the camp.... here was gambling, there scalp-dancing; laughter in one place, mourning in another. crowds were passing to and fro, whooping, yelling, dancing, drumming, singing. men, women, and children were huddled together; flags flying, horses neighing, dogs howling, chained bears, tied wolves, grunting and growling, all pell-mell among the tents.' _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . at kettle falls 'whilst awaiting the coming salmon, the scene is one great revel: horse-racing, gambling, love-making, dancing, and diversions of all sorts, occupy the singular assembly; for at these annual gatherings ... feuds and dislikes are for the time laid by.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] the principal amusement of the okanagans is gambling, 'at which they are not so quarrelsome as the spokans and other tribes,' disputes being settled by arbitration. _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . a young man at kettle falls committed suicide, having lost everything at gambling. _kane's wand._, pp. - . 'les indiens de la colombie ont porté les jeux de hasard au dernier excès. après avoir perdu tout ce qu'ils ont, ils se mettent eux-mêmes sur le tapis, d'abord une main, ensuite l'autre; s'ils les perdent, les bras, et ainsi de suite tous les membres du corps; la tête suit, et s'ils la perdent, ils deviennent esclaves pour la vie avec leurs femmes et leurs enfants.' _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - . many kooteneais have abandoned gambling. _de smet_, _west. miss._, p. . 'whatever the poor indian can call his own, is ruthlessly sacrificed to this moloch of human weakness.' _ind. life_, p. ; _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. - . [ ] spokanes; 'one of their great amusements is horse-racing.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . kliketats and yakimas; 'the racing season is the grand annual occasion of these tribes. a horse of proved reputation is a source of wealth or ruin to his owner. on his speed he stakes his whole stud, his household goods, clothes, and finally his wives; and a single heat doubles his fortune, or sends him forth an impoverished adventurer. the interest, however is not confined to the individual directly concerned; the tribe share it with him, and a common pile of goods, of motley description, apportioned according to their ideas of value, is put up by either party, to be divided among the backers of the winner.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , . 'running horses and foot-races by men, women and children, and they have games of chance played with sticks or bones;' do not drink to excess. _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , . _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. ; _franchère's nar._, p. . [ ] _kane's wand._, pp. - . [ ] the principal okanagan amusement is a game called by the voyageurs 'jeu de main,' like our odd and even. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, p. . it sometimes takes a week to decide the game. the loser never repines. _ross' adven._, pp. - ; _stuart's montana_, p. . [ ] among the wahowpums 'the spectators formed a circle round the dancers, who, with their robes drawn tightly round the shoulders, and divided into parties of five or six men, perform by crossing in a line from one side of the circle to the other. all the parties, performers as well as spectators, sing, and after proceeding in this way for some time, the spectators join, and the whole concludes by a promiscuous dance and song.' the walla wallas 'were formed into a solid column, round a kind of hollow square, stood on the same place, and merely jumped up at intervals, to keep time to the music.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , . nez percés dance round a pole on sundays, and the chiefs exhort during the pauses. _irving's bonneville's adven._, pp. - , . in singing 'they use _hi_, _ah_, in constant repetition, ... and instead of several parts harmonizing, they only take eighths one above another, never exceeding three.' _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - . 'the song was a simple expression of a few sounds, no intelligible words being uttered. it resembled the words _ho-ha-ho-ha-ho-ha-ha-ha_, commencing in a low tone, and gradually swelling to a full, round, and beautifully modulated chorus.' _townsend's nar._, p. . chualpay scalp-dance. _kane's wand._, p. . religious songs. _dunn's oregon_, pp. - ; _palmer's jour._, p. . [ ] de smet thinks inhaling tobacco smoke may prevent its injurious effects. _voy._, p. . in all religious ceremonies the pipe of peace is smoked. _ross' adven._, pp. - . _parker's explor. tour_, p. ; _hines' voy._, p. . 'the medicine-pipe is a sacred pledge of friendship among all the north-western tribes.' _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] in moving, the girls and small boys ride three or four on a horse with their mothers, while the men drive the herds of horses that run loose ahead. _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - , . horses left for months without a guard, and rarely stray far. they call this 'caging' them. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. , , . 'babies of fifteen months old, packed in a sitting posture, rode along without fear, grasping the reins with their tiny hands.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. xii., pt. ii., p. , with plate; _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. - ; _palliser's rept._, p. ; _farnham's trav._, pp. -; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _franchère's nar._, pp. - ; _cox's adven._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'l'aigle ... est le grand oiseau de médecine.' _de smet_, _voy._, pp. , ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _stevens_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , and in _de smet's west. miss._, pp. - ; _suckley_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. - ; _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., p. ; _kane's wand._, pp. , - , . [ ] _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - ; _ross' adven._, pp. - . [ ] the walla wallas receive bad news with a howl. the spokanes 'cache' their salmon. they are willing to change names with any one they esteem. 'suicide prevails more among the indians of the columbia river than in any other portion of the continent which i have visited.' _kane's wand._, pp. - , - . 'preserve particular order in their movements. the first chief leads the way, the next chiefs follow, then the common men, and after these the women and children.' they arrange themselves in similar order in coming forward to receive visitors. do not usually know their own age. _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , - , . distance is calculated by time; a day's ride is seventy miles on horseback, thirty-five miles on foot. _ross' adven._, p. . natives can tell by examining arrows to what tribe they belong. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. ii., p. . kliketats and yakimas often unwilling to tell their name. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. . 'd'après toutes les observations que j'ai faites, leur journée équivaut à peu près à cinquante ou soixante milles anglais lorsqu'ils voyagent seuls, et à quinze ou vingt milles seulement lorsqu'ils lèvent leur camps.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . among the nez percés everything was promulgated by criers. 'the office of crier is generally filled by some old man, who is good for little else. a village has generally several.' _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. . habits of worship of the flatheads in the missions. _dunn's oregon_, pp. - . 'a pack of prick-eared curs, simply tamed prairie wolves, always in attendance.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] the nez percés 'are generally healthy, the only disorders which we have had occasion to remark being of scrophulous kind.' with the sokulks 'a bad soreness of the eyes is a very common disorder.' 'bad teeth are very general.' the chilluckittequaws' diseases are sore eyes, decayed teeth, and tumors. the walla wallas have ulcers and eruptions of the skin, and occasionally rheumatism. the chopunnish had 'scrofula, rheumatism, and sore eyes,' and a few have entirely lost the use of their limbs. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , , , . the medicine-man uses a medicine-bag of relics in his incantations. _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - . the okanagan medicine-men are called _tlaquillaughs_, and 'are men generally past the meridian of life; in their habits grave and sedate.' 'they possess a good knowledge of herbs and roots, and their virtues.' i have often 'seen him throw out whole mouthfuls of blood, and yet not the least mark would appear on the skin.' 'i once saw an indian who had been nearly devoured by a grizzly bear, and had his skull split open in several places, and several pieces of bone taken out just above the brain, and measuring three-fourths of an inch in length, cured so effectually by one of these jugglers, that in less than two months after he was riding on his horse again at the chase. i have also seen them cut open the belly with a knife, extract a large quantity of fat from the inside, sew up the part again, and the patient soon after perfectly recovered.' the most frequent diseases are 'indigestion, fluxes, asthmas, and consumptions.' instances of longevity rare. _ross' adven._, pp. - . a desperate case of consumption cured by killing a dog each day for thirty-two days, ripping it open and placing the patient's legs in the warm intestines, administering some barks meanwhile. the flatheads subject to few diseases; splints used for fractures, bleeding with sharp flints for contusions, ice-cold baths for ordinary rheumatism, and vapor bath with cold plunge for chronic rheumatism. _cox's adven._, vol. ii., pp. - , vol. i., pp. - . among the walla wallas convalescents are directed to sing some hours each day. the spokanes require all garments, etc., about the death-bed to be buried with the body, hence few comforts for the sick. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - , . the flatheads say their wounds cure themselves. _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - . the wascos cure rattlesnake bites by salt applied to the wound or by whisky taken internally. _kane's wand._, pp. , , - . a female doctor's throat cut by the father of a patient she had failed to cure. _hines' voy._, p. . the office of medicine-men among the sahaptins is generally hereditary. men often die from fear of a medicine-man's evil glance. rival doctors work on the fears of patients to get each other killed. murders of doctors somewhat rare among the nez percés. _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., pp. - , . small-pox seems to have come among the yakimas and kliketats before direct intercourse with whites. _gibbs_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , . a nez percé doctor killed by a brother of a man who had shot himself in mourning for his dead relative; the brother in turn killed, and several other lives lost. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . [ ] the sokulks wrap the dead in skins, bury them in graves, cover with earth, and mark the grave by little pickets of wood struck over and about it. on the columbia below the snake was a shed-tomb sixty by twelve feet, open at the ends, standing east and west. recently dead bodies wrapped in leather and arranged on boards at the west end. about the centre a promiscuous heap of partially decayed corpses; and at eastern end a mat with twenty-one skulls arranged in a circle. articles of property suspended on the inside and skeletons of horses scattered outside. about the dalles eight vaults of boards eight feet square, and six feet high, and all the walls decorated with pictures and carvings. the bodies were laid east and west. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - , - , - , - . okanagans observe silence about the death-bed, but the moment the person dies the house is abandoned, and clamorous mourning is joined in by all the camp for some hours; then dead silence while the body is wrapped in a new garment, brought out, and the lodge torn down. then alternate mourning and silence, and the deceased is buried in a sitting posture in a round hole. widows must mourn two years, incessantly for some months, then only morning and evening. _ross' adven._, pp. - . frantic mourning, cutting the flesh, etc., by nez percés. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. - , - , vol. ii., p. . destruction of horses and other property by spokanes. _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. - . a shushwap widow instigates the murder of a victim as a sacrifice to her husband. the horses of a walla walla chief not used after his death. _kane's wand._, pp. - , - , , . hundreds of wasco bodies piled in a small house on an island, just below the dalles. a walla walla chief caused himself to be buried alive in the grave of his last son. _hines' voy._, pp. , - . among the yakimas and kliketats the women do the mourning, living apart for a few days, and then bathing. okanagan bodies strapped to a tree. stone mounds over spokane graves. _gibbs and stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , , vol. xii., pt. i., p. . pend d'oreilles buried old and young alive when unable to take care of them. _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . 'high conical stacks of drift-wood' over walla walla graves. _townsend's nar._, p. . shushwaps often deposit dead in trees. if in the ground, always cover grave with stones. _mayne's b. c._, p. . killing a slave by wascos. _white's ogn._, pp. - . dances and prayers for three days at nez percé chief's burial. _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. . burying infant with parents by flatheads. _de smet_, _voy._, p. . light wooden pilings about shushwap graves. _milton and cheadle's northw. pass._, p. ; _alvord_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. ; _palmer_, in _b. c. papers_, pt. iii., p. ; _gass' jour._, p. ; _ind. life_, p. ; _tolmie_, in _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. - , - . [ ] sokulks 'of a mild and peaceable disposition,' respectful to old age. chilluckittequaws 'unusually hospitable and good humoured.' chopunnish 'the most amiable we have seen. their character is placid and gentle, rarely moved into passion.' 'they are indeed selfish and avaricious.' will pilfer small articles. _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , , , , - , . the flatheads 'se distinguent par la civilité, l'honnétété, et la bonté.' _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - , - , - , - , - . flatheads 'the best indians of the mountains and the plains,--honest, brave, and docile.' kootenais 'men of great docility and artlessness of character.' _stevens and hoecken_, in _de smet's west. miss._, pp. , , , . coeurs d'alène selfish and poor-spirited. _de smet_, _miss. de l'orégon_, p. . in the walla wallas 'an air of open unsuspecting confidence,' 'natural politeness,' no obtrusive familiarity. flatheads 'frank and hospitable.' except cruelty to captives have 'fewer failings than any of the tribes i ever met.' brave, quiet, and amenable to their chiefs. spokanes 'quiet, honest, inoffensive,' but rather indolent. 'thoughtless and improvident.' okanagans 'indolent rascals;' 'an honest and quiet tribe.' sanspoils dirty, slothful, dishonest, quarrelsome, etc. coeurs d'alène 'uniformly honest;' 'more savage than their neighbours.' kootenais honest, brave, jealous, truthful. kamloops 'thieving and quarrelling.' _cox's adven._, vol. i., pp. , , , , - , - , , vol. ii., pp. , - , , - . okanagans active and industrious, revengeful, generous and brave. _ross' adven._, pp. , - , - . skeen 'a hardy, brave people.' cayuses far more vicious and ungovernable than the walla wallas. nez percés treacherous and villainous. _kane's wand._, pp. , , , - , . nez percés 'a quiet, civil, people, but proud and haughty.' _palmer's jour._, pp. , , , , , - . 'kind to each other.' 'cheerful and often gay, sociable, kind and affectionate, and anxious to receive instruction.' 'lying scarcely known.' _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , , , , - , - . of the nicutemuchs 'the habitual vindictiveness of their character is fostered by the ceaseless feuds.' 'nearly every family has a minor vendetta of its own.' 'the races that depend entirely or chiefly on fishing, are immeasurably inferior to those tribes who, with nerves and sinews braced by exercise, and minds comparatively ennobled by frequent excitement, live constantly amid war and the chase.' _anderson_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., pp. - . inland tribes of british columbia less industrious and less provident than the more sedentary coast indians. _mayne's b. c._, pp. , . sahaptins 'cold, taciturn, high-tempered, warlike, fond of hunting.' palouse, yakimas, kliketats, etc., of a 'less hardy and active temperament' than the nez percés. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. , - . cayuses 'dreaded by their neighbors on account of their courage and warlike spirit.' walla wallas 'notorious as thieves since their first intercourse with whites.' 'indolent, superstitious, drunken and debauched.' character of flatheads, pend d'oreilles, umatillas. _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - , , , , , , pp. - . yakimas and kliketats 'much superior to the river indians.' _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., pp. , , , , vol. xii., pt. i., p. . wascos 'exceedingly vicious.' _hines' voy._, pp. , . the nez percés 'are, certainly, more like a nation of saints than a horde of savages.' skyuses, walla wallas. _irving's bonneville's adven._, pp. , , - , . tushepaws; _irving's astoria_, p. . thompson river indians rather a superior and clever race. _victoria colonist_, oct., . 'indians from the rocky mountains to the falls of columbia, are an honest, ingenuous, and well disposed people,' but rascals below the falls. _gass' jour._, p. . flathead 'fierceness and barbarity in war could not be exceeded.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . flatheads, walla wallas and nez percés; _gray's hist. ogn._, pp. , . kootenais; _palliser's explor._, pp. , . salish, walla wallas; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., p. . walla wallas, cayuses, and nez percés; _white's oregon_, p. . walla wallas, kootenais; _lord's nat._, vol. ii., pp. , . flatheads, nez percés; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , , - . nez percés; _catlin's n. am. ind._, vol. ii., p. ; _franchère's nar._, p. . kayuses, walla wallas; _townsend's nar._, p. . sahaptins; _wilkes' hist. ogn._, p. . nez percés; _hastings' emigrants' guide_, p. . flatheads; _ind. life_, pp. ix., x., . at dalles; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . shushwaps; _grant's ocean to ocean_, pp. - , . at dalles; _hunt_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. x., p. ; _stuart_, in _id._, , tom. xii., p. . pend d'oreilles; _joset_, in _id._, , tom. cxxiii., pp. - . [illustration: native races of the pacific states californian group] chapter iv. californians. groupal divisions; northern, central, and southern californians, and shoshones--country of the californians-- the klamaths, modocs, shastas, pitt river indians, eurocs, cahrocs, hoopahs, weeyots, tolewas, and rogue river indians and their customs--the tehamas, pomos, ukiahs, gualalas, sonomas, petalumas, napas, suscols, suisunes, tamales, karquines, ohlones, tulomos, thamiens, olchones, rumsens, escelens, and others of central california--the cahuillas, diegueÑos, islanders, and mission rancherias of southern california--the snakes or shoshones proper, utahs, bannocks, washoes and other shoshone nations. of the seven groups into which this work separates the nations of western north america, the californians constitute the third, and cover the territory between latitude ° and ° ´, extending back irregularly into the rocky mountains. there being few distinctly marked families in this group, i cannot do better in subdividing it for the purpose of description than make of the californians proper three geographical divisions, namely, the _northern californians_, the _central californians_, and the _southern californians_. the _shoshones_, or fourth division of this group, who spread out over south-eastern oregon, southern idaho, and the whole of nevada and utah, present more distinctly marked family characteristics, and will therefore be treated as a family. [sidenote: home of the californians.] the same chain of mountains, which, as the cascade range, divides the land of the columbians, holds its course steadily southward, and entering the territory of the californian group forms, under the name of the sierra nevada, the partition between the californians proper and the shoshones of idaho and nevada. the influence of this range upon the climate is also here manifest, only intenser in degree than farther north. the lands of the northern californians are well watered and wooded, those of the central division have an abundance of water for six months in the year, namely, from november to may, and the soil is fertile, yielding abundantly under cultivation. sycamore, oak, cotton-wood, willow, and white alder, fringe the banks of the rivers; laurel, buckeye, manzanita, and innumerable berry-bearing bushes, clothe the lesser hills; thousands of acres are annually covered with wild oats; the moist bottoms yield heavy crops of grass; and in summer the valleys are gorgeous with wild-flowers of every hue. before the blighting touch of the white man was laid upon the land, the rivers swarmed with salmon and trout; deer, antelope, and mountain sheep roamed over the foot-hills, bear and other carnivora occupied the forests, and numberless wild fowl covered the lakes. decreasing in moisture toward the tropics, the climate of the southern californians is warm and dry, while the shoshones, a large part of whose territory falls in the great basin, are cursed with a yet greater dryness. the region known as the great basin, lying between the eastern base of the sierra nevada and the wahsatch mountains, and stretching north and south from latitude ° to °, presents a very different picture from the land of the californians. this district is triangular in shape, the apex pointing toward the south, or southwest; from this apex, which, round the head of the gulf of california, is at tide level, the ground gradually rises until, in central nevada, it reaches an altitude of about five thousand feet, and this, with the exception of a few local depressions, is about the level of the whole of the broad part of the basin. the entire surface of this plateau is alkaline. being in parts almost destitute of water, there is comparatively little timber; sage-brush and greasewood being the chief signs of vegetation, except at rare intervals where some small stream struggling against almost universal aridity, supports on its banks a little scanty herbage and a few forlorn-looking cotton-wood trees. the northern part of this region, as is the case with the lands of the californians proper, is somewhat less destitute of vegetable and animal life than the southern portion which is indeed a desert occupied chiefly by rabbits, prairie-dogs, sage-hens, and reptiles. the desert of the colorado, once perhaps a fertile bottom, extending northward from the san bernardino mountains one hundred and eighty miles, and spreading over an area of about nine thousand square miles, is a silent unbroken sea of sand, upon whose ashy surface glares the mid-day sun and where at night the stars draw near through the thin air and brilliantly illumine the eternal solitude. here the gigantic cereus, emblem of barrenness, rears its contorted form, casting weird shadows upon the moonlit level. in such a country, where in winter the keen dust-bearing blast rushes over the unbroken desolate plains, and in summer the very earth cracks open with intense heat, what can we expect of man but that he should be distinguished for the depths of his low attainment. but although the poverty and barrenness of his country account satisfactorily for the low type of the inhabitant of the great basin, yet no such excuse is offered for the degradation of the native of fertile california. on every side, if we except the shoshone, in regions possessing far fewer advantages than california, we find a higher type of man. among the tuscaroras, cherokees, and iroquois of the atlantic slope, barbarism assumes its grandest proportions; proceeding west it bursts its fetters in the incipient civilization of the gila; but if we continue the line to the shores of the pacific we find this intellectual dawn checked, and man sunk almost to the utter darkness of the brute. coming southward from the frozen land of the eskimo, or northward from tropical darien we pass through nations possessing the necessaries and even the comforts of life. some of them raise and grind wheat and corn, many of them make pottery and other utensils, at the north they venture out to sea in good boats and make behemoth their spoil. the californians on the other hand, comparatively speaking, wear no clothes, they build no houses, do not cultivate the soil, they have no boats, nor do they hunt to any considerable extent; they have no morals nor any religion worth calling such. the missionary fathers found a virgin field whereon neither god nor devil was worshiped. we must look, then, to other causes for a solution of the question why a nobler race is not found in california; such for instance as revolutions and migrations of nations, or upheavals and convulsions of nature, causes arising before the commencement of the short period within which we are accustomed to reckon time. [sidenote: tribal diversity.] there is, perhaps, a greater diversity of tribal names among the californians than elsewhere in america; the whole system of nomenclature is so complicated and contradictory that it is impossible to reduce it to perfect order. there are tribes that call themselves by one name, but whose neighbors call them by another; tribes that are known by three or four names, and tribes that have no name except that of their village or chief.[ ] tribal names are frequently given by one writer which are never mentioned by any other;[ ] nevertheless there are tribes on whose names authorities agree, and though the spelling differs, the sound expressed in these instances is about the same. less trouble is experienced in distinguishing the tribes of the northern division, which is composed of people who resemble their neighbors more than is the case in central california, where the meaningless term 'indians,' is almost universally applied in speaking of them.[ ] another fruitful source of confusion is the indefinite nickname 'digger' which is applied indiscriminately to all the tribes of northern and middle california, and to those of nevada, utah, and the southern part of oregon. these tribes are popularly known as the californian diggers, washoe diggers, shoshone diggers of utah, etc., the signification of the term pointing to the digging of roots, and in some parts, possibly, to burrowing in the ground. the name is seemingly opprobrious, and is certainly no more applicable to this people than to many others. by this territorial division i hope to avoid, as far as possible, the two causes of bewilderment before alluded to; neither treating the inhabitants of an immense country as one tribe, nor attempting to ascribe distinct names and idiosyncrasies to hundreds of small, insignificant bands, roaming over a comparatively narrow area of country and to all of which one description will apply. [sidenote: nations of northern california.] the northern californians, the first tribal group, or division, of which i shall speak, might, not improperly, be called the klamath family, extending as they do from rogue river on the north, to the eel river south, and from the pacific ocean to the californian boundary east, and including the upper and lower klamath and other lakes. the principal tribes occupying this region are the _klamaths_,[ ] who live on the headwaters of the river and on the shores of the lake of that name; the _modocs_,[ ] on lower klamath lake and along lost river; the _shastas_, to the south-west of the lakes, near the shasta mountains; the _pitt river indians_; the _eurocs_ on the klamath river between weitspek and the coast; the _cahrocs_[ ] on the klamath river from a short distance above the junction of the trinity to the klamath mountains; the _hoopahs_ in hoopah valley on the trinity near its junction with the klamath; numerous tribes on the coast from eel river and humboldt bay north, such as the _weeyots_,[ ] _wallies_, _tolewahs_, etc., and the _rogue river indians_,[ ] on and about the river of that name.[ ] the northern californians are in every way superior to the central and southern tribes.[ ] their physique and character, in fact, approach nearer to the oregon nations than to the people of the sacramento and san joaquin valleys. this applies more particularly to the inland tribes. the race gradually deteriorates as it approaches the coast, growing less in stature, darker in color, more and more degraded in character, habits, and religion. the rogue river indians must, however, be made an exception to this rule. the tendency to improve toward the north, which is so marked among the californians, holds good in this case; so that the natives on the extreme north-west coast of the region under consideration, are in many respects superior to the interior but more southerly tribes. [sidenote: physical peculiarities.] the northern californians round the klamath lakes, and the klamath, trinity, and rogue rivers, are tall, muscular, and well made,[ ] with a complexion varying from nearly black to light brown, in proportion to their proximity to, or distance, from the ocean or other large bodies of water; their face is large, oval, and heavily made, with slightly prominent cheek-bones, nose well set on the face and frequently straight, and eyes which, when not blurred by ophthalmia, are keen and bright. the women are short and some of them quite handsome, even in the caucasian sense of the word;[ ] and although their beauty rapidly fades, yet they do not in old age present that unnaturally wrinkled and shriveled appearance, characteristic of the central californians. this description scarcely applies to the people inhabiting the coast about redwood creek, humboldt bay, and eel river, who are squat and fat in figure, rather stoutly built, with large heads covered with coarse thick hair, and repulsive countenances, who are of a much darker color, and altogether of a lower type than the tribes to the east and north of them.[ ] [sidenote: dress in northern california.] dress depends more on the state of the climate than on their own sense of decency. the men wear a belt, sometimes a breech-clout, and the women an apron or skirt of deer-skin or braided grass; then they sometimes throw over the shoulders a sort of cloak, or robe, of marten or rabbit skins sewn together, deer-skin, or, among the coast tribes, seal or sea-otter skin. when they indulge in this luxury, however, the men usually dispense with all other covering.[ ] occasionally we find them taking great pride in their gala dresses and sparing no pains to render them beautiful. the modocs, for instance, took large-sized skins, and inlaid them with brilliant-colored duck-scalps, sewed on in various figures; others, again, embroidered their aprons with colored grasses, and attached beads and shells to a deep fringe falling from the lower part.[ ] a bowl-shaped hat, or cap, of basket-work, is usually worn by the women, in making which some of them are very skillful. this hat is sometimes painted with various figures, and sometimes interwoven with gay feathers of the woodpecker or blue quail.[ ] the men generally go bare-headed, their thick hair being sufficient protection from sun and weather. in the vicinity of the lakes, where, from living constantly among the long grass and reeds, the greatest skill is acquired in weaving and braiding, moccasins of straw or grass are worn.[ ] at the junction of the klamath and trinity rivers their moccasins have soles of several thicknesses of leather.[ ] the natives seen by maurelle at trinidad bay, bound their loins and legs down to the ankle with strips of hide or thread, both men and women. the manner of dressing the hair varies; the most common way being to club it together behind in a queue, sometimes in two, worn down the back, or occasionally in the latter case drawn forward over the shoulders. the queue is frequently twisted up in a knot on the back of the head--_en castanna_--as maurelle calls it. occasionally the hair is worn loose, and flowing, and some of the women cut it short on the forehead. it is not uncommon to see wreaths of oak or laurel leaves, feathers, or the tails of gray squirrels twisted in the hair; indeed, from the trouble which they frequently take to adorn their coiffure, one would imagine that these people were of a somewhat æsthetic turn of mind, but a closer acquaintance quickly dispels the illusion. on eel river some cut all the hair short, a custom practiced to some extent by the central californians.[ ] [sidenote: facial ornamentation.] as usual these savages are beardless, or nearly so.[ ] tattooing, though not carried to any great extent, is universal among the women, and much practiced by the men, the latter confining this ornamentation to the breast and arms. the women tattoo in three blue lines, extending perpendicularly from the centre and corners of the lower lip to the chin. in some tribes they tattoo the arms, and occasionally the back of the hands. as they grow older the lines on the chin, which at first are very faint, are increased in width and color, thus gradually narrowing the intervening spaces. now, as the social importance of the female is gauged by the width and depth of color of these lines, one might imagine that before long the whole chin would be what southey calls "blue, darkly, deeply, beautifully blue;" but fashion ordains, as in the lip-ornament of the thlinkeets, that the lines should be materially enlarged only as the charms of youth fade, thus therewith gauging both age and respectability.[ ] in some few tribes, more especially in the vicinity of the lakes, the men paint themselves in various colors and grotesque patterns. among the modocs the women also paint. miller says that when a modoc warrior paints his face black before going into battle it means victory or death, and he will not survive a defeat.[ ] both men and women pierce the dividing cartilage of the nose, and wear various kinds of ornaments in the aperture. sometimes it is a goose-quill, three or four inches long, at others, a string of beads or shells. some of the more northerly tribes wear large round pieces of wood or metal in the ears.[ ] maurelle, in his bucolic description of the natives at trinidad bay, says that "on their necks they wear various fruits, instead of beads."[ ] vancouver, who visited the same place nearly twenty years later, states that "all the teeth of both sexes were by some process ground uniformly down horizontally to the gums, the women especially, carrying the fashion to an extreme, had their teeth reduced even below this level."[ ] here also we see in their habitations the usual summer and winter residences common to nomadic tribes. the winter dwellings, varying with locality, are principally of two forms--conical and square. those of the former shape, which is the most widely prevailing, and obtains chiefly in the vicinity of the klamath lakes and on the klamath and trinity rivers, are built in the manner following: a circular hole, from two to five feet in depth, and varying in diameter, is dug in the ground. round this pit, or cellar, stout poles are sunk, which are drawn together at the top until they nearly meet; the whole is then covered with earth to the depth of several inches. a hole is left in the top, which serves as chimney and door, a rude ladder or notched pole communicating with the cellar below, and a similar one with the ground outside. this, however, is only the commoner and lighter kind of conical house. many of them are built of much heavier timbers, which, instead of being bent over at the top, and so forming a bee-hive-shaped structure, are leaned one against the other. the dwellings built by the hoopahs are somewhat better. the inside of the cellar is walled up with stone; round this, and at a distance of a few feet from it, another stone wall is built on the surface level, against which heavy beams or split logs are leaned up, meeting at the top, or sometimes the lower ends of the poles rest against the inside of the wall, thus insuring the inmates against a sudden collapse of the hut.[ ] [sidenote: californian habitations.] the square style of dwelling is affected more by the coast tribes, although occasionally seen in the interior. a cellar, either square or round, is dug in the same manner as with the conical houses. the sides of the hole are walled with upright slabs, which project some feet above the surface of the ground. the whole structure is covered with a roof of sticks or planks, sloping gently outward, and resting upon a ridge-pole. the position of the door varies, being sometimes in the roof, sometimes on a level with the ground, and occasionally high up in the gable. its shape and dimensions, however, never alter; it is always circular, barely large enough to admit a full-grown man on hands and knees. when on the roof or in the gable, a notched pole or mud steps lead up to the entrance; when on the ground, a sliding panel closes the entrance. in some cases, the excavation is planked up only to a level with the ground. the upper part is then raised several feet from the sides, leaving a bank, or rim, on which the inmates sleep; occasionally there is no excavation, the house being erected on the level ground, with merely a small fire-hole in the centre. the floors are kept smooth and clean, and a small space in front of the door, paved with stones and swept clean, serves as gossiping and working ground for the women.[ ] the temporary summer houses of the northern californians are square, conical, and inverted-bowl-shaped huts; built, when square, by driving light poles into the ground and laying others horizontally across them; when conical, the poles are drawn together at the top into a point; when bowl-shaped, both ends of the poles are driven into the ground, making a semi-circular hut. these frames, however shaped, are covered with neatly woven tule matting,[ ] or with bushes or ferns.[ ] [sidenote: hunting and fishing.] the californians are but poor hunters; they prefer the snare to the bow and arrow. yet some of the mountain tribes display considerable dexterity in the chase. to hunt the prong-buck, the klamath fastens to each heel a strip of ermine-skin, and keeping the herd to the windward, he approaches craftily through the tall grass as near as possible, then throwing himself on his back, or standing on his head, he executes a pantomime in the air with his legs. naturally the antelope wonder, and being cursed with curiosity, the simple animals gradually approach. as soon as they arrive within easy shooting-distance, down go the hunter's legs and up comes the body. too late the antelope learn their mistake; swift as they are, the arrow is swifter; and the fattest buck pays the penalty of his inquisitiveness with his life. the veeards, at humboldt bay, construct a slight fence from tree to tree, into which inclosure elk are driven, the only exit being by a narrow opening at one end, where a pole is placed in such a manner as to force the animal to stoop in passing under it, when its head is caught in a noose suspended from the pole. this pole is dragged down by the entangled elk, but soon he is caught fast in the thick undergrowth, and firmly held until the hunter comes up.[ ] pitfalls are also extensively used in trapping game. a narrow pass, through which an elk or deer trail leads, is selected for the pit, which is ten or twelve feet deep. the animals are then suddenly stampeded from their feeding-grounds, and, in their wild terror, rush blindly along the trail to destruction.[ ] the bear they seldom hunt, and if one is taken, it is usually by accident, in one of their strong elk-traps. many of the tribes refuse to eat bear-meat, alleging that the flesh of a man-eating animal is unclean; but no doubt bruin owes his immunity as much to his teeth and claws as to his uncleanness. [sidenote: fishing by night on the klamath.] fishing is more congenial to the lazy taste of these people than the nobler but more arduous craft of hunting; consequently fish, being abundant, are generally more plentiful in the aboriginal larder than venison. several methods are adopted in taking them. sometimes a dam of interwoven willows is constructed across a rapid at the time when salmon are ascending the river; niches four or five feet square are made at intervals across the dam, in which the fish, pressed on by those behind, collect in great numbers and are there speared or netted without mercy. much ingenuity and labor are required to build some of the larger of these dams. mr gibbs describes one thrown across the klamath, where the river was about seventy-five yards wide, elbowing up the stream in its deepest part. it was built by first driving stout posts into the bed of the river, at a distance of some two feet apart, having a moderate slope, and supported from below, at intervals of ten or twelve feet, by two braces; the one coming to the surface of the water, the other reaching to the string-pieces. these last were heavy spars, about thirty feet in length, and secured to each post by withes. the whole dam was faced with twigs, carefully peeled, and placed so close together as to prevent the fish from passing up. the top, at this stage of the water, was two or three feet above the surface. the labor of constructing this work must, with the few and insufficient tools of the natives, have been immense. slight scaffolds were built out below it, from which the fish were taken in scoop-nets; they also employ drag-nets and spears, the latter having a movable barb, which is fastened to the shaft with a string in order to afford the salmon play.[ ] on rogue river, spearing by torch-light--a most picturesque sight--is resorted to. twenty canoes sometimes start out together, each carrying three persons--two women, one to row and the other to hold the torch, and a spearman. sometimes the canoes move in concert, sometimes independently of each other; one moment the lights are seen in line, like an army of fire-flies, then they are scattered over the dark surface of the water like ignes fatui. the fish, attracted by the glare, rise to the surface, where they are transfixed by the unerring aim of the spearmen. torchlight spearing is also done by driving the fish down stream in the day-time by dint of much wading, yelling, and howling, and many splashes, until they are stopped by a dam previously erected lower down; another dam is then built above, so that the fish cannot escape. at night fires are built round the edge of the enclosed space, and the finny game speared from the bank.[ ] some tribes on the klamath erect platforms over the stream on upright poles, on which they sleep and fish at the same time. a string leads from the net either to the fisherman himself or to some kind of alarm; and as soon as a salmon is caught, its floundering immediately awakens the slumberer. on the sea-shore smelts are taken in a triangular net stretched on two slender poles; the fisherman wades into the water up to his waist, turns his face to the shore, and his back to the incoming waves, against whose force he braces himself with a stout stick, then as the smelts are washed back from the beach by the returning waves, he receives them in his net. the net is deep, and a narrow neck connects it with a long network bag behind; into this bag the fish drop when the net is raised, but they cannot return. in this manner the fisherman can remain for some time at his post, without unloading. eels are caught in traps having a funnel-shaped entrance, into which the eels can easily go, but which closes on them as soon as they are in. these traps are fastened to stakes and kept down by weights. similar traps are used to take salmon. when preserved for winter use, the fish are split open at the back, the bone taken out, then dried or smoked. both fish and meat, when eaten fresh, are either broiled on hot stones or boiled in water-tight baskets, hot stones being thrown in to make the water boil. bread is made of acorns ground to flour in a rough stone mortar with a heavy stone pestle, and baked in the ashes. acorn-flour is the principal ingredient, but berries of various kinds are usually mixed in, and frequently it is seasoned with some high-flavored herb. a sort of pudding is also made in the same manner, but is boiled instead of baked. they gather a great variety of roots, berries, and seeds. the principal root is the camas,[ ] great quantities of which are dried every summer, and stored away for winter provision. another root, called _kice_, or _kace_,[ ] is much sought after. of seeds they have the _wocus_,[ ] and several varieties of grass-seeds. among berries the huckleberry and the manzanita berry are the most plentiful.[ ] the women do the cooking, root and berry gathering, and all the drudgery. the winter stock of smoked fish hangs in the family room, sending forth an ancient and fish-like smell. roots and seeds are, among some of the more northerly tribes, stored in large wicker boxes, built in the lower branches of strong, wide-spreading trees. the trunk of the tree below the granary is smeared with pitch to keep away vermin.[ ] the modocs are sometimes obliged to cache their winter hoard under rocks and bushes; the great number of their enemies and bad character of their ostensibly friendly neighbors, rendering it unsafe for them to store it in their villages. so cunningly do they conceal their treasure that one winter, after an unusually heavy fall of snow, they themselves could not find it, and numbers starved in consequence.[ ] although the northern californians seldom fail to take a cold bath in the morning, and frequently bathe at intervals during the day, yet they are never clean.[ ] [sidenote: war and weapons.] the northern californians are not of a very warlike disposition, hence their weapons are few, being confined chiefly to the bow and arrow.[ ] the bow is about three feet in length, made of yew, cedar, or some other tough or elastic wood, and generally painted. the back is flat, from an inch and a half to two inches wide, and covered with elk-sinews, which greatly add both to its strength and elasticity; the string is also of sinew. the bow is held horizontally when discharged, instead of perpendicularly as in most countries. the arrows are from two to three feet long, and are made sometimes of reed, sometimes of light wood. the points, which are of flint, obsidian, bone, iron, or copper, are ground to a very fine point, fastened firmly into a short piece of wood, and fitted into a socket in the main shaft, so that on withdrawing the arrow the head will be left in the wound. the feathered part, which is from five to eight inches long, is also sometimes a separate piece bound on with sinews. the quiver is made of the skin of a fox, wild-cat, or some other small animal, in the same shape as when the animal wore it, except at the tail end, where room is left for the feathered ends of arrows to project. it is usually carried on the arm.[ ] mr powers says: "doubtless many persons who have seen the flint arrow-heads made by the indians, have wondered how they succeeded with their rude implements, in trimming them down to such sharp, thin points, without breaking them to pieces. the veeards--and probably other tribes do likewise--employ for this purpose a pair of buck-horn pincers, tied together at the point with a thong. they first hammer out the arrow-head in the rough, and then with these pincers carefully nip off one tiny fragment after another, using that infinite patience which is characteristic of the indian, spending days, perhaps weeks, on one piece. there are indians who make arrows as a specialty, just as there are others who concoct herbs and roots for the healing of men."[ ] the shastas especially excelled in making obsidian arrow-heads; mr wilkes of the exploring expedition notices them as being "beautifully wrought," and lyon, in a letter to the american ethnological society, communicated through dr e. h. davis, describes the very remarkable ingenuity and skill which they display in this particular. the arrow-point maker, who is one of a regular guild, places the obsidian pebble upon an anvil of talcose slate and splits it with an agate chisel to the required size; then holding the piece with his finger and thumb against the anvil, he finishes it off with repeated slight blows, administered with marvelous adroitness and judgment. one of these artists made an arrow-point for mr lyon out of a piece of a broken porter-bottle. owing to his not being acquainted with the grain of the glass, he failed twice, but the third time produced a perfect specimen.[ ] the wallies poison their arrows with rattlesnake-virus, but poisoned weapons seem to be the exception.[ ] the bow is skilfully used; war-clubs are not common.[ ] [sidenote: war and its motives.] wars, though of frequent occurrence, were not particularly bloody. the casus belli was usually that which brought the spartan king before the walls of ilion, and titus tatius to incipient rome--woman. it is true, the northern californians are less classic abductors than the spoilers of the sabine women, but their wars ended in the same manner--the ravished fair cleaving to her warrior-lover. religion also, that ever-fruitful source of war, is not without its conflicts in savagedom; thus more than once the shastas and the umpquas have taken up arms because of wicked sorceries, which caused the death of the people.[ ] so when one people obstructed the river with their weir, thereby preventing the ascent of salmon, there was nothing left for those above but to fight or starve. along pitt river, pits from ten to fifteen feet deep were formerly dug, in which the natives caught man and beast. these man-traps, for such was their primary use, were small at the mouth, widening toward the bottom, so that exit was impossible, even were the victim to escape impalement upon sharpened elk and deer horns, which were favorably placed for his reception. the opening was craftily concealed by means of light sticks, over which earth was scattered, and the better to deceive the unwary traveler, footprints were frequently stamped with a moccasin in the loose soil. certain landmarks and stones or branches, placed in a peculiar manner, warned the initiated, but otherwise there was no sign of impending danger.[ ] some few nations maintain the predominancy and force the weaker to pay tribute.[ ] when two of these dominant nations war with each other, the conflict is more sanguinary. no scalps are taken, but in some cases the head, hands, or feet of the conquered slain are severed as trophies. the cahrocs sometimes fight hand to hand with ragged stones, which they use with deadly effect. the rogue river indians kill all their male prisoners, but spare the women and children.[ ] the elk-horn knives and hatchets are the result of much labor and patience.[ ] the women are very ingenious in plaiting grass, or fine willow-roots, into mats, baskets, hats, and strips of parti-colored braid for binding up the hair. on these, angular patterns are worked by using different shades of material, or by means of dyes of vegetable extraction. the baskets are of various sizes, from the flat, basin-shaped, water-tight, rush bowl for boiling food, to the large pointed cone which the women carry on their backs when root-digging or berry-picking.[ ] they are also expert tanners, and, by a comparatively simple process, will render skins as soft and pliable as cloth. the hide is first soaked in water till the hair loosens, then stretched between trees or upright posts till half dry, when it is scraped thoroughly on both sides, well beaten with sticks, and the brains of some animal, heated at a fire, are rubbed on the inner side to soften it. finally it is buried in moist ground for some weeks. [sidenote: manufactures and boats.] the interior tribes manifest no great skill in boat-making, but along the coast and near the mouth of the klamath and rogue rivers, very good canoes are found. they are still, however, inferior to those used on the columbia and its tributaries. the lashed-up-hammock-shaped bundle of rushes, which is so frequently met in the more southern parts of california, has been seen on the klamath,[ ] but i have reason to think that it is only used as a matter of convenience, and not because no better boat is known. it is certain that dug-out canoes were in use on the same river, and within a few miles of the spot where tule buoys obtain. the fact is, this bundle of rushes is the best craft that could be invented for salmon-spearing. seated astride, the weight of the fisherman sinks it below the surface; he can move it noiselessly with his feet so that there is no splashing of paddles in the sun to frighten the fish; it cannot capsize, and striking a rock does it no injury. canoes are hollowed from the trunk of a single redwood, pine, fir, sycamore, or cottonwood tree. they are blunt at both ends and on rogue river many of them are flat-bottomed. it is a curious fact that some of these canoes are made from first to last without being touched with a sharp-edged tool of any sort. the native finds the tree ready felled by the wind, burns it off to the required length, and hollows it out by fire. pitch is spread on the parts to be burned away, and a piece of fresh bark prevents the flames from extending too far in the wrong direction. a small shelf, projecting inward from the stern, serves as a seat. much trouble is sometimes taken with the finishing up of these canoes, in the way of scraping and polishing, but in shape they lack symmetry. on the coast they are frequently large; mr powers mentions having seen one at smith river forty-two feet long, eight feet four inches wide, and capable of carrying twenty-four men and five tons of merchandise. the natives take great care of their canoes, and always cover them when out of the water to protect them from the sun. should a crack appear they do not caulk it, but stitch the sides of the split tightly together with withes. they are propelled with a piece of wood, half pole, half paddle.[ ] [sidenote: wealth in northern california.] wealth, which is quite as important here as in any civilized communities, and of much more importance than is customary among savage nations, consists in shell-money, called _allicochick_, white deer-skins, canoes, and, indirectly, in women. the shell which is the regular circulating medium is white, hollow, about a quarter of an inch through, and from one to two inches in length. on its length depends its value. a gentleman, who writes from personal observation, says: "all of the older indians have tattooed on their arms their standard of value. a piece of shell corresponding in length to one of the marks being worth five dollars, 'boston money,' the scale gradually increases until the highest mark is reached. for five perfect shells corresponding in length to this mark they will readily give one hundred dollars in gold or silver."[ ] white deer-skins are rare and considered very valuable, one constituting quite an estate in itself.[ ] a scalp of the red-headed woodpecker is equivalent to about five dollars, and is extensively used as currency on the klamath. canoes are valued according to their size and finish. wives, as they must be bought, are a sign of wealth, and the owner of many is respected accordingly.[ ] among the northern californians, hereditary chieftainship is almost unknown. if the son succeed the father it is because the son has inherited the father's wealth, and if a richer than he arise the ancient ruler is deposed and the new chief reigns in his stead. but to be chief means to have position, not power. he can advise, but not command; at least, if his subjects do not choose to obey him, he cannot compel obedience. there is most frequently a head man to each village, and sometimes a chief of the whole tribe, but in reality each head of a family governs his own domestic circle as he thinks best. as in certain republics, when powerful applicants become multiplied--new offices are created, as salmon-chief, elk-chief, and the like. in one or two coast tribes the office is hereditary, as with the patawats on mad river, and that mysterious tribe at trinidad bay, mentioned by mr meyer, the allequas.[ ] their penal code is far from draconian. a fine of a few strings of allicochick appeases the wrath of a murdered man's relatives and satisfies the requirements of custom. a woman may be slaughtered for half the sum it costs to kill a man. occasionally banishment from the tribe is the penalty for murder, but capital punishment is never resorted to. the fine, whatever it is, must be promptly paid, or neither city of refuge nor sacred altar-horns will shield the murderer from the vengeance of his victim's friends.[ ] [sidenote: women and domestic affairs.] in vain do we look for traces of that arcadian simplicity and disregard for worldly advantages generally accorded to children of nature. although i find no description of an actual system of slavery existing among them, yet there is no doubt that they have slaves. we shall see that illegitimate children are considered and treated as such, and that women, entitled by courtesy wives, are bought and sold. mr drew asserts that the klamath children of slave parents, who, it may be, prevent the profitable prostitution or sale of the mother, are killed without compunction.[ ] marriage, with the northern californians, is essentially a matter of business. the young brave must not hope to win his bride by feats of arms or softer wooing, but must buy her of her father, like any other chattel, and pay the price at once, or resign in favor of a richer man. the inclinations of the girl are in nowise consulted; no matter where her affections are placed, she goes to the highest bidder, and "mammon wins his way where seraphs might despair." neither is it a trifling matter to be bought as a wife; the social position of the bride herself, as well as that of her father's family thereafter, depends greatly upon the price she brings; her value is voted by society at the price her husband pays for her, and the father whose daughter commands the greatest number of strings of allicochick, is greatly to be honored. the purchase effected, the successful suitor leads his blushing property to his hut and she becomes his wife without further ceremony. wherever this system of wife-purchase obtains, the rich old men almost absorb the female youth and beauty of the tribe, while the younger and poorer men must content themselves with old and ugly wives. hence their eagerness for that wealth which will enable them to throw away their old wives and buy new ones. when a marriage takes place among the modocs, a feast is given at the house of the bride's father, in which, however, neither she nor the bridegroom partake. the girl is escorted by the women to a lodge, previously furnished by public contributions, where she is subsequently joined by the man, who is conducted by his male friends. all the company bear torches, which are piled up as a fire in the lodge of the wedded pair, who are then left alone. in some tribes this wife-traffic is done on credit, or at least partially so; but the credit system is never so advantageous to the buyer as the ready-money system, for until the full price is paid, the man is only 'half-married,' and besides he must live with his wife's family and be their slave until he shall have paid in full.[ ] the children of a wife who has cost her husband nothing are considered no better than bastards, and are treated by society with contumely; nobody associates with them, and they become essentially ostracized. in all this there is one redeeming feature for the wife-buyer; should he happen to make a bad bargain he can, in most instances, send his wife home and get his money back. mr gibbs asserts that they shoot their wives when tired of them, but this appears inconsistent with custom. [sidenote: adultery and chastity.] polygamy is almost universal, the number of wives depending only on the limit of a man's wealth. the loss of one eye, or expulsion from the tribe, are common punishments for adultery committed by a man. a string of beads, however, makes amends. should the wife venture on any irregularity without just compensation, the outraged honor of her lord is never satisfied until he has seen her publicly disemboweled. among the hoopahs the women are held irresponsible and the men alone suffer for the crime.[ ] illegitimate children are life-slaves to some male relative of the mother, and upon them the drudgery falls; they are only allowed to marry one in their own station, and their sole hope of emancipation lies in a slow accumulation of allicochick, with which they can buy their freedom. we are told by mr powers that a modoc may kill his mother-in-law with impunity. adultery, being attended with so much danger, is comparatively rare, but among the unmarried, who have nothing to fear, a gross licentiousness prevails.[ ] among the muckalucs a dance is instituted in honor of the arrival of the girls at the age of puberty. on the klamath, during the period of menstruation the women are banished from the village, and no man may approach them. although the principal labor falls to the lot of the women, the men sometimes assist in building the wigwam, or even in gathering acorns and roots.[ ] kane mentions that the shastas, or, as he calls them, the chastays, frequently sell their children as slaves to the chinooks.[ ] dances and festivities, of a religio-playful character, are common, as when a whale is stranded, an elk snared, or when the salmon come. there is generally a kind of thanksgiving-day once a year, when the people of neighboring tribes meet and dance. the annual feast of the veeards is a good illustration of the manner of these entertainments. the dance, which takes place in a large wigwam, is performed by as many men as there is room for, and a small proportion of women. they move in a circle slowly round the fire, accompanying themselves with their peculiar chant. each individual is dressed in all the finery he can muster; every valuable he possesses in the way of shells, furs, or woodpecker-scalps, does duty on this occasion; so that the wealth of the dancers may be reckoned at a glance. when the dance has concluded, an old gray-beard of the tribe rises, and pronounces a thanksgiving oration, wherein he enumerates the benefits received, the riches accumulated, and the victories won during the year; exhorting the hearers meanwhile, by good conduct and moral behavior, to deserve yet greater benefits. this savage nestor is listened to in silence and with respect; his audience seeming to drink in with avidity every drop of wisdom that falls from his lips; but no sooner is the harangue concluded than every one does his best to violate the moral precepts so lately inculcated, by a grand debauch. the cahrocs have a similar festival, which they call the feast of the propitiation. its object is much the same as that of the feast just described, but in place of the orator, the chief personage of the day is called the chareya, which is also the appellation of their deity. no little honor attaches to the position, but much suffering is also connected with it. it is the duty of the chareya-man to retire into the mountains, with one attendant only, and there to remain for ten days, eating only enough to keep breath in his body. meanwhile the cahrocs congregate in honor of the occasion, dance, sing, and make merry. when the appointed period has elapsed, the chareya-man returns to camp, or is carried by deputies sent out for the purpose, if he have not strength to walk. his bearers are blindfolded, for no human being may look upon the face of the chareya-man and live. his approach is the signal for the abrupt breaking up of the festivities. the revelers disperse in terror, and conceal themselves as best they may to avoid catching sight of the dreaded face, and where a moment before all was riot and bustle, a deathly stillness reigns. then the chareya-man is conducted to the sweat-house, where he remains for a time. and now the real propitiation-dance takes place, the men alone participating in its sacred movements, which are accompanied by the low, monotonous chant of singers. the dance over, all solemnity vanishes, and a lecherous saturnalia ensues, which will not bear description. the gods are conciliated, catastrophes are averted, and all is joy and happiness.[ ] [sidenote: sports and games.] a passion for gambling obtains among the northern californians as elsewhere. nothing is too precious or too insignificant to be staked, from a white or black deer-skin, which is almost priceless, down to a wife, or any other trifle. in this manner property changes hands with great rapidity. i have already stated that on the possession of riches depend power, rank, and social position, so that there is really much to be lost or won. they have a game played with little sticks, of which some are black, but the most white. these they throw around in a circle, the object being seemingly to make the black ones go farther than the white. a kind of guess-game is played with clay balls.[ ] there is also an international game, played between friendly tribes, which closely resembles our 'hockey.' two poles are set up in the ground at some distance apart, and each side, being armed with sticks, endeavors to drive a wooden ball round the goal opposite to it.[ ] in almost all their games and dances they are accompanied by a hoarse chanting, or by some kind of uncouth music produced by striking on a board with lobster-claws fastened to sticks, or by some other equally primitive method. before the introduction of spirituous liquors by white men drunkenness was unknown. with their tobacco for smoking, they mix a leaf called _kinnik-kinnik_.[ ] [sidenote: medical treatment.] the diseases and ailments most prevalent among these people are scrofula, consumption, rheumatism, a kind of leprosy, affection of the lungs, and sore eyes, the last arising from the dense smoke which always pervades their cabins.[ ] in addition to this they have imaginary disorders caused by wizards, witches, and evil spirits, who, as they believe, cause snakes and other reptiles to enter into their bodies and gnaw their vitals. some few roots and herbs used are really efficient medicine, but they rely almost entirely upon the mummeries and incantations of their medicine men and women.[ ] their whole system of therapeutics having superstition for a basis, mortality is great among them, which may be one of the causes of the continent being, comparatively speaking, so thinly populated at the time of its discovery. syphilis, one of the curses for which they may thank the white man, has made fearful havoc among them. women doctors seem to be more numerous than men in this region; acquiring their art in the _temescal_ or sweat-house, where unprofessional women are not admitted. their favorite method of cure seems to consist in sucking the affected part of the patient until the blood flows, by which means they pretend to extract the disease. sometimes the doctress vomits a frog, previously swallowed for the occasion, to prove that she has not sucked in vain. she is frequently assisted by a second physician, whose duty it is to discover the exact spot where the malady lies, and this she effects by barking like a dog at the patient until the spirit discovers to her the place. mr gibbs mentions a case where the patient was first attended by four young women, and afterward by the same number of old ones. standing round the unfortunate, they went through a series of violent gesticulations, sitting down when they could stand no longer, sucking, with the most laudable perseverance, and moaning meanwhile most dismally. finally, when with their lips and tongue they had raised blisters all over the patient, and had pounded his miserable body with hands and knees until they were literally exhausted, the performers executed a swooning scene, in which they sank down apparently insensible.[ ] the rogue river medicine-men are supposed to be able to wield their mysterious power for harm, as well as for good, so that should a patient die, his relatives kill the doctor who attended him; or in case deceased could not afford medical attendance, they kill the first unfortunate disciple of Æsculapius they can lay hands on, frequently murdering one belonging to another tribe; his death, however, must be paid for.[ ] but the great institution of the northern californians is their temescal, or sweat-house, which consists of a hole dug in the ground, and roofed over in such a manner as to render it almost air-tight. a fire is built in the centre in early fall, and is kept alive till the following spring, as much attention being given to it as ever was paid to the sacred fires of hestia; though between the subterranean temescal, with its fetid atmosphere, and lurid fire-glow glimmering faintly through dense smoke on swart, gaunt forms of savages, and the stately temple on the forum, fragrant with fumes of incense, the lambent altar-flame glistening on the pure white robes of the virgin priestesses, there is little likeness. the temescal[ ] is usually built on the brink of a stream; a small hatchway affords entrance, which is instantly closed after the person going in or out. here congregate the men of the village and enact their sudorific ceremonies, which ordinarily consist in squatting round the fire until a state of profuse perspiration sets in, when they rush out and plunge into the water. whether this mode of treatment is more potent to kill or to cure is questionable. the sweat-house serves not only as bath and medicine room, but also as a general rendezvous for the male drones of the village. the women, with the exception of those practicing or studying medicine, are forbidden its sacred precincts on pain of death; thus it offers as convenient a refuge for henpecked husbands as a civilized club-house. in many of the tribes the men sleep in the temescal during the winter, which, notwithstanding the disgusting impurity of the atmosphere, affords them a snug retreat from the cold gusty weather common to this region.[ ] [sidenote: burial and mourning.] incremation obtains but slightly among the northern californians, the body usually being buried in a recumbent position. the possessions of the deceased are either interred with him, or are hung around the grave; sometimes his house is burned and the ashes strewn over his burial-place. much noisy lamentation on the part of his relatives takes place at his death, and the widow frequently manifests her grief by sitting on, or even half burying herself in, her husband's grave for some days, howling most dismally meanwhile, and refusing food and drink; or, on the upper klamath, by cutting her hair close to the head, and so wearing it until she obtains consolation in another spouse. the modocs hired mourners to lament at different places for a certain number of days, so that the whole country was filled with lamentation. these paid mourners were closely watched, and disputes frequently arose as to whether they had fulfilled their contract or not.[ ] occasionally the body is doubled up and interred in a sitting position, and, rarely, it is burned instead of buried. on the klamath a fire is kept burning near the grave for several nights after the burial, for which rite various reasons are assigned. mr powers states that it is to light the departed shade across a certain greased pole, which is supposed to constitute its only approach to a better world. mr gibbs affirms that the fire is intended to scare away the devil, obviously an unnecessary precaution as applied to the satan of civilization, who by this time must be pretty familiar with the element. the grave is generally covered with a slab of wood, and sometimes two more are placed erect at the head and foot; that of a chief is often surrounded with a fence; nor must the name of a dead person ever be mentioned under any circumstances.[ ] [sidenote: burial ceremonies at pitt river.] the following vivid description of a last sickness and burial by the pitt river indians, is taken from the letter of a lady eye-witness to her son in san francisco:-- it was evening. we seated ourselves upon a log, your father, bertie, and i, near the fire round which the natives had congregated to sing for old gesnip, the chief's wife. presently sootim, the doctor, appeared, dressed in a low-necked, loose, white muslin, sleeveless waist fastened to a breech-cloth, and red buck-skin cap fringed and ornamented with beads; the face painted with white stripes down to the chin, the arms from wrist to shoulder, in black, red, and white circles, which by the lurid camp-fire looked like bracelets, and the legs in white and black stripes,--presenting altogether a merry-andrew appearance. creeping softly along, singing in a low, gradually-increasing voice, sootim approached the invalid and poised his hands over her as in the act of blessing. the one nearest him took up the song, singing low at first, then the next until the circle was completed; after this the pipe went round; then the doctor taking a sip of water, partly uncovered the patient and commenced sucking the left side; last of all he took a pinch of dirt and blew it over her. this is their curative process, continued night after night, and long into the night, until the patient recovers or dies. next day the doctor came to see me, and i determined if possible to ascertain his own ideas of these things. giving him some _muck-a-muck_,[ ] i asked him, "what do you say when you talk over old gesnip?" "i talk to the trees, and to the springs, and birds, and sky, and rocks," replied sootim, "to the wind, and rain, and leaves, i beg them all to help me." iofalet, the doctor's companion on this occasion, volunteered the remark: "when indian die, doctor very shamed, all same boston doctor;[ ] when indian get well, doctor very smart, all same boston doctor." gesnip said she wanted after death to be put in a box and buried in the ground, and not burned. that same day the poor old woman breathed her last--the last spark of that wonderful thing called life flickered and went out; there remained in that rude camp the shriveled dusky carcass, the low dim intelligence that so lately animated it having fled--whither? when i heard of it i went to the camp and found them dressing the body. first they put on gesnip her best white clothes, then the next best, placing all the while whatever was most valuable, beads, belts, and necklaces, next the body. money they put into the mouth, her daughter contributing about five dollars. the knees were then pressed up against the chest, and after all of her own clothing was put on, the body was rolled up in the best family bear-skin, and tied with strips of buckskin. then soomut, the chief and husband, threw the bundle over his shoulders, and started off for the cave where they deposit their dead, accompanied by the whole band crying and singing, and throwing ashes from the camp-fire into the air. and thus the old barbarian mourns: "soomut had two wives--one good, one bad; but she that was good was taken away, while she that is bad remains. o gesnip gone, gone, gone!" and the mournful procession take up the refrain: "o gesnip gone, gone, gone!" again the ancient chief: "soomut has a little boy, soomut has a little girl, but no one is left to cook their food, no one to dig them roots. o gesnip gone, gone, gone!" followed by the chorus. then again soomut: "white woman knows that gesnip was strong to work; she told me her sorrow when gesnip died. o gesnip gone, gone, gone!" and this was kept up during the entire march, the dead wife's virtues sung and chorused by the whole tribe, accompanied by the scattering of ashes and lamentations which now had become very noisy. the lady further states that the scene at the grave was so impressive that she was unable to restrain her tears. no wonder then that these impulsive children of nature carry their joy and sorrow to excess, even so far as in this instance, where the affectionate daughter of the old crone had to be held by her companions from throwing herself into the grave of her dead mother. after all, how slight the shades of difference in hearts human, whether barbaric or cultured! as before mentioned, the ruling passion of the savage seems to be love of wealth; having it, he is respected, without it he is despised; consequently he is treacherous when it profits him to be so, thievish when he can steal without danger, cunning when gain is at stake, brave in defense of his lares and penates. next to his excessive venality, abject superstition forms the most prominent feature of his character. he seems to believe that everything instinct with animal life--with some, as with the siahs, it extends to vegetable life also--is possessed by evil spirits; horrible fancies fill his imagination. the rattling of acorns on the roof, the rustling of leaves in the deep stillness of the forest is sufficient to excite terror. his wicked spirit is the very incarnation of fiendishness; a monster who falls suddenly upon the unwary traveler in solitary places and rends him in pieces, and whose imps are ghouls that exhume the dead to devour them.[ ] were it not for the diabolic view he takes of nature, his life would be a comparatively easy one. his wants are few, and such as they are, he has the means of supplying them. he is somewhat of a stoic, his motto being never do to-day what can be put off until to-morrow, and he concerns himself little with the glories of peace or war. now and then we find him daubing himself with great stripes of paint, and looking ferocious, but ordinarily he prefers the calm of the peaceful temescal to the din of battle. the task of collecting a winter store of food he converts into a kind of summer picnic, and altogether is inclined to make the best of things, in spite of the annoyance given him in the way of reservations and other benefits of civilization. taken as a whole, the northern californian is not such a bad specimen of a savage, as savages go, but filthiness and greed are not enviable qualities, and he has a full share of both.[ ] [sidenote: the central californians.] the central californians occupy a yet larger extent of territory, comprising the whole of that portion of california extending, north and south, from about ° ´ to °, and, east and west, from the pacific ocean to the californian boundary. [sidenote: nations of central california.] the native races of this region are not divided, as in the northern part of the state, into comparatively large tribes, but are scattered over the face of the country in innumerable little bands, with a system of nomenclature so intricate as to puzzle an oedipus. nevertheless, as among the most important, i may mention the following: the _tehamas_, from whom the county takes its name; the _pomos_, which name signifies 'people', and is the collective appellation of a number of tribes living in potter valley, where the head-waters of eel and russian rivers interlace, and extending west to the ocean and south to clear lake. each tribe of the nation takes a distinguishing prefix to the name of pomo, as, the _castel pomos_ and _ki pomos_ on the head-waters of eel river; the _pome pomos_, earth people, in potter valley; the _cahto pomos_, in the valley of that name; the _choam chadéla pomos_, pitch-pine people, in redwood valley; the _matomey ki pomos_, wooded valley people, about little lake; the _usals_, or _camalél pomos_, coast people, on usal creek; the _shebalne pomos_, neighbor people, in sherwood valley, and many others. on russian river, the _gallinomeros_ occupy the valley below healdsburg; the _sanéls_, _socoas_, _lamas_, and _seacos_, live in the vicinity of the village of sanél; the _comachos_ dwell in ranchería and anderson valleys; the _ukiahs_, or yokias, near the town of ukiah, which is a corruption of their name;[ ] the _gualalas_[ ] on the creek which takes its name from them, about twenty miles above the mouth of russian river. on the borders of clear lake were the _lopillamillos_, the _mipacmas_, and _tyugas_; the _yolos_, or yolays, that is to say, 'region thick with rushes,' of which the present name of the county of yolo is a corruption, lived on cache creek; the _colusas_ occupied the west bank of the sacramento; in the valley of the moon, as the _sonomas_ called their country, besides themselves there were the _guillicas_, the _kanimares_, the _simbalakees_, the _petalumas_, and the _wapos_; the _yachichumnes_ inhabited the country between stockton and mount diablo. according to hittel, there were six tribes in napa valley: the _mayacomas_, the _calajomanas_, the _caymus_, the _napas_, the _ulucas_, and the _suscols_; mr taylor also mentions the _guenocks_, the _tulkays_, and the _socollomillos_; in suisun valley were the _suisunes_, the _pulpones_, the _tolenos_, and the _ullulatas_; the tribe of the celebrated chief marin lived near the mission of san rafael, and on the ocean-coast of marin county were the _bolanos_ and _tamales_; the _karquines_ lived on the straits of that name. humboldt and mülhlenpfordt mention the _matalanes_, _salses_, and _quirotes_, as living round the bay of san francisco. according to adam johnson, who was indian agent for california in , the principal tribes originally living at the mission dolores, and yerba buena, were the _ahwashtes_, _altahmos_, _romanans_, and _tulomos_; choris gives the names of more than fifteen tribes seen at the mission, chamisso of nineteen, and transcribed from the mission books to the tribal boundaries of this group, are the names of nearly two hundred rancherías. the _socoisukas_, _thamiens_, and _gergecensens_ roamed through santa clara county. the _olchones_ inhabited the coast between san francisco and monterey; in the vicinity of the latter place were the _rumsens_ or runsiens, the _ecclemaches_, _escelens_ or eslens, the _achastliens_, and the _mutsunes_. on the san joaquin lived the _costrowers_, the _pitiaches_, _talluches_, _loomnears_, and _amonces_; on fresno river the _chowclas_, _cookchaneys_, _fonechas_, _nookchues_, and _howetsers_; the _eemitches_ and _cowiahs_, lived on four creeks; the _waches_, _notoowthas_, and _chunemmes_ on king river, and on tulare lake, the _talches_ and _woowells_. in their aboriginal manners and customs they differ but little, so little, in fact, that one description will apply to the whole division within the above-named limits. the reader will therefore understand that, except where a tribe is specially named, i am speaking of the whole people collectively. the conflicting statements of men who had ample opportunity for observation, and who saw the people they describe, if not in the same place, at least in the same vicinity, render it difficult to give a correct description of their physique. they do not appear to deteriorate toward the coast, or improve toward the interior, so uniformly as their northern neighbors; but this may be accounted for by the fact that several tribes that formerly lived on the coast have been driven inland by the settlers and vice versa. [sidenote: physical peculiarities.] some ethnologists see in the californians a stock different from that of any other american race; but the more i dwell upon the subject, the more convinced i am, that, except in the broader distinctions, specific classifications of humanity are but idle speculations. their height rarely exceeds five feet eight inches, and is more frequently five feet four or five inches, and although strongly they are seldom symmetrically built. a low retreating forehead, black deep-set eyes, thick bushy eyebrows, salient cheek-bones, a nose depressed at the root and somewhat wide-spreading at the nostrils, a large mouth with thick prominent lips, teeth large and white, but not always regular, and rather large ears, is the prevailing type. their complexion is much darker than that of the tribes farther north, often being nearly black; so that with their matted, bushy hair, which is frequently cut short, they present a very uncouth appearance.[ ] the question of beard has been much mooted; some travelers asserting that they are bearded like turks, others that they are beardless as women. having carefully compared the pros and cons, i think i am justified in stating that the central californians have beards, though not strong ones, and that some tribes suffer it to grow, while others pluck it out as soon as it appears.[ ] [sidenote: dress in central california.] during summer, except on festal occasions, the apparel of the men is of the most primitive character, a slight strip of covering round the loins being full dress; but even this is unusual, the majority preferring to be perfectly unencumbered by clothing. in winter the skin of a deer or other animal is thrown over the shoulders, or sometimes a species of rope made from the feathers of water-fowl, or strips of otter-skin, twisted together, is wound round the body, forming an effectual protection against the weather. the women are scarcely better clad, their summer costume being a fringed apron of tule-grass, which falls from the waist before and behind nearly down to the knees, and is open at the sides. some tribes in the northern part of the sacramento valley wear the round bowl-shaped hat worn by the natives on the klamath. during the cold season a half-tanned deer-skin, or the rope garment above mentioned, is added. the hair is worn in various styles. some bind it up in a knot on the back of the head, others draw it back and club it behind; farther south it is worn cut short, and occasionally we find it loose and flowing. it is not uncommon to see the head adorned with chaplets of leaves or flowers, reminding one of a badly executed bronze of apollo or bacchus. ear-ornaments are much in vogue; a favorite variety being a long round piece of carved bone or wood, sometimes with beads attached, which is also used as a needle-case. strings of shells and beads also serve as ear-ornaments and necklaces. the head-dress for gala days and dances is elaborate, composed of gay feathers, skillfully arranged in various fashions.[ ] [sidenote: personal adornment.] tattooing is universal with the women, though confined within narrow limits. they mark the chin in perpendicular lines drawn downward from the corners and centre of the mouth, in the same manner as the northern californians; they also tattoo slightly on the neck and breast. it is said that by these marks women of different tribes can be easily distinguished. the men rarely tattoo, but paint the body in stripes and grotesque patterns to a considerable extent. red was the favorite color, except for mourning, when black was used. the friars succeeded in abolishing this custom except on occasions of mourning, when affection for their dead would not permit them to relinquish it. the new almaden cinnabar mine has been from time immemorial a source of contention between adjacent tribes. thither, from a hundred miles away, resorted vermilion-loving savages, and often such visits were not free from blood-shed.[ ] a thick coat of mud sometimes affords protection from a chilly wind. it is a convenient dress, as it costs nothing, is easily put on, and is no incumbrance to the wearer. the nudity of the savage more often proceeds from an indifference to clothing than from actual want. no people are found entirely destitute of clothing when the weather is cold, and if they can manage to obtain garments of any sort at one time of year they can at another. [sidenote: dwellings in central california.] their dwellings are about as primitive as their dress. in summer all they require is to be shaded from the sun, and for this a pile of bushes or a tree will suffice. the winter huts are a little more pretentious. these are sometimes erected on the level ground, but more frequently over an excavation three or four feet deep, and varying from ten to thirty feet in diameter. round the brink of this hole willow poles are sunk upright in the ground and the tops drawn together, forming a conical structure, or the upper ends are bent over and driven into the earth on the opposite side of the pit, thus giving the hut a semi-globular shape. bushes, or strips of bark, are then piled up against the poles, and the whole is covered with a thick layer of earth or mud. in some instances, the interstices of the frame are filled by twigs woven cross-wise, over and under, between the poles, and the outside covering is of tule-reeds instead of earth. a hole at the top gives egress to the smoke, and a small opening close to the ground admits the occupants. each hut generally shelters a whole family of relations by blood and marriage, so that the dimensions of the habitation depend on the size of the family.[ ] thatched oblong houses are occasionally met with in russian river valley, and mr powers mentions having seen one among the gallinomeros which was of the form of the letter l, made of slats leaned up against each other, and heavily thatched. along the centre the different families or generations had their fires, while they slept next the walls. three narrow holes served as doors, one at either end and one at the elbow.[ ] a collection of native huts is in california called a _ranchería_, from rancho, a word first applied by the spaniards to the spot where, in the island of cuba, food was distributed to repartimiento indians. [sidenote: food and methods of obtaining it.] the bestial laziness of the central californian prevents him from following the chase to any extent, or from even inventing efficient game-traps. deer are, however, sometimes shot with bow and arrow. the hunter, disguised with the head and horns of a stag, creeps through the long grass to within a few yards of the unsuspecting herd, and drops the fattest buck at his pleasure. small game, such as hares, rabbits, and birds, are also shot with the arrow. reptiles and insects of all descriptions not poisonous are greedily devoured; in fact, any life-sustaining substance which can be procured with little trouble, is food for them. but their main reliance is on acorns, roots, grass-seeds, berries and the like. these are eaten both raw and prepared. the acorns are shelled, dried in the sun, and then pounded into a powder with large stones. from this flour a species of coarse bread is made, which is sometimes flavored with various kinds of berries or herbs. this bread is of a black color when cooked, of about the consistency of cheese, and is said, by those who have tasted it, to be not at all unpalatable.[ ] the dough is frequently boiled into pudding instead of being baked. a sort of mush is made from clover-seed, which is also described as being rather a savory dish. grasshoppers constitute another toothsome delicacy. when for winter use, they are dried in the sun; when for present consumption, they are either mashed into a paste, which is eaten with the fingers, ground into a fine powder and mixed with mush, or they are saturated with salt water, placed in a hole in the ground previously heated, covered with hot stones, and eaten like shrimps when well roasted. dried chrysalides are considered a bonne bouche, as are all varieties of insects and worms. the boiled dishes are cooked in water-tight baskets, into which hot stones are dropped. meat is roasted on sticks before the fire, or baked in a hole in the ground. the food is conveyed to the mouth with the fingers. [sidenote: acorns and wild fowl.] grasshoppers are taken in pits, into which they are driven by setting the grass on fire, or by beating the grass in a gradually lessening circle, of which the pit is the centre. for seed-gathering two baskets are used; a large one, which is borne on the back, and another smaller and scoop-shaped, which is carried in the hand; with this latter the tops of the ripe grass are swept, and the seed thus taken is thrown over the left shoulder into the larger basket. the seeds are then parched and pulverized, and usually stored as pinole,[ ] for winter use.[ ] when acorns are scarce the central californian resorts to a curious expedient to obtain them. the woodpecker, or _carpintero_ as the spaniards call it, stores away acorns for its own use in the trunks of trees. each acorn is placed in a separate hole, which it fits quite tightly. these the natives take; but it is never until hunger compels them to do so, as they have great respect for their little caterer, and would hold it sacrilege to rob him except in time of extreme need.[ ] wild fowl are taken with a net stretched across a narrow stream between two poles, one on either bank. decoys are placed on the water just before the net, one end of which is fastened to the top of the pole on the farther bank. a line passing through a hole in the top of the pole on the bank where the fowler is concealed, is attached to the nearest end of the net, which is allowed to hang low. when the fowl fly rapidly up to the decoys, this end is suddenly raised with a jerk, so that the birds strike it with great force, and, stunned by the shock, fall into a large pouch, contrived for the purpose in the lower part of the net.[ ] fish are both speared and netted. a long pole, projecting sometimes as much as a hundred feet over the stream, is run out from the bank. the farther end is supported by a small raft or buoy. along this boom the net is stretched, the nearer corner being held by a native. as soon as a fish becomes entangled in the meshes it can be easily felt, and the net is then hauled in.[ ] on the coast a small fish resembling the sardine is caught on the beach in the receding waves by means of a hand-net, in the manner practiced by the northern californian heretofore described.[ ] the central californians do not hunt the whale, but it is a great day with them when one is stranded.[ ] in reality their food was not so bad as some writers assert. before the arrival of miners game was so plentiful that even the lazy natives could supply their necessities. the 'nobler race,' as usual, thrust them down upon a level with swine. johnson thus describes the feeding of the natives at sutter's fort: "long troughs inside the walls were filled with a kind of boiled mush made of the wheat-bran; and the indians, huddled in rows upon their knees before these troughs, quickly conveyed their contents by the hand to the mouth." "but," writes powers to the author, "it is a well-established fact that california indians, even when reared by americans from infancy, if they have been permitted to associate meantime with others of their race, will, in the season of lush blossoming clover, go out and eat it in preference to all other food."[ ] in their personal habits they are filthy in the extreme. both their dwellings and their persons abound in vermin, which they catch and eat in the same manner as their northern neighbors.[ ] [sidenote: californian weapons.] their weapons are bows and arrows, spears, and sometimes clubs. the first-named do not differ in any essential respect from those described as being used by the northern californians. they are well made, from two and a half to three feet long, and backed with sinew; the string of wild flax or sinew, and partially covered with bird's down or a piece of skin, to deaden the twang. the arrows are short, made of reed or light wood, and winged with three or four feathers. the head is of flint, bone, obsidian, or volcanic glass, sometimes barbed and sometimes diamond-shaped. it is fastened loosely to the shaft, and can be extracted only from a wound by cutting it out. the shaft is frequently painted in order that the owner may be able to distinguish his own arrows from others. spears, or rather javelins, are used, seldom exceeding from four and a half to five feet in length. they are made of some tough kind of wood and headed with the same materials as the arrows. occasionally the point of the stick is merely sharpened and hardened in the fire.[ ] the head of the fishing-spear is movable, being attached to the shaft by a line, so that when a fish is struck the pole serves as a float. some of the tribes formerly poisoned their arrows, but it is probable that the custom never prevailed to any great extent. m. du petit-thouars was told that they used for this purpose a species of climbing plant which grows in shady places. it is said that they also poison their weapons with the venom of serpents.[ ] pedro fages mentions that the natives in the country round san miguel use a kind of sabre, made of hard wood, shaped like a cimeter, and edged with sharp flints. this they employ for hunting as well as in war, and with such address that they rarely fail to break the leg of the animal at which they hurl it.[ ] [sidenote: battles and weapons.] battles, though frequent, were not attended with much loss of life. each side was anxious for the fight to be over, and the first blood would often terminate the contest. challenging by heralds obtained. thus the shumeias challenge the pomos by placing three little sticks, notched in the middle and at both ends, on a mound which marked the boundary between the two tribes. if the pomos accept, they tie a string round the middle notch. heralds then meet and arrange time and place, and the battle comes off as appointed.[ ] among some tribes, children are sent by mutual arrangement into the enemy's ranks during the heat of battle to pick up the fallen arrows and carry them back to their owners to be used again.[ ] when fighting, they stretch out in a long single line and endeavor by shouts and gestures to intimidate the foe.[ ] notwithstanding the mildness of their disposition and the inferiority of their weapons, the central californians do not lack courage in battle, and when captured will meet their fate with all the stoicism of a true indian. for many years after the occupation of the country by the spaniards, by abandoning their villages and lying in ambush upon the approach of the enemy, they were enabled to resist the small squads of mexicans sent against them from the presidios for the recovery of deserters from the missions. during the settlement of the country by white people, there were the usual skirmishes growing out of wrong and oppression on the one side, and retaliation on the other; the usual uprising among miners and rancheros, and vindication of border law, which demanded the massacre of a village for the stealing of a cow. trespass on lands and abduction of women are the usual causes of war among themselves. opposing armies, on approaching each other in battle array, dance and leap from side to side in order to prevent their enemies from taking deliberate aim. upon the invasion of their territory they rapidly convey the intelligence by means of signals. a great smoke is made upon the nearest hilltop, which is quickly repeated upon the surrounding hills, and thus a wide extent of country is aroused in a remarkably short time. the custom of scalping, though not universal in california, was practiced in some localities. the yet more barbarous habit of cutting off the hands, feet, or head of a fallen enemy, as trophies of victory, prevailed more widely. they also plucked out and carefully preserved the eyes of the slain. it has been asserted that these savages were cannibals, and there seems to be good reason to believe that they did devour pieces of the flesh of a renowned enemy slain in battle. human flesh was, however, not eaten as food, nor for the purpose of wreaking vengeance on or showing hate for a dead adversary, but because they thought that by eating part of a brave man they absorbed a portion of his courage. they do not appear to have kept or sold prisoners as slaves, but to have either exchanged or killed them.[ ] [sidenote: implements and manufactures.] they are not ingenious, and manufacture but few articles requiring any skill. the principal of these are the baskets in which, as i have already mentioned, they carry water and boil their food. they are made of fine grass, so closely woven as to be perfectly water-tight, and are frequently ornamented with feathers, beads, shells, and the like, worked into them in a very pretty manner. fletcher, who visited the coast with sir francis drake in , describes them as being "made in fashion like a deep boale, and though the matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuffe, yet it was so cunningly handled that the most part of them would hold water; about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of the shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines forenamed ... and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes."[ ] the baskets are of various sizes and shapes, the most common being conical or wide and flat. their pipes are straight, the bowl being merely a continuation of the stem, only thicker and hollowed out.[ ] [sidenote: no boats in san francisco bay.] it is a singular fact that these natives about the bay of san francisco and the regions adjacent, had no canoes of any description. their only means of navigation were bundles of tule-rushes about ten feet long and three or four wide, lashed firmly together in rolls, and pointed at both ends. they were propelled, either end foremost, with long double-bladed paddles. in calm weather, and on a river, the centre, or thickest part of these rafts might be tolerably dry, but in rough water the rower, who sat astride, was up to his waist in water.[ ] it has been asserted that they even ventured far out to sea on them, but that this was common i much doubt.[ ] they were useful to spear fish from, but for little else; in proof of which i may mention, on the authority of roquefeuil, that in - , the koniagas employed by the russians at bodega, killed seals and otters in san francisco bay under the very noses of the spaniards, and in spite of all the latter, who appear to have had no boats of their own, could do to prevent them. in their light skin baidarkas, each with places for two persons only, these bold northern boatmen would drop down the coast from bodega bay, where the russians were stationed, or cross over from the farallones in fleets of from forty to fifty boats, and entering the golden gate creep along the northern shore, beyond the range of the presidio's guns, securely establish themselves upon the islands of the bay and pursue their avocation unmolested. for three years, namely from to , these northern fishermen held possession of the bay of san francisco, during which time they captured over eight thousand otters. finally, it occurred to the governor, don luis argüello, that it would be well for the spaniards to have boats of their own. accordingly four were built, but they were so clumsily constructed, ill equipped, and poorly manned, that had the russians and koniagas felt disposed, they could easily have continued their incursions. once within the entrance, these northern barbarians were masters of the bay, and such was their sense of security that they would sometimes venture for a time to stretch their limbs upon the shore. the capture of several of their number, however, by the soldiers from the fort, made them more wary thereafter. maurelle, who touched at point arenas in , but did not enter the bay of san francisco, says that "a vast number of indians now presented themselves on both points, who passed from one to the other in small canoes made of fule, where they talked loudly for two hours or more, till at last two of them came alongside of the ship, and most liberally presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries of bone, garments of feathers, as also garlands of the same materials, which they wore round their head, and a canister of seeds which tasted much like walnuts." the only account of this voyage in my possession is an english translation, in which "canoes made of fule" might easily have been mistaken for boats or floats of tule.[ ] split logs were occasionally used to cross rivers, and frequently all means of transportation were dispensed with, and swimming resorted to. captain phelps, in a letter to the author, mentions having seen skin boats, or baidarkas, on the sacramento river, but supposes that they were left there by those same russian employés.[ ] vancouver, speaking of a canoe which he saw below monterey, says: "instead of being composed of straw, like those we had seen on our first visit to san francisco, it was neatly formed of wood, much after the nootka fashion, and was navigated with much adroitness by four natives of the country. their paddles were about four feet long with a blade at each end; these were handled with great dexterity, either entirely on one side or alternately on each side of their canoe."[ ] i account for the presence of this canoe in the same manner that captain phelps accounts for the skin canoes on the sacramento, and think that it must have come either from the south or north. the probable cause of this absence of boats in central california is the scarcity of suitable, favorably located timber. doubtless if the banks of the sacramento and the shores of san francisco bay had been lined with large straight pine or fir trees, their waters would have been filled with canoes; yet after all, this is but a poor excuse; for not only on the hills and mountains, at a little distance from the water, are forests of fine trees, but quantities of driftwood come floating down every stream during the rainy season, out of which surely sufficient material could be secured for some sort of boats. shells of different kinds, but especially the variety known as _aulone_, form the circulating medium. they are polished, sometimes ground down to a certain size, and arranged on strings of different lengths.[ ] [sidenote: chieftainship and its rights.] chieftainship is hereditary, almost without exception. in a few instances i find it depending upon wealth, influence, family, or prowess in war, but this rarely. in some parts, in default of male descent, the females of the family are empowered to appoint a successor.[ ] although considerable dignity attaches to a chief, and his family are treated with consideration, yet his power is limited, his principal duties consisting in making peace and war, and in appointing and presiding over feasts. every band has its separate head, and two or even three have been known to preside at the same time.[ ] sometimes when several bands are dwelling together they are united under one head chief, who, however, cannot act for the whole without consulting the lesser chiefs. practically, the heads of families rule in their own circle, and their internal arrangements are seldom interfered with. their medicine-men also wield a very powerful influence among them.[ ] sometimes, when a flagrant murder has been committed, the chiefs meet in council and decide upon the punishment of the offender. the matter is, however, more frequently settled by the relatives of the victim, who either exact blood for blood from the murderer or let the thing drop for a consideration. among the neeshenams revenge must be had within twelve months after the murder or not at all.[ ] [sidenote: rulers of new albion.] according to fletcher's narrative, there seems to have been much more distinction of rank at the time of drake's visit to california than subsequent travelers have seen; however, allowance must be made for the exaggerations invariably found in the reports of early voyagers. in proof of this, we have only to take up almost any book of travel in foreign lands printed at that time; wherein dragons and other impossible animals are not only zoölogically described, but carefully drawn and engraved, as well as other marvels in abundance. captain drake had several temptations to exaggerate. the richer and more important the country he discovered, the more would it redound to his credit to have been the discoverer; the greater the power and authority of the chief who formally made over his dominions to the queen of england, the less likely to be disputed would be that sovereign's claims to the ceded territory. fletcher never speaks of the chief of the tribe that received drake, but as 'the king,' and states that this dignitary was treated with great respect and ceremony by the courtiers who surrounded him. these latter were distinguished from the canaille by various badges of rank. they wore as ornaments chains "of a bony substance, euery linke or part thereof being very little, and thinne, most finely burnished, with a hole pierced through the middest. the number of linkes going to make one chaine, is in a manner infinite; but of such estimation it is amongst them, that few be the persons that are admitted to weare the same; and euen they to whom its lawfull to use them, yet are stinted what number they shall vse, as some ten, some twelue, some twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so thereby are they knowne to be the more honorable personages." another mark of distinction was a "certain downe, which groweth vp in the countrey vpon an herbe much like our lectuce, which exceeds any other downe in the world for finenesse, and beeing layed vpon their cawles, by no winds can be remoued. of such estimation is this herbe amongst them, that the downe thereof is not lawfull to be worne, but of such persons as are about the king (to whom also it is permitted to weare a plume of feather on their heads, in signe of honour), and the seeds are not vsed but onely in sacrifice to their gods." the king, who was gorgeously attired in skins, with a crown of feather-work upon his head, was attended by a regular body-guard, uniformly dressed in coats of skins. his coming was announced by two heralds or ambassadors, one of whom prompted the other, during the proclamation, in a low voice. his majesty was preceded in the procession by "a man of large body and goodly aspect, bearing the septer or royall mace;" all of which happened, if we may believe the worthy chaplain of the expedition, on the coast just above san francisco bay, three hundred years ago.[ ] [sidenote: how a bride is won.] slavery in any form is rare, and hereditary bondage unknown.[ ] polygamy obtains in most of the tribes, although there are exceptions.[ ] it is common for a man to marry a whole family of sisters, and sometimes the mother also, if she happen to be free.[ ] husband and wife are united with very little ceremony. the inclinations of the bride seem to be consulted here more than among the northern californians. it is true she is sometimes bought from her parents, but if she violently opposes the match she is seldom compelled to marry or to be sold. among some tribes the wooer, after speaking with her parents, retires with the girl; if they agree, she thenceforth belongs to him; if not, the match is broken off.[ ] the neeshenam buys his wife indirectly by making presents of game to her family. he leaves the gifts at the door of the lodge without a word, and, if they are accepted, he shortly after claims and takes his bride without further ceremony. in this tribe the girl has no voice whatever in the matter, and resistance on her part merely occasions brute force to be used by her purchaser.[ ] [sidenote: child-birth and the couvade.] when an oleepa lover wishes to marry, he first obtains permission from the parents. the damsel then flies and conceals herself; the lover searches for her, and should he succeed in finding her twice out of three times she belongs to him. should he be unsuccessful he waits a few weeks and then repeats the performance. if she again elude his search, the matter is decided against him.[ ] the bonds of matrimony can be thrown aside as easily as they are assumed. the husband has only to say to his spouse, i cast you off, and the thing is done.[ ] the gallinomeros acquire their wives by purchase, and are at liberty to sell them again when tired of them.[ ] as usual the women are treated with great contempt by the men, and forced to do all the hard and menial labor; they are not even allowed to sit at the same fire or eat at the same repast with their lords. both sexes treat children with comparative kindness;[ ] boys are, however, held in much higher estimation than girls, and from early childhood are taught their superiority over the weaker sex. it is even stated that many female children are killed as soon as born,[ ] but i am inclined to doubt the correctness of this statement as applied to a country where polygamy is practiced as extensively as in california. old people are treated with contumely, both men and women, aged warriors being obliged to do menial work under the supervision of the women. the gallinomeros kill their aged parents in a most cold-blooded manner. the doomed creature is led into the woods, thrown on his back, and firmly fastened in that position to the ground. a stout pole is then placed across the throat, upon either end of which a person sits until life is extinct.[ ] a husband takes revenge for his wife's infidelities upon the person of her seducer, whom he is justified in killing. sometimes the male offender is compelled to buy the object of his unholy passions. in consequence of their strictness in this particular, adultery is not common among themselves, although a husband is generally willing to prostitute his dearest wife to a white man for a consideration. the central californian women are inclined to rebel against the tyranny of their masters, more than is usual in other tribes. a refractory tahtoo wife is sometimes frightened into submission. the women have a great dread of evil spirits, and upon this weakness the husband plays. he paints himself in black and white stripes to personate an ogre, and suddenly jumping in among his terrified wives, brings them speedily to penitence. child-bearing falls lightly on the californian mother. when the time for delivery arrives she betakes herself to a quiet place by the side of a stream; sometimes accompanied by a female friend, but more frequently alone. as soon as the child is born the mother washes herself and the infant in the stream. the child is then swaddled from head to foot in strips of soft skin, and strapped to a board, which is carried on the mother's back. when the infant is suckled, it is drawn round in front and allowed to hang there, the mother meanwhile pursuing her usual avocations. so little does child-bearing affect these women, that, on a journey, they will frequently stop by the way-side for half an hour to be delivered, and then overtake the party, who have traveled on at the usual pace. painful parturition, though so rare, usually results fatally to both mother and child when it does occur. this comparative exemption from the curse, "in sorrow shalt thou bring forth," is doubtless owing partly to the fact that the sexes have their regular season for copulation, just as animals have theirs, the women bringing forth each year with great regularity. a curious custom prevails, which is, however, by no means peculiar to california. when child-birth overtakes the wife, the husband puts himself to bed, and there grunting and groaning he affects to suffer all the agonies of a woman in labor. lying there, he is nursed and tended for some days by the women as carefully as though he were the actual sufferer. ridiculous as this custom is, it is asserted by mr tylor to have been practiced in western china, in the country of the basques, by the tibareni at the south of the black sea, and in modified forms by the dyaks of borneo, the arawaks of surinam, and the inhabitants of kamchatka and greenland.[ ] the females arrive early at the age of puberty,[ ] and grow old rapidly.[ ] [sidenote: californian diversions.] most important events, such as the seasons of hunting, fishing, acorn-gathering, and the like, are celebrated with feasts and dances which differ in no essential respect from those practiced by the northern californians. they usually dance naked, having their heads adorned with feather ornaments, and their bodies and faces painted with glaring colors in grotesque patterns. broad stripes, drawn up and down, across, or spirally round the body, form the favorite device; sometimes one half of the body is colored red and the other blue, or the whole person is painted jet black and serves as a ground for the representation of a skeleton, done in white, which gives the wearer a most ghastly appearance.[ ] the dancing is accompanied by chantings, clapping of hands, blowing on pipes of two or three reeds and played with the nose or mouth, beating of skin drums, and rattling of tortoise-shells filled with small pebbles. this horrible discord is, however, more for the purpose of marking time than for pleasing the ear.[ ] the women are seldom allowed to join in the dance with the men, and when they are so far honored, take a very unimportant part in the proceedings, merely swaying their bodies to and fro in silence. plays, representing scenes of war, hunting, and private life, serve to while away the time, and are performed with considerable skill. though naturally the very incarnation of sloth, at least as far as useful labor is concerned, they have one or two games which require some exertion. one of these, in vogue among the meewocs, is played with bats and an oak-knot ball. the former are made of a pliant stick, having the end bent round and lashed to the main part so as to form a loop, which is filled with a network of strings. they do not strike but push the ball along with these bats. the players take sides, and each party endeavors to drive the ball past the boundaries of the other. another game, which was formerly much played at the missions on the coast, requires more skill and scarcely less activity. it consists in throwing a stick through a hoop which is rapidly rolled along the ground. if the player succeeds in this, he gains two points; if the stick merely passes partially through, so that the hoop remains resting upon it, one point is scored. but, as usual, games of chance are much preferred to games of skill. the chief of these is the same as that already described in the last chapter as being played by the natives all along the coasts of oregon, washington, and british columbia, and which bears so close a resemblance to the odd-and-even of our school-days. they are as infatuated on this subject as their neighbors, and quite as willing to stake the whole of their possessions on an issue of chance. they smoke a species of strong tobacco in the straight pipes before mentioned;[ ] but they have no native intoxicating drink.[ ] [sidenote: medicine and sweat-houses.] the principal diseases are small-pox, various forms of fever, and syphilis. owing to their extreme filthiness they are also very subject to disgusting eruptions of the skin. women are not allowed to practice the healing art, as among the northern californians, the privileges of quackery being here reserved exclusively to the men. chanting incantations, waving of hands, and the sucking powers obtain. doctors are supposed to have power over life and death, hence if they fail to effect a cure, they are frequently killed.[ ] they demand the most extortionate fees in return for their services, and often refuse to officiate unless the object they desire is promised them. sweat-houses similar to those already described are in like manner used as a means of cure for every kind of complaint.[ ] they have another kind of sudatory. a hole is dug in the sand of a size sufficient to contain a person lying at full length; over this a fire is kept burning until the sand is thoroughly heated, when the fire is removed and the sand stirred with a stick until it is reduced to the required temperature. the patient is then placed in the hole and covered, with the exception of his head, with sand. here he remains until in a state of profuse perspiration, when he is unearthed and plunged into cold water. they are said to practice phlebotomy, using the right arm when the body is affected and the left when the complaint is in the limbs. a few simple decoctions are made from herbs, but these are seldom very efficient medicines, especially when administered for the more complicated diseases which the whites have brought among them. owing to the insufficient or erroneous treatment they receive, many disorders which would be easily cured by us, degenerate with them into chronic maladies, and are transmitted to their children.[ ] incremation is almost universal in this part of california.[ ] the body is decorated with feathers, flowers, and beads, and after lying in state for some time, is burned amid the howls and lamentations of friends and relations. the ashes are either preserved by the family of the deceased or are formally buried. the weapons and effects of the dead are burned or buried with them.[ ] when a body is prepared for interment the knees are doubled up against the chest and securely bound with cords. it is placed in a sitting posture in the grave, which is circular. this is the most common manner of sepulture, but some tribes bury the body perpendicularly in a hole just large enough to admit it, sometimes with the head down, sometimes in a standing position. the pomos formerly burned their dead, and since they have been influenced by the whites to bury them, they invariably place the body with its head toward the south. [sidenote: mourning for the dead.] a scene of incremation is a weird spectacle. the friends and relatives of the deceased gather round the funeral pyre in a circle, howling dismally. as the flames mount upward their enthusiasm increases, until in a perfect frenzy of excitement, they leap, shriek, lacerate their bodies, and even snatch a handful of smoldering flesh from the fire, and devour it. the ashes of the dead mixed with grease, are smeared over the face as a badge of mourning, and the compound is suffered to remain there until worn off by the action of the weather. the widow keeps her head covered with pitch for several months. in the russian river valley, where demonstrations of grief appear to be yet more violent than elsewhere, self-laceration is much practiced. it is customary to have an annual dance of mourning, when the inhabitants of a whole village collect together and lament their deceased friends with howls and groans. many tribes think it necessary to nourish a departed spirit for several months. this is done by scattering food about the place where the remains of the dead are deposited. a devoted neeshenam widow does not utter a word for several months after the death of her husband; a less severe sign of grief is to speak only in a low whisper for the same time.[ ] regarding a future state their ideas are vague; some say that the meewocs believe in utter annihilation after death, but who can fathom the hopes and fears that struggle in their dark imaginings. they are not particularly cruel or vicious; they show much sorrow for the death of a relative; in some instances they are affectionate toward their families.[ ] [sidenote: central californian character.] although nearly all travelers who have seen and described this people, place them in the lowest scale of humanity, yet there are some who assert that the character of the californian has been maligned. it does not follow, they say, that he is indolent because he does not work when the fertility of his native land enables him to live without labor; or that he is cowardly because he is not incessantly at war, or stupid and brutal because the mildness of his climate renders clothes and dwellings superfluous. but is this sound reasoning? surely a people assisted by nature should progress faster than another, struggling with depressing difficulties. from the frozen, wind-swept plains of alaska to the malaria-haunted swamps of darien, there is not a fairer land than california; it is the neutral ground, as it were, of the elements, where hyperboreal cold, stripped of its rugged aspect, and equatorial heat, tamed to a genial warmth, meet as friends, inviting, all blusterings laid aside. yet if we travel northward from the isthmus, we must pass by ruined cities and temples, traces of mighty peoples, who there flourished before a foreign civilization extirpated them. on the arid deserts of arizona and new mexico is found an incipient civilization. descending from the arctic sea we meet races of hunters and traders, which can be called neither primitive nor primordial, living after their fashion as men, not as brutes. it is not until we reach the golden mean in central california that we find whole tribes subsisting on roots, herbs and insects; having no boats, no clothing, no laws, no god; yielding submissively to the first touch of the invader; held in awe by a few priests and soldiers. men do not civilize themselves. had not the greeks and the egyptians been driven on by an unseen hand, never would the city of the violet crown have graced the plains of hellas, nor thebes nor memphis have risen in the fertile valley of the nile. why greece is civilized, while california breeds a race inferior to the lowest of their neighbors, save only perhaps the shoshones on their east, no one yet can tell. when father junípero serra established the mission of dolores in , the shores of san francisco bay were thickly populated by the ahwashtees, ohlones, altahmos, romanons, tuolomos, and other tribes. the good father found the field unoccupied, for, in the vocabulary of these people, there is found no word for god, angel, or devil; they held no theory of origin or destiny. a ranchería was situated on the spot where now beach street intersects hyde street. were it there now, as contrasted with the dwellings of san francisco, it would resemble a pig-sty more than a human habitation. on the marin and sonoma shores of the bay were the tomales and camimares, the latter numbering, in , ten thousand souls. marin, chief of the tomales, was for a long time the terror of the spaniards, and his warriors were ranked as among the fiercest of the californians. he was brave, energetic, and possessed of no ordinary intelligence. when quite old he consented to be baptized into the romish church. [sidenote: yosemite valley indians.] it has been suspected that the chief marin was not a full-bred indian, but that he was related to a certain spanish sailor who was cast ashore from a wrecked galeon on a voyage from manila to acapulco about the year . the ship-wrecked spaniards, it has been surmised, were kindly treated by the natives; they married native wives, and lived with the tomales as of them, and from them descended many of their chiefs; but of this we have no proof. yosemite valley was formerly a stronghold to which tribes in that vicinity resorted after committing their depredations upon white settlers. they used to make their boast that their hiding place could never be discovered by white men. but during the year , the marauders growing bold in their fancied security, the whites arose and drove them into the mountains. following them thither under the guidance of tenaya, an old chief and confederate, the white men were suddenly confronted by the wondrous beauties of the valley. the indians, disheartened at the discovery of their retreat, yielded a reluctant obedience, but becoming again disaffected they renewed their depredations. shortly afterward the yosemite indians made a visit to the monos. they were hospitably entertained, but upon leaving, could not resist the temptation to drive off a few stray cattle belonging to their friends. the monos, enraged at this breach of good faith, pursued and gave them battle. the warriors of the valley were nearly exterminated, scarce half a dozen remaining to mourn their loss. all their women and children were carried away into captivity. these yosemite indians consisted of a mixture from various tribes, outlaws as it were from the surrounding tribes. they have left as their legacy a name for every cliff and waterfall within the valley. how marvelous would be their history could we go back and trace it from the beginning, these millions of human bands, who throughout the ages have been coming and going, unknowing and unknown! in the southern californians, whose territory lies south of the thirty-fifth parallel, there are less tribal differences than among any people whom we have yet encountered, whose domain is of equal extent. those who live in the south-eastern corner of the state are thrown by the sierra nevada range of mountains into the shoshone family, to which, indeed, by affinity they belong. the chief tribes of this division are the _cahuillas_ and the _diegueños_, the former living around the san bernardino and san jacinto mountains, and the latter in the southern extremity of california. around each mission were scores of small bands, whose rancherías were recorded in the mission books, the natives as a whole being known only by the name of the mission. when first discovered by cabrillo in , the islands off the coast were inhabited by a superior people, but these they were induced by the padres to abandon, following which event the people rapidly faded away. the natives called the island of santa cruz _liniooh_, santa rosa _hurmal_, san miguel _twocan_, and san nicolas _ghalashat_. as we approach the southern boundary of california a slight improvement is manifest in the aborigines. the men are here well made, of a stature quite up to the average, comparatively fair-complexioned and pleasant-featured. the children of the islanders are described by the early voyagers as being white, with light hair and ruddy cheeks, and the women as having fine forms, beautiful eyes, and a modest demeanor.[ ] the beard is plucked out with a bivalve shell, which answers the purpose of pincers. [sidenote: dress in southern california.] a short cloak of deer-skin or rabbit-skins sewed together, suffices the men for clothing; and sometimes even this is dispensed with, for they think it no shame to be naked.[ ] the women and female children wear a petticoat of skin, with a heavy fringe reaching down to the knees; in some districts they also wear short capes covering the breasts.[ ] on the coast and, formerly, on the islands, seals furnished the material.[ ] the more industrious and wealthy embroider their garments profusely with small shells. around santa barbara rings of bone or shell were worn in the nose; at los angeles nasal ornaments were not the fashion. the women had cylinder-shaped pieces of ivory, sometimes as much as eight inches, in length, attached to the ears by a shell ring. bracelets and necklaces were made of pieces of ivory ground round and perforated, small pebbles, and shells. paint of various colors was used by warriors and dancers. mr hugo reid, who has contributed valuable information concerning the natives of los angeles county, states that girls in love paint the cheeks sparingly with red ochre, and all the women, before they grow old, protect their complexion from the effects of the sun by a plentiful application of the same cosmetic.[ ] vizcaino saw natives on the southern coast painted blue and silvered over with some kind of mineral substance. on his asking where they obtained the silver-like material they showed him a kind of mineral ore, which they said they used for purposes of ornamentation.[ ] they take much pride in their hair, which they wear long. it is braided, and either wound round the head turban-like,[ ] or twisted into a top-knot; some tie it in a queue behind. according to father boscana the girls are tattooed in infancy on the face, breast, and arms. the most usual method was to prick the flesh with a thorn of the cactus-plant; charcoal produced from the maguey was then rubbed into the wounds, and an ineffaceable blue was the result.[ ] [sidenote: dwellings and food.] dwellings, in the greater part of this region, differ but little from those of the central californians. in shape they are conical or semi-globular, and usually consist of a frame, formed by driving long poles into the ground, covered with rushes and earth.[ ] on the coast of the santa barbara channel there seems to have been some improvement in their style of architecture. it was probably here that cabrillo saw houses built after the manner of those in new spain.[ ] it is possible that the influences of the southern civilization may have extended as far as this point. father boscana's description of the temples or _vanquechs_ erected by the natives in the vicinity of san juan capistrano, in honor of their god, chinigchinich, is thus translated: "they formed an enclosure of about four or five yards in circumference, not exactly round, but inclining to an oval. this they divided by drawing a line through the centre, and built another, consisting of the branches of trees, and mats to the height of about six feet, outside of which, in the other division, they formed another of small stakes of wood driven into the ground. this was called the gate, or entrance, to the vanquech. inside of this, and close to the larger stakes, was placed a figure of their god chinigchinich, elevated upon a kind of hurdle. this is the edifice of the vanquech."[ ] almost every living thing that they can lay their hands on serves as food. coyotes, skunks, wild cats, rats, mice, crows, hawks, owls, lizards, frogs, snakes, excepting him of the rattle, grasshoppers and other insects, all are devoured by the inland tribes. stranded whales, animals of the seal genus, fish, and shell-fish, form the main support of those inhabiting the coast. venison they are of course glad to eat when they can get it, but as they are poor hunters, it is a rare luxury. when they did hunt the deer they resorted to the same artifice as their northern neighbors, placing a deer's head and horns on their own head, and thus disguised approaching within bow-shot. bear-meat the majority refuse to eat from superstitious motives.[ ] grasshoppers are eaten roasted. acorns are shelled, dried, and pounded in stone mortars into flour, which is washed and rewashed in hot and cold water until the bitterness is removed, when it is made into gruel with cold water, or baked into bread. various kinds of grass-seeds, herbs, berries, and roots, are also eaten, both roasted and raw. wild fowl are caught in nets made of tules, spread over channels cut through the rushes in places frequented by the fowl, at a sufficient height above the water to allow the birds to swim easily beneath them. the game is gently driven or decoyed under the nets, when at a given signal, a great noise is made, and the terrified fowl, rising suddenly, become hopelessly entangled in the meshes, and fall an easy prey. or selecting a spot containing clear water about two feet deep, they fasten a net midway between the surface and the bottom, and strewing the place with berries, which sink to the bottom under the net, they retire. the fowl approach and dive for the berries. the meshes of the net readily admit the head, but hold the prisoner tight upon attempting to withdraw it. and what is more, their position prevents them from making a noise, and they serve also as a decoy for others. fish are taken in seines made from the tough bark of the tioñe-tree. they are also killed with spears having a movable bone head, attached to a long line, so that when a fish is struck the barb becomes loosened; line is then paid out until the fish is exhausted with running, when it is drawn in. many of the inland tribes come down to the coast in the fishing season, and remain there until the shoals leave, when they return to the interior. food is either boiled by dropping hot stones into water-baskets, or, more frequently, in vessels made of soap-stone.[ ] in their cooking, as in other respects, they are excessively unclean. they bathe frequently, it is true, but when not in the water they are wallowing in filth. their dwellings are full of offal and other impurities, and vermin abound on their persons. [sidenote: weapons and war.] bows and arrows, and clubs, are as usual the weapons most in use. sabres of hard wood, with edges that cut like steel, are mentioned by father junípero serra.[ ] war is a mere pretext for plunder; the slightest wrong, real or imaginary, being sufficient cause for a strong tribe to attack a weaker one. the smaller bands form temporary alliances; the women and children accompanying the men on a raid, carrying provisions for the march, and during an engagement they pick up the fallen arrows of the enemy and so keep their own warriors supplied. boscana says that no male prisoners are taken, and no quarter given; and hugo reid affirms of the natives of los angeles county that all prisoners of war, after being tormented in the most cruel manner, are invariably put to death. the dead are decapitated and scalped. female prisoners are either sold or retained as slaves. scalps, highly prized as trophies, and publicly exhibited at feasts, may be ransomed, but no consideration would induce them to part with their living captives.[ ] among the few articles they manufacture are fish-hooks, needles, and awls, made of bone or shell; mortars and pestles of granite, and soap-stone cooking vessels, and water-tight baskets.[ ] the clay vessels which are frequently found among them now, were not made by them before the arrival of the spaniards. the stone implements, however, are of aboriginal manufacture, and are well made. the former are said to have been procured mostly by the tribes of the mainland from the santa rosa islanders.[ ] the instruments which they used in their manufactures were flint knives and awls; the latter fages describes as being made from the small bone of a deer's fore-foot. the knife is double-edged, made of a flint, and has a wooden haft, inlaid with mother of pearl.[ ] on this coast we again meet with wooden canoes, although the balsa, or tule raft, is also in use. these boats are made of planks neatly fastened together and paid with bitumen;[ ] prow and stern, both equally sharp, are elevated above the centre, which made them appear to vizcaino "como barquillos" when seen beside his own junk-like craft. the paddles were long and double-bladed, and their boats, though generally manned by three or four men, were sometimes large enough to carry twenty. canoes dug out of a single log, scraped smooth on the outside, with both ends shaped alike, were sometimes, though more rarely, used.[ ] the circulating medium consisted of small round pieces of the white mussel-shell. these were perforated and arranged on strings, the value of which depended upon their length.[ ] i have said before that this money is supposed to have been manufactured for the most part on santa rosa island. hence it was distributed among the coast tribes, who bought with it deer-skins, seeds, etc., from the people of the interior. [sidenote: government and punishments.] each tribe acknowledged one head, whose province it was to settle disputes,[ ] levy war, make peace, appoint feasts, and give good advice. beyond this he had little power.[ ] he was assisted in his duties by a council of elders. the office of chief was hereditary, and in the absence of a male heir devolved upon the female nearest of kin. she could marry whom she pleased, but her husband obtained no authority through the alliance, all the power remaining in his wife's hands until their eldest boy attained his majority, when the latter at once assumed the command. a murderer's life was taken by the relatives of his victim, unless he should gain refuge in the temple, in which case his punishment was left to their god. vengeance was, however, only deferred; the children of the murdered man invariably avenged his death, sooner or later, upon the murderer or his descendants. when a chief grew too old to govern he abdicated in favor of his son, on which occasion a great feast was given. when all the people had been called together by criers, "the crown was placed upon the head of the chief elect, and he was enrobed with the imperial vestments," as father boscana has it; that is to say, he was dressed in a head-ornament of feathers, and a feather petticoat reaching from the waist half-way down to the knees, and the rest of his body painted black. he then went into the temple and performed a pas seul before the god chinigchinich. here, in a short time, he was joined by the other chiefs, who, forming a circle, danced round him, accompanied by the rattling of turtle-shells filled with small stones. when this ceremony was over he was publicly acknowledged chief. as i said before, the chief had little actual authority over individuals; neither was the real power vested in the heads of families; but a system of influencing the people was adopted by the chief and the elders, which is somewhat singular. whenever an important step was to be taken, such as the killing of a malefactor, or the invasion of an enemy's territory, the sympathies of the people were enlisted by means of criers, who were sent round to proclaim aloud the crime and the criminal, or to dilate upon the wrongs suffered at the hands of the hostile tribe; and their eloquence seldom failed to attain the desired object.[ ] [sidenote: marriage in southern california.] the chief could have a plurality of wives, but the common people were only allowed one.[ ] the form of contracting a marriage varied. in los angeles county, according to mr reid, the matter was arranged by a preliminary interchange of presents between the male relatives of the bridegroom and the female relatives of the bride. the former proceeded in a body to the dwelling of the girl, and distributed small sums in shell money among her female kinsfolk, who were collected there for the occasion. these afterward returned the compliment by visiting the man and giving baskets of meal to his people. a time was then fixed for the final ceremony. on the appointed day the girl, decked in all her finery, and accompanied by her family and relations, was carried in the arms of one of her kinsfolk toward the house of her lover; edible seeds and berries were scattered before her on the way, which were scrambled for by the spectators. the party was met half-way by a deputation from the bridegroom, one of whom now took the young woman in his arms and carried her to the house of her husband, who waited expectantly. she was then placed by his side, and the guests, after scattering more seeds, left the couple alone. a great feast followed, of which the most prominent feature was a character-dance. the young men took part in this dance in the rôles of hunters and warriors, and were assisted by the old women, who feigned to carry off game, or dispatch wounded enemies, as the case might be. the spectators sat in a circle and chanted an accompaniment. according to another form of marriage the man either asked the girl's parents for permission to marry their daughter, or commissioned one of his friends to do so. if the parents approved, their future son-in-law took up his abode with them, on condition that he should provide a certain quantity of food every day. this was done to afford him an opportunity to judge of the domestic qualities of his future wife. if satisfied, he appointed a day for the marriage, and the ceremony was conducted much in the same manner as that last described, except that he received the girl in a temporary shelter erected in front of his hut, and that she was disrobed before being placed by his side. children were often betrothed in infancy, kept continually in each other's society until they grew up, and the contract was scarcely ever broken. many obtained their wives by abduction, and this was the cause of many of the inter-tribal quarrels in which they were so constantly engaged. if a man ill-treated his wife, her relations took her away, after paying back the value of her wedding presents, and then married her to another. little difficulty was experienced in obtaining a divorce on any ground; indeed, in many of the tribes the parties separated whenever they grew tired of each other. adultery was severely punished. if a husband caught his wife in the act, he was justified in killing her, or, he could give her up to her seducer and appropriate the spouse of the latter to himself. [sidenote: child-birth.] at the time of child-birth many singular observances obtained; for instance, the old women washed the child as soon as it was born, and drank of the water; the unhappy infant was forced to take a draught of urine medicinally, and although the husband did not affect the sufferings of labor, his conduct was supposed in some manner to affect the unborn child, and he was consequently laid under certain restrictions, such as not being allowed to leave the house, or to eat fish and meat. the women as usual suffer little from child-bearing. one writer thus describes the accouchement of a woman in the vicinity of san diego: "a few hours before the time arrives she gets up and quietly walks off alone, as if nothing extraordinary was about to occur. in this manner she deceives all, even her husband, and hides herself away in some secluded nook, near a stream or hole of water. at the foot of a small tree, which she can easily grasp with both hands, she prepares her 'lying-in-couch,' on which she lies down as soon as the labor pains come on. when the pain is on, she grasps the tree with both hands, thrown up backward over her head, and pulls and strains with all her might, thus assisting each pain, until her accouchement is over. as soon as the child is born, the mother herself ties the navel-cord with a bit of buck-skin string, severing it with a pair of sharp scissors, prepared for the occasion, after which the end is burned with a coal of fire; the child is then thrown into the water; if it rises to the surface and cries, it is taken out and cared for; if it sinks, there it remains, and is not even awarded an indian burial. the affair being all over, she returns to her usual duties, just as if nothing had happened, so matter of fact are they in such matters." purification at child-birth lasted for three days, during which time the mother was allowed no food, and no drink but warm water. the ceremony, in which mother and child participated, was as follows: in the centre of the hut a pit was filled with heated stones, upon which herbs were placed, and the whole covered with earth, except a small aperture through which water was introduced. the mother and child, wrapped in blankets, stood over the pit and were soon in a violent perspiration. when they became exhausted from the effect of the steam and the heated air, they lay upon the ground and were covered with earth, after which they again took to the heated stones and steam. the mother was allowed to eat no meat for two moons, after which pills made of meat and wild tobacco were given her. in some tribes she could hold no intercourse with her husband until the child was weaned. children, until they arrived at the age of puberty, remained under the control of their parents, afterward they were subject only to the chief. like the spartan youth, they were taught that abstinence, and indifference to hardship and privations, constitute the only true manhood. to render them hardy much unnecessary pain was inflicted. they were forbidden to approach the fire to warm themselves, or to eat certain seeds and berries which were considered luxuries. a youth, to become a warrior, must first undergo a severe ordeal; his naked body was beaten with stinging nettles until he was literally unable to move; then he was placed upon the nest of a species of virulent ant, while his friends irritated the insects by stirring them up with sticks. the infuriated ants swarmed over every part of the sufferer's body, into his eyes, his ears, his mouth, his nose, causing indescribable pain. boscana states that the young were instructed to love truth, to do good, and to venerate old age.[ ] at an early age they were placed under the protection of a tutelar divinity, which was supposed to take the form of some animal. to discover the particular beast which was to guide his future destinies, the child was intoxicated,[ ] and for three or four days kept without food of any kind. during this period he was continually harassed and questioned, until, weak from want of food, crazed with drink and importunity, and knowing that the persecution would not cease until he yielded, he confessed to seeing his divinity, and described what kind of brute it was. the outline of the figure was then molded in a paste made of crushed herbs, on the breast and arms of the novitiate. this was ignited and allowed to burn until entirely consumed, and thus the figure of the divinity remained indelibly delineated in the flesh. hunters, before starting on an expedition, would beat their faces with nettles to render them clear-sighted. a girl, on arriving at the age of puberty, was laid upon a bed of branches placed over a hole, which had been previously heated, where she was kept with very little food for two or three days. old women chanted songs, and young women danced round her at intervals during her purification. in the vicinity of san diego the girl is buried all but her head, and the ground above her is beaten until she is in a profuse perspiration. this is continued for twenty-four hours, the patient being at intervals during this time taken out and washed, and then reimbedded. a feast and dance follow.[ ] when the missionaries first arrived in this region, they found men dressed as women and performing women's duties, who were kept for unnatural purposes. from their youth up they were treated, instructed, and used as females, and were even frequently publicly married to the chiefs or great men.[ ] [sidenote: amusements.] gambling and dancing formed, as usual, their principal means of recreation. their games of chance differed little from those played farther north. that of guessing in which hand a piece of wood was held, before described, was played by eight, four on a side, instead of four. another game was played by two. fifty small pieces of wood, placed upright in a row in the ground, at distances of two inches apart, formed the score. the players were provided with a number of pieces of split reed, blackened on one side; these were thrown, points down, on the ground, and the thrower counted one for every piece that remained white side uppermost; if he gained eight he was entitled to another throw. if the pieces all fell with the blackened side up they counted also. small pieces of wood placed against the upright pegs, marked the game. they reckoned from opposite ends of the row, and if one of the players threw just so many as to make his score exactly meet that of his opponent, the former had to commence again. throwing lances of reed through a rolling hoop was another source of amusement. professional singers were employed to furnish music to a party of gamblers. an umpire was engaged, whose duty it was to hold the stakes, count the game, prevent cheating, and act as referee; he was also expected to supply wood for the fire. when they were not eating, sleeping, or gambling, they were generally dancing; indeed, says father boscana, "such was the delight with which they took part in their festivities, that they often continued dancing day and night, and sometimes entire weeks." they danced at a birth, at a marriage, at a burial; they danced to propitiate the divinity, and they thanked the divinity for being propitiated by dancing. they decorated themselves with shells and beads, and painted their bodies with divers colors. sometimes head-dresses and petticoats of feathers were worn, at other times they danced naked. the women painted the upper part of their bodies brown. they frequently danced at the same time as the men, but seldom with them. time was kept by singers, and the rattling of turtle-shells filled with pebbles. they were good actors, and some of their character-dances were well executed; the step, however, like their chanting, was monotonous and unvarying. many of their dances were extremely licentious, and were accompanied with obscenities too disgusting to bear recital. most of them were connected in some way with their superstitions and religious rites.[ ] these people never wandered far from their own territory, and knew little or nothing of the nations lying beyond their immediate neighbors. mr reid relates that one who traveled some distance beyond the limits of his own domain, returned with the report that he had seen men whose ears descended to their hips; then he had met with a race of lilliputians; and finally had reached a people so subtly constituted that they "would take a rabbit, or other animal, and merely with the breath, inhale the essence; throwing the rest away, which on examination proved to be excrement." [sidenote: customs and superstitions.] they had a great number of traditions, legends, and fables. some of these give evidence of a powerful imagination; a few are pointed with a moral; but the majority are puerile, meaningless, to us at least, and filled with obscenities. it is said that, in some parts, the southern californians are great snake-charmers, and that they allow the reptiles to wind themselves about their bodies and bite them, with impunity. feuds between families are nursed for generations; the war is seldom more than one of words, however, unless a murder is to be avenged, and consists of mutual vituperations, and singing obscene songs about each other. friends salute by inquiries after each other's health. on parting one says 'i am going,' the other answers 'go.' they are very superstitious, and believe in all sorts of omens and auguries. an eclipse frightens them beyond measure, and shooting stars cause them to fall down in the dust and cover their heads in abject terror. many of them believe that, should a hunter eat meat or fish which he himself had procured, his luck would leave him. for this reason they generally hunt or fish in pairs, and when the day's sport is over, each takes what the other has killed. living as they do from hand to mouth, content to eat, sleep, and dance away their existence, we cannot expect to find much glimmering of the simpler arts or sciences among them. their year begins at the winter solstice, and they count by lunar months, so that to complete their year they are obliged to add several supplementary days. all these months have symbolic names. thus december and january are called the month of cold; february and march, the rain; march and april, the first grass; april and may, the rise of waters; may and june, the month of roots; june and july, of salmon fishing; july and august, of heat; august and september, of wild fruits; september and october, of bulbous roots; october and november, of acorns and nuts; november and december, of bear and other hunting. [sidenote: medical treatment.] sorcerers are numerous, and as unbounded confidence is placed in their power to work both good and evil, their influence is great. as astrologers and soothsayers, they can tell by the appearance of the moon the most propitious day and hour in which to celebrate a feast, or attack an enemy. sorcerers also serve as almanacs for the people, as it is their duty to note by the aspect of the moon the time of the decease of a chief or prominent man, and to give notice of the anniversary when it comes round, in order that it may be duly celebrated. they extort black-mail from individuals by threatening them with evil. the charm which they use is a ball made of mescal mixed with wild honey; this is carried under the left arm, in a small leather bag,--and the spell is effected by simply laying the right hand upon this bag. neither does their power end here; they hold intercourse with supernatural beings, metamorphose themselves at will, see into the future, and even control the elements. they are potent to cure as well as to kill. for all complaints, as usual, they 'put forth the charm of woven paces and of waving hands,' and in some cases add other remedies. for internal complaints they prescribe cold baths; wounds and sores are treated with lotions and poultices of crushed herbs, such as sage and rosemary, and of a kind of black oily resin, extracted from certain seeds. other maladies they affirm to be caused by small pieces of wood, stone, or other hard substance, which by some means have entered the flesh, and which they pretend to extract by sucking the affected part. in a case of paralysis the stricken parts were whipped with nettles. blisters are raised by means of dry paste made from nettle-stalks, placed on the bare flesh of the patient, set on fire, and allowed to burn out. cold water or an emetic is used for fever and like diseases, or, sometimes, the sufferer is placed naked upon dry sand or ashes, with a fire close to his feet, and a bowl of water or gruel at his head, and there left for nature to take its course, while his friends and relatives sit round and howl him into life or into eternity. snake-bites are cured by an internal dose of ashes, or the dust found at the bottom of ants' nests, and an external application of herbs.[ ] the medicine-men fare better here than their northern brethren, as, in the event of the non-recovery of their patient, the death of the latter is attributed to the just anger of their god, and consequently the physician is not held responsible. to avert the displeasure of the divinity, and to counteract the evil influence of the sorcerers, regular dances of propitiation or deprecation are held, in which the whole tribe join.[ ] [sidenote: death and burial.] the temescal, or sweat-house, is the same here as elsewhere, which renders a description unnecessary.[ ] the dead were either burned or buried. father boscana says that no particular ceremonies were observed during the burning of the corpse. the body was allowed to lie untouched some days after death, in order to be certain that no spark of life remained. it was then borne out and laid upon the funeral pyre, which was ignited by a person specially appointed for that purpose. everything belonging to the deceased was burned with him. when all was over the mourners betook themselves to the outskirts of the village, and there gave vent to their lamentation for the space of three days and nights. during this period songs were sung, in which the cause of the late death was related, and even the progress of the disease which brought him to his grave minutely described in all its stages. as an emblem of grief the hair was cut short in proportion to nearness of relation to or affection for the deceased, but laceration was not resorted to.[ ] mr taylor relates that the santa inez indians buried their dead in regular cemeteries. the body was placed in a sitting posture in a box made of slabs of claystone, and interred with all the effects of the dead person.[ ] according to reid, the natives of los angeles county waited until the body began to show signs of decay and then bound it together in the shape of a ball, and buried it in a place set apart for that purpose, with offerings of seeds contributed by the family. at the first news of his death all the relatives of the deceased gathered together, and mourned his departure with groans, each having a groan peculiar to himself. the dirge was presently changed to a song, in which all united, while an accompaniment was whistled through a deer's leg-bone. the dancing consisted merely in a monotonous shuffling of the feet.[ ] pedro fages thus describes a burial ceremony at the place named by him sitio de los pedernales.[ ] immediately after an indian has breathed his last, the corpse is borne out and placed before the idol which stands in the village, there it is watched by persons who pass the night round a large fire built for the purpose; the following morning all the inhabitants of the place gather about the idol and the ceremony commences. at the head of the procession marches one smoking gravely from a large stone pipe; followed by three others, he three times walks round the idol and the corpse; each time the head of the deceased is passed the coverings are lifted, and he who holds the pipe blows three puffs of smoke upon the body. when the feet are reached, a kind of prayer is chanted in chorus, and the parents and relatives of the defunct advance in succession and offer to the priest a string of threaded seeds, about a fathom long; all present then unite in loud cries and groans, while the four, taking the corpse upon their shoulders, proceed with it to the place of interment. care is taken to place near the body articles which have been manufactured by the deceased during his life-time. a spear or javelin, painted in various vivid colors, is planted erect over the tomb, and articles indicating the occupation of the dead are placed at his foot; if the deceased be a woman, baskets or mats of her manufacture are hung on the javelin.[ ] death they believed to be a real though invisible being, who gratified his own anger and malice by slowly taking away the breath of his victim until finally life was extinguished. the future abode of good spirits resembled the scandinavian valhalla; there, in the dwelling-place of their god, they would live for ever and ever, eating, and drinking, and dancing, and having wives in abundance. as their ideas of reward in the next world were matter-of-fact and material, so were their fears of punishment in this life; all accidents, such as broken limbs or bereavement by death, were attributed to the direct vengeance of their god, for crimes which they had committed.[ ] though good-natured and inordinately fond of amusement, they are treacherous and unreliable. under a grave and composed exterior they conceal their thoughts and character so well as to defy interpretation. and this is why we find men, who have lived among them for years, unable to foretell their probable action under any given circumstances. [sidenote: the shoshone family.] the shoshone family, which forms the fourth and last division of the californian group, may be said to consist of two great nations, the snakes, or shoshones proper, and the utahs. the former inhabit south-eastern oregon, idaho, western montana, and the northern portions of utah and nevada, are subdivided into several small tribes, and include the more considerable nation of the bannacks. the utahs occupy nearly the whole of utah and nevada, and extend into arizona and california, on each side of the colorado. among the many tribes into which the utahs are divided may be mentioned the _utahs_ proper, whose territory covers a great part of utah and eastern nevada; the _washoes_ along the eastern base of the sierra nevada, between honey lake and the west fork of walker river; the _pah utes_, or, as they are sometimes called, piutes, in western and central nevada, stretching into arizona and south-eastern california; the _pah vants_ in the vicinity of sevier lake, the _pi edes_ south of them, and the _gosh utes_, a mixed tribe of snakes and utahs, dwelling in the vicinity of gosh ute lake and mountains. the shoshones[ ] are below the medium stature; the utahs, though more powerfully built than the snakes, are coarser-featured and less agile. all are of a dark bronze-color when free from paint and dirt, and, as usual, beardless. the women are clumsily made, although some of them have good hands and feet.[ ] on the barren plains of nevada, where there is no large game, the rabbit furnishes nearly the only clothing. the skins are sewn together in the form of a cloak, which is thrown over the shoulders, or tied about the body with thongs of the same. in warm weather, or when they cannot obtain rabbit-skins, men, women and children are, for the most part, in a state of nudity. the hair is generally allowed to grow long, and to flow loosely over the shoulders; sometimes it is cut straight over the forehead, and among the utahs of new mexico it is plaited into two long queues by the men, and worn short by the women. ornaments are rare; i find mention in two instances[ ] of a nose-ornament, worn by the pah utes, consisting of a slender piece of bone, several inches in length, thrust through the septum of the nose. tattooing is not practiced but paint of all colors is used unsparingly.[ ] the snakes are better dressed than the utahs, their clothing being made from the skins of larger game, and ornamented with beads, shells, fringes, feathers, and, since their acquaintance with the whites, with pieces of brilliant-colored cloth. a common costume is a shirt, leggins, and moccasins, all of buck-skin, over which is thrown, in cold weather, a heavy robe, generally of buffalo-skin, but sometimes of wolf, deer, elk, or beaver. the dress of the women differs but little from that of the men, except that it is less ornamented and the shirt is longer.[ ] [sidenote: dress of the snakes.] the dress of the snakes seen by captains lewis and clarke was richer than is usually worn by them now; it was composed of a robe, short cloak, shirt, long leggins, and moccasins. the robe was of buffalo or smaller skins, dressed with the hair on; the collar of the cloak, a strip of skin from the back of the otter, the head being at one end and the tail at the other. from this collar were suspended from one hundred to two hundred and fifty ermine-skins,[ ] or rather strips from the back of the ermine, including the head and tail; each of these strips was sewn round a cord of twisted silk-grass, which tapered in thickness toward the tail. the seams were concealed with a fringe of ermine-skin; little tassels of white fur were also attached to each tail, to show off its blackness to advantage. the collar was further ornamented with shells of the pearl-oyster; the shirt, made of the dressed hides of various kinds of deer, was loose and reached half-way down the thigh; the sleeves were open on the under side as low as the elbow,--the edges being cut into a fringe from the elbow to the wrist,--and they fitted close to the arm. the collar was square, and cut into fringe, or adorned with the tails of the animals which furnished the hide; the shirt was garnished with fringes and stained porcupine-quills; the leggins were made each from nearly an entire antelope-skin, and reached from the ankle to the upper part of the thigh. the hind legs of the skin were worn uppermost, and tucked into the girdle; the neck, highly ornamented with fringes and quills, trailed on the ground behind the heel of the wearer; the side seams were fringed, and for this purpose the scalps of fallen enemies were frequently used. the moccasins were also of dressed hide, without the hair, except in winter, when buffalo-hide, with the hair inside, answered the purpose. they were made with a single seam on the outside edge, and were embellished with quills; sometimes they were covered with the skin of a polecat, the tail of which dragged behind on the ground. ear-ornaments of beads, necklaces of shells, twisted-grass, elk-tushes, round bones, like joints of a fish's back-bone, and the claws of the brown bear, were all worn. eagles' feathers stuck in the hair, or a strip of otter-skin tied round the head, seem to have been the only head-dresses in use.[ ] this, or something similar, was the dress only of the wealthy and prosperous tribes. like the utahs, the snakes paint extensively, especially when intent upon war.[ ] [sidenote: dwellings and food of the shoshones.] the snakes also build better dwellings than the utahs. long poles are leaned against each other in a circle, and are then covered with skins, thus forming a conical tent. a hole in the top, which can be closed in bad weather, serves as chimney, and an opening at the bottom three or four feet high, admits the occupants on pushing aside a piece of hide stretched on a stick, which hangs over the aperture as a door. these skin tents, as is necessary to a nomadic people, are struck and pitched with very little labor. when being moved from one place to another, the skins are folded and packed on the ponies, and the poles are hitched to each side of the animal by one end, while the other drags. the habitations of the people of nevada and the greater part of utah are very primitive and consist of heaps of brush, under which they crawl, or even of a mere shelter of bushes, semi-circular in shape, roofless, and three or four feet high, which serves only to break the force of the wind. some of them build absolutely no dwellings, but live in caves and among the rocks, while others burrow like reptiles in the ground. farnham gives us a very doleful picture of their condition; he says: "when the lizard, and snail, and wild roots are buried in the snows of winter, they are said to retire to the vicinity of timber, dig holes in the form of ovens in the steep sides of the sand-hills, and, having heated them to a certain degree, deposit themselves in them, and sleep and fast till the weather permits them to go abroad again for food. persons who have visited their haunts after a severe winter, have found the ground around these family ovens strewn with the unburied bodies of the dead, and others crawling among them, who had various degrees of strength, from a bare sufficiency to gasp in death, to those that crawled upon their hands and feet, eating grass like cattle."[ ] naturally pusillanimous, weak in development, sunk below the common baser passions of the savage, more improvident than birds, more beastly than beasts, it may be possible to conceive of a lower phase of humanity, but i confess my inability to do so. pine-nuts, roots, berries, reptiles, insects, rats, mice, and occasionally rabbits are the only food of the poorer shoshone tribes. those living in the vicinity of streams or lakes depend more or less for their subsistence upon fish. the snakes of idaho and oregon, and the tribes occupying the more fertile parts of utah, having abundance of fish and game, live well the year round, but the miserable root-eating people, partly owing to their inherent improvidence, partly to the scantiness of their food-supply, never store sufficient provision for the winter, and consequently before the arrival of spring they are invariably reduced to extreme destitution. to avoid starvation they will eat dead bodies, and even kill their children for food.[ ] a rat or a rabbit is prepared for eating by singeing the hair, pressing the offal from the entrails and cooking body and intestines together. lizards, snakes, grasshoppers, and ants are thrown alive into a dish containing hot embers, and are tossed about until roasted; they are then eaten dry or used to thicken soup. grasshoppers, seeds, and roots, are also gathered and cooked in the same manner as by the nations already described. the gosh utes take rabbits in nets made of flax-twine, about three feet wide and of considerable length. a fence of sage-brush is erected across the rabbit-paths, and on this the net is hung. the rabbits in running quickly along the trail become entangled in the meshes and are taken before they can escape. lizards are dragged from their holes by means of a hooked stick. to catch ants a piece of fresh hide or bark is placed upon the ant-hill; this is soon covered by vast swarms of the insects, which are then brushed off into a bag and kept there until dead, when they are dried for future use. among the hunting tribes antelope are gradually closed in upon by a circle of horsemen and beaten to death with clubs. they are also stalked after the fashion of the californians proper, the hunter placing the head and horns of an antelope or deer upon his own head and thus disguised approaching within shooting distance. [sidenote: native fish-weir.] fish are killed with spears having movable heads, which become detached when the game is struck, and are also taken in nets made of rushes or twigs. in the latter case a place is chosen where the river is crossed by a bar, the net is then floated down the stream and on reaching the bar both ends are drawn together. the fish thus enclosed are taken from the circle by hand, and the shoshone as he takes each one, puts its head in his mouth and kills it with his teeth. captain clarke describes an ingeniously constructed weir on snake river, where it was divided into four channels by three small islands. three of these channels were narrow "and stopped by means of trees which were stretched across, and supported by willow stakes, sufficiently near to prevent the passage of the fish. about the centre of each was placed a basket formed of willows, eighteen or twenty feet in length, of a cylindrical form, and terminating in a conic shape at its lower extremity; this was situated with its mouth upwards, opposite to an aperture in the weir. the main channel of the water was then conducted to this weir, and as the fish entered it they were so entangled with each other, that they could not move, and were taken out by emptying the small end of the willow basket. the weir in the main channel was formed in a manner somewhat different; there were, in fact two distinct weirs formed of poles and willow sticks quite across the river, approaching each other obliquely with an aperture in each side of the angle. this is made by tying a number of poles together at the top, in parcels of three, which were then set up in a triangular form at the base, two of the poles being in the range desired for the weir, and the third down the stream. to these poles two ranges of other poles are next lashed horizontally, with willow bark and withes, and willow sticks joined in with these crosswise, so as to form a kind of wicker-work from the bottom of the river to the height of three or four feet above the surface of the water. this is so thick as to prevent the fish from passing, and even in some parts with the help of a little gravel and some stone enables them to give any direction which they wish to the water. these two weirs being placed near to each other, one for the purpose of catching the fish as they ascend, the other as they go down the river, are provided with two baskets made in the form already described, and which are placed at the apertures of the weir." for present consumption the fish are boiled in water-tight baskets by means of red-hot stones, or are broiled on the embers; sometimes the bones are removed before the fish is cooked; great quantities are also dried for winter. some few of the utahs cultivate a little maize, vegetables, and tobacco, and raise stock, but efforts at agriculture are not general. the snakes sometimes accompany the more northern tribes into the country of the blackfeet, for the purpose of killing buffalo.[ ] in their persons, dwellings and habits, the utahs are filthy beyond description. their bodies swarm with vermin which they catch and eat with relish. some of the snakes are of a more cleanly disposition, but, generally speaking, the whole shoshone family is a remarkably dirty one.[ ] [sidenote: weapons of the shoshones.] the bow and arrow are universally used by the shoshones, excepting only some of the most degraded root-eaters, who are said to have no weapon, offensive or defensive, save the club. the bow is made of cedar, pine, or other wood, backed with sinew after the manner already described, or, more rarely, of a piece of elk-horn. the string is of sinew. the length of the bow varies. according to farnham, that used by the pi utes is six feet long, while that of the shoshones seen by lewis and clark was only two and a half feet in length. the arrows are from two to four feet, and are pointed with obsidian, flint, or, among the lower tribes, by merely hardening the tip with fire. thirty or forty are usually carried in a skin quiver, and two in the hand ready for immediate use. lances, which are used in some localities, are pointed in the same manner as the arrows when no iron can be procured. the snakes have a kind of mace or club, which they call a _poggamoggon_. it consists of a heavy stone, sometimes wrapped in leather, attached by a sinew thong about two inches in length, to the end of a stout leather-covered handle, measuring nearly two feet. a loop fastened to the end held in the hand prevents the warrior from losing the weapon in the fight, and allows him to hold the club in readiness while he uses the bow and arrow.[ ] they also have a circular shield about two and a half feet in diameter, which is considered a very important part of a warrior's equipment, not so much from the fact that it is arrow-proof, as from the peculiar virtues supposed to be given it by the medicine-men. the manufacture of a shield is a season of great rejoicing. it must be made from the entire fresh hide of a male two-year-old buffalo, and the process is as follows. a hole is dug in the ground and filled with red-hot stones; upon these water is poured until a thick steam arises. the hide is then stretched, by as many as can take hold of it, over the hole, until the hair can be removed with the hands and it shrinks to the required size. it is then placed upon a prepared hide, and pounded by the bare feet of all present, until the ceremony is concluded. when the shield is completed, it is supposed to render the bearer invulnerable. lewis and clarke also make mention of a species of defensive armor "something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of dressed antelope skins, united by means of a mixture of glue and sand. with this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow." i find mention in one instance only, of a shield being used by the utahs. in that case it was small, circular, and worn suspended from the neck. the fishing spear i have already described as being a long pole with an elk-horn point. when a fish is struck the shaft is loosened from its socket in the head, but remains connected with the latter by a cord.[ ] arrows are occasionally poisoned by plunging them into a liver which has been previously bitten by a rattlesnake.[ ] [sidenote: manner of making war.] the tribes that possess horses always fight mounted, and manage their animals with considerable address. in war they place their reliance upon strategy and surprise; fires upon the hills give warning of an enemy's approach. prisoners of war are killed with great tortures, especially female captives, who are given over to the women of the victorious tribe and by them done to death most cruelly; it is said, however, that male prisoners who have distinguished themselves by their prowess in battle, are frequently dismissed unhurt. scalps are taken, and sometimes portions of the flesh of a brave fallen enemy are eaten that the eater may become endued with the valor of the slain. he who takes the most scalps gains the most glory. whether the warriors who furnished the trophies fell by the hand of the accumulator or not, is immaterial; he has but to show the spoils and his fame is established. the snakes are said to be peculiarly skillful in eluding pursuit. when on foot, they will crouch down in the long grass and remain motionless while the pursuer passes within a few feet of them, or when caught sight of they will double and twist so that it is impossible to catch them. the custom of ratifying a peace treaty by a grand smoke, common to so many of the north american aborigines, is observed by the shoshones.[ ] the pipe, the bowl of which is usually of red stone, painted or carved with various figures and adorned with feathers, is solemnly passed from mouth to mouth, each smoker blowing the smoke in certain directions and muttering vows at the same time. the only tools used before iron and steel were introduced by the whites were of flint, bone, or horn. the flint knife had no regular form, and had a sharp edge about three or four inches long, which was renewed when it became dull. elk-horn hatchets, or rather wedges, were used to fell trees. they made water-proof baskets of plaited grass, and others of wicker-work covered with hide. the snakes and some of the utahs were versed in the art of pottery, and made very good vessels from baked clay. these were not merely open dishes, but often took the form of jars with narrow necks, having stoppers.[ ] [sidenote: laws and government.] boats, as a rule, the shoshones have none. they usually cross rivers by fording; otherwise they swim, or pass over on a clumsy and dangerous raft made of branches and rushes.[ ] by way of compensation they all, except the poorest, have horses, and these constitute their wealth. they have no regular currency, but use for purposes of barter their stock of dried fish, their horses, or whatever skins and furs they may possess. they are very deliberate traders, and a solemn smoke must invariably precede a bargain.[ ] although each tribe has an ostensible chief, his power is limited to giving advice, and although his opinion may influence the tribe, yet he cannot compel obedience to his wishes. every man does as he likes. private revenge, of course, occasionally overtakes the murderer, or, if the sympathies of the tribe be with the murdered man, he may possibly be publicly executed, but there are no fixed laws for such cases. chieftainship is hereditary in some tribes; in others it is derived from prestige.[ ] the utahs do not hesitate to sell their wives and children into slavery for a few trinkets. great numbers of these unfortunates are sold to the navajos for blankets. an act which passed the legislature of utah in , legalizing slavery, sets forth that from time immemorial, slavery has been a customary traffic among the indians; that it was a common practice among them to gamble away their wives and children into slavery, to sell them into slavery to other nations, and that slaves thus obtained were most barbarously treated by their masters; that they were packed from place to place on mules; that these unfortunate humans were staked out to grass and roots like cattle, their limbs mutilated and swollen from being bound with thongs; that they were frozen, starved, and killed by their inhuman owners; that families and tribes living at peace would steal each other's wives and children, and sell them as slaves. in view of these abuses it was made lawful for a probate judge, or selectmen, to bind out native captive women and children to suitable white persons for a term not to exceed twenty years.[ ] polygamy, though common, is not universal; a wife is generally bought of her parents;[ ] girls are frequently betrothed in infancy; a husband will prostitute his wife to a stranger for a trifling present, but should she be unfaithful without his consent, her life must pay the forfeit. the women, as usual, suffer very little from the pains of child-bearing. when the time of a shoshone woman's confinement draws near, she retires to some secluded place, brings forth unassisted, and remains there for about a month, alone, and procuring her subsistence as best she can. when the appointed time has elapsed she is considered purified and allowed to join her friends again. the weaker sex of course do the hardest labor, and receive more blows than kind words for their pains. these people, in common with most nomadic nations, have the barbarous custom of abandoning the old and infirm the moment they find them an incumbrance. lewis and clarke state that children are never flogged, as it is thought to break their spirit.[ ] [sidenote: gambling and drinking.] the games of hazard played by the shoshones differ little from those of their neighbors; the principal one appears to be the odd-and-even game so often mentioned; but of late years they have nearly abandoned these, and have taken to 'poker,' which they are said to play with such adroitness as to beat a white man. with the voice they imitate with great exactness the cries of birds and beasts, and their concerts of this description, which generally take place at midnight, are discordant beyond measure. though they manufacture no intoxicating liquor themselves, they will drink the whisky of the whites whenever opportunity offers. they smoke the _kinikkinik_ leaf when no tobacco can be procured from the traders.[ ] in connection with their smoking they have many strange observances. when the pipe is passed round at the solemnization of a treaty, or the confirmation of a bargain, each smoker, on receiving it from his neighbor, makes different motions with it; one turns the pipe round before placing the stem to his lips; another describes a semicircle with it; a third smokes with the bowl in the air; a fourth with the bowl on the ground, and so on through the whole company. all this is done with a most grave and serious countenance, which makes it the more ludicrous to the looker-on. the snakes, before smoking with a stranger, always draw off their moccasins as a mark of respect. any great feat performed by a warrior, which adds to his reputation and renown, such as scalping an enemy, or successfully stealing his horses, is celebrated by a change of name. killing a grizzly bear also entitles him to this honor, for it is considered a great feat to slay one of these formidable animals, and only he who has performed it is allowed to wear their highest insignia of glory, the feet or claws of the victim. to bestow his name upon a friend is the highest compliment that one man can offer another. the snakes, and some of the utahs, are skillful riders, and possess good horses. their horse-furniture is simple. a horse-hair or raw-hide lariat is fastened round the animal's neck; the bight is passed with a single half-hitch round his lower jaw, and the other end is held in the rider's hand; this serves as a bridle. when the horse is turned loose, the lariat is loosened from his jaw and allowed to trail from his neck. the old men and the women have saddles similar to those used for packing by the whites; they are a wooden frame made of two pieces of thin board fitting close to the sides of the horse, and held together by two cross-pieces, in shape like the legs of an isosceles triangle. a piece of hide is placed between this and the horse's back, and a robe is thrown over the seat when it is ridden on. the younger men use no saddle, except a small pad, girthed on with a leather thong. when traveling they greatly overload their horses. all the household goods and provisions are packed upon the poor animal's back, and then the women and children seat themselves upon the pile, sometimes as many as four or five on one horse.[ ] [sidenote: diseases and burial.] the poorer utahs are very subject to various diseases, owing to exposure in winter. they have few, if any, efficient remedies. they dress wounds with pine-gum, after squeezing out the blood. the snakes are much affected by rheumatism and consumption, caused chiefly by their being almost constantly in the water fishing, and by exposure. syphilis has, of course, been extensively introduced among all the tribes. a few plants and herbs are used for medicinal purposes, and the medicine-men practice their wonted mummeries, but what particular means of cure they adopt is not stated by the authorities. i find no mention of their having sweat-houses.[ ] concerning the disposal of the dead usage differs. in some parts the body is burned, in others it is buried. in either case the property of the deceased is destroyed at his burial. his favorite horse, and, in some instances, his favorite wife, are killed over his grave, that he may not be alone in the spirit land. laceration in token of grief is universal, and the lamentations of the dead person's relatives are heard for weeks after his death, and are renewed at intervals for many months. child-like in this, they rush into extremes, and when not actually engaged in shrieking and tearing their flesh, they appear perfectly indifferent to their loss.[ ] [sidenote: shoshone character.] the character of the better shoshone tribes is not much worse than that of the surrounding nations; they are thieving, treacherous, cunning, moderately brave after their fashion, fierce when fierceness will avail them anything, and exceedingly cruel. of the miserable root and grass eating shoshones, however, even this much cannot be said. those who have seen them unanimously agree that they of all men are lowest. lying in a state of semi-torpor in holes in the ground during the winter, and in spring crawling forth and eating grass on their hands and knees, until able to regain their feet; having no clothes, scarcely any cooked food, in many instances no weapons, with merely a few vague imaginings for religion, living in the utmost squalor and filth, putting no bridle on their passions, there is surely room for no missing link between them and brutes.[ ] yet as in all men there stands out some prominent good, so in these, the lowest of humanity, there is one virtue: they are lovers of their country; lovers, not of fair hills and fertile valleys, but of inhospitable mountains and barren plains; these reptile-like men love their miserable burrowing-places better than all the comforts of civilization; indeed, in many instances, when detained by force among the whites, they have been known to pine away and die. tribal boundaries. [sidenote: northern californians.] to the northern californians, whose territory extends from rogue river on the north to eel river south, and from the pacific ocean to the californian boundary east, including the klamath, and other lakes, are assigned, according to the authorities, the following tribal boundaries: there are 'the hoopahs, and the ukiahs of mendocino;' 'the umpquas, kowooses or cooses, macanootoony's of the umpqua river section, nomee cults, and nomee lacks of tehama county; the copahs, hanags, yatuckets, terwars and tolowas, of the lower klamath river; the wylaks and noobimucks of trinity county mountains west from sacramento plains; the modocs of klamath lake, the ylackas of pitt river, the ukas and shastas of shasta county.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _june , _. 'the _tototins_ are divided into twelve bands; eight of them are located on the coast, one on the forks of the coquille, and three on rogue river.' 'the tototins, from whom is derived the generic name of the whole people speaking the language, reside on the north bank of the tototin river, about four miles from its mouth. their country extends from the eastern boundary of the yahshutes, a short distance below their village, up the stream about six miles, where the fishing-grounds of the mackanotins commence.' 'the country of the euquachees commences at the "three sisters," and extends along the coast to a point about three miles to the south of their village, which is on a stream which bears their name. the mining town of elizabeth is about the southern boundary of the euquachees, and is called thirty miles from port orford. next southward of the euquachees are the yahshutes, whose villages occupy both banks of the tototin or rogue river, at its mouth. these people claim but about two and a half miles back from the coast, where the tototin country commences. the yahshutes claim the coast to some remarkable headlands, about six miles south of rogue river. south of these headlands are the chetlessentuns. their village is north of, but near, the mouth of a stream bearing their name, but better known to the whites as pistol river. the chetlessentuns claim but about eight miles of the coast; but as the country east of them is uninhabited, like others similarly situated, their lands are supposed to extend to the summit of the mountains. next to the chetlessentuns on the south are the wishtenatins, whose village is at the mouth of a small creek bearing their name. they claim the country to a small trading-post known as the whale's head, about twenty-seven miles south of the mouth of rogue river. next in order are the cheattee or chitco band, whose villages were situated on each side of the mouth, and about six miles up a small river bearing their name.... the lands of these people extend from whale's head to the california line, and back from the coast indefinitely.... the mackanotin village is about seven miles above that of the tototins, and is on the same side of the river. they claim about twelve miles of stream. the shistakoostees succeed them (the mackanotins). their village is on the north bank of rogue river, nearly opposite the confluence of the illinois. these are the most easterly band within my district in the south.' _parrish_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . 'dr. hubbard, in his notes ( ) on the indians of rogue river and south oregon, on the ocean, before alluded to, gives the following list of names of rancherias and clans of the lototen or tutatamys tribe. masonah band, location, coquille river; chockrelatan band, location, coquille forks; quatomah band, location, flore's creek; laguaacha band, location, elk river; cosulhenten band, location, port orford; yuquache band, location, yugua creek; chetlessenten band, location, pistol river; yah shutes band, location, rogue river; wishtanatan band, location, whale's head; cheahtoc band, location, chetko; tototen band, location, six miles above the mouth of rogue river; sisticoosta band, location, above big bend, of rogue river; maquelnoteer band, location, fourteen miles above the mouth of rogue river.' _cal. farmer_, _june , _. the tutotens were a large tribe, numbering thirteen clans, inhabiting the southern coast of oregon. _golden era_, _march, _. 'toutounis ou coquins, sur la rivière de ce nom et dans l'intérieur des terres.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'on the lower part of the clamet river are the totutune, known by the unfavorable soubriquet of the rogue, or rascal indians.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . the bands of the tootooton tribe 'are scattered over a great extent of country--along the coast and on the streams from the california line to twenty miles north of the coquille, and from the ocean to the summit of the coast range of mountains.' _palmer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . taylor places the tutunahs in the northwest corner of del norte county. _ms. map._ the _hunas_ live in california a little south of rogue river, on the way north from crescent city. _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . _modoc_, by some _moädoc_, is a word which originated with the shasteecas, who applied it indefinitely to all wild indians or enemies. 'their proper habitat is on the southern shore of lower klamath lake, on hot creek, around clear lake, and along lost river in oregon.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . they own the klamath river from the lake 'to where it breaks through the siskiyou range to the westward.' _id._, vol. xi., p. . in the northern part of siskiyou county. _ms. map_. 'the modocs of the klamath lake were also called moahtockna.' _cal. farmer_, _june , _. east of the klamaths, whose eastern boundary is twenty-five or thirty miles east of the cascade range, along the southern boundary of oregon, 'and extending some distance into california, is a tribe known as the modocks. east of these again, but extending farther south, are the moetwas.' 'the country round ancoose and modoc lakes, is claimed and occupied by the modoc indians.' _palmer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . 'the modocs (or moadoc, as the word is pronounced) known in their language as the okkowish, inhabit the goose lake country, and are mostly within the state of california.... the word modoc is a shasta indian word, and means all distant, stranger, or hostile indians, and became applied to these indians by white men in early days from hearing the shastas speak of them.' see _steele_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _oukskenahs_, in the north-western part of siskiyou county. _ms. map._ [sidenote: the trinity river tribes.] the _klamaths_ or _lutuami_--'lutuami, or tlamatl, or clamet indians. the first of these names is the proper designation of the people in their own language. the second is that by which they are known to the chinooks, and through them to the whites. they live on the head waters of the river and about the lake, which have both received from foreigners the name of clamet.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . that portion of the eastern base of the cascade range, south of the forty-fourth parallel, 'extending twenty-five or thirty miles east, and south to the california line, is the country of the klamath indians.' _palmer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the tlameths 'inhabit the country along the eastern base of the cascade and sierra nevada mountains, and south to the great klameth lake.' _thompson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the clamets inhabit 'roquas river, near the south boundary' (of oregon). _warre and vavasour_, in _martin's hudson's bay_, p. . 'lutuami, clamets; also tlamatl--indians of southwestern oregon, near the clamet lake.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'klamacs, sur la rivière de ce nom et dans l'intérieur des terres.' _de mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . clamet: on the upper part of the river, and sixty miles below the lake so named. _framboise_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. . 'next east of the shastas are the klamath lake indians, known in their language as the okshee, who inhabit the country about the klamath lakes, and east about half way to the goose lake, to wright lake, and south to a line running about due east from shasta butte.' _steele_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . 'the name of klamath or tlamath, belonging to the tribes on the lake where the river rises, is not known among those farther down.... thus, at the forks, the weitspeks call the river below pohlik, signifying down; and that above pehtsik, or up; giving, moreover, the same name to the population in speaking of them collectively. three distinct tribes, speaking different languages, occupy its banks between the sea and the mouth of the shasté, of which the lowest extends up to bluff creek, a few miles above the forks. of these there are, according to our information, in all, thirty-two villages.... the names of the principal villages ... are the weitspek (at the forks), wahsherr, kaipetl, moraiuh, nohtscho, méhteh, schregon, yauterrh, pecquan, kauweh, wauhtecq, scheperrh, oiyotl, naiagutl, schaitl, hopaiuh, rekqua, and weht'lqua, the two last at the mouth of the river.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _eurocs_ inhabit 'the lower klamath from weitspeck down, and along the coast for about twenty miles.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . the eurocs 'inhabit the banks of the klamath from the junction of the trinity to the mouth, and the sea coast from gold bluff up to a point about six miles above the mouth of the klamath.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the _cahrocs_ live between the eurocs and the foot of the klamath mountains, also a short distance up salmon river. 'on the klamath river there live three distinct tribes, called the eurocs, cahrocs, and modocs; which names mean respectively, "down the river," "up the river," and "head of the river."' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . speaking of indians at the junction of salmon and klamath rivers, mr. gibbs says: 'they do not seem to have any generic appellation for themselves, but apply the terms "kahruk," up, and "youruk," down, to all who live above or below themselves, without discrimination, in the same manner that the others (at the junction of the trinity) do "pehtsik," and "pohlik."' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _tolewahs_ are the first tribe on the coast north of klamath river. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the tahlewahs are a 'tribe on the klamath river.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'in the vicinity of crescent city and smith's river there are the ... lopas, talawas, and lagoons.' _heintzelman_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . 'in del norte county ... the haynaggis live along smith river, the tolowas on the lagoon, and the tahatens around crescent city.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the cops, hanags, yantuckets, and tolawas, are 'indian tribes living near the oregon and california coast frontiers.' _crescent city herald_, _aug. _. the tolowas at the meeting point of trinity, humboldt, and klamath counties. _ms. map._ the _terwars_, north-west of the tolowas. _ms. map._ the _weitspeks_ are the 'principal band on the klamath, at the junction of the trinity.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the _oppegachs_ are a tribe at red-cap's bar, on the klamath river. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _hoopahs_ live 'am unteren rio de la trinidad, oder trinity river.' _buschmann_, _das apache als eine athhapask. spr._, p. . 'indian tribe on the lower part of the trinity river.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the hoopas live 'in hoopa valley, on the lower trinity river.' _power's pomo, ms._, p. . 'the lower trinity tribe is, as well as the river itself, known to the klamaths by the name of hoopah.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; see also p. . in the northern part of klamath county. _ms. map._ 'upon the trinity, or hoopah, below the entrance of the south fork or otahweiaket, there are said to be eleven ranches, the okenoke, agaraits, uplegoh, olleppauh'lkahtehtl and pephtsoh; ... and the haslintah, aheltah, sokéakeit, tashhuanta, and witspuk above it; a twelfth, the méyemma, now burnt, was situated just above "new" or "arkansas" river.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _copahs_, in the extreme north of klamath county, north of the hoopahs. _ms. map._ the cops are mentioned as 'living near the oregon and california coast frontiers,' in the _crescent city herald_, _aug., _. the _kailtas_ live on the south fork of trinity river. _powers' pomo, ms._ the _pataways_ occupy the banks of the trinity, from the vicinity of big bar to south fork. _powers' pomo, ms._ the _chimalquays_ lived on new river, a tributary of the trinity. _powers' pomo, ms._ the _siahs_ 'occupied the tongue of land jutting down between eel river, and van dusen's fork.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the sians or siahs lived on the headwaters of smith river. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _ehneks_, eenahs, or eenaghs, lived above the tolewas on smith river. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'ehnek was the name of a band at the mouth of the salmon or quoratem river.' _id._, p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . _wishosk_ 'is the name given to the bay (humboldt) and mad river indians by those of eel river.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the _weeyots_ are 'a band on the mouth of eel river and near humboldt bay.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the humboldt bay indians call themselves wishosk; and those of the hills teokawilk; 'but the tribes to the northward denominate both those of the bay and eel river, weyot, or walla-walloo.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the _patawats_ live on the lower waters of mad river, and around humboldt bay, as far south as arcata, perhaps originally as far down as eureka.' _powers' pomo, ms._ _ossegon_ is the name given to the indians of gold bluff, between trinidad and the klamath. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the _lassics_ formerly dwelt in mad river valley, from the head waters down to low gap, or thereabout, where they borrowed on the wheelcuttas.' _powers' pomo, ms._ _chori_ was the name given to the indians of trinidad by the weeyots. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _chillulahs_ 'occupied the banks of redwood creek, from the coast up about twenty miles.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the oruk, tchololah, or bald hill indians, lived on redwood creek. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _wallies_ occupy the sandy country north of humboldt bay. _overland monthly_, vol. ii., p. . 'the _wheelcuttas_ had their place on the upper redwood creek, from the land of the chillulahs up to the mountains. they ranged across southward by the foot of the bald hills, which appear to have marked the boundary between them and the chillulahs in that direction; and penetrated to van dusen's fork, anent the siahs and lassics, with whom they occasionally came in bloody collision.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the _veeards_ 'live around lower humboldt bay, and up eel river to eagle prairie.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the _shastas_ live to the south-west of the lutuamis or klamaths. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'sastés, dans l'intérieur au nord de la californie.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'the shasta indians, known in their language as weohow--it meaning stone house, from the large cave in their country--occupy the land east of shasta river, and south of the siskiyou mountains, and west of the lower klamath lake.' _steele_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the shastas occupy the centre of the county of that name. _ms. map._ 'indians of south-western oregon, on the northern frontiers of upper california.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . watsahewah is the name 'of one of the scott river bands of the shasta family.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the name is spelled variously as shasty, shaste, sasté, &c. the _palaiks_ live to the southeast of the lutuamis or klamaths. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'indians of south-western oregon, on the northern frontiers of upper california.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . on the klamath are the odeeilahs; in shasta valley the ikarucks, kosetahs, and idakariúkes; and in scott's valley the watsahewas and eehs. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the _hamburg indians_, known in their language as the tka, inhabit immediately at the mouth of scott's river, known in their language as the ottetiewa river.' _steele_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the _scott's valley indians_, known in their language as the iddoa, inhabit scott's valley above the cañon.' _ib._ 'the _yreka_ (a misnomer for yeka--shasta butte) indians, known in their language as the hoteday, inhabit that part of the country lying south of klamath river, and west of shasta river.' _ib._ the _yuka_ or uka tribe 'inhabited the shasta mountains in the vicinity of mccloud's fork of pitt river.' _cal. farmer_, _june , _. the ukas are directly south of the modocs. _ms. map._ 'the yukeh, or as the name is variously spelt, yuka, yuques, and uca, are the original inhabitants of the nome-cult, or round valley, in tehama county ... and are not to be confounded with the yukai indians of russian river.' _gibbs_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. . 'the _noser_ or _noza_ indians ... live in the vicinity of lassen's butte.' _siskiyou chronicle_, _may, _. the _ylakas_ are to the southeast of the ukas. _ms. map._ the central californians occupy the whole of that portion of california extending north and south, from about ° ´ to °, and east and west, from the pacific ocean to the californian boundary. they are tribally divided as follows: 'the _mattoles_ have their habitat on the creek which bears their name, and on the still smaller stream dignified with the appellation of bear river. from the coast they range across to eel river, and by immemorial indian usage and prescriptive right, they hold the western bank of this river from about eagle prairie, where they border upon the veeards, up southward to the mouth of south fork.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the _betumkes_ live on the south fork of eel river. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . in the northern part of mendocino county. _ms. map._ the _choweshaks_ live on the head of eel river. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . tribes living on the middle fork of eel river, in the valley called by the indians betumki were the naboh choweshak, chawteuh bakowa, and samunda. _id._, p. . the choweshaks lived on the head of eel river. _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'the _loloncooks_ live on bull creek and the lower south fork of eel river, owning the territory between those streams and the pacific.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the _batemdakaiees_ live in the valley of that name on the head of eel river. _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . [sidenote: russian river and coast tribes.] the _pomos_ consist of 'a great number of tribes or little bands, sometimes one in a valley, sometimes three or four, clustered in the region where the headwaters of eel and russian rivers interlace, along the estuaries of the coast and around clear lake. really, the indians all along russian river to its mouth are branches of this great family, but below calpello they no longer call themselves pomos.... the broadest and most obvious division of this large family is, into eel river pomos and russian river pomos.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ix., pp. - . the castel pomos 'live between the forks of the river extending as far south as big chamise and blue rock.' _id._, p. . the ki-pomos 'dwell on the extreme headwaters of south fork, ranging eastward to eel river, westward to the ocean and northward to the castel pomos.' _ib._, _ms. map_. 'the cahto pomos (lake people) were so called from a little lake which formerly existed in the valley now called by their name.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ix., p. . the choam chadéla pomos (pitch pine people) live in redwood valley. _id._, p. . the matomey ki pomos (wooded valley people) live about little lake. _ib._ the camalèl pomos (coast people) or usals live on usal creek. _ib._ the shebalne pomos (neighbor people) live in sherwood valley. _ib._ the pome pomos (earth people) live in potter valley. besides the pome pomos there are two or three other little rancherias in potter valley, each with a different name; and the whole body of them are called ballo ki pomos (oat valley people). _id._ the camalel pomos, yonsal pomos, and bayma pomos live on ten mile, and the country just north of it, in mendocino county. _tobin_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the salan pomas are a tribe of indians inhabiting a valley called potter's valley.' _ford_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _niahbella pomos_ live in the north-west of mendocino county. _ms. map._ the _ukiahs_ live on russian river in the vicinity of parker's ranch. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. , . 'the yuka tribe are those mostly within and immediately adjoining the mountains.' _mendocino herald_, _march, _. the yukai live on russian river. _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the ukias are in the south-eastern part of mendocino county. _ms. map._ the _soteomellos_ or sotomieyos 'lived in russian river valley.' _cal. farmer_, _march , _. the _shumeias_ 'lived on the extreme upper waters of eel river, opposite potter valley.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the _tahtoos_ 'live in the extreme upper end of potter valley.' _ib._ the _yeeaths_ live at cape mendocino. _tobin_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _kushkish_ indians live at shelter cove. _id._, p. . the _comachos_ live in russian river valley, in rancheria and anderson valleys. _powers' pomo, ms._ the _kajatschims_, _makomas_, and _japiams_ live in the russian river valley, north of fort ross. _baer_, _stat. und ethno._, p. . the _gallinomeros_ occupy dry creek valley and russian river valley below healdsburg. _powers' pomo, ms._ the _masalla magoons_ 'live along russian river south of cloverdale.' _id._ the _rincons_ live south of the masalla magoons. _id._ the _gualalas_ live on gualala or wallalla creek. _id._ the nahlohs, carlotsapos, chowechaks, chedochogs, choiteeu, misalahs, bacowas, samindas, and cachenahs, tuwanahs, lived in the country between fort ross and san francisco bay. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . _chwachamaju_ (russian severnovskia) or northerners, is the name of one of the tribes in the vicinity of fort ross. _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. und ethno._, p. . 'severnovskia, severnozer, or "northerners." indians north of bodega bay. they call themselves chwachamaja.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the _olamentkes_ live at bodega. _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. und ethnog._, p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the _kainamares_ or kainaméahs are at fitch's ranch, extending as far back as santa rosa, down russian river, about three leagues to cooper's ranch, and thence across the coast at fort ross, and for twenty-five miles above. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the kanimares had rancherias at santa rosa, petaluma, or pataloma, and up to russian river.' _cal. farmer_, _march , _. 'the proper name of russian river in sonoma valley is canimairo after the celebrated indians of those parts.' _id._, _june , _. the indians of the plains in vicinity of fort ross, call themselves kainama. _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. und ethno._, p. . the kyanamaras 'inhabit the section of country between the cañon of russian river and its mouth.' _ford_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _tumalehnias_ live on bodega bay. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _socoas_, _lamas_, and _seacos_, live in russian river valley in the vicinity of the village of sanél. _powers' pomo, ms._ the _sonomas_, sonomis, or sonomellos, lived at the embarcadero of sonoma. _cal. farmer_, _march , _. the sonomas lived in the south-eastern extremity of what is now the county of sonoma. _ms. map._ the _tchokoyems_ lived in sonoma valley. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the chocuyens lived in the region now called sonoma county, and from their chief the county takes its name. _cronise's nat. wealth_, p. . the word sonoma means 'valley of the moon.' _tuthill's hist. cal._, p. . the tchokoyems live in sonoma valley. _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'the _timbalakees_ lived on the west side of sonoma valley.' _cal. farmer_, _march , _. the _guillicas_ lived 'northwest of sonoma,' on the old wilson ranch of . _ib._; _ms. map_. the _kinklas_ live in ° ´ north lat. and ° ´ long. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . the klinkas are a 'tribu fixée au nord du rio del sacramento.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . south of the rogue river indians 'the population is very scanty until we arrive at the valley of the sacramento, all the tribes of which are included by the traders under the general name of kinklá, which is probably, like tlamatl, a term of chinook origin.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . the talatui live 'on the kassima river, a tributary to the sacramento, on the eastern side, about eighty miles from its mouth.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the _oleepas_ live on the feather river, twenty miles above marysville. _delano's life on the plains_, p. . 'the nemshous, as stated by general sutter, roamed (prior to ) between the bear and american rivers; across the sacramento were the yolos and colusas; north of the american fork were the bashones. on the banks of the river north of fort helvetia, roamed the veshanacks, the touserlemnies and youcoolumnies; between the american (plain and hills) and the mokalumne roamed the walacumnies, cosumnies, solumnees, mokelumnees, suraminis, yosumnis, lacomnis, kis kies and omochumnies.' _cal. farmer_, _june , _. the colusas live in the north-eastern corner of colusa county. the yolos, in the northern part of the county of that name. west of them the olashes. the bushones in the south of yolo county. the nemshoos in the eastern part of placer county. the yukutneys north of them. the vesnacks south-west of the nemshoos, and north of the pulpenes. the youcoulumnes and cosumnes are in the eastern part of amador county. the mokelumnes south of them. the yachachumnes west of the mokelumnes. _ms. map_. 'yolo is a corruption of the indian yoloy, which signified a region thick with rushes, and was the name of the tribe owning the tule lands west of the sacramento and bordering on cache creek.' _tuthill's hist. cal._, p. . the following are names of rancherias of tame indians or neophytes in the sacramento valley; sakisimme, shonomnes, tawalemnes, seywamenes, mukelemnes, cosumne. rancherias of wild indians or gentiles, are: sagayacumne, socklumnes, olonutchamne, newatchumne, yumagatock, shalachmushumne, omatchamne, yusumne, yuleyumne, tamlocklock, sapototot, yalesumne, wapoomne, kishey, secumne, pushune, oioksecumne, nemshan, palanshan, ustu, olash, yukulme, hock, sishu, mimal, yulu, bubu, honcut. _indian tribes of the sacramento valley, ms._ tame indians or neophites: lakisumne, shonomne, fawalomnes, mukeemnes, cosumne. wild indians or gentiles: sagayacumne, locklomnee, olonutchamne, yumagatock, shalachmushumne, omutchamne, yusumne, yaleyumne, yamlocklock, lapototot, yalesumne, wajuomne, kisky, secumne, pushune, oioksecumne, nemshaw, palanshawl ustu, olash, yukulme, hock, lishu, mimal, ubu, bubu, honcut. _sutter's estimate of indian population, , ms._ the ochecamnes, servushamnes, chupumnes, omutchumnes, sicumnes, walagumnes, cosumnes, sololumnes, turealemnes, saywamines, nevichumnes, matchemnes, sagayayumnes, muthelemnes, and lopstatimnes, lived on the eastern bank of the sacramento. the bushumnes (or pujuni), (or sekomne) yasumnes, nemshaw, kisky, yaesumnes, huk, and yucal, lived on the western bank of the sacramento. _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., pp. , . the _yubas_ or _yuvas_ lived on yuva river, a tributary to the sacramento. _fremont's geog. memoir_, p. . the _meidoos_ and _neeshenams_ are on the yuba and feather rivers. 'as you travel south from chico the indians call themselves meidoo until you reach bear river; but below that it is neeshenam, or sometimes mana or maidec, all of which denote men or indians.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. xii., p. . the _cushnas_ live near the south fork of the yuba river. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . taylor also mentions the cushnas south of the yuba. _cal. farmer_, _may , _. [sidenote: clear lake tribes.] the _guenocks_ and _locollomillos_ lived between clear lake and napa. _cal. farmer_, _march , _. the _lopillamillos_ or lupilomis lived on the borders of clear lake. _ib._; _ms. map_. the _mayacmas_ and _tyugas_ dwell about clear lake. _san francisco herald_, _june, _. the mayacmas and tyugas 'inhabited the vicinity of clear lake and the mountains of napa and mendocino counties.' _cal. farmer_, _june , _; _ms. map_. the _wi-lackees_ 'live along the western slope of the shasta mountains from round valley to hay fork, between those mountains on one side and eel and mad rivers on the other, and extending down the latter stream about to low gap.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the wye lakees, nome lackees, noimucks, noiyucans and noisas, lived at clear lake. _geiger_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . _napobatin_, meaning 'many houses,' was the collective name of six tribes living at clear lake: their names were hulanapo, habenapo or stone house, dahnohabe, or stone mountain, möalkai, shekom, and howkuma. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _shanelkayas_ and _bedahmareks_, or lower people, live on the east fork of eel river. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the _sanéls_ live at clear lake.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the sanels occupy russian river valley in the vicinity of the american village of sanel.' _powers' pomo, ms._ the _bochheafs_, _ubakheas_, _tabahteas_, and the _moiyas_, live between clear lake and the coast. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _socoas_, _lamas_, and _seacos_, occupy russian river valley in the vicinity of the village of sanel. _powers' pomo, ms._ the _napas_ 'inhabited the salvador vallejo ranch of entre-napa--that is the place between napa river and napa creek.' _hittell_, in _hesperian mag._, vol. iv., p. ; _cal. farmer_, _june , _. 'the napa indians lived near that town and near yount's ranch.' _cal. farmer_, _march , _. 'the _caymus_ tribe occupied the tract now owned by g. c. yount.' _hittell_, in _hesperian mag._, vol. iv., p. . 'the _calajomanas_ had their home on the land now known as the bale ranche.' _ib._ the _mayacomas_ dwelt in the vicinity of the hot springs in the upper end of napa valley. _ib._ the _ulucas_ lived on the east of the river napa, near the present townsite. _id._, p. . 'the _suscols_ lived on the ranch of that name, and between napa and benicia.' _cal. farmer_, _march , _. 'the former domain of the suscol indians was afterwards known as suscol ranch.' _hittel_, in _hesperian mag._, vol. iv., p. ; _ms. map_. the _tulkays_ lived 'below the town of napa.' _cal. farmer_, _march , _. the _canaumanos_ lived on bayle's ranch in napa valley. _ib._ the _mutistuls_ live 'between the heads of napa and putos creeks.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _yachimeses_ originally occupied the ground upon which the city of stockton now stands. _cal. farmer_, _dec. , _. the _yachichumnes_ 'formerly inhabited the country between stockton and mt. diablo.' _san francisco evening bulletin_, _sept. , _. the _suisunes_ live in suisun valley. _cal. farmer_, _march , _. solano county was named from their chief. _cronise's nat. wealth_, p. ; _tuthill's hist. cal._, p. . the _ullulatas_ 'lived on the north side of suisun valley.' _cal. farmer_, _march , _. the _pulpenes_ lived on the eastern side of suisun valley. _ib._ the _tolenos_ lived on the north side of suisun valley. _ib._ the _karquines_ lived on the straits of that name. _ib._ the _tomales_, tamales, tamallos, or tamalanos, and bollanos, lived between bodega bay and the north shore of san francisco bay. _id._, _march , _, _march , _. the _socoisukas_, _thamiens_, and _gerguensens_ or gerzuensens 'roamed in the santa clara valley, between the coyote and guadalupe rivers, and the country west of san jose city to the mountains.' _id._, _june , _. the _lecatuit_ tribe occupied marin county, and it is from the name of their chief that the county takes its name. _cronise's nat. wealth_, p. . 'the _petalumas_ or the _yolhios_ lived near or around that town.' _cal. farmer_, _march , _. the _tulares_, so called by the spaniards, lived between the northern shore of the bay of san francisco and san rafael. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _wapos_ inhabited 'the country about the geysers.' _ford_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _yosemites_ inhabited the valley of the same name. the tosemiteiz are on the headwaters of the chowchilla. _lewis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _ahwahnachees_ are the inhabitants of yosemite valley. _hittel's yosemite_, p. . [sidenote: tribes near the mission dolores.] the following names of rancherías which formerly existed in the vicinity of the mission dolores, are taken from the mission books: abmoctac, amutaja, altanui, aleytac, anchin, aleta, aramay, altajumo, aluenchi, acnagis, assunta, atarpe, anamás, acyum, anamon, cachanegtac, caprup, cazopo, carascan, conop, chutchin, chagunte, chapugtac, chipisclin, chynau, chipletac, chuchictac, chiputca, chanigtac, churmutcé, chayen, chupcan, elarroyde, flunmuda, génau, guloismistac, gamchines, guanlen, hunctu, halchis, horocroc, huimen, itáes, juniamuc, josquigard, juchium, juris, joquizará, luidneg, luianeglua, lamsim, livangelva, livangebra, libantone, macsinum, mitliné, malvaitac, muingpe, naig, naique, napa, ompivromo, ousint, oturbe, olestura, otoacte, petlenum, or petaluma, pruristac, puichon, puycone, patnetac, pructaca, purutea, proqueu, quet, sitlintaj, suchni, subchiam, siplichiquin, siscastac, ssiti, sitintajea, ssupichum, sicca, soisehme, saturaumo, satumuo, sittintac, ssichitca, sagunte, ssalayme, sunchaque, ssipudca, saraise, sipanum, sarontac, ssogereate, sadanes, tuzsint, tatquinte, titmictac, tupuic, titiyú, timita, timsim, tubisuste, timigtac, torose, tupuinte, tuca, tamalo, or tomales, talcan, totola, urebure, uturpe, ussete, uchium, véctaca, vagerpe, yelamú, yacmui, yacomui, yajumui, zomiomi, zucigin ... aguasajuchium, apuasto, aguasto, carquin, (karquines), cuchian, chaclan, chiguau, cotejen, chuscan, guylpunes, huchun, habasto, junatca, jarquin, sanchines, oljon, olpen, olemos, olmolococ, quemelentus, quirogles, salzon, sichican, saucon, suchigin, sadan, uquitinac, volvon (or bolbon). 'the tribes of indians upon the bay of san francisco, and who were, after its establishment, under the supervision of the mission of dolores, were five in number; the ahwashtees, ohlones (called in spanish costanos, or indians of the coast), altahmos, romanons, and tuolomos. there were, in addition to these, a few small tribes, but all upon the land extending from the entrance to the head of san francisco bay, spoke the same language.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _may , _. the tribes mentioned by adam johnston in schoolcraft, who lived around the missions of dolores and yerba buena, were the 'ahwashtes, ohlones, altahmos, romanans, and tulomos. the ohlones were likely the same called by the old priests, sulones, solomnies, the sonomis were another.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. . 'the following races of californians were named to us living within the precincts of the mission of san francisco; guymen, utschim, olumpali, soclan, sonomi, chulpun, umpin, kosmitas, bulbones, tchalabones, pitem, lamam, apalamu, tcholoones, suysum, numpali, tamal, and ululato.' _chamisso_, in _kotzebue's voy._, vol. iii., p. . 'on compte dans cette seul mission (san francisco) plus de quinze différentes tribus d'indiens: les khoulpouni; les oumpini; les kosmiti; les lamanès; les bolbonès; les pitemèns; les khalalons; les apatamnès, ils parlent la même langue et habitent le long des bords du rio sacramento; les guimen; les outchioung; les olompalis; les tamals; les sonons ils parlent la même langue; ces tribus sont les plus nombreuses dans la mission de san francisco; les saklans; les ouloulatines; les noumpolis; les souissouns; ils parlent des langues différentes.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, pt. iii., pp. , . 'california indians on the bay of san francisco, and formerly under the supervisions of the mission dolores. there were five tribes: ashwashtes, olhones (called by the spaniards costanos, or indians of the coast), altahmos, romonans, and tulomos. a few other small tribes round the bay speak the same language.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . 'um die bai von san francisco die matalánes, salses und quiróles, deren sprachen, eine gemeinsame quelle haben.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. . the olchones 'inhabit the seacoast between san francisco and monterey.' _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. . the salsonas, 'viven unas seis leguas distantes rumbo al sueste (of san francisco bay) por las cercanias del brazo de mar.' _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. . the _korekins_ formerly lived at the mouth of the san joaquin. _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'the rancherias of indians near this mission, all within eight or ten miles of santa cruz, ... were: aulintac, the rancheria proper to the mission; chalumü, one mile north-west of the mission; hottrochtac, two miles north-west; ... wallanmai; sio cotchmin; shoremee; onbi; choromi; turami; payanmin; shiuguermi; hauzaurni. the mission also had neophytes of the rancherias of tomoy, osacalis (souquel), yeunaba, achilla, yeunata, tejey, nohioalli, utalliam, locobo, yeunator, chanech, huocom, chicutae, aestaca, sachuen, hualquilme, sagin, ochoyos, huachi, apil, mallin, luchasmi, coot, and agtism, as detailed in a letter from friar ramon olbez to governor de sola, in november, , in reply to a circular from him, as to the native names, etc., of the indians of santa cruz, and their rancherias.' _cal. farmer_, _april , _. the _mutsunes_ are the natives of the mission of san juan baptista. _cal. farmer_, _nov. _, and _june , _; _hist. mag._, vol. i., p. . the _ansaymas_ lived in the vicinity of san juan bautista. _cal. farmer_, _june , _. 'four leagues (twelve miles) southeast of the mission (monterey), inside the hills eastward, was the rancheria of echilat, called san francisquita. eslanagan was one on the east side of the river and ecgeagan was another; another was ichenta or san jose; another xaseum in the sierra, ten leagues from carmelo; that of pachhepes was in the vicinity of xaseum, among the escellens. that of the sargentarukas was seven leagues south and east of the river in a canaditta de palo colorado.' _cal. farmer_, _april , _. the _runsienes_ live near monterey. _cal. farmer_, _april , _. the rumsen or runsienes are 'indians in the neighbourhood of monterey, california. the achastliers speak a dialect of the same language.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'um den hafen von monterey leben die rumsen oder runsien, die escelen oder eslen, die ecclemáches, und achastliés.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. . 'la partie septentrionale de la nouvelle-californie est habitée par les deux nations des rumsen et escelen.... elles forment la population du preside et du village de monterey. dans la baie de s. francisco, on distingue les tribus des matalans, salsen et quirotes.' _humboldt_, _pol._, p. . 'eslen y runsien que ocupan toda la california septentrional.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . 'um monterey wohnen zwey völker ... die rumsen, und im osten von diesen die escelen.' _vater_, _mithridates_, p. . 'the eslenes clan roamed over the present ranchos san francisquito, tallarcittos, and up and down the carmelo valley.' 'the rancheria _per se_ of the escellens was named by the priests, santa clara; soccorondo was across the river a few miles. their other little clans or septs were called coyyo, yampas, fyules, nennequi, jappayon, gilimis, and yanostas.' _cal. farmer_, _april , _. the eskelens are 'california indians, east of monterey. the ekklemaches are said to be a tribe of the eskelen, and to speak the richest idiom of all the california indians.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the country of the ecclemachs extends more than twenty leagues east of monterey. _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _. the _katlendarucas_ seem 'to have been situated near the esteros or lagoons about the mouth of the salinas river, or in the words of the old priest, "en los esteros de la entrada al mar del rio de monterey, o reversa de esta grande ensenada." their rancherias were capanay, lucayasta, paysim, tiubta, culul, mustac, pytogius, animpayamo, ymunacam, and all on the pajaro river, or between it and the salinas.' _cal. farmer_, _april , _; _ms. map_. the _sakhones_ had rancherias near monterey 'on the ranchos now known as loucitta, tarro, national buena esperanza, buena vista, and lands of that vicinity.' _ib._; _ms. map_. 'the _wallalshimmez_ live on tuolumne river.' _lewis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the _potoancies_ claim the merced river as their homes.' _ib._ the potaaches occupy the same region on the _ms. map_. 'the _nootchoos_ ... live on the headwaters of chowchilla.' _lewis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the nootchoos live on the south fork of the merced. _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . 'the _pohoneeches_ live on the headwaters of fresno.' _lewis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pohoneeches live on the north bank of the fresno. _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . the _pitcatches_, the _tallenches_, and the _coswas_, live on the san joaquin. _lewis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [sidenote: king's river and tulare lake tribes.] 'the _wattokes_, a nation of indians, consisting of the wattokes, ituchas, chokemnies, and wechummies, live high up on king's river.' _lewis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _watches_, the _notonotoos_, and the _wemelches_, live in the neighborhood of king's river farm. _ib._ 'the _talches_ and woowells live on tulare lake.' _ib._ the _chowchillas_, _choocchancies_, and _howachez_, are mentioned as living at fresno river farm. _id._, p. . the chowchillas inhabit 'from the kern river of the tulare deltas to the feather river.' _taylor_, in _bancroft's hand book almanac_, , p. . the _wallas_ live in tuolumne county. _patrick_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . there has been much discussion about the word wallie, or walla. powers asserts that it is derived from the word 'wallim,' which means 'down below', and was applied by the yosemite indians to all tribes living below them. the wallies live on the stanislaus and tuolumne. _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . the mewahs live in tuolumne county. _jewett_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _meewoc_ nation 'extended from the snow-line of the sierra to the san joaquin river, and from the cosumnes to the fresno.... north of the stanislaus they call themselves meewoc (indians); south of it, to the merced, meewa; south of that to the fresno, meewie. on the upper merced river is wakâlla; on the upper tuolumne, wakalumy; on the stanislaus and mokelumne, wakalumytoh.... as to tribal distribution, the meewocs north of the stanislaus, like the neeshenams, designate principally by the points of the compass. these are toomun, choomuch, háyzooit, and ólowit (north, south, east, and west), from which are formed various tribal names--as toomuns, toomedocs, and tamolécas, choomuch, choomwits, choomedocs, or chimedocs, and choomtéyas; olowits, olówedocs, oloweéyas, etc. olówedocs is the name applied to all indians living on the plains, as far west as stockton. but there are several names which are employed absolutely, and without any reference to direction. on the south bank of the cosumnes are the cawnees; on sutter creek, the yulónees; on the stanislaus and tuolumne the extensive tribe of wallies; in yosemite, the awánees, on the south fork of merced, the nootchoos; on the middle merced, the choomtéyas, on the upper chowchilla, the héthtoyas; on the middle chowchilla the tribe that named the stream; and on the north bank of the fresno the pohoneechees.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., pp. - ; _ms. map_. the _coitch_ tribe live one hundred and fifty miles east of the vegas of santa clara. _los angeles star_, _may , _. the _notonatos_ lived on king's river. _maltby's ms. letter._ the _kahweahs_ lived on four creeks. _ib._ the _yolanchas_ lived on tule river. _ib._ the _pokoninos_ lived on deer creek. _ib._ the _poloyamas_ lived on pasey creek. _ib._ the _polokawynahs_ lived on kern river. _ib._ the _ymithces_ and _cowiahs_ live on four creeks. _henley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _waches_, _notoowthas_, _ptolmes_, and _chunemnes_ live on king river. _ib._ the _costrowers_, _pitiaches_, _talluches_, _loomnears_ and _amonces_ live on the san joaquin. _id._, p. . the _chowclas_, _chookchaneys_, _phonechas_, _nookchues_, and _howetsers_, live on the fresno river. _ib._ the _coconoons_ live on the merced river. _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the _monos_ living west of the sierra nevada, live on fine gold gulch and the san joaquin river. _ib._ east of the sierra nevada they occupy the country south of mono lake. _ms. map._ 'the monos, cosos, and some other tribes, occupy the eastern slopes of the sierra nevadas.' _cal. farmer_, _may , _. 'the olanches, monos, siqiurionals, wasakshes, cowhuillas, chokiamauves, tenisichs, yocolles, paloushiss, wikachumnis, openoches, taches, nutonetoos and choemimnees, roamed from the tuolumne to kings river and the tejon, on the east of the san joaquin, the tulare lakes and in the sierra nevada, as stated by lieut. beale, in .' _cal. farmer_, _june , _. the _tulareños_ live in the mountain wilderness of the four creeks, porsiuncula (or kerns or current) river and the tejon; and wander thence towards the headwaters of the mohave and the neighborhood of the cahuillas. their present common name belongs to the spanish and mexican times and is derived from the word tularé (a swamp with flags). _hayes' ms._ 'tulareños, habitant la grande vallée de los tulares de la californie.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'the _yocut_ dominion includes the kern and tulare basins and the middle of san joaquin, stretching from fresno to kern river falls.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. xi., p. . cumbatwas on pitt river. _roseborough's letter to the author, ms._ shastas, in shasta and scott valleys. _ib._ [sidenote: southern californians.] the southern californians, whose territory lies south of the thirty-fifth parallel, are, as far as is known, tribally distributed as follows: the _cahuillos_ 'inhabit principally a tract of country about eighty miles east from san bernardino, and known as the cabeson valley, and their villages are on or near the road leading to la paz on the colorado river.... another branch of this tribe numbering about four hundred occupy a tract of country lying in the mountains about forty miles southeast from san bernardino, known as the coahuila valley.' _stanley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . 'the coahuillas are scattered through the san bernardino and san jacinto mountains and eastward in the cabesan valley.' _whiting_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the coahuilas live in the san jacinto mountains. _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the cohuillas reside in the northern half of the country, commencing on the coast, and extending to within fifty miles of the colorado river, following the eastern base of the mountains. _san francisco herald_, _june, _. the cahuillos or cawios reside 'near the pacific, between the sources of the san gabriel and santa anna.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'the cahuillas are a little to the north of the san luiseños, occupying the mountain ridges and intervening valleys to the east and southeast of mount san bernadino, down towards the mohava river and the desert that borders the river colorado, the nation of mohavas lying between them and these rivers. i am unable just now to give the number and names of all their villages. san gorgonio, san jacinto, coyote, are among those best known, though others even nearer the desert, are more populous.' _hayes' ms._ the cohuillas occupy the southwestern part of san bernardino county, and the northwestern part of san diego county. _ms. map._ 'the carvilla indians occupy the country from san gorgonio pass to the arroyo blanco.' _cram's topog. memoir_, p. . 'the _cowillers_ and _telemnies_ live on four creeks.' _id._, p. . 'the limits of the kahweyah and kahsowah tribes appear to have been from the feather river in the northern part of the state, to the tulare lakes of the south.' _cal. farmer_, _may , _. the _diegeños_ 'are said to occupy the coast for some fifty miles above, and about the same distance below san diego, and to extend about a hundred miles into the interior.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. the dieguinos are in the southern part of san diego county, and extend from the coast to the desert. _henley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the dieguinas reside in the southern part of the country watered by the colorado, and claim the land from a point on the pacific to the eastern part of the mountains impinging on the desert. _san francisco herald_, _june, _. the comeyas or diegenos 'occupy the coast for some fifty miles above, and about the same distance below san diego, and extend about a hundred miles into the interior.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'the indians round san diego, deguinos, diegeños, were in a savage state, and their language almost unknown. bartlett says that they are also called comeya; but whipple asserts that the comeya, a tribe of the yumas, speak a different language.' _ludewig_, _ab. lang._, p. . on page ludewig says that as the name diegeños means the indians round san diego, there is no such name as deguinos. 'the villages of the dieguinos, wherever they live separately, are a little to the south of the cahuillas. indeed, under this appellation they extend a hundred miles into lower california, in about an equal state of civilization, and thence are scattered through the tecaté valley over the entire desert on the west side of new river.... their villages known to me are san dieguito (about twenty souls), san diego mission, san pasqual, camajal (two villages), santa ysabel, san josé, matahuay, lorenzo, san felipe, cajon, cuyamaca, valle de las viejas.' _hayes' ms._ the _missouris_ 'are scattered over san bernardino, san diego and other counties in the southern part of the state.' _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _kechi_ inhabit the country about mission san luis rey. _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. . the _chumas_, or _kachumas_ live three miles from the mission of santa inez. _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _. _los cayotes_ was the name given by the spaniards to the tribe which originally inhabited san diego county. _hoffman_, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. v., p. . the _new river indians_ 'live along new river, sixty miles west from fort yuma, and near san diego.' _jones_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _sierras_, or caruanas, the _lagunas_, or tataguas, and the _surillos_ or cartakas are mentioned as living on the tejon reservation. _wentworth_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . the _serranos_ lived in the vicinity of san bernardino. _reid_, in _los angeles star, letter i._, in _hayes col._ mr taylor claims to have discovered the exact positions of many of the places mentioned. his statement, for the accuracy of which i by no means vouch, is as follows: 'xucu, or shucu, on the ortega farm, near rincon point; missisissepono on rafel gonzale's rancho on saticoy river, near sea, sometimes called pono; coloc, near carpentaria beach. mugu, below saticoy some thirty miles, near the sea; anacbuc or anacarck, near the islet of la patera, near the sea shore. partocac or paltocac, the indian cemetery on the mesa of la patera, near sea; aguin at the beach of los llagos canada; casalic, at the refugio playa and canada; tucumu or playa of arroyo honda. xocotoc, cojo, or cojotoc, near pt. concepcion; pt. concepcion, cancac or caacac, or cacat.' _cal. farmer_, _aug. , _. [sidenote: southern mission indians.] the following names of rancherías were taken from the archives of the various missions; in the vicinity of la purissima: lajuchu, silimastus, sisolop, jlaacs, or slacus, huasna, estait, esmischue, ausion, esnispele, silisne, sacspili, estait, huenejel, husistaic, silimi, suntaho, alacupusyuen, espiiluima, tutachro, sisolop, naila, tutachro, paxpili, or axpitil, silino, lisahuato, guaslaique, pacsiol, sihimi, huenepel ninyuelgual, lompoc, nahuey, or nahajuey, sipuca, stipu, ialamma, huasna, sacsiol, kachisupal, salachi, nocto, fax, salachi, sitolo, or sautatho, omaxtux. near santa inez, were: sotomoenu, katahuac, asiuhuil, situchi, kulahuasa, sisuchi, kuyam, or cuyama, ionata, tekep, kusil, sanchu, sikitipuc, temesathi, lujanisuissilac, tapanissilac, ialamne, chumuchn, suiesia, chumuchu, tahijuas, tinachi, lompoe, ionata, aguama, sotonoemu, guaislac, tequepas, matiliha, stucu, aketsum, or kachuma, ahuamhoue, geguep, achillimo, alizway, souscoc, talaxano, nutonto, cholicus. near santa barbara were guainnonost, sisabanonase, huelemen, inoje, luijta, cajpilili, missopeno (sopono), inajalayehua, huixapa, calahuassa, snihuax, huililoc, yxaulo, anijue, sisuch, cojats, numguelgar, lugups, gleuaxcuyu, chiuchin, ipec, sinicon, xalanaj, xalou, sisahiahut, cholosoc, ituc, guima, huixapapa, eleunaxciay, taxlipu, elmian, anajue, huililic, inajalaihu, estuc, eluaxcu. sihuicom, liam. some of these were from rancherias of the valleys east of the range on the coast. some of these taylor locates as follows: 'janaya, above the mission, salpilil on the patera; aljiman, near the windmill of la patera; geliec, near islet of la patera; tequepes, in santa ynez valley; cascili, in the refugio playa; miguihui, on the dos pueblos; sisichii, in dos pueblos; maschal, on santa cruz island; gelo, the islet of la patera; cuyamu on dos pueblos also cinihuaj on same rancho; coloc, at the rincon; alcax in la goleta; allvatalama, near the la goleta estero; sayokenek, on the arroyo burro; partocac cemetery, near sea bluffs of la goleta; humaliju, of san fernando mission; calla wassa and anijue, of santa ynez mission; sajcay in los cruces; sasaguel, in santa cruz island; lucuyumu, in the same island, dated november, ; nanahuani and chalosas were also on same island; eljman was on san marcos, xexulpituc and taxlipu, were camps of the tulares.' _cal. farmer_, _aug. , _. near san buenaventura mission were: 'miscanaka, name of the mission site. ojai or aujay, about ten miles up san buenavent river. mugu, on the coast near sea on guadalasca rancho, not far from the point so called. matillija up the s. b. river towards santa inez, which mission also had matilija indians. the matillija sierra separates the valleys of s. buenaventa and s. inez. sespe was on the san cayetano rancho of saticoy river, twenty miles from the sea. mupu and piiru were on the arroyos of those names which came into the saticoy near sespe. kamulas was higher up above piiru. cayeguas (not a spanish name as spelt on some maps) on rancho of that name. somes or somo near hills of that name. malico, range of hills south of somo. chichilop, lisichi, liam, sisa, sisjulcioy, malahue, chumpache, lacayamu, ypuc, lojos aogni, luupsch, miguigui, and chihucchihui were names of other rancherias.... ishgua or ishguaget, was a rancheria near the mouth of the saticoy river and not far from the beach.... hueneme was a rancheria on the ocean coast a few miles south of saticoy river. tapo and simi were rancherias on the present noriega rancho of simi. saticoy is the name of the existing rancheria ... on the lower part of the santa paula or saticoy rancho, about eight miles from the sea, near some fine springs of water, not far from the river, and near the high road going up the valleys.' _cal. farmer_, _july , _. 'the site of san fernando was a rancheria called pasheckno. other clans were okowvinjha, kowanga and saway yanga. the ahapchingas were a clan or rancheria between los angeles and san juan capistrano, and enemies of the gabrielenos or those of san gabriel.... the following are the names of the rancherias, or clans, living in the vicinity of san luis rey mission: enekelkawa was the name of one near the mission-site, mokaskel, cenyowpreskel, itukemuk, hatawa, hamechuwa, itaywiy, milkwanen, ehutewa, mootaeyuhew, and hepowwoo, were the names of others. at the aquas calientes was a very populous rancheria, called hakoopin.' _id._, _may , _. in los angeles county, the following are the principal lodges or rancherias, with their corresponding present local names: yangna, los angeles; sibag-na, san gabriel; isanthcagna, mision vieja; sisitcanogna, pear orchard; sonagna, mr white's farm; acuragua, the presa; asucsagna, azuza; cucomogna, cucamonga farm; pasinogna, rancho del chino; awigna, la puente; chokishgna, the saboneria; nacaugna, carpenter's farm; pineugna, santa catalina island; pimocagna, rancho de los ybarras; toybipet, san josé; hutucgna, santa ana (yorbes); aleupkigna, santa anita; maugna, rancho de los felis; hahamogna, rancho de los verdugas; cabuegna, caliuenga; pasecgna, san fernando; houtgna, ranchito de lugo, suangna, suanga; pubugna, alamitos; tibahagna, serritos; chowig-na, palos verdes; kinkipar, san clemente island, harasgna. _reid_, in _los angeles star, letter i._, in _hayes collection_. the _san luisieños_ inhabit the northern part of san diego, from the coast east, including the mountains. _henley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the villages of the san luiseños are in a section of country adjacent to the cahuillas, between and miles in the mountainous interior from san diego; they are known as las flores, santa margarita, san luis rey mission, wahoma, pala, temecula, ahuanga (two villages), la joya, potrero, and bruno's and pedro's villages within five or six miles of aqua caliente; they are all in san diego county.' _hayes' ms._ the _noches_ are settled along the rivers which flow between the colorado and the pacific ocean. _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . garces mentions the western noches in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., vol. i., p. . the _tejon_ indians were those who inhabited the southern part of tulare valley. _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, vol. i., p. . the _playanos_ were indians who came to settle in the valley of san juan capistrano. _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. . the shoshones, whose territory spreads over south-eastern oregon, southern idaho, and the whole of utah and nevada, extending into arizona and new mexico, and the eastern border of california, i divide into two great nations, the snakes or shoshones, proper, and the utahs, with their subdivisions. wilson divides the shoshones into the shoshones and bannacks, and the utahs; the latter he subdivides into seven bands, which will be seen under utahs. he adds: 'among the shoshonies there are only two bands properly speaking. the principal or better portion are called shoshonies, or snakes ... the others the shoshocoes.... their claim of boundary is to the east, from the red buttes on the north fork of the platte, to its head in the park, decayaque, or buffalo bull-pen, in the rocky mountains; to the south across the mountains, over to the yanpapa, till it enters green, or colorado river, and then across to the backbone or ridge of mountains called the bear river mountains running nearly due west towards the salt lake, so as to take in most of the salt lake, and thence on to the sinks of marry's or humboldt's river; thence north to the fisheries, on the snake river, in oregon; and thence south (their northern boundary), to the red buttes, including the source of green river.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. vi., p. . 'under various names ... the great race of shoshones, is found scattered over the boundless wilderness, from texas to the columbia. their territory is bounded on the north and west by ... the blackfeet and crows.' _brownell's ind. races_, pp. - . [sidenote: the snakes.] the _snakes_, or shoshones proper, although they form a part only of the great shoshone family, are usually termed 'the shoshones' by the authorities. they are divided by dr hurt into 'snakes, bannacks, tosiwitches, gosha utes, and cumumpahs, though he afterwards classes the last two divisions as hybrid races between the shoshones and the utahs.... the shoshones claim the northeastern portion of the territory for about four hundred miles west, and from one hundred to one hundred and twenty-five miles south from the oregon line.' _simpson's route to cal._, p. . 'the great snake nation may be divided into three divisions, namely, the shirrydikas, or dog-eaters; the wararereekas, or fish-eaters; and the banattees, or robbers. but, as a nation, they all go by the general appellation of shoshones, or snakes.... the shirrydikas are the real shoshones, and live in the plains hunting the buffalo.' the country claimed by the snake tribes 'is bounded on the east by the rocky mountains, on the south by the spanish waters; on the pacific, or west side, by an imaginary line, beginning at the west end, or spur, of the blue mountains, behind fort nez percés, and running parallel with the ocean to the height of land beyond the umpqua river, in about north lat. ° (this line never approaches within miles of the pacific); and on the north by another line, running due east from the said spur of the blue mountains, and crossing the great south branch, or lewis river, at the dalles, till it strikes the rocky mountains miles north of the three pilot knobs, or the place thereafter named the 'valley of troubles.'' _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. , . 'they embrace all the territory of the great south pass, between the mississippi valley and the waters of the columbia.... under the name of yampatickara or root-eaters and bonacks they occupy with the utahs the vast elevated basin of the great salt lake, extending south and west to the borders of new mexico and california.' _brownell's ind. races_, pp. - , . 'the hunters report, that the proper country of the snakes is to the east of the youta lake, and north of the snake or lewis river; but they are found in many detached places. the largest band is located near fort boise, on the snake river to the north of the bonacks.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . the shoshones 'occupy the centre and principal part of the great basin.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _. 'inhabit that part of the rocky mountains which lies on the grand and green river branches of the colorado of the west, the valley of great bear river, the habitable shores of the great salt lake, a considerable portion of country on snake river above and below fort hall, and a tract extending two or three hundred miles to the west of that post.' _farnham's trav._, p. . the shoshones inhabit about one third of the territory of utah, living north of salt lake 'and on the line of the humboldt or mary river, some miles west and to south of the oregon line. the yuta claim the rest of the territory between kansas, the sierra nevada, new mexico and the oregon frontier.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . 'les soshonies, c'est-à-dire les déterreurs de racines, surnommés les serpents, ... habitent la partie méridionale du territoire de l'orégon, dans le voisinage de la haute californie.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . 'their country lies south-west of the south-east branch of the columbia, and is said to be the most barren of any part of the country in these western regions.' _parker's explor. tour_, p. . 'on the south part of the oregon territory, adjoining upper california, are located the shoshones or snake indians.' _ib._, p. . 'serpents ou saaptins, monquis, bonacks et youtas toutes les branches du rio colombia ou sud-est et les environs du lac salé an timpanogos.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'the country of the shoshonees proper is south of lewis or snake river, and east of the salt lake. there is, however one detached band, known as the wihinasht, or western snakes, near fort boirie, separated from the main body by the tribe of bonnaks.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'the shoshones are a small tribe of the nation called snake indians, a vague denomination, which embraces at once the inhabitants of the southern part of the rocky mountains, and of the plains on each side.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . the snakes or shothoucs 'formerly occupied the whole of that vast territory lying between the rocky and the blue mountains, and extending northward to the lower fork of the columbia, and to the south as far as the basin of the great salt lake.' _coke's rocky mts._, p. . 'they occupy southern and western nevada.' _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'they inhabit the southern part of the rocky mountains and the plains on each side.' _bulfinch's ogn._, p. . 'they occupy all the country between the southern branches of lewis's river, extending from the umatullum to the e. side of the stony mountains, on the southern parts of wallaumut river from about ° to ° n. lat. a branch of this tribe reside ... in spring and summer on the w. fork of lewis river, a branch of the columbia, and in winter and fall on the missouri.' _morse's rept._, p. . 'the shoshones dwell between the rocky and blue mountain ranges.' _nicolay's ogn. ter._, p. . 'the aboriginees of the reese river country consist of the shoshone nation, divided into many subordinate tribes, each having a distinctive name, and occupying a tract of country varying from to miles square. their country is bordered on the west by the pi-utes, the edwards creek mountains some miles west of reese river, being the dividing line. on the east it extends to ruby valley, where it joins on the territory of the goshoots, the bannocks being their neighbors on the northeast.' _cal. farmer_, _june , _. 'the snake tribe, inhabit the country bordering on lewis and bear rivers, and their various tributaries.' _palmer's jour._, p. . 'the snake indians, who embrace many tribes, inhabit a wide extent of country at the head of snake river above and below fort hall, and the vicinity of great bear river and great salt lake. they are a migratory race, and generally occupy the south-eastern portion of oregon.' _dunn's ogn._, p. . the shoshones inhabit the great plains to the southward of the lewis river. _cox's adven._, vol. ii., p. . the shoshones occupy 'almost the whole eastern half of the state (nevada). the line separating them from the pai-utes on the east and south is not very clearly defined.' _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the western bands of shoshones ... range from the idaho boundary north, southward to the thirty-eighth parallel; their western limit is the line passing through the sunatoya mountains; their eastern limit steptoe and great salt lake valleys.' _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the snakes inhabit 'the plains of the columbia between the d and th degrees of latitude.' _franchère's nar._, p. . the washakeeks or green river snakes inhabit the country drained by green river and its tributaries. the tookarikkahs, or mountain sheep-eaters, 'occupy the salmon river country and the upper part of snake river valley, and coiners' prairie, near the boise mines.' these two bands are the genuine snakes; other inferior bands are the hokandikahs or salt lake diggers who 'inhabit the region about the great lake.' the aggitikkahs or salmon-eaters who 'occupy the region round about salmon falls, on snake river.' _stuart's montana_, p. . [sidenote: bannacks and utahs.] 'the _bannacks_, who are generally classed with the snakes, inhabit the country south of here, (powder river) in the vicinity of harney lake.... the winnas band of snakes inhabit the country north of snake river, and are found principally on the bayette, boise, and sickley rivers.' _kirkpatrick_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . the bonacks 'inhabit the country between fort boise and fort hall.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . they 'inhabit the southern borders of oregon, along the old humboldt river emigrant road.' _simpson's route to cal._, p. . the bonaks seem 'to embrace indian tribes inhabiting a large extent of country west of the rocky mountains. as the name imports, it was undoubtedly given to that portion of indians who dig and live on the roots of the earth.' _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the bonaks inhabit 'the banks of that part of saptin or snake river which lies between the mouth of boisais or reeds river and the blue mountains.' _farnham's trav._, p. . the bonax inhabit the country west of the lewis fork of the columbia between the forty-second and forty-fourth parallels. _parker's map._ the bannacks range through northern nevada, and into oregon and idaho. _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . they 'claim the southwestern portions of montana as their land.' _sully_, in _id._, p. . 'this tribe occupies most of that portion of nevada north of the forty-first degree of north latitude, with the southeastern corner of oregon and the southwestern corner of idaho.' _parker_, in _id._, , p. . the bannocks drift 'from boise city to the game country northeast of bozeman, montana, and south as far as fort bridger, wyoming territory ... traveling from oregon to east of the rocky mountains.' _high_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . [sidenote: utahs.] the _utah_ nation occupies all that portion of the territory assigned to the shoshone family lying south of the snakes, between the country of the californians proper, and the rocky mountains. it is divided into several tribes, the number varying with different authorities. wilson divides the utah nation into seven tribes; viz., the 'taos, yampapas, ewinte, tenpenny utahs, parant utahs, sampiches, pahmetes.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. vi., p. . 'besides the parawat yutas, the yampas, - miles south, on the white river; the tebechya, or sun-hunters, about tête de biche, near spanish lands; and the tash yuta, near the navajos; there are scatters of the nation along the californian road from beaver valley, along the santa clara, virgen, las vegas, and muddy rivers, to new mexico.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . 'the tribes of utah territory are: utahs at large, pi utahs, roving, uwinty utahs, utahs of sampitch valley, utahs of carson valley, utahs of lake sevier and walker river, navahoes and utahs of grand river, shoshonees, or snakes proper, diggers on humboldt river, eutahs of new mexico.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . the utahs are composed of several bands, the most important of which are the timpanogs who 'range through utah valley and the mountains adjoining the valley on the east.... the uintahs, the principal band of the utahs, ... range through uintah valley and the green river country.... the pah vants ... range through pah vant and sevier valleys and west to the white mountains.' _irish_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the yutah nation is very numerous, and is also made up of many bands, which are to be distinguished only by their names.... four of these bands called noaches, payuches, tabiachis and sogup, are accustomed to occupy lands within the province of new mexico, or very near it, to the north and northeast.' _whipple, ewbank, & turner's rept._, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'the utahs are divided into three bands--mohuaches, capotes, and nomenuches or poruches.' _delgado_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; see also pp. , . 'the ute tribe dr. hurt divides into the pah utahs, tamp pah-utes, cheveriches, pah vants, san pitches, and pyedes. the utahs proper inhabit the waters of green river, south of green river mountains, the grand river and its tributaries and as far south as the navajo country. they also claim the country bordering on utah lake and as far south as the sevier lake.' _simpson's route to cal._, p. . 'the utahs are a separate and distinct tribe of indians, divided into six bands, each with a head chief, as follows: the menaches ... the capotes ... the tabe-naches ... the cibariches ... the tempanahgoes ... the piuchas.' _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the yutahs are subdivided into four great bands: the noaches, the payuches (whom we believe to be identical with the paï utahs), the tabiachis, and the sogups, who live in perfect harmony on the north eastern confines of new mexico, and at a distance of miles to the south of the great tribe of the zuguaganas.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . the utes are 'those ... which inhabit the vicinity of the lakes and streams and live chiefly on fish, being distinguished by the name of pah utahs or pah utes, the word pah, in their language signifying water.' _stansbury's rept._, p. . 'the country of the utaws is situated to the east and southeast of the soshonees, at the sources of the rio colorado.' _de smet's letters_, p. . 'the youtas live between the snake and green rivers.' _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . 'the utahs of new mexico are a portion of the tribe of the same name inhabiting the territory of utah.... they inhabit and claim all that region of country, embracing the sources of the north-western tributaries of the arkansas river, above bent's fort, up to the southern boundary of utah territory, and all the northern tributaries of the rio grande, which lie within new mexico and north of the th parallel of latitude.' _merriwether_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the utes 'occupy and claim that section of country ranging from abiquin, northward to navajo river and westward somewhat of this line.' _davis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the eutaws 'reside on both sides of the eutaw or anahuac mountains, they are continually migrating from one side to the other.' _farnham's trav._, p. . 'the youtas inhabit the country between the snake and green rivers.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., p. . 'the utahs' claim of boundaries are all south of that of the shoshonies, embracing the waters of the colorado, going most probably to the gulf of california.' _wilson_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. vi., p. . the country of the utaws 'is situated to the east and southeast of the shoshones, about the salt lake, and on the head waters of the colorado river, which empties into the gulf of california.... their country being in latitude about °.' 'the utaws are decent in appearance and their country, which is towards santa fe, is said to be tolerably good.' _parker's explor. tour_, pp. , . the yutas, utaws, or youtas, 'range between lat. ° and ° north and the meridians ° and ° w. long. of washington. the great yutas tribe is divided into two families which are contradistinguished by the names of their respective head-quarters; the tao yutas, so called because their principal camp is pitched in tao mountains, seventy miles north of santa fé; and the timpanigos yutas, who hold their great camp near the timpanigos lake.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . 'um den fluss dolóres haben die yutas, tabeguáchis, payúches und tularénos ihre wohnsitze.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . the utahs live 'on the border of new mexico.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'le pays des utaws est situé à l'est et au sud-est de celui des soshonies, aux sources du rio-colorado.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . 'the yutas or eutaws are one of the most extensive nations of the west, being scattered from the north of new mexico to the borders of snake river and rio colorado.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. . the _pah utes_ occupy the greater part of nevada, and extend southward into arizona and south-eastern california. there is reason to believe that the pi utes are a distinct tribe from the pah utes, but as the same localities are frequently assigned to both tribes by different writers, and as many have evidently thought them one and the same, thereby causing great confusion, i have thought it best to merely give the names as spelled by the authorities without attempting to decide which tribe is being spoken of in either case. the pah-utes 'range principally in the southwestern portion of utah and the southeastern portion of nevada.' _head_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pah utes 'are spread over the vast tract of territory, between the sierra nevada and the colorado river, going as far south as the thirty-fifth parallel, and extending to the northward through california and nevada into southern oregon and idaho.' _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pah-utes inhabit the western part of nevada. _walker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pah utes and pah edes range over all that part of utah south of the city of filmore in millard county. _head_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the term pah utes is applied to a very large number of indians who roam through that vast section of country lying between the sierra nevada and the colorado, going as far south as the thirty-fifth parallel, and extending to the northward through california, nevada, into southern oregon and idaho. the indians of this tribe in arizona are located in the big bend of the colorado, on both sides of the river, and range as far east as diamond river, west to the sierra nevada, and northward into the state of nevada.' _jones_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pah utes 'properly belong in nevada and arizona, but range over in southwestern utah.' _irish_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pah-utes 'range principally from the borders of oregon, on the north, to the southeast boundary of nevada, and from the sierra nevada eastward to the humboldt river and sink of carson; there are one or two small bands of them still further east, near austin, nevada. they are much scattered within these limits.' _douglas_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . 'the pah-utes roam along the eastern slopes of the sierra nevada, from the mouth of the virgin with the colorado (in about lat. ° long. °) to the territories of the washoes north, and as far east as the sevier lake country of fremont's explorations.' _cal. farmer_, _june , _. 'the pa-utahs, and lake utahs occupy the territory lying south of the snakes, and upon the waters of the colorado of the west and south of the great salt lake.' _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. . the pá yuta (pey utes) 'extend from forty miles west of stony point to the californian line, and n.w. to the oregon line, and inhabit the valley of the fenelon river, which rising from lake bigler empties itself into pyramid lake.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . 'the womenunche (also known as the pa uches) occupy the country on the san juan river.' _collins_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the custom of designating the different bands of pah utes is derived from the name of some article of food not common in other localities; "ocki," signifies "trout," "toy," "tule," &c. the ocki pah utes ... are located on walker river and lake, and the mountains adjacent thereto. the cozaby pah utes ... range from mono lake east to smoky valley.' _campbell_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . the pah utes extend, 'over portions of utah and arizona territories, also the states of nevada and california. _fenton_, in _id._, p. . the chemehuevis are a band of pah-utahs. _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . the chimehuevais live about forty miles below the colorado river agency, on the california side of the river, and are scattered over an area of fifty square miles. _tonner_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the chemehuewas are 'located mainly on the west bank of the colorado, above la paz, and ranges along the river from about thirty miles south of fort mohave, to a point fifty miles north of fort yuma, to the eastward, but a short distance.' _sherman_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the chemehuevis live on the colorado river, above the bill williams fork, a small tribe and quite unknown. _poston_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the chemehuevis are 'a band of pahutahs, ... belonging to the great shoshonee family.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'the chimchinves are undoubtedly a branch of the pah ute tribe.' _stanley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [sidenote: pi utes and gosh utes.] the _pi utes_, or pyutes, 'inhabit western utah, from oregon to new mexico; their locations being generally in the vicinity of the principal rivers and lakes of the great basin, viz., humboldt, carson, walker, truckee, owens's, pyramid, and mono.' _simpson's route to cal._, p. . 'the tribe of indians who inhabit this section (near fort churchill) of which the post forms the centre comes under the one generic name of piute, and acknowledge as their great chief winnemucca. they are split up into small captaincies and scattered throughout a vast extent of territory.' _farley_, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. iii., p. . the piutes or paiuches inhabit 'the northern banks of the colorado, the region of severe river, and those portions of the timpanigos desert where man can find a snail to eat.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . the piutes live 'along the eastern slopes of the sierra nevada, from the mouth of the virgen with the colorado (in about lat. ° long. °) to the territories of the washoes north, and as far east as the sevier lake.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _june , _. 'von ° nordwärts die pai utes.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, vol. i., p. . the territory occupied by the piutes 'is about one hundred miles broad, and is bounded on the north by the country of the bannocks, on the east by that of the shoshones, on the south by the state line between nevada and california and on the west by the territory of the washoes.' _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the piutes inhabit 'a country two hundred miles long by one hundred and twenty broad, lying parallel and east of that of the washoes.... south of walker lake are the mono pi utes.... they are closely allied to the walker river or ocki pi utes ... located in the vicinity of walker river and lake and carson river and upper lake.... at the lower carson lake are the toy pi utes.' _campbell_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'upon the colorado river, in the northern part of the territory lives a band, or some bands, of pi utes, occupying both sides of the river, roaming to the limit of arizona on the west, but on the east, for some miles, how far cannot be determined.' _whittier_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pi ute 'range extends north to the beaver, south to fort mojave, east to the little colorado and san francisco mountains, and on the west through the southern part of nevada as far as the california line ... the larger portion living in nevada.' _fenton_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pi utes inhabit the south-west portion of utah. _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the pi ute indians are scattered over a large extent of country in southeastern nevada and southwestern utah.' _powell_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pi utes inhabit the south-eastern part of nevada. _walker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _gosh utes_ inhabit the country west of great salt lake, and extend to the pah utes. they are said by most writers to be of mixed breed, between the snakes, or shoshones proper, and the utahs: 'the goshautes live about forty miles west' of salt lake city. _forney_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the goships, or gosha utes, range west of salt lake. _cooley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the goships 'range between the great salt lake and the land of the western shoshones.' _head_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the goship shoshones 'live in the western part of utah, between great salt lake and the western boundary of the territory,' (utah). _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the goshutes are located 'in the country in the vicinity of egan cañon.... in the shoshone range.' _douglas_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the goship shoshones inhabit that part of utah which lies between great salt lake and the western boundary of the territory (utah).' _tourtellotte_, in _id._, p. . the goshoots 'dr. hurt classes among the shoshones; but according to mr. g. w. bean, capt. simpson's guide in the fall of ... they are the offspring of a disaffected portion of the ute tribe, that left their nation, about two generations ago, under their leader or chief goship, whence their name goship utes since contracted into goshutes.... reside principally in the grassy valleys west of great salt lake, along and in the vicinity of capt. simpson's routes, as far as the ungoweah range.' _simpson's route to cal._, pp. - . the gosh yutas, 'a body of sixty under a peaceful leader were settled permanently on the indian farm at deep creek, and the remainder wandered to miles west of gt. s. l. city.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . the _toquimas_ live about the head of reese river valley, and in the country to the east of that point. _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _june , _. the _temoksees_ live about thirty miles south of jacobsville. _cal. farmer_, _june , ._ the _pah vants_ 'occupy the corn creek, paravan, and beaver valleys, and the valley of sevier.' _simpson's route to cal._, p. . half the pavants 'are settled on the indian farm at corn creek; the other wing of the tribe lives along sevier lake, and the surrounding country in the north-east extremity of filmore valley, fifty miles from the city, where they join the gosh yuta.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . although mr burton gives this as the fruit of his own observation, it is evidently taken from _forney's rept._, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , which reads as follows: 'about half of them (the pahvants) have their home on the corn creek indian farm. the other wing of the tribe lives along sevier lake and surrounding country, in the northeast extremity of fillmore valley, and about fifty miles from fillmore city.' the pah vants range 'through pah-vant and sevier valleys, and west to the white mountains.' _cooley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the pahvents occupy the territory in the vicinity of corn creek reservation, and south of the goship shoshones.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the pah vant indians inhabit the country south of the goship shoshones.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _pi edes_ 'are a band ranging through beaver and little salt lake valley, and on the virgin and santa clara rivers, down to the muddy, embracing the whole southern portion of utah territory.' _irish_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the py edes live adjoining the pahvants, down to the santa clara.' _simpson's route to cal._, p. . 'the pi ede indians inhabit the country south of the pah vants.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the piede indians inhabit the extreme southern portion of the territory (utah) on the santa clara and muddy rivers.' _armstrong_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the piede indians live on rio virgin and santa clara river. _carvalho's incid. of trav._, p. . [sidenote: washoes and sampitches.] the _washoes_ 'inhabit the country along the base of the sierra nevada mountains, from honey lake on the north to the west fork of walker's river the south.' _dodge_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . _simpson's route to cal._, on p. , and _burton's city of the saints_, p. , repeat this. the washoes 'are stated to have boundaries as high up as the oregon line, along the eastern flanks of the sierra nevada, as far to the east as two hundred miles and to the south to walker's river.' _cal. farmer_, _june , _. the washoes live in the extreme western part of nevada. _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'commencing at the western boundary of the state, we have first the washoe tribe, ... occupying a tract of country one hundred miles long, north and south, by twenty-five in width.' _campbell_, in _id._, p. . the washoes 'live along lake bigler and the headwaters of carson, walker, and truckee rivers, and in long and sierra valleys.' _wasson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _washoes_ 'are scattered over a large extent of country along the western border of the state' of nevada. _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the washoes 'frequent the settled portions of the state, principally the towns of virginia city, carson city, reno, washoe city, and genoa. in summer they betake themselves to the mountains in the vicinity of lake tahoe and hope valley.' _douglas_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _sampitches_ 'range through the sanpitch valley and creek on the sevier river.' _irish_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the sampiches are a tribe wandering on the desert to the south of youta lake.' _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . burton mentions 'sampichyas' settled at san pete. _city of the saints_, p. . the san pitches 'live in the san pitch valley and along the sevier river.' _cooley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the san pitches occupy a territory south and east of the timpanagos.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, . p. . 'the san pitch indians inhabit the country about the san pete reservation.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'les sampectches, les pagouts et les ampayouts sont les plus proches voisins des serpents.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . the _uinta utes_ 'claim uinta valley and the country along green river.' _forney_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the uinta yutas live 'in the mountains south of fort bridger, and in the country along green river.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . the _yam pah utes_ 'inhabit the country south of the uinta valley reservation.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _id._, , p. . the _elk mountain utes_ live in the south-eastern portion of utah. _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _burton's city of the saints_, p. . repeats. the _tosawees_ or white knives, or as they are sometimes called shoshoteos or foot-men, on the humboldt and goose creek. _stuart's montana_, p. . 'the tosawitches, or white knives, inhabit the region along the humboldt river.' _simpson's shortest route_, p. . the indians about stony point are called tosawwitches (white knives). _hurt_, in _ind. aff. rept._, . the _weber utes_ 'live in the valley of salt lake.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , also in _id._, , p. . the weber utes live in the vicinity of salt lake city. _walker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the weber river yutas are principally seen in great salt lake city. their chief settlement is forty miles to the north. _burton's city of the saints_, p. . the _cum umbahs_ 'are mixed-bloods of the utes and shoshonees, and range in the region of salt lake, weber and ogden valleys in northern utah.' _irish_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _wimmenuches_ are 'a tribe of the ute indians, whose country is principally from tierra amarilla northward to ellos de los animas and thence also to the rio grande. they mix with the pi utes in utah.' _davis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the wemenuche utes 'roam and hunt west of the san juan river, and their lodges are to be found along the banks of the rio de las animas, rio de la plata and rio mancos.' _hanson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the weminuche utes live near the san juan river. _armstrong_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _capote utes_ 'roam from within five to fifty miles of the agency, but the greater part of the time live in the vicinity of tierra amarilla, from five to ten miles distant, north and south along the rio charmer.' _hanson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _armstrong_, in _id._, , p. . 'the _sheberetches_ inhabit the country south of the yam pah utes.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _fish utes_ 'inhabit the country about red lake, south of the sheberetches.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _tash utes_ live near the navajos. _burton's city of the saints_, p. . the _tabechya_, or sun-hunters, 'live about tête de biche, near spanish lands.' 'timpenaguchya, or timpana yuta, corrupted into tenpenny utes, ... dwell about the kanyon of that name, and on the east of the sweetwater lake.' _burton's city of the saints_, pp. - . 'the timpanoge indians formerly resided at and about spanish fort reservation, but they are now scattered among other bands and do not now exist as a separate tribe.' _tourtellotte_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; see also _id._, , p. . the timpanogs inhabit 'utah valley, and the neighboring mountains.' _cooley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . footnotes: [ ] 'sometimes there is a tribal name for all who speak the same language; sometimes none, and only names for separate villages; sometimes a name for a whole tribe or family, to which is prefixed a separate word for each dialect, which is generally co-extensive with some valley. of the first, an instance is found in the cahrocs, on the klamath, who are a compact tribe, with no dialects; of the second, in the large tribe on the lower klamath, who have also no dialects, and yet have no name, except for each village; of the third, in the great family of the pomos on russian river, who have many dialects, and a name for each,--as ballo ki pomos, cahto pomos, etc.... some remnants of tribes have three or four names, all in use within a radius of that number of miles; some, again, are merged, or dovetailed, into others; and some never had a name taken from their own language, but have adopted that given them by a neighbor tribe, altogether different in speech.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . [ ] the natives 'when asked to what tribe they belong, give the name of their chief, which is misunderstood by the inquirer to be that of the tribe itself.' _bartlett's nar._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'every fifteen or twenty miles of country seems to have been occupied by a number of small lodges or septs, speaking a different language or very divergent dialect.' _taylor_, in _bancroft's hand-book almanac_, , p. . beechey counted eleven different dialects in the mission of san carlos. _voyage_, vol. ii., p. . 'almost every or leagues, you find a distinct dialect; so different, that in no way does one resemble the other.' _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. . 'from the san joaquin northward to the klamath there are some hundreds of small tribes.' _henley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] hale calls them the _lutuami_, or _tlamatl_, and adds, 'the first of these names is the proper designation of the people in their own language. the second is that by which they are known to the chinooks, and through them, to the whites.' _ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . [ ] 'there true name is _moüdoc_--a word which originated with the shasteecas, who applied it indefinitely to all wild indians or enemies.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, , vol. x., p. . 'also called moahtockna.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _june , _. 'the word modoc is a shasta indian word, and means all distant, stranger, or hostile indians, and became applied to these indians by white men in early days, by hearing the shastas speak of them.' _steele_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] speaking of indians at the junction of the salmon and klamath rivers: 'they do not seem to have any generic appellation for themselves, but apply the terms "kahruk," up, and "youruk," down, to all who live above or below themselves, without discrimination, in the same manner that the others (at the junction of the trinity) do "peh-tsik," and "poh-lik."' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'the bay (humboldt) indians call themselves, as we were informed, wish-osk; and those of the hills te-ok-a-wilk; but the tribes to the northward denominate both those of the bay and eel river, we-yot, or walla-walloo.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] they are also called lototen or tututamy, totutime, toutouni, tootooton, tutoten, tototin, tototutna, etc. [ ] for further particulars as to location of tribes, see notes on tribal boundaries, at the end of this chapter. [ ] mr. gibbs, speaking of the tribes seen on the klamath and trinity rivers, says: 'in person these people are far superior to any we had met below; the men being larger, more muscular, and with countenances denoting greater force and energy of character, as well as intelligence. indeed, they approach rather to the races of the plains, than to the wretched "diggers" of the greater part of california.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the indians in the northern portion of california and in oregon, are vastly superior in stature and intellect to those found in the southern part of california.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, . the indians on the trinity 'are of another tribe and nature from those along the sacramento.' _kelly's excursion_, vol. ii., p. . speaking of the wallies, they, 'in many respects differ from their brethren in the middle and lower counties of the state. they are lighter colored and more intelligent.' _johnson_, in _overland monthly_, , vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'the males are tall, averaging in height about five feet eight inches, are well proportioned, athletic, and possess the power of endurance to a great degree.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, march, . 'the people here (rogue river) were larger and stronger than those in south california, but not handsomer.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . speaking of indians on the klamath river, 'their stature is a trifle under the american; they have well-sized bodies, erect and strong-knit.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . on the upper trinity they are 'large and powerful men, of a swarthier complexion, fierce and intractable.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . near mount shasta, 'a fine-looking race, being much better proportioned than those more to the northward, and their features more regular.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . at klamath lake, 'well-grown and muscular.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . on the trinity, 'majestic in person, chivalrous in bearing.' _kelly's excursion_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] in the vicinity of klamath lake 'the squaws are short in comparison with the men, and, for indians have tolerably regular features.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . in the rogue river region 'some of them are quite pretty, usually well-formed, handsomely developed, small features, and very delicate and well-turned hands and feet.... they are graceful in their movements and gestures, ... always timid and modest.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, march, . on the klamath river, 'with their smooth, hazel skins, oval faces, plump and brilliant eyes, some of the young maidens,--barring the tattooed chins,--have a piquant and splendid beauty.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . on the klamath and trinity rivers, many of the women 'were exceedingly pretty; having large almond-shaped eyes, sometimes of a hazel color, and with the red showing through the cheeks. their figures were full, their chests ample; and the younger ones had well-shaped busts, and rounded limbs.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . but as to the beauty of women tastes never agree; mr kelly in his _excursion to cal._, vol. ii., p. , speaking of a band of 'noble-looking indians' which he met near trinity river, says that they were 'accompanied by a few squaws, who, strange to say, in this latitude are ugly, ill-favoured, stunted in stature, lumpy in figure, and awkward in gait,' and concerning the rogue river indians a lady states that 'among the women ... there were some extremely clumsy figures.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . the pit-river indian girls 'have the smallest and prettiest feet and hands i have ever seen.' _miller's life amongst the modocs_, p. . [ ] at crescent city, mr powers saw some 'broad-faced squaws of an almost african blackness;' the patawats in the vicinity of mad river and humboldt bay are 'blackskinned, pudgy in stature; well cushioned with adipose tissue;' at redwood creek 'like most of the coast tribes they are very dark colored, squat in stature, rather fuller-faced than the interior indians.' _pomo, ms._ at trinidad bay 'their persons were in general indifferently, but stoutly made, of a lower stature than any tribe of indians we had before seen.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . at the mouth of eel river the weeyots 'are generally repulsive in countenance as well as filthy in person.... their heads are disproportionately large; their figures, though short, strong and well developed.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . carl meyer names the indians he saw at trinidad bay, _allequas_, or wood-indians (holzindianer). i do not find the name anywhere else, and judging by his description, they appear to differ considerably from the natives seen in the same vicinity by vancouver or mr powers; he, meyer, says; 'sie sind von unserm wuchse, starke und beleibte, kräftige gestalten. ihre haut ist wenig zimmet oder lohfarbig, eher weisslich, wie die der antisischen inkas gewesen sein soll; bei der jugend und besonders beim weiblichen geschlechte schimmert oft ein sanftes roth auf den wangen hervor. ihr kopf ist wenig gedrückt, die stirn hoch, der gesichtswinkel gegen grad, die nase römisch gekrümmt, das auge gross in wenig quadratisch erweiterten augenhöhlen und intelligent, die lippen nicht aufgetrieben, das kinn oval, und hände und füsse klein.' _nach dem sacramento_, p. . [ ] at pitt river they 'have no dress except a buckskin thrown around them.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ near mount shasta 'they can scarcely be said to wear any dress, except a mantle of deer or wolf skin. a few of them had deer-skins belted around their waists, with a highly ornamented girdle.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . near pitt river, the indians were nearly naked. _abbott_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. vi., p. . at trinidad bay 'their clothing was chiefly made of the skins of land animals, with a few indifferent small skins of the sea-otter.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'the men, however, do not wear any covering, except the cold is intense, when indeed they put upon their shoulders the skins of sea-wolves, otters, deer, or other animals.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . 'they were clothed, for the most part, in skins.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. . on smith river they were 'in a complete state of nature, excepting only a kind of apology for an apron, worn by the women, sometimes made of elk's skin, and sometimes of grass.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . among the weeyots at eel river the men 'wore a deer-skin robe over the shoulder, and the women a short petticoat of fringe.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . on klamath river their only dress was the fringed petticoat, or at most, a deerskin robe thrown back over the shoulders, in addition. _id._, p. . 'the primitive dress of the men is simply a buckskin girdle about the loins; of the women, a chemise of the same material, or of braided grass, reaching from the breast to the knees.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . 'were quite naked excepting the maro.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . the klamath lake indians 'wear little more than the breech-cloth.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . 'they were all well dressed in blankets and buckskin.' _abbott_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. vi., p. . carl meyer, speaking of a tribe he names allequas, at trinidad bay, says: 'der mann geht im sommer ganz nackt, im winter trägt er eine selbst gegerbte hirsch- oder rehdecke über die schultern.' 'die allequas-weiber tragen im sommer von bast-schnüren oder von rehfellstreifen, im winter von pelzwerk oder gänseflaum verfertigte schürzen, die bis auf die knie reichen.' _nach dem sacramento_, p. , . 'the klamaths, during the summer go naked, in winter they use the skins of rabbits and wild fowl for a covering.' _thompson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'an indian will trap and slaughter seventy-five rabbits for one of these robes, making it double, with fur inside and out.' _powers' pomo, ms._ [ ] _fremont's explor. ex._, p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. , ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., . [ ] _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _fremont's explor. ex._, p. . [ ] _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] _maurelle's jour._, p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. , ; _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. ; _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . 'die allequas (trinidad bay) haben starkes, ziemlich geschmeidiges haar, das der männer und der kinder wird bis auf einen zoll länge regelmässig abgebrannt, so dass sie das aussehen von titusköpfen erhalten. zuweilen sieht man die männer auch mit einem ziemlich langen, durch eine harzige flüssigkeit gesteiften, aufgerichteten zopf, der als schmuck betrachtet, bei festlichen anlässen, oder im kriege mit rothen oder weissen federn geziert wird, und alsdann dem schopf eines wiedehopfs gleicht.' _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, p. . 'both men and women part their hair in the middle, the men cut it square on the neck and wear it rather long, the women wear theirs long, plaited in two braids, hanging down the back.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ [ ] _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'barthaare haben sie, wie alle indianer nord-amerikas, nur wenig; sie werden ausgerupft, und nur in der trauer stehen gelassen.' _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, pp. - . [ ] the men tattoo so that they may 'be recognized if stolen by modocs.' 'with the women it is entirely for ornament.' _the shastas and their neighbors_, _ms_. at rogue river the women 'were tattooed on the hands and arms as well as the chin.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . at trinidad bay 'they ornamented their lower lip with three perpendicular columns of punctuation, one from each corner of the mouth and one in the middle, occupying three fifths of the chin.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . maurelle says the same, and adds that a space is left between each line, 'which is much larger in the young than in the older women, whose faces are generally covered with punctures.' _jour._, p. . at mad river and humboldt bay, the same, 'and also lines of small dots on the backs of their hands.' _powers' pomo_, _ms_. at mouth of eel river 'both sexes tattoo; the men on their arms and breasts; the women from inside the under lip down to and beneath the chin. the extent of this disfigurement indicates to a certain extent, the age and condition of the person.' 'in the married women the lines are extended up above the corners of the mouth.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. , . 'i have never observed any particular figures or designs upon their persons; but the tattooing is generally on the chin, though sometimes on the wrist and arm. tattooing has mostly been on the persons of females, and seems to be esteemed as an ornament, not apparently indicating rank or condition.' _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the squaws among the cahrocs on the klamath 'tattoo, in blue, three narrow fern-leaves, perpendicularly on the chin.' 'for this purpose they are said to employ soot, gathered from a stove, mingled with the juice of a certain plant.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . among the shastys the women 'are tattooed in lines from the mouth to the chin.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . among the allequas at trinidad bay: 'die mädchen werden im fünften jahre mit einem schwarzen streifen von beiden mundwinkeln bis unter das kinn tättowirt, welchem striche dann alle fünf jahre ein parallellaufender beigefügt wird, so dass man an diesen zeichnungen leicht das alter jeder indianerin übersehen kann.... die männer bemalen sich bei besondern anlässen mit einem tannenfirniss, den sie selbst bereiten, das gesicht, und zeichnen allerlei geheimnissvolle figuren und verzierungen auf wange, nase und stirn, indem sie mit einem hölzernen stäbchen den noch weichen firniss auf den einzelnen stellen von der haut wegheben.' _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, p. . [ ] 'i never saw two alike.' _the shastas and their neighbors_, _ms_. at klamath lake they are 'painted from their heads to their waists all colours and patterns.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . the modocs 'paint themselves with various pigments formed from rotten wood, different kinds of earth, &c.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . kane 'took a sketch of a chastay (shasta) female slave (among the chinooks) the lower part of whose face, from the corners of the mouth to the ears and downwards, was tattooed of a bluish colour. the men of this tribe do not tattoo, but paint their faces like other indians.' _wand._, p. . ida pfeiffer, _second journ._, p. , saw indians on smith river, who painted their faces 'in a most detestable manner. they first smeared them with fish fat and then they rubbed in the paint, sometimes passing a finger over it in certain lines, so as to produce a pattern.' _miller's life amongst the modocs_, p. . [ ] 'no taste in bead work.' _the shastas and their neighbors_, _ms_. 'in den ohren tragen die allequas (at trinidad bay) schmucksachen, welche sie theils von den weissen erhalten, theils aus holz nachahmen; auch sind diese gegenstände zuweilen durch steinchen ersetzt, die talismanische kräfte besitzen sollen. nur die in den fernen bergen wohnenden tragen hölzerne oder auch eiserne ringe in den nasenwandungen.' _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. ; _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., plate xiv. [ ] _maurelle's jour._, p. . [ ] _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'the lodges are dome-shaped; like beaver-houses, an arched roof covers a deep pit sunk in the ground, the entrance to which is a round hole.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . 'large round huts, perhaps feet in diameter, with rounded tops, on which was the door by which they descended into the interior.' _fremont's explor. ex._, p. . 'the modoc excavates a circular space from two to four feet deep, then makes over it a conical structure of puncheons, which is strongly braced up with timbers, frequently hewn and a foot square.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. ; _id._, vol. ix., p. . 'the style was very substantial, the large poles requiring five or six men to lift.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'have only an opening at the summit.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . on the inside of the door they frequently place a sliding panel. 'the kailtas build wigwams in a conical shape--as all tribes on the trinity do--but they excavate no cellars.' _powers' pomo_, _ms_. see full description of dwellings, by _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the entrance is a 'round hole just large enough to crawl into, which is on a level with the surface of the ground, or is cut through the roof.' _johnson_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ii., p. ; _miller's life amongst the modocs_, p. . [ ] 'built of plank, rudely wrought.' the roofs are not 'horizontal like those at nootka, but rise with a small degree of elevation to a ridge in the middle.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., pp. - . well built, of boards; often twenty feet square; roof pitched over a ridge-pole; ground usually excavated or feet; some cellars floored and walled with stone. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the dwellings of the hoopas were built of large planks, about ½ inches thick, from two to four feet wide, and from six to twelve feet in length.' _trinity journal_, _april, _. 'the floors of these huts are perfectly smooth and clean, with a square hole two feet deep in the centre, in which they make their fire.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . 'the huts have never but one apartment. the fire is kindled in the centre, the smoke escaping through the crevices in the roof.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, _march, _. the houses of the eurocs and cahrocs 'are sometimes constructed on the level earth, but oftener they excavate a round cellar, four or five feet deep, and twelve or fifteen feet in diameter.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. ; _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, p. ; _the shastas and their neighbors, ms_. [ ] kit carson says of lodges seen near klamath lake: 'they were made of the broad leaves of the swamp flag, which were beautifully and intricately woven together.' _peters' life of carson_, p. . 'the wild sage furnishes them shelter in the heat of summer, and, like the cayote, they burrow in the earth for protection from the inclemencies of winter.' _thompson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'their lodges are generally mere temporary structures, scarcely sheltering them from the pelting storm.' _palmer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'slightly constructed, generally of poles.' _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the earth in the centre scooped out, and thrown up in a low, circular embankment.' _turner_, in _overland monthly_, p. xi., p. . [ ] _powers' pomo, ms._ [ ] 'the rocks supply edible shell-fish.' _schumacher's oregon antiquities, ms._ 'the deer and elk are mostly captured by driving them into traps and pits.' 'small game is killed with arrows, and sometimes elk and deer are dispatched in the same way.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, _april, _. 'the elk they usually take in snares.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . 'the mountain indians subsisted largely on game, which of every variety was very abundant, and was killed with their bows and arrows, in the use of which they were very expert.' _wiley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'die indianer am pittflusse machen graben oder löcher von circa kubikfuss, bedecken diese mit zweigen und gras ganz leicht, sodass die thiere, wenn sie darüber gejagt werden, hinein fallen und nicht wieder herauskönnen. wilde gänse fangen sie mit netzen ... nur selten mögen indianer den grauen bär jagen.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. ; _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ [ ] schumacher, _oregon antiquities, ms._, classifies their ancient arrow and spear points thus: long barbs with projections, short barbs with projections, and long and short barbs without projections. 'the point of the spear is composed of a small bone needle, which sits in a socket, and pulls out as soon as the fish starts. a string connecting the spear handle and the center of the bone serves, when pulled, to turn the needle cross wise in the wound.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _march , _; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._; _hubbard_, in _golden era_, _april, _; _wiley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'in spawning-time the fish school up from clear lake in extraordinary numbers, so that the indians have only to put a slight obstruction in the river, when they can literally shovel them out.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. ; _schumacher's oregon antiquities, ms._ [ ] 'the camas is a bulbus root, shaped much like an onion.' _miller's life amongst the modocs_, p. . [ ] 'a root about an inch long, and as large as one's little finger, of a bitter-sweetish and pungent taste, something like ginseng.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . [ ] 'an aquatic plant, with a floating leaf, very much like that of a pond-lily, in the centre of which is a pod resembling a poppy-head, full of farinaceous seeds.' _ib._ see also _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, p. . 'their principal food is the kamas root, and the seed obtained from a plant growing in the marshes of the lake, resembling, before hulled, a broom-corn seed.' _palmer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] the klamaths 'subsist upon roots and almost every living thing within their reach, not excepting reptiles, crickets, ants, etc.' _thompson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _heintzelman_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _roseborough's letter to the author, ms._ [ ] _turner_, in _overland monthly_, vol. xi., p. . [ ] at rogue river, 'the men go in the morning into the river, but, like the malays, bring all the dirt out on their skins that they took in.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . at pitt river they are 'disgusting in their habits.' _abbott_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. vi., p. ; _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ 'of the many hundreds i have seen, there was not one who still observed the aboriginal mode of life, that had not a sweet breath. this is doubtless due to the fact that, before they became civilized, they ate their food cold.' _powers' pomo, ms._ 'they always rise at the first dawn of day, and plunge into the river.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, _march, _. 'their persons are unusually clean, as they use both the sweat-house and the cold-bath constantly.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'mit tagesanbruch begibt sich der allequa (trinidad bay) in jeder jahreszeit zur nahen quelle, wo er sich am ganzen leibe wäscht und in den strahlen der aufsteigenden sonne trocknen lässt.' _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, p. ; _roseborough's letter to the author, ms._ [ ] carl meyer, after describing the bow, adds: 'fernere waffen der allequas sind; das obsidian-beil oder tomahawk, die keule, die lanze und der wurfspiess.' _nach dem sacramento_, p. . this statement, i think, may be taken with some allowance, as nowhere else do i find mention of a tomahawk being used by the californians. [ ] schumacher, _oregon antiquities, ms._, speaking of an ancient spear-point, says, 'the pointed teeth show it to have been a very dangerous weapon.' _roseborough's letter to the author, ms._ on the klamath river, 'among the skins used for quivers, i noticed the otter, wild-cat, fisher, fawn, grey fox and others.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . near mt shasta, 'bows and arrows are very beautifully made: the former are of yew, and about three feet long ... backed very neatly with sinew, and painted.... the arrows are upwards of thirty inches long.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . at port trinidad, 'arrows are carried in quivers of wood or bone, and hang from their wrist or neck.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . on pigeon river 'their arrows were in general tipped with copper or iron.' _greenhow's hist. ogn._, p. . the pit river 'arrows are made in three parts.' _abbott_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. vi., p. . the allequas at trinidad bay, described by carl meyer, carried their arrows either 'schussfertig in der hand oder in einem über die schultern geworfenen köcher aus fuchs- oder biberpelz. der bogen ist aus einer starken, elastischen rothtannenwurzel verfertigt, etwa ½ fuss lang und auf der rückseite mit einer bärensehne überklebt.' _nach dem sacramento_, p. . see _mofras_, _explor._, _atlas_, plate xxv. speaking of the quiver, mr powers says: 'in the animal's head they stuff a quantity of grass or moss, as a cushion for the arrow-heads to rest in, which prevents them from being broken.' _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . 'their arrows can only be extracted from the flesh with the knife.' _cutts' conquest of cal._, p. . 'am oberen theile (california) ist der bogen von einer lage von hirsch-sehnen verstärkt und elastisch gemacht. die pfeile bestehen aus einem rohrartigen gewächse von mässiger länge, an der spitze mit obsidian ... versehen, ihre länge ist zoll, ihre breite zoll und die dicke / zoll, scharfkantig und spitz zulaufend.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . [ ] _powers' pomo, ms._; _schumacher's oregon antiquities, ms._; _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ [ ] _hist. mag._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] _johnson_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ii., p. . at trinidad bay 'zuweilen werden die pfeile mit dem safte des sumachbaumes vergiftet, und alsdann nur zum erlegen wilder raubthiere gebraucht.' _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, p. . 'einige stämme vergiften die spitzen ihrer pfeile auf folgende weise: sie reizen nämlich eine klapperschlange mit einer vorgehaltenen hirschleber, worin sie beisst, und nachdem nun die leber mit dem gifte vollständig imprägnirt ist, wird sie vergraben und muss verfaulen; hierin wird nun die spitze eingetaucht und dann getrocknet.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . the pitt river indians 'use the poison of the rattle-snake, by grinding the head of that reptile into an impalpable powder, which is then applied by means of the putrid blood and flesh of the dog to the point of the weapon.' _gross' system of surgery_, vol. i., p. . 'the pitt river indians poisoned their arrows in a putrid deer's liver. this is a slow poison, however, and sometimes will not poison at all.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._; _schumacher's oregon antiquities, ms._ [ ] among other things seen by meyer were, 'noch grössere bogen, die ihnen als bedeutende ferngeschosse dienen. ein solcher ist fuss lang, und der indianer legt sich auf die erde, um denselben zu spannen, indem er das rechte knie in den bogen einstemmt und mit beiden armen nachhilft.' the bow and arrow, knife, and war-club, constitute their weapons. in one of their lodges i noticed an elk-skin shield, so constructed as to be impervious to the sharpest arrows. _palmer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . miller mentions a modoc who was 'painted red, half-naked, and held a tomahawk in his hand.' _life amongst the modocs_, p. . [ ] _salem statesman_, _april, _. [ ] hence, if we may credit miller, _life amongst the modocs_, p. , the name pitt river. [ ] the hoopas exacted tribute from all the surrounding tribes. at the time the whites arrived the chimalaquays were paying them tribute in deer-skins at the rate of twenty-five cents per head. _powers' pomo_, _ms_. the hoopahs have a law requiring those situated on the trinity, above them to pay tribute. _humboldt times_, _nov. _; _s. f. evening bulletin_, _nov. , _. [ ] the sassics, cahrocs, hoopahs, klamaths and rogue river indians, take no scalps, but decapitate the slain, or cut off their hands and feet. _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . [ ] the veeards on lower humboldt bay 'took elk-horns and rubbed them on stones for days together, to sharpen them into axes and wedges.' _powers' pomo, ms._ on the klamath river they had 'spoons neatly made of bone and horn.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'for basket making, they use the roots of pine-trees, the stem of the spice-bush, and ornament with a kind of grass which looks like a palm leaf, and will bleach white. they also stain it purple with elder berries, and green with soapstone.' ... 'the pitt river indians excel all others in basket-making, but are not particularly good at bead work.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._, _fremont's explor. ex._, p. ; _johnson_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ii., p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; _powers' pomo, ms._ [ ] _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. ; _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] the boats formerly used by the modocs were 'quite rude and unshapely concerns, compared with those of the lower klamath, but substantial and sometimes large enough to carry pounds of merchandise.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. , vol. x., p. . 'blunt at both ends, with a small projection in the stern for a seat.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'those on rogue river were roughly built--some of them scow fashion, with flat bottom.' _emmons_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the pitt river indians 'used boats made from pine; they burn them out ... about twenty feet long, some very good ones.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ [ ] _chase_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ii., p. . 'a kind of bead made from a shell procured on the coast. these they string and wear about the neck.... another kind is a shell about an inch long, which looks like a porcupine quill. they are more valuable than the other. they also use them as nose-ornaments.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ 'the unit of currency is a string of the length of a man's arm, with a certain number of the longer shells below the elbow, and a certain number of the shorter ones above.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . 'a rare shell, spiral in shape, varying from one to two inches in length, and about the size of a crowquill, called by the natives, _siwash_, is used as money.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, march, . [ ] 'the ownership of a (white) deer-skin, constitutes a claim to chieftainship, readily acknowledged by all the dusky race on this coast.' _humboldt times_, _dec., _. [ ] 'property consists in women, ornaments made of rare feathers and shells, also furs and skins.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, march, . their wealth 'consisted chiefly of white deerskins, canoes, the scalp of the red-headed woodpecker, and _aliquachiek_.' _wiley_, in _ind. aff. rept. joint spec. com._, , p. . [ ] 'have no tribal organization, no such thing as public offence.' _roseborough's letter to the author, ms._ a pitt river chief tried the white man's code, but so unpopular was it, that he was obliged to abandon it. _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ among the klamath and trinity tribes the power of the chief 'is insufficient to control the relations of the several villages, or keep down the turbulence of individuals.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. - . the cahrocs, eurocs, hoopas, and kailtas, have a nominal chief for each village, but his power is extremely limited and each individual does as he likes. among the tolewas in del norte county, money makes the chief. the modocs and patawats have an hereditary chieftainship. _powers' pomo, ms._ at trinidad bay they were 'governed by a ruler, who directs where they shall go both to hunt and fish.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . 'der häuptling ist sehr geachtet; er hat über handel und wandel, leben und tod seiner unterthanen zu verfügen, und seine macht vererbt sich auf seinen erstgebornen.' _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, p. . the chief 'obtains his position from his wealth, and usually manages to transmit his effects and with them his honors, to his posterity.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, march, . formerly 'the different rancherias had chiefs, or heads, known as mow-wee-mas, their influence being principally derived from their age, number of relatives, and wealth.' _wiley_, in _ind. aff. rept. joint. spec. com._, p. . [ ] the cahrocs compound for murder by payment of one string. among the patawats the average fine for murdering a man is ten strings, for killing a woman five strings, worth about $ and $ respectively. 'an average patawut's life is considered worth about six ordinary canoes, each of which occupies two indians probably three months in making, or, in all, tantamount to the labor of one man for a period of three years.' 'the hoopas and kailtas also paid for murder, or their life was taken by the relatives of the deceased.' _powers' pomo, ms._ 'they seem to do as they please, and to be only governed by private revenge. if one man kills another the tribe or family of the latter kill the murderer, unless he buy himself off.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ [ ] _drew's owyhee reconnaissance_, p. . [ ] the cahrocs, eurocs, hoopahs, and patawats, all acquire their wives by purchase. _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._; _powers' pomo, ms._ 'wenn ein allequa seine künftige lebensgefährtin unter den schönen seines stammes erwählt hat und sich verheirathen will, muss er dem mauhemi (chief) eine armslange muschelschnur vorzeigen.' _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, p. . the mountain indians seldom, if ever, intermarry with those on the coast. _wiley_, in _ind. aff. rept. joint. spec. com._, , p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . buy wives with shell-money. _pfeiffer's second journ._ among the modocs 'the women are offered for sale to the highest buyer.' _meacham's lecture_, in _s. f. alta california_, oct. , ; _miller's life amongst the modocs_. [ ] polygamy is common among the modocs. _meacham's lecture_, in _s. f. alta california_, _oct. , _. on pitt river a chief sometimes has five wives. 'the most jealous people in the world.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._; _roseborough's letter to the author, ms._ 'among the tribes in the north of the state adultery is punished by the death of the child.' _taylor_, in _california farmer_, _march , _. 'the males have as many wives as they are able to purchase;' adultery committed by a woman is punished with death. _hubbard_, in _golden era_, _march, _. among the cahrocs polygamy is not tolerated; among the modocs polygamy prevails, and the women have considerable privilege. the hoopa adulterer loses one eye, the adulteress is exempt from punishment. _powers' pomo, ms._ the weeyots at eel river 'have as many wives as they please.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . at trinidad bay 'we found out that they had a plurality of wives.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . [ ] all the young unmarried women are a common possession. _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. . the women bewail their virginity for three nights before their marriage. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . if we believe powers, they cannot usually have much to bewail. [ ] boys are disgraced by work. _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ women work, while men gamble or sleep. _wiley_, in _ind. aff. rept. joint spec. com._, , p. ; _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _roseborough's letter to the author, ms._ [ ] _kane's wand._, p. . [ ] for the god chareya, see _bancroft's nat. races_, vol. iii., pp. , . [ ] _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . the pitt river indians 'sing as they gamble and play until they are so hoarse they cannot speak.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ [ ] _chase_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'they used tobacco, which they smoaked in small wooden pipes, in form of a trumpet, and procured from little gardens, where they had planted it.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . [ ] the pitt river indians 'give no medicines.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ 'the prevailing diseases are venereal, scrofula and rheumatism.' many die of consumption. _force_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . at the mouth of eel river 'the principal diseases noticed, were sore eyes and blindness, consumption, and a species of leprosy.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . they suffer from a species of lung fever. _geiger_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'a disease was observed among them (the shastas) which had the appearance of the leprosy.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . [ ] 'the only medicine i know of is a root used for poultices, and another root or plant for an emetic.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ 'the root of a parasite fern, found growing on the tops of the fir trees (collque nashul), is the principal remedy. the plant in small doses is expectorant and diurtetic; hence it is used to relieve difficulties of the lungs and kidneys; and, in large doses, it becomes sedative and is an emmenagogue; hence, it relieves fevers, and is useful in uterine diseases, and produces abortions. the squaws use the root extensively for this last mentioned purpose.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, _march, _. [ ] a pitt river doctor told his patient that for his fee 'he must have his horse or he would not let him get well.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._; _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. viii., p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._; _rector_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _ostrander_, in _id._, , p. ; _miller_, in _id._, p. . [ ] _temescal_ is an aztec word defined by molina, _vocabulario_, 'temazcalli, casilla como estufa, adonde se bañan y sudan.' the word was brought to this region and applied to the native sweat-houses by the franciscan fathers. _turner_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. , gives 'sweat-house' in the chemehuevi language, as _pahcaba_. [ ] _roseborough's letter to the author, ms._; _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._; _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. ; _powers' pomo, ms._; _chase_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _meacham's lecture on the modocs_, in _s. f. alta california_, _oct. , _; _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ [ ] on pitt river they burn their dead and heap stones over the ashes for a monument. 'no funeral ceremonies.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ on the ocean frontier of south oregon and north california 'the dead are buried with their faces looking to the west.' _hubbard_, in _golden era_, _march, _. the patawats and chillulas bury their dead. the tolewahs are not allowed to name the dead. _powers' pomo, ms._ 'it is one of the most strenuous indian laws that whoever mentions the name of a deceased person is liable to a heavy fine, the money being paid to the relatives.' _chase_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ii., p. . 'the bodies had been doubled up, and placed in a sitting posture in holes. the earth, when replaced, formed conical mounds over the heads.' _abbott_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. vi., p. . 'they bury their dead under the noses of the living, and with them all their worldly goods. if a man of importance, his house is burned and he is buried on its site.' _johnson_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ii., p. . 'the chick or ready money, is placed in the owner's grave, but the bow and quiver become the property of the nearest male relative. chiefs only receive the honors of a fence, surmounted with feathers, round the grave.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'upon the death of one of these indians they raised a sort of funeral cry, and afterward burned the body within the house of their ruler.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . [ ] _muck-a-muck_, food. in the chinook jargon 'to eat; to bite; food. muckamuck chuck, to drink water.' _dict. chinook jargon, or indian trade language_, p. . [ ] in the vicinity of nootka sound and the columbia river, the first united states traders with the natives were from boston; the first english vessels appeared about the same time, which was during the reign of george iii. hence in the chinook jargon we find '_boston_, an american; _boston illahie_, the united states;' and '_king george_, english--_king george man_, an englishman.' [ ] 'they will often go three or four miles out of their way, to avoid passing a place which they think to be haunted.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ [ ] the pitt river indians 'are very shrewd in the way of stealing, and will beat a coyote. they are full of cunning.' _the shastas and their neighbors, ms._ they 'are very treacherous and bloody in their dispositions.' _abbott_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. vi., p. . 'the indians of the north of california stand at the very lowest point of culture.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . 'incapable of treachery, but ready to fight to the death in avenging an insult or injury. they are active and energetic in the extreme.' _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., p. . at klamath lake they are noted for treachery. _fremont's explor. ex._, p. . 'the tolowas resemble the hoopas in character, being a bold and masterly race, formidable in battle, aggressive and haughty.' the patawats are 'extremely timid and inoffensive.' the chihulas, like most of the coast tribes 'are characterized by hideous and incredible superstitions.' the modocs 'are rather a cloddish, indolent, ordinarily good-natured race, but treacherous at bottom, sullen when angered, and notorious for keeping punic faith. their bravery nobody can dispute.' the yukas are a 'tigerish, truculent, sullen, thievish, and every way bad, but brave race.' _powers' pomo, ms._ on trinity river 'they have acquired the vices of the whites without any of their virtues.' _heintzelman_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . above the forks of the main trinity they are 'fierce and intractable.' on the klamath they 'have a reputation for treachery, as well as revengefulness; are thievish, and much disposed to sulk if their whims are not in every way indulged.' they 'blubber like a schoolboy at the application of a switch.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. , , . the rogue river indians and shastas 'are a warlike race, proud and haughty, but treacherous and very degraded in their moral nature.' _miller_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . at rogue river they are 'brave, haughty, indolent, and superstitious.' _ostrander_, in _id._, , p. ; _roseborough's letter to the author, ms._ [ ] these are not to be confounded with the yukas in round valley, tehama county. [ ] spelled walhalla on some maps. [ ] in the vicinity of fort ross, 'die indianer sind von mittlerem wuchse, doch trifft man auch hohe gestalten unter ihnen an; sie sind ziemlich wohl proportionirt, die farbe der haut ist bräunlich, doch ist diese farbe mehr eine wirkung der sonne als angeboren; die augen und haare sind schwarz, die letzteren stehen straff.... beide geschlechter sind von kräftigem körperbau.' _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. u. ethn._, p. . 'quoique surpris dans un très-grand négligé, ces hommes me parurent beaux, de haute taille, robustes et parfaitement découplés ... traits réguliers ... yeux noirs ... nez aquilin surmonté d'un front élevé, les pommettes des joues arrondies, ... fortes lèvres ... dents blanches et bien rangées ... peau jaune cuivré, un cou annonçant la vigueur et soutenu par de larges épaules ... un air intelligent et fier à la fois.... je trouvai toutes les femmes horriblement laides.' _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., - . at the head of the eel river 'the average height of these men was not over five feet four or five inches. they were lightly built, with no superfluous flesh, but with very deep chests and sinewy legs.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the clear lake indians are of a very degraded caste; their foreheads naturally being often as low as the compressed skulls of the chinooks, and their forms commonly small and ungainly.' _id._, p. . at bodega bay 'they are an ugly and brutish race, many with negro profiles.' _id._, p. . 'they are physically an inferior race, and have flat, unmeaning features, long, coarse, straight black hair, big mouths, and very dark skins.' _revere's tour_, p. . 'large and strong, their colour being the same as that of the whole territory.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . it is said of the natives of the sacramento valley, that 'their growth is short and stunted; they have short thick necks, and clumsy heads; the forehead is low, the nose flat with broad nostrils, the eyes very narrow and showing no intelligence, the cheek-bones prominent, and the mouth large. the teeth are white, but they do not stand in even rows: and their heads are covered by short, thick, rough hair.... their color is a dirty yellowish-brown.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . 'this race of indians is probably inferior to all others on the continent. many of them are diminutive in stature, but they do not lack muscular strength, and we saw some who were tall and well-formed.... their complexion is a dark mahogany, or often nearly black, their faces round or square, with features approximating nearer to the african than the indian. wide, enormous mouth, noses nearly flat, and hair straight, black, and coarse.... small, gleaming eyes.' _johnson's cal. and ogn._, pp. - . of good stature, strong and muscular. _bryant's cal._, p. . 'rather below the middle stature, but strong, well-knit fellows.... good-looking, and well limbed.' _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., pp. , . 'they were in general fine stout men.' a great diversity of physiognomy was noticeable. _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., pp. , . on the sacramento 'were fine robust men, of low stature, and badly formed.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . 'the mouth is very large, and the nose broad and depressed.' 'chiefly distinguished by their dark color ... broad faces, a low forehead.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'their features are coarse, broad, and of a dark chocolate color.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _nov. , _. at drake's bay, just above san francisco, the men are 'commonly so strong of body, that that which two or three of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take vpon his backe, and without grudging carrie it easily away, vp hill and downe hill an english mile together.' _drake's world encomp._, p. . 'los naturales de este sitio y puerto son algo trigueños, por lo quemados del sol, aunque los venidos de la otra banda del puerto y del estero ... son mas blancos y corpulentos.' _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. . 'ugly, stupid, and savage; otherwise they are well formed, tolerably tall, and of a dark brown complexion. the women are short, and very ugly; they have much of the negro in their countenance.... very long, smooth, and coal-black hair.' _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., pp. - . 'they all have a very savage look, and are of a very dark color.' _chamisso_, in _kotzebue's voy._, vol. iii., p. . 'ill made; their faces ugly, presenting a dull, heavy, and stupid countenance.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . the tcholovoni tribe 'differe beaucoup de toutes les autres par les traits du visage par sa physionomie, par un extèrieur assez agréable.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, part iii., p. ., plate vi., vii., xii. 'the alchones are of good height, and the tuluraios were thought to be, generally, above the standard of englishmen. their complexion is much darker than that of the south-sea islanders, and their features far inferior in beauty.' _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. . at santa clara they are 'of a blackish colour, they have flat faces, thick lips, and black, coarse, straight hair.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'their features are handsome, and well-proportioned; their countenances are cheerful and interesting.' _morrell's voy._, p. . at placerville they are 'most repulsive-looking wretches.... they are nearly black, and are exceedingly ugly.' _borthwick's three years in cal._, p. . in the yosemite valley 'they are very dark colored,' and 'the women are perfectly hideous.' _kneeland's wonders of yosemite_, p. . the monos on the east side of the sierra are 'a fine looking race, straight, and of good height, and appear to be active.' _von schmidt_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. - . at monterey 'ils sont en général bien faits, mais faibles d'esprit et de corps.' in the vicinity of san miguel, they are 'généralement d'une couleur foncée, sales et mal faits ... à l'exception tout fois des indiens qui habitent sur les bords de la rivière des tremblements de terre, et sur la côte voisine. ceux-ci sont blancs, d'une joli figure, et leurs cheveux tirent sur le roux.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., pp. , ; also quoted in _marmier_, _notice sur les indiens_, p. . 'sont généralement petits, faibles ... leur couleur est très-approchante de celle des nègres dont les cheveux ne sont point laineux: ceux de ces peuples sont longs et très-forts.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'la taille des hommes est plus haute (than that of the chilians), et leurs muscles mieux prononcés.' the figure of the women 'est plus élevée (than that of the chilian women), et la forme de leurs membres est plus régulière; elles sont en général d'une stature mieux développée et d'une physionomie moins repoussante.' _rollin_, in _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. iv., p. . at san josé 'the men are almost all rather above the middling stature, and well built; very few indeed are what may be called undersized. their complexions are dark but not negro like ... some seemed to possess great muscular strength; they have very coarse black hair.' some of the women were more than five feet six inches in height. and speaking of the californian indians, in general, 'they are of a middling, or rather of a low stature, and of a dark brown colour, approaching to black ... large projecting lips, and broad, flat, negro-like noses; ... bear a strong resemblance to the negroes.... none of the men we saw were above five feet high ... ill-proportioned ... we had never seen a less pleasing specimen of the human race.' _langsdorff's voy._, vol. ii., pp. - , , see plate. and speaking generally of the californian indians: 'die männer sind im allgemeinen gut gebaut und von starker körperbildung,' height 'zwischen fünf fuss vier zoll und fünf fuss zehn oder eilf zoll.' complexion 'die um ein klein wenig heller als bei den mulatten, also weit dunkler ist, als bei den übrigen indianerstämmen.' _osswald_, _californien_, p. . the coast indians 'are about five feet and a half in height, and rather slender and feeble,' in the interior they 'are taller and more robust.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . 'cubische schädelform, niedrige stirn, breites gesicht, mit hervorragendem jochbogen, breite lippen und grosser mund, mehr platte nase und am innenwinkel herabgezogene augen.' _wimmel_, _californien_, pp. v, . 'les californiens sont presque noirs; la disposition de leur yeux et l'ensemble de leur visage leur donnent avec les européens une ressemblance assez marquée.' _rossi_, _souvenirs_, pp. - . 'they are small in stature; thin, squalid, dirty, and degraded in appearance. in their habits little better than an ourang-outang, they are certainly the worst type of savage i have ever seen.' _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. . 'more swarthy in complexion, and of less stature than those east of the rocky mountains ... more of the asiatic cast of countenance than the eastern tribe.' _delano's life on the plains_, p. . 'dépasse rarement la hauteur de cinq pieds deux ou trois pouces; leur membres sont grêles et médiocrement musclés. ils ont de grosses lévres qui se projettent en avant, le nez large et aplati comme les ethiopiens; leurs cheveux sont noirs, rude et droits.' _auger_, _voy. en cal._, p. . 'generally of small stature, robust appearance, and not well formed.' _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. ii., p. . 'schön gewachsen und von schwärtzlich-brauner farbe.' _mühlenpfordt mejico_, tom. ii., part ii., p. . 'low foreheads and skins as black as guinea negroes.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. . 'en naissant les enfants sont presque blancs ... mais ils noircissent en grandissant.' 'depuis le nord du rio sacramento jusqu'au cap san lucas ... leurs caractères physique, leurs moeurs et leurs usages sont les mêmes.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. , . 'skin of such a deep reddish-brown that it seems almost black.' _figuier's human race_, p. ; _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. sprache_, p. ; _forbes' cal._, pp. - ; _harper's monthly_, vol. xiii., p. . 'a fine set of men, who, though belonging to different nationalities, had very much the same outward appearance; so that when you have seen one you seem to have seen them all.' _pim and seemann's dottings_, p. . [ ] on the sacramento river 'the men universally had some show of a beard, an inch or so in length, but very soft and fine.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . 'they had beards and whiskers an inch or two long, very soft and fine.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . on russian river 'they have quite heavy moustaches and beards on the chin, but not much on the cheeks, and they almost all suffer it to grow.' the clear lake indians 'have also considerable beards, and hair on the person.' at the head of south fork of eel river, 'they pluck their beards.' gibbs, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. - . at monterey 'plusieurs ont de la barbe; d'autres, suivant les pères missionaires, n'en ont jamais eu, et c'est un question qui n'est pas même décidée dans le pays.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'les californiens ont la barbe plus fournie que les chiliens, et les parties génitales mieux garnies: cependant j'ai remarqué, parmi les hommes, un grand nombre d'individus totalement dépourvus de barbe; les femmes ont aussi peu de poil au pénil et aux aisselles.' _rollin_, in _la pérouse_, _voy._, vol. iv., p. . 'they have the habit common to all american indians of extracting the beard and the hair of other parts of their body.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . beards 'short, thin, and stiff.' _bartlett's nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'in general very scanty, although occasionally a full flowing beard is observed.' _forbes' cal._, pp. - . 'beards thin; many shave them close with mussel-shells.' _langsdorff's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'ihr bart ist schwach.' _wimmel_, _californien_, vol. v. at san antonio, 'in the olden times, before becoming christians, they pulled out their beards.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _. choris in his _voy. pitt._, plates vi., vii., xii., of part iii., draws the indians with a very slight and scattered beard. 'pluck out their beard.' _auger_, _voy. in cal._, p. . 'wear whiskers.' _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. ii., p. . 'les indiens qui habitent dans la direction du cap de nouvel-an (del año nuevo) ... ont des moustaches.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. . mühlenpfordt mentions that at the death of a relation, 'die männer raufen haupthaar und bart sich aus.' _mejico_, vol. ii., part ii., p. . [ ] at fort ross 'die männer gehen ganz nackt, die frauen hingegen bedecken nur den mittleren theil des körpers von vorne und von hinten mit den fellen wilder ziegen; das haar binden die männer auf dem schopfe, die frauen am nacken in büschel zusammen; bisweilen lassen sie es frei herunter wallen; die männer heften die büschel mit ziemlich künstlich, aus einer rothen palme geschnitzten hölzchen fest.' _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. . at clear lake 'the women generally wear a small round, bowl-shaped basket on their heads; and this is frequently interwoven with the red feathers of the woodpecker, and edged with the plume tufts of the blue quail.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . see also p. , plate xiv., for plate of ornaments. at kelsey river, dress 'consists of a deer-skin robe thrown over the shoulders.' _id._, p. . in the sacramento valley 'they were perfectly naked.' _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., p. . 'both sexes have the ears pierced with large holes, through which they pass a piece of wood as thick as a man's finger, decorated with paintings or glass beads.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . 'the men go entirely naked; but the women, with intuitive modesty, wear a small, narrow, grass apron, which extends from the waist to the knees, leaving their bodies and limbs partially exposed.' _delano's life on the plains_, pp. , . 'they wear fillets around their heads of leaves.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . 'the dress of the women is a cincture, composed of narrow slips of fibrous bark, or of strings of 'californian flax,' or sometimes of rushes.' men naked. _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . at bodega they 'most liberally presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries of bone, garments of feathers, as also garlands of the same materials, which they wore round their head.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . 'the women wore skins of animals about their shoulders and waists;' hair 'clubbed behind.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . around san francisco bay: 'in summer many go entirely naked. the women, however, wear a deer-skin, or some other covering about their loins; but skin dresses are not common.' to their ears the women 'attach long wooden cylinders, variously carved, which serve the double purpose of ear-rings and needle-cases.' _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'all go naked.' _chamisso_, in _kotzebue's voy._, vol. iii., p. . 'the men either go naked or wear a simple breech-cloth. the women wear a cloth or strips of leather around their loins.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. . three hundred years ago we are told that the men in the vicinity of san francisco bay 'for the most part goe naked; the women take a kinde of bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hemp, make themselues thereof a loose garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that which nature teaches should be hidden; about their shoulders they weare also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it.' the king had upon his shoulders 'a coate of the skins of conies, reaching to his wast; his guard also had each coats of the same shape, but of other skin.... after these in their order, did follow the naked sort of common people, whose haire being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stucke plumes of feathers; but in the forepart onely single feathers like hornes, every one pleasing himselfe in his owne device.' _drake's world encomp._, pp. , . 'asi como adamitas se presentan sin el menor rubor ni vergüenza (esto es, los hombres) y para librarse del frio que todo el año hace en esta mision (san francisco), principalmente las mañanas, se embarran con lodo, diciendo que les preserva de él, y en quanto empieza á calentar el sol se lavan: las mugeres andan algo honestas, hasta las muchachas chiquitas: usan para la honestidad de un delantar que hacen de hilos de tule, ó juncia, que no pasa de la rodilla, y otro atrás amarrados á la cintura que ambos forman como unas enaguas, con que se presentan con alguna honestidad, y en las espaldas se ponen otros semejantes para librarse en alguna manera del frio.' _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. . at monterey, and on the coast between monterey and santa barbara the dress 'du plus riche consiste en un manteau da peau de loutre qui couvre ses reins et descend au dessous des sines.... l'habillement des femmes est un manteau de peau de cerf mal tannée.... les jeunes filles au-dessous de neuf ans n'ont qu'une simple ceinture et les enfans de l'autre sexe sont tout nus.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'ils se percent aussi les oreilles, et y portent des ornemens d'un genre et d'un gout trés-variés.' _rollin_, in _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'those between monterey and the extreme northern boundary of the mexican domain, shave their heads close.' _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. . on the coast between san diego and san francisco 'presque tous ... vont entierement nus; ceux qui ont quelques vêtements, n'ont autre chose qu'une casaque faite de courroies de peau de lapins, de lièvres ou de loutres tressés ensemble, et qui ont conservé le poil. les femmes ont une espèce de tablier de roseaux tressés qui s'attache autour de la taille par un cordon, et pend jusqu'aux genoux; une peau de cerf mal tannée et mal préparée, jetée sur leurs épaules en guise de manteau, compléte leur toilette.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. ; see also _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . 'sont tres peu couverts, et en été, la plupart vont tout nus. les femmes font usage de peaux de daim pour se couvrir.... ces femmes portent encore comme vêtement des espèces de couvertures sans envers, faites en plumes tissues ensemble ... il a l'avantage d'être très-chaud.... elles portent généralement, au lieu de boucles d'oreilles, des morceaux d'os ou de bois en forme de cylindre et sculptés de différentes manières. ces ornements sont creux et servent également d'étuis pour renfermer leurs aiguilles.' _petit-thouars_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . speaking generally of the californian indians, 'both sexes go nearly naked, excepting a sort of wrapper round the waist, only in the coldest part of the winter they throw over their bodies a covering of deer-skin, or the skin of the sea-otter. they also make themselves garments of the feathers of many different kinds of water fowl, particularly ducks and geese, bound together fast in a sort of ropes, which ropes are then united quite close so as to make something like a feather skin.' it is very warm. 'in the same manner they cut the sea-otter skins into small strips, which they twist together, and then join them as they do the feathers, so that both sides have the fur alike.' _langsdorff's voy._, vol. ii., pp. - . see also _farnham's life in cal._, p. , and _forbes' cal._, p. . 'im winter selbst tragen sie wenig bekleidung, vielleicht nur eine hirschhaut, welche sie über die schulter werfen; männer, frauen und kinder gehen selbst im winter im schnee barfuss.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _patrick, gilbert, heald, and von schmidt_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - ; _choris_, _voy. pitt._, part iii., p. , and plate xii.; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, vol. ii., part ii., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; _shea's catholic missions_, p. ; _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. ; _augur_, _voy. en cal._, p. . after having collated the above notes i was rather taken aback by meeting the following: 'the general costume of nearly all the californian indians gives them rather an interesting appearance; when fully dressed, their hair, which has been loose, is tied up, either with a coronet of silver, or the thongs of skin, ornamented with feathers of the brightest colours; bracelets made in a similar manner are wore; breeches and leggings of doe-skin, sewed, not unfrequently with human hair; a kind of kilt of varied coloured cloth or silk (!), fastened by a scarf, round their waist; ... the women wear a cloth petticoat, dyed either blue or red, doe-skin shirt, and leggings, with feathered bracelets round their waist.' _coulter's adventures_, vol. i., pp. - . surely mr coulter should know an indian dress from one composed of mexican cloth and trinkets. [ ] at bodega the women 'were as much tatooed or punctured as any of the females of the sandwich islands.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . in the sacramento valley 'most of the men had some slight marks of tattooing on the breast, disposed like a necklace.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . dana, in a note to hale, says: 'the faces of the men were colored with black and red paint, fancifully laid on in triangles and zigzag lines. the women were tattooed below the mouth.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'most of them had some slight marks of tattooing on their breast; somewhat similar to that of the chinooks.... the face was usually painted, the upper part of the cheek in the form of a triangle, with a blue-black substance, mixed with some shiny particles that looked like pulverized mica.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., pp. , . 'their faces daubed with a thick dark glossy substance like tar, in a line from the outside corners of the eyes to the ends of the mouth, and back from them to the hinge of the jawbone ... some also had their entire foreheads coated over.' _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., p. . 'the women are a little tattooed on the chin.' _pfeiffer's second journ._, p. . at monterey and vicinity, 'se peignent le corps en rouge, et en noir lorsqu'ils sont en deuil.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'se peignent la peau pour se parer.' _rollin_, in _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. iv., p. . 'this one thing was obserued to bee generall amongst them all, that euery one had his face painted, some with white, some blacke, and some with other colours.' _drake's world encomp._, p. . 'tattooing is practised in these tribes by both sexes, both to ornament the person and to distinguish one clan from another. it is remarkable that the women mark their chins precisely in the same way as the esquimaux.' _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'les indigènes indepéndents de la haute-californie sont tatoués ... ces signes servent d'ornement et de distinction, non seulement d'une tribu à une autre tribu, mais encore, d'une famille à une autre famille.' _petit-thouars_, _voy._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'tattooing is also used, but principally among the women. some have only a double or triple line from each corner of the mouth down to the chin; others have besides a cross stripe extending from one of these stripes to the other; and most have simple long and cross stripes from the chin over the neck down to the breast and upon the shoulders.' _langsdorff's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; see plate, p. . when dancing, 'ils se peignent sur le corps des lignes régulières, noires, rouges et blanches. quelques-uns ont la moitié du corps, depuis la tête jusqu'en bas, barbouillée de noir, et l'autre de rouge; le tout croisé par des raies blanches, d'autres se poudrent les cheveux avec du duvet d'oiseaux.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, part iii., p. ; see also plate xii. 'i have never observed any particular figured designs upon their persons, but the tattooing is generally on the chin, though sometimes on the wrist and arm.' mostly on the persons of the females. _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'les femmes seules emploient le tatouage.' _auger_, _voy. en cal._, p. . [ ] 'il est bien rare qu'un indien passe la nuit dans sa maison. vers le soir chacun prend son arc et ses flèches et va se réunir aux autres dans de grandes cavernes, parce-qu'ils craignent d'être attaqués a l'improviste par leurs ennemis et d'être surpris sans défense au milieu de leurs femmes et de leurs enfants.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., pp. - . [ ] two authors describe their dwellings as being much smaller than i have stated them to be: 'leur maisons ont quatre pieds de diamètre.' _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . their wigwams have 'une élévation au-dessus du sol de cinq à huit pieds et une circonférence de dix à douze.' _holinski_, _la californie_, p. . the authorities i have followed, and who agree in essential particulars, are: _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., pp. , ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. ; _pfeiffer's second journ._, pp. - ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; _fremont's explor. ex._, p. ; _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., pp. , ; _choris_, _voy. pitt._, part iii., p. ; _drake's world encomp._, p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. , with cut; _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., pp. , ; _palou_, _noticias_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., vol. vi., pp. , ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. ; _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. ; _delano's life on the plains_, p. ; _gerstäcker's journ._, p. ; _gilbert_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _patrick_, in _id._, p. ; _jewett_, in _id._, p. ; _bailey_, in _id._, , p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _langsdorff's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _wimmel_, _californien_, pp. , ; _farnham's life in cal._, p. ; _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _baer_, _stat. und ethno._, p. ; _kostromitonow_, in _id._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., p. ; _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. ii., p. ; _roquefeuil's voy. round the world_, p. ; _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., pp. , . [ ] wilkes, and the majority of writers, assert that the acorns are sweet and palatable in their natural state; kostromitonow, however, says: 'nachdem die eicheln vom baume gepflückt sind, werden sie in der sonne gedörrt, darauf gereinigt und in körben mittelst besonders dazu behauener steine gestossen, dann wird im sande oder sonst wo in lockerer erde eine grube gegraben, die eicheln werden hineingeschüttet und mit wasser übergossen, welches beständig von der erde eingezogen wird. dieses ausspülen wiederholt man so lange bis die eicheln alle ihre eigenthümliche bitterkeit verloren haben.' _baer_, _stat. und ethno._, p. . the acorn bread 'looks and tastes like coarse black clay, strongly resembling the soundings in hampton roads, and being about as savory and digestible.' _revere's tour_, p. . never having eaten 'coarse black clay,' i cannot say how it tastes, but according to all other authorities, this bread, were it not for the extreme filthiness of those who prepare it, would be by no means disagreeable food. [ ] pinole is an aztec word, and is applied to any kind of grain or seeds, parched and ground, before being made into dough. '_pinolli_, la harina de mayz y chia, antes que la deslian.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. the aztecs made pinole chiefly of maize or indian corn. [ ] 'nos trageron su regalo de tamales grandes de mas de á tercia con su correspondiente grueso, amasados de semillas silvestres muy prietas que parecen brea; los probé y no tienen mal gusto y son muy mantecosos.' _palou_, _noticias_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. . among the presents given to drake by the indians was 'a roote which they call petáh, whereof they make a kind of meale, and either bake it into bread or eate it raw; broyled fishes, like a pilchard; the seede and downe aforenamed, with such like.' _drake's world encomp._, p. . catch salmon in baskets. 'they neither sow nor reap, but burn their meadows from time to time to increase their fertility.' _chamisso_, in _kotzebue's voy._, vol. iii., p. . 'les rats, les insectes, les serpentes, tout sans exception leur sert de nourriture.... ils sont trop maladroits et trop paresseux pour chasser.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, part iii., p. . 'entre ellas tienen una especie de semilla negra, y de su harina hacen unos tamales, á modo de bolas, de tamaño de una naranja, que son muy sabrosos, que parecen de almendra tostada muy mantecosa.' _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. ; _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'their fastidiousness does not prompt them to take the entrails out' of fishes and birds. _delano's life on the plains_, p. . 'live upon various plants in their several seasons, besides grapes, and even use the artemesia.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., pp. , . 'ils trouvent aussi autour d'eux une quantité d'aloès dont ils font un fréquent usage.... ils utilisent éncore la racine d'une espèce de roseau.... ils mangent aussi une fleur sucrée qui ressemble à celle de l'églantier d'espagne, et qui croît dans les endroits marécageux.' _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, pp. - , . were cannibals and their sorcerers still eat human flesh. _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. , - . the meewocs 'eat all creatures that swim in the waters, all that fly through the air, and all that creep, crawl, or walk upon the earth, with, perhaps a dozen exceptions.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . 'ils se nourrissent également d'une espèce de gâteaux fabriqués avec du gland, et qu'ils roulent dans le sable avant de le livrer à la cuisson; de là vient qu'ils sont, jeunes encore, les dents usées jusqu'à la racine, et ce n'est pas, comme le dit malte-brun, parce qu'ils ont l'habitude de les limer.' _auger_, _voy. en cal._, p. . 'while i was standing there a couple of pretty young girls came from the woods, with flat baskets full of flower-seed, emitting a peculiar fragrance, which they also prepared for eating. they put some live coals among the seed, and swinging it and throwing it together, to shake the coals and the seed well, and bring them in continual and close contact without burning the latter, they roasted it completely, and the mixture smelled so beautiful and refreshing that i tasted a good handful of it, and found it most excellent.' _gerstaecker's journ._, p. . see farther: _humboldt_, _pol._, tom. i., pp. - ; _holinski_, _la californie_, p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. - , ; _wimmel_, _californien_, pp. , ; _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., p. ; _taylor's el dorado_, vol. i., p. ; _king's rept._, in _taylor's el dorado_, vol. ii., p. ; _langsdorff's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. ; _petit-thouars_, _voy._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _fremont's explor. ex._, pp. , ; _johnson's cal. and ogn._, p. ; _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. ; _placerville index_, _aug., _; _henley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _patrick, mcdermott, gilbert, benitz, jannson, von schmidt, mcadam, bowlby, and jewett_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , - ; _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. ; _helper's land of gold_, pp. - ; _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. iii., pp. - ; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _thornton's ogn. and cal._, pp. - , , ; _yate's sketch of the sacramento valley in , ms._; _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. ; _mcdaniels' early days of cal. ms._; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., pp. , ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. - ; _knight's pioneer life, ms._ [ ] when the indian finds a tree stocked by the carpenter bird he 'kindles a fire at its base and keeps it up till the tree falls, when he helps himself to the acorns.' _helper's land of gold_, p. . [ ] _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'when a sturgeon is caught, the spinal marrow, which is considered a delicacy, is drawn out whole, through a cut made in the back, and devoured raw.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] _browne_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xxiii., p. . [ ] 'they cook the flesh of this animal in holes dug in the ground and curbed up with stone like wells. over this they build large fires, heat them thoroughly, clean out the coals and ashes, fill them with whale flesh, cover the opening with sticks, leaves, grass and earth, and thus bake their repast.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. - . 'ils font rôtir cette chair dans des trous creusés en terre.' _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . [ ] _johnson's cal. and ogn._, p. ; _powers' account of john a. sutter, ms._; and _id._, _letter to the author, ms._ [ ] 'reinlichkeit kennen sie nicht, und in ihren hütten sind die diversesten parasiten vertreten.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . 'i have seen them eating the vermin which they picked from each other's heads, and from their blankets. although they bathe frequently, they lay for hours in the dirt, basking in the sun, covered with dust.' _delano's life on the plains_, p. . 'in their persons they are extremely dirty.' eat lice like the tartars. _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'very filthy, and showed less sense of decency in every respect than any we had ever met with.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'ein bogen mit pfeilen und ein spiess sind ihre waffen; alles dieses wird meistens aus jungem tannenholz verfertigt. die spitzen der pfeile und spiesse bestehen aus scharfen, künstlich behauenen steinen, zur bogensehne nehmen sie die sehnen wilder ziegen; ausserdem führen sie in kriegszeiten eine art von schleuder, mit welcher sie steine auf eine grosse entfernung werfen.' _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. . bow 'from three to four and a half feet long.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . 'their arms are clubs, spears of hard wood, and the bow and arrow.... arrows are mostly made of reeds.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _feb. , _. 'die einzige waffe zur erlegung des wildes ist ihnen der bogen und pfeil.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . 'their only arms were bows and arrows.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . bows 'about thirty inches long ... arrows are a species of reed ... spears are pointed with bone.' _delano's life on the plains_, p. . 'the quiver of dressed deer-skin, holds both bow and arrows.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'the point (of the arrow) itself is a piece of flint chipped down into a flat diamond shape, about the size of a diamond on a playing-card; the edges are very sharp, and are notched to receive the tendons with which it is firmly secured to the arrow.' _borthwick's three years in cal._, p. . 'arrows are pointed with flint, as are also their spears, which are very short. they do not use the tomahawk or scalping knife.' _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. ii., p. . 'leurs armes sont l'arc et les flèches armées d'un silex très-artistement travaillé.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'ces arcs sont encore garnis, au milieu, d'une petite lanière de cuir, qui a pour object d'empêcher la flèche de dévier de la position qu'on lui donne en la posant sur l'arc.... ils prétendent que cette précaution rend leurs coups encore plus sûrs. les flèches sont moins longues que l'arc, elles ont ordinairement de à centimètres de long, elles sont faites d'un bois très-léger et sont égales en grosseur à chaque extrémité ... l'autre extrémité de la flèche est garnie, sur quatre faces, de barbes en plumes qui ont centimètres de longueur sur , millimètres de hauteur.' _petit-thouars_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . they 'maintain armories to make their bows, and arrows, and lances.' arrows 'are tipped with barbed obsidian heads ... the shaft is ornamented with rings of the distinguishing paint of the owner's rancheria. their knives and spear-points are made of obsidian and flint.' arrows are of two kinds, 'one short and light for killing game, and the other a war-shaft measuring a cloth-yard in length.' _revere's tour_, pp. - . 'ces flèches offrent peu de danger à une certaine distance, à cause de la parabole qu'elles sont forcées de décrire, et qui donne à celui que les voit venir la temps de les éviter.' _auger_, _voy. en cal._, p. . 'la corde, faite avec du chanvre sylvestre, est garnie d'un petit morceau de peau qui en étouffe le sifflement.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. ; see _atlas_, plate . 'ihre waffen bestehen nur in bogen und pfeil.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., part ii., p. . 'they have no offensive arms at all, except bows and arrows, and these are small and powerless.... arrows are about two feet long.' _gerstaecker's journ._, p. . 'sometimes the bow is merely of wood and rudely made.' _chamisso_, in _kotzebue's voy._, vol. iii., p. . 'their weapons consist only of bows and arrows; neither the tomahawk nor the spear is ever seen in their hands.' _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'a portion of the string is covered with downy fur' to deaden the sound. arrows are invariably pointed with flint. they have 'sometimes wooden barbs.' javelins pointed with flint, or sometimes simply sharpened at the end. _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . arrows were about three feet long, and pointed with flint. short spears also pointed with flint. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . 'traian unas lanzas cortas con su lengüeta de pedernal tan bien labradas como si fuesen de hierro ó acero, con solo la diferencia de no estar lisas.' _palou_, _noticias_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. . 'los mas de ellos traian varas largas en las manos á modo de lanzas.' _id._, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _langsdorff's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _life of gov. l. w. boggs, by his son, ms._ [ ] _petit-thouars_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. ; _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . it is impossible to locate with certainty the san miguel of fages. there are now several places of the name in california, of which the san miguel in san luis obispo county comes nearest the region in which, to agree with his own narrative, fages must have been at the time. the cimeter mentioned by him, must have strongly resembled the _maquahuitl_ of the ancient mexicans, and it was possibly much farther south that he saw it. [ ] _powers' pomo, ms._; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . [ ] _butte record_, _aug., ._ [ ] 'suelen entrar en ella entonando cánticos militares mezclados de extraños alaridos; y acostumbran formarse los campeones en dos lineas muy próximas para empezar disparándose flechazos. como uno de sus principales ardides consiste en intimidar al enemigo, para conseguirlo procura cada partido que oiga el contrario los preparativos de la batalla.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . 'on coming in sight of the enemy they form in an extended line, something like light infantry, and shouting, like bacchanals dance from side to side to prevent the foe from taking deliberate aim.' _revere's tour_, p. . [ ] in the vicinity of fort ross: 'in ihren kriegen wird unerschrockenheit geachtet; gefangene feinde tödtet man nicht, sondern wechselt sie nach beendigtem kampfe aus; nie verurtheilt man sie zu sklaven.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. . near feather river 'they carry off their dead to prevent their being scalped, which next after death they are most fearful of.' _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., p. . in the sacramento valley 'the californians differ from the other north american tribes in the absence of the tomahawk and of the practice of scalping.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . at clear lake, 'they do not scalp the slain.' _revere's tour_, p. . in the vicinity of san francisco 'occasionally, they appear to have eaten pieces of the bodies of their more distinguished adversaries killed in battle.' _soulé's annals of san francisco_, p. . at monterey, 'lorsqu'ils avaient vaincu et mis à mort sur le champ de bataille des chefs ou des hommes très-courageux, ils en mangeaient quelques morceaux, moins en signe de haine et de vengeance, que comme un hommage qu'ils rendaient à leur valeur, et dans la persuasion qua cette nourriture était propre à augmenter leur courage.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'muchos indios armados de arco y flechas y llamándolos vinieron luego y me regularon muchos de ellos flechas, que es entre ellos la mayor demostracion de paz.' _palou_, _noticias_, in _doc. mex. hist._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. . at santa cruz they eat slices of the flesh of a brave fallen enemy, thinking to gain some of his valour. they 'take the scalps of their enemies ... they pluck out the eyes of their enemies.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . 'gefangene werden nicht lange gehalten, sondern gleich getödtet.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . in order to intimidate their enemies 'cometen con el propio fin en las primeras víctimas las crueldades mas horrorosas.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_ p. . [ ] _drake's world encomp._, p. . [ ] 'make baskets of the bark of trees.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . 'make a very ingenious straw box for keeping their worm bait alive; burying it in the earth, yet not allowing the worms to escape.' _kneeland's wonders of yosemite_, p. . 'die gewöhnlichste form für den korb ist halbconisch, fuss lang und zoll breit.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . 'their baskets, made of willows, are perfectly water-tight.' _delano's life on the plains_, p. . 'they sometimes ornament the smaller ones with beads, pearl-shell, feathers, &c.' _revere's tour_, p. 'leurs mortiers de pierre et divers autres utensiles sont artistiquement incrustés de morceaux de nacre de perle ... garnissent leur calebasses et leur cruches d'ouvrages de vannerie brodés avec des fils-déliés qu'elles tirent de diverses racines.' _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. ; _langsdorff's voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _fremont's explor. ex._, p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. ; _chamisso_, in _kotzebue's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _borthwick's three years in cal._, p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _maurelle's jour._, p. . at clear lake 'their canoes or rather rafts are made of bundles of the tulé plant.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . at san francisco bay and vicinity 'the only canoes of the indians are made of plaited reeds.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'they do not possess horses or canoes of any kind; they only know how to fasten together bundles of rushes, which carry them over the water by their comparative lightness.' _chamisso_, in _kotzebue's voy._, vol. iii., p. . 'les indiens font leur pirogues à l'instant où ils veulent entreprendre un voyage par eau; elles sont en roseaux. lorsque l'on y entre elles s'emplissent à moitié d'eau; de sorte qu'assis, l'on en a jusqu'au gras de la jambe; on les fait aller avec des avirons extrêmement longs, et pointus aux deux extremités.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, part iii., p. . had no boats, but it was reported that they had previously used boats made of rushes. _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . 'the most rude and sorry contrivances for embarcation i had ever beheld.... they were constructed of rushes and dried grass of a long broad leaf, made up into rolls the length of the canoe, the thickest in the middle and regularly tapering to a point at each end ... appeared to be very ill calculated to contend with wind and waves.... they conducted their canoe or vessel by long double-bladed paddles, like those used by the esquimaux.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'the balsas are entirely formed of the bulrush ... commonly the rowers sit on them soaked in water, as they seldom rise above the surface.' _forbes' cal._, p. . build no canoes, but occasionally make use of rafts composed of one or two logs, generally split. _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . 'the "balsa" is the only thing of the boat kind known among them. it is constructed entirely of bulrushes ... sit flat upon the craft, soaked in water, plying their paddles ... most of them in all kinds of weather, are either below, or on a level with the water.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . 'my opinion is that the indians of california, previous to the occupation by the jesuit fathers had no other boats than those made from the tule, and even as late as , i never knew or heard of an indian using any other.' _phelps' letter, ms._ [ ] _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. ; _cronise's nat. wealth_, p. . [ ] _roquefeuil's voy._, pp. - . tule is an aztec word, from _tollin_, signifying rushes, flags, or reeds. _molina_, _vocabulario._ mendoza says that when the ancient mexicans arrived at the site of mexico, it was a complete swamp, covered 'con grandes matorrales de enea, que llaman _tuli_.' _esplicacion del codice_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. . that the spaniards themselves had not boats at this time is also asserted by kotzebue: 'that no one has yet attempted to build even the simplest canoe in a country which produces a superabundance of the finest wood for the purpose, is a striking proof of the indolence of the spaniards, and the stupidity of the indians.' _new voy._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _phelps' letter, ms._ [ ] _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'sending off a man with great expedition, to vs in a canow.' _drake's world encomp._, p. . [ ] the shells 'they broke and rubbed down to a circular shape, to the size of a dime, and strung them on a thread of sinews.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _march , _. 'three kinds of money were employed ... white shell-beads, or rather buttons, pierced in the centre and strung together, were rated at $ a yard; periwinkles, at $ a yard; fancy marine shells, at various prices, from $ to $ , or $ , according to their beauty.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . [ ] the office of chief is hereditary in the male line only. the widows and daughters of the chiefs are, however, treated with distinction, and are not required to work, as other women. _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., p. . in one case near clear lake, when 'the males of a family had become extinct and a female only remained, she appointed a chief.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . at the port of sardinas 'durmió dos noches en la capitana una india anciana, que era señora de estos pueblos, acompañada de muchos indios.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. xxxii. [ ] the kainameahs had three hereditary chiefs. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] in russian river valley and the vicinity: 'die achtung die man für den vater hegte, geht häufig auf den sohn über; aber die gewalt des oberhauptes ist im allgemeinen sehr nichtig; denn es steht einem jeden frei, seinen geburtsort zu verlassen und einen anderen aufenthalt zu wählen.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, pp. - . 'derjenige, der am meisten anverwandte besitzt, wird als häuptling oder tojon anerkannt; in grösseren wohnsitzen giebt es mehrere solcher tojone, aber ihre autorität ist nichts sagend. sie haben weder das recht zu befehlen, noch den ungehorsam zu züchtigen.' _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. . at clear lake chiefdom was hereditary. _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . see also pp. , . among the gualalas and gallinomeros, chieftainship was hereditary. the sanéls live in large huts, each containing or persons related to each other, each of these families has its own government. the comachos paid voluntary tribute for support of chief. _powers' pomo, ms._ in the sacramento valley a chief has more authority than that arising merely from his personal character. _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . on the coast between san diego and san francisco, in the vicinity of san miguel 'chaque village est gouverné despotiquement par un chef qui est seul arbitre de la paix et de la guerre.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. . see also _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. ; _jewett_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _gerstaecker's journ._, p. ; _histoire chrétienne de la cal._, p. ; _wimmel_, _californien_, pp. - . [ ] 'el robo era un delito casi desconocido en ambas naciones. entre los runsienes se miraba quasi con indiferencia el homicidio; pero no así entre los eslenes, los quales castigaban al delinquente con pena de muerte.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . 'im fall ein indianer ein verbrechen in irgend einem stamme verübt hat, und die häuptlinge sich bestimmt haben ihn zu tödten, so geschieht dies durch bogen und pfeil.' _wimmel_, _californien_, pp. - ; _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. xii., p. . [ ] _drake's world encomp._, pp. - . [ ] _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . [ ] near san francisco, 'teniendo muchas mugeres, sin que entre ellas se experimente la menor emulacion.' _palou_, _vida de junipero serra_, p. . at monterey 'la polygamie leur était permise.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . in tuolumne county 'polygamy is practiced.' _healey_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . at clear lake 'polygamy is practiced only by the chiefs.' _revere's tour_, p. . 'bei manchen stämmen wird vielweiberei gestattet.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . 'a man often marries a whole family, the mother and her daughters.... no jealousies ever appear among these families of wives.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . 'an indian man may have as many wives as he can keep; but a woman cannot have a plurality of husbands, or men to whom she owes obedience.' _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . in the sacramento valley 'the men in general have but one wife.' _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., p. . 'of these indians it is reported that no one has more than one wife.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . 'entre los runsienes y eslenes no era permitido á cada hombre tener mas de una muger.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . at clear lake and down the coast to san francisco bay 'they have but one wife at a time.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . in the vicinity of fort ross 'es ist nicht erlaubt mehr als eine frau zu haben.' _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. . in the country round san miguel 'non-seulement ce capitaine a le droit d'avoir deux femmes, tandis que les autres indiens n'en ont qu'une, mais il peut les renvoyer quand cela lui plaît, pour en prendre d'autres dans le village.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. . see also _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . [ ] at monterey, 'ils étaient même dans l'usage d'épouser toutes les soeurs d'une famille.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . near fort ross, 'die blutsverwandtschaft wird streng beachtet und es ist nicht gestattet aus dem ersten oder zweiten grade der verwandtschaft zu heirathen; selbst im falle einer scheidung darf der nächste anverwandte die frau nicht ehelichen, doch giebt es auch ausnahmen.' _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. . at san francisco 'no conocen para sus casamientos el parentezco de afinidad; antes bien este los incita á recibir por sus propias mugeres á sus cuñadas, y aun á las suegras, y la costumbre que observan es, que el que logra una muger, tiene por suyas á todas sus hermanas.' _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. . 'parentage and other relations of consanguinity are no obstacles to matrimony.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . 'souvent une femme presse son mari d'épouser ses soeurs, et même sa mère, et cette proposition est fréquemment acceptée.' _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . 'este método de comprar las mugeres era comun á entrambas naciones (runsienes y eslenes), bien que entre los runsienes hacia mucho mas solemne el contrato la intervencion de los parientes de los novios, contribuyendo los del varon con su quota, la qual se dividia entre los de la novia al tiempo de entregar á esta.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage._ p. . [ ] _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . [ ] _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. xii., p. . [ ] _delano's life on the plains_, p. . at santa cruz, 'the gentile indian, when he wishes to marry, goes to the hut of her he desires for a wife, and sitting himself close by her, sighs without speaking a word, and casting at her feet some beads on a string, goes out, and without further ceremony he is married.' _comellas' letter_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _. at clear lake 'rape exists among them in an authorized form, and it is the custom for a party of young men to surprise and ravish a young girl, who becomes the wife of one of them.' _revere's tour_, pp. - . [ ] _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . at clear lake 'if the parties separate the children go with the wife.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] _powers' pomo, ms._ [ ] 'the yukas are often brutal and cruel to their women and children, especially to the women.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ix., p. . in the vicinity of fort ross, 'sie lieben ihre kinder mit grosser zärtlichkeit.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. . [ ] _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . 'the practice of abortion, so common among the chinooks and some other tribes in oregon, is unknown here.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. - . [ ] mr powers, in his _pomo, ms._, makes this assertion upon what he states to be reliable authority. [ ] for a full account of this custom of the couvade, as it existed in various parts of the world, see _tylor's researches_, pp. - , and _max müller's chips_, vol. ii., pp. - . for its observance in california, see _venagas_, _noticias de cal._, tom. i., p. , and _farnham's life in cal._, p. . [ ] 'it was not a thing at all uncommon, in the days of the indians' ancient prosperity, to see a woman become a mother at twelve or fourteen. an instance was related to me where a girl had borne her first-born at ten, as nearly as her years could be ascertained, her husband, a white man, being then sixty-odd.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ix., p. . [ ] for further authorities on family and domestic affairs, see: _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _delano's life on the plains_, pp. ; _forbes' cal._, p. ; _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., pp. - . also quoted in _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, pp. - ; _wimmel_, _californien_, p. ; _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _comellas' letter_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _; _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. ; _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ix., pp. , - , vol. x., p. ; _pickering's races_, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. ix., pp. - ; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - ; _borthwick's three years in cal._, p. ; _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. ; _rollin_, in _id._, tom. iv., pp. - ; _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. - ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., pp. , ; _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. ; _gilbert, mcadam, and jewett_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - ; _revere's tour_, p. ; _reid_, in _los angeles star_, ; _farnham's life in cal._, pp. - ; _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. ; _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, pp. - . [ ] every traveler who has seen them dance enters into details of dress, etc.; but no two of these accounts are alike, and the reason of this is that they have no regular figures or costumes peculiar to their dances, but that every man, when his dress is not paint only, wears all the finery he possesses with an utter disregard for uniformity. 'at some of their dances we were told that they avoid particular articles of food, even fowls and eggs.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . dancing is executed at santa cruz, by forming a circle, assuming a stooping posture, raising a loud, discordant chant, and, without moving from their places, lifting and lowering a foot, and twisting the body into various contortions. _archives of santa cruz mission._ 'in their dances they sometimes wear white masks.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . 'se poudrent les cheveux avec du duvet d'oiseaux.' _choris_, _voy. pitt._, part iii., p. . when a wallie chief 'decides to hold a dance in his village, he dispatches messengers to the neighboring rancherias, each bearing a string whereon is tied a certain number of knots. every morning thereafter the invited chief unties one of the knots, and when the last but one is reached, they joyfully set forth for the dance.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . for descriptions of dances of neeshenams, see _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. xii., pp. - . [ ] 'each one had two and sometimes three whistles, made of reeds, in his mouth.' _san francisco bulletin_, _oct. , ._ 'some had whistles or double flageolets of reed which were stuck into their noses.' _revere's tour_, p. . 'the gentiles do not possess any instrument whatever.' _comellas' letter_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _. 'their own original instrument consists of a very primitive whistle, some double, some single, and held in the mouth by one end, without the aid of the fingers; they are about the size and length of a common fife, and only about two notes can be sounded on them.' _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _. [ ] 'they use a species of native tobacco of nauseous and sickening odour.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'they burned the aulone shell for the lime to mix with their tobacco, which they swallowed to make them drunk.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _. 'a species of tobacco is found on the sandy beaches which the indians prepare and smoke.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. . 'se pusieron á chupar y reparé en ellos la misma ceremonia de esparcir el humo hácia arriba diciendo en cada bocanada unas palabras; solo entendí una que fué _esmen_ que quiere decir sol; observé la misma costumbre de chupar primero el mas principal, luego da la pipa á otro, y da vuelta á otros.' _palou_, _noticias_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. ; see also p. . [ ] on the subject of amusements, see _kotzebue's voy._, vol. i., p. . _delano's life on the plains_, p. ; _helper's land of gold_, pp. - ; _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, pp. , - ; _kostromitonow_, in _id._, pp. - ; _holinski_, _la californie_, p. ; _comellas' letter_, in _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _; _wimmel_, _californien_, p. ; _drake's world encomp._, p. ; _revere's tour_, pp. - ; _san francisco bulletin_, _oct. , _, _nov. , _; _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ix., pp. - , - , vol. x., pp. - ; _power's pomo, ms._; _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., p. ; _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. ; _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. iii., pp. - ; _farnham's life in cal._, p. ; _hist. chrétienne_, pp. - ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pp. ii., p. ; _choris_, _voy. pitt._, pt. iii., pp. - ; _la pérouse_, _voy._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] the meewocs 'believe that their male physicians, who are more properly sorcerers, can sit on a mountain top fifty miles distant from a man they wish to destroy, and compass his death by filliping poison towards him from their finger-ends.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . [ ] 'i incautiously entered one of these caverns during the operation above described, and was in a few moments so nearly suffocated with the heat, smoke, and impure air, that i found it difficult to make my way out.' _bryant's cal._, p. . [ ] 'zur heilung bedienen sich die schamane der kräuter und wurzeln, grösstentheils aber saugen sie mit dem munde das blut aus der kranken stelle aus, wobei sie steinchen oder kleine schlangen in den mund nehmen und darauf versichern, sie hätten dieselben aus der wunde herausgezogen.' _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. ; see also pp. , , - . 'until now it has not been ascertained that the indians had any remedy for curing the sick or allaying their sufferings. if they meet with an accident they invariably die.' _comellas' letter_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _. 'ring-worm is cured by placing the milk of the poison oak in a circle round the affected part.' _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. iii., p. . 'among the meewocs stomachic affections and severe travail are treated with a plaster of hot ashes and moist earth spread on the stomach.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. x., p. . see further: _petit-thouars_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. ; _farnham's life in cal._, p. ; _holinski_, _la californie_, p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _beechey's voy._, vol. ii., pp. , ; _san joaquin republican_, _sept., _; _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. iv., p. ; _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., pp. , ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. ; _pickering's races_, in _id._, vol. ix., p. ; _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. ; also quoted in _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. ; _kneeland's wonders of yosemite_, p. ; _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., p. ; _powers' pomo, ms._; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. ; _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. ii., p. ; _delano's life on the plains_, p. ; _laplace_, _circumnav._, tom. vi., p. . [ ] 'from north to south, in the present california, up to the columbia river they burnt the dead in some tribes, and in others buried them. these modes of sepulture differed every few leagues.' _taylor's indianology_, in _cal. farmer_, _june , _. a dead oleepa was buried by one woman in 'a pit about four feet deep, and ten feet in front of the father's door.' _delano's life on the plains_, p. . at santa cruz 'the gentiles burn the bodies of their warriors and allies who fall in war; those who die of natural death they inter at sundown.' _comellas' letter_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _. the indians of the bay of san francisco burned their dead with everything belonging to them, 'but those of the more southern regions buried theirs.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . in the vicinity of clear lake all the tribes with the exception of the yubas bury their dead. _geiger_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'los runsienes dividian últimamente entre los parientes las pocas cosas que componian la propiedad del difunto. los eslenes, al contrario, no solo no repartian cosa alguna, sino que todos sus amigos y súbditos debian contribuir con algunos abalorios que enterraban con el cadáver del fallecido.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . 'if a woman dies in becoming a mother, the child, whether living or dead, is buried with its mother.' _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'die nächsten anverwandten schneiden sich das haar ab und werfen es ins feuer, wobei sie sich mit steinen an die brust schlagen, auf den boden stürzen, ja bisweilen aus besonderer anhänglichkeit zu dem verstorbenen sich blutrünstig oder gar zu tode stossen; doch sind solche fälle selten.' _kostromitonow_, in _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, p. . 'the body is consumed upon a scaffold built over a hole, into which the ashes are thrown and covered.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . see also: _tehama gazette_, _may, _; _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. - ; _powers' pomo, ms._; also in _overland monthly_, vol. ix., p. , vol. x., p. , vol. xii., p. ; _san francisco evening bulletin_, _april , _; _macfie's vanc. isl._, pp. - ; _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. ; _placerville index_, ; _marmier_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, pp. , ; _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. iii., p. ; _wimmel_, _californien_, p. ; _farnham's life in cal._, p. ; _folsom dispatch_, in _cal. farmer_, _nov. , _; _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. ; _henley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _forbes' cal._, p. . [ ] in the russian river valley the indians 'sind weichherzig, und von natur nicht rachsüchtig ... sie erlernen mit leichtigkeit mancherlei handarbeiten und gewerbe.' _baer_, _stat. u. ethno._, pp. - . near fort ross 'sind sie sanft und friedfertig, und sehr fähig, besonders in der auffassung sinnlicher gegenstände. nur in folge ihrer unmässigen trägheit und sorglosigkeit scheinen sie sehr dumm zu seyn.' _kostromitonow_, in _id._, pp. - . 'they appear ... by no means so stupid' as those at the missions. _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . at bodega bay 'their disposition is most liberal.' _maurelle's jour._, p. . at clear lake 'they are docile, mild, easily managed ... roguish, ungrateful, and incorrigibly lazy ... cowardly and cringing towards the whites ... thorough sensualists and most abandoned gamblers ... wretchedly improvident.' _revere's tour_, pp. - . in the sacramento valley they are 'excessively jealous of their squaws ... stingy and inhospitable.' _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., p. . 'a mirthful race, always disposed to jest and laugh.' _dana_, in _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'possessed of mean, treacherous, and cowardly traits of character, and the most thievish propensities.' _johnson's cal. and ogn._, p. . in the vicinity of san francisco bay 'they are certainly a race of the most miserable beings i ever saw, possessing the faculty of human reason.' _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . 'for the most part an idle, intemperate race.' _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. ii., p. . 'they are a people of a tractable, free, and louing nature, without guile or treachery.' _drake's world encomp._, p. . 'bastantes rancherias de gentiles muy mansos y apacibles.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. . 'son muy mansos, afables, de buenas caras y los mas de ellos barbados.' _palou_, _noticias_, in _id._, tom. vii., p. . at monterey they 'étaient lourds et peu intelligents.' those living farther from the missions were not without 'une certaine finesse, commune à tous les hommes élevés dans l'état de nature.' _petit-thouars_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'ces peuples sont si peu courageux, qu'ils n'opposent jamais aucune résistance aux trois ou quatre soldats qui violent si évidement à leur égard le droit des gens.' _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'the yukas are a tigerish, truculent, sullen, thievish, and every way bad, but brave race.' _powers_, in _overland monthly_, vol. ix., p. . the tahtoos were very cowardly and peace-loving. _powers' pomo, ms._ than the oleepas 'a more jolly, laughter-loving, careless, and good-natured people do not exist.... for intelligence they are far behind the indians east of the rocky mountains.' _delano's life on the plains_, p. . the kannimares 'were considered a brave and warlike indian race.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _march , _. the condition of the wallas 'is the most miserable that it is possible to conceive; their mode of living, the most abject and destitute known to man.' _henley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the fresno river indians 'are peaceable, quiet and industrious.' _henley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . a rational, calculating people, generally industrious. _lewis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . on the coast range north and east of mendocino 'they are a timid and generally inoffensive race.' _bailey_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . in placer county they are industrious, honest, and temperate; the females strictly virtuous. _brown_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . lazy, trifling, drunken. _applegate_, _ib._ in tuolumne: friendly, generally honest, truthful; men lazy, women industrious. _jewett_, _id._, p. . in the yosemite valley, 'though low in the scale of man, they are not the abject creatures generally represented; they are mild, harmless, and singularly honest.' _kneeland's wonders of yosemite_, p. . at santa clara they have no ambition, are entirely regardless of reputation and renown. _vancouver's voy._, vol. ii., p. . in stupid apathy 'they exceed every race of men i have ever known, not excepting the degraded races of terra del fuego or van dieman's land.' _kotzebue's new voy._, vol. ii., p. . at santa cruz 'they are so inclined to lying that they almost always will confess offences they have not committed;' very lustful and inhospitable. _comellas' letter_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _. at kelsey river they are 'amiable and thievish.' _gibbs_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . 'in general terms, the california indians are more timid, peaceable, and joyous than any of their neighbors.' _stephens_, in _powers' pomo, ms._ 'their stupidity, insensibility, ignorance, inconstancy, slavery to appetite, excessive sloth and laziness, being absorbed for the time in the stir and din of night-watching and battle, give them a new existence.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . 'faul und jeder anstrengung abgeneigt.' _osswald_, _californien_, p. . 'stupidity seemed to be their distinctive character.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. . 'loose, lazy, careless, capricious, childish and fickle.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _march , _. 'they are really the most harmless tribes on the american continent.' _gerstaecker's nar._, p. . revengeful, timid, treacherous and ungrateful. _kelly's excursion to cal._, vol. ii., p. . 'cowardly, treacherous, filthy and indolent.' _johnston_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'dull, indolent, phlegmatic, timid and of a gentle, submissive temper.' _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. . 'in stature no less than in mind are certainly of a very inferior race of human beings.' _langsdorff's voy._, pt. ii., p. . 'pusillanimous.' _forbes' cal._, p. . 'ils sont également extrêmes dans l'expression de la joie et de la colère.' _rollin_, in _la pérouse_, _voy._, tom. iv., p. . 'seemed to be almost of the lowest grade of human beings.' _king's rept._, in _bayard taylor's el dorado, appendix_, vol. ii., p. . 'die indianer von californien sind physisch und moralisch den andern indianern untergeordnet.' _wimmel_, _californien_, p. . 'su estupidez mas parece un entorpecimiento de las potencias por falta de accion y por pereza característica, que limitacion absoluta de sus facultades intelectuales; y así quando se las pone en movimiento, y se les dan ideas, no dexan de discernir y de aprender lo que se les enseña.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. . 'i noticed that all the indians from southern to northern california were low, shiftless, indolent, and cowardly.' _miller's life amongst the modocs_, p. . cowardly and treacherous in the extreme. _life of gov. l. w. boggs, by his son, ms._ [ ] at santa catalina 'las mujeres son muy hermosas y honestas, los niños son blancos y rubios y muy risueños.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, p. , in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv. see also _farnham's life in cal._, p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . at santa barbara, 'son mas altos, dispuestos, y membrados, que otros, que antes se avian visto.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . on the coast from san diego to san francisco they are 'd'une couleur foncée, de petite taille, et assez mal faits.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. ; see also _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . at san luis rey, 'sont bien faits et d'une taille moyenne.' _id._, p. ; quoted in _marmier_, p. . an indian seen at santa inez mission 'was about twenty-seven years old, with a black thick beard, iris of the eyes light chocolate-brown, nose small and round, lips not thick, face long and angular.' _cal. farmer_, _may , _. the noches 'aunque de buena disposicion son delgados y bastante delicados para andar á pié.' _garces_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. . 'well proportioned in figure, and of noble appearance.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'the women (of the diegeños) are beautifully developed, and superbly formed, their bodies as straight as an arrow.' _michler_, in _emory's u. s. and mex., bound. survey_, vol. i., p. . the cahuillas 'are a filthy and miserable-looking set, and great beggars, presenting an unfavorable contrast to the indian upon the colorado.' _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] the ordinary cloak descends to the waist: 'le chef seul en a une qui lui tombe jusqu'au jarret, et c'est là la seule marque de distinction.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. ; see also _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . [ ] these capes father crespi describes as being 'unos capotillos hechos de pieles de liebres y conejos de que hacen tiras y tercidas como mecate; cosen uno con otro y las defienden del frio cubriéndolas por la honestidad.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., pp. - ; see also _id._, p. . [ ] the lobo marino of the spanish is the common seal and sea calf of the english; le veau marin and phoque commun of the french; vecchio marino of the italians; meerwolf and meerhund of the germans; zee-hund of the dutch; sael-hund of the danes; sial of the swedes; and moelrhon of the welsh. _knight's eng. encyc. nat. hist._, vol. iv., p. . [ ] _reid_, in _los angeles star_. [ ] _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . [ ] this hair turban or coil 'sirve de bolsa para guardar en la cabeza los abalorios y demas chucherias que se les dá.' _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. . the same custom seems to prevail among the cibolos of new mexico, as marmier, in his additional chapter in the french edition of _bryant's cal._, p. , says: 'les hommes du peuple tressent leurs cheveux avec des cordons, et y placent le peu d'objets qu'ils possèdent, notamment la corne qui renferme leur tabac à fumer.' [ ] on the subject of dress see also _navarrete_, _introd._, in _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. lxiv.; _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. ; _farnham's life in cal._, p. ; _garces_, in _doc. mex. hist._, serie ii., tom. i., p. ; _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . [ ] on the los angeles coast: 'la ranchería se compone de veinte casas hechas de zacate de forma esférica á modo de uno media naranja con su respiradero en lo alto por donde les entra la luz y tiene salida el humo.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. ; _hoffmann_, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. v., p. . [ ] 'partiéron de allí el , entráron en una ensenada espaciosa, y siguiendo la costa viéron en ella un pueblo de indios junto á la mar con casas grandes á manera de las de nueva-españa.' _navarrete_, _introd._, in _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, pp. xxix., xxxi., xxxvi. the accounts of cabrillo's voyage are so confused that it is impossible to know the exact locality in which he saw the people he describes. on this point compare _cabrillo_, _relacion_, in _col. doc. hist. florida_, tom. i., p. ; _browne's lower cal._, pp. , ; _burney's chron. hist. discov._, vol. i., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. - ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - ; _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'nur um die meerenge von santa barbara fand man, , die bewohner ein wenig gesittigter. sie bauten grosse häuser von pyramidaler form, in dörfer vereint.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. - . [ ] _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. ; _bancroft's nat. races_, vol. iii., pp. - . [ ] 'one of their most remarkable superstitions is found in the fact of their not eating the flesh of large game. this arises from their belief that in the bodies of all large animals the souls of certain generations, long since past, have entered.... a term of reproach from a wild tribe to those more tamed is, "they eat venison."' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., pp. - ; see also _reid_, in _los angeles star_. [ ] 'all their food was either cold or nearly so.... salt was used very sparingly in their food, from an idea that it had a tendency to turn their hair gray.' _reid_, in _los angeles star_. 'i have seen many instances of their taking a rabbit, and sucking its blood with eagerness, previous to consuming the flesh in a crude state.' _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. . 'viven muy regalados con varias semillas, y con la pesca que hacen en sus balsas de tule ... y queriendoles dar cosa de comida, solian decir, que de aquello no, que lo que querian era ropa; y solo con cosa de este género, eran los cambalaches que hacian de su pescado con los soldados y arrieros.' _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. . see also _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _farnham's life in cal._, p. ; _stanley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _id._, , pp. - ; _walker_, in _id._, , p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. ; _hoffmann_, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. v., p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, pp. - . [ ] _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, pp. - . [ ] the baskets, though water-proof, 'were used only for dry purposes. the vessels in use for liquids were roughly made of rushes and plastered outside and in with bitumen or pitch, called by them _sanot_.' _reid_, in _los angeles star_; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. - ; and _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'leurs mortiers de pierre et divers autres ustensiles sont incrustés avec beaucoup d'art de morceaux de nacre de perle.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. . 'mortars and pestles were made of granite, about sixteen inches wide at the top, ten at the bottom, ten inches high and two thick.' soapstone pots were 'about an inch in thickness, and procured from the indians of santa catalina; the cover used was of the same material.' _reid_, in _los angeles star_. on the eastern slopes of the san bernardino mountains, blankets are made which will easily hold water. _taylor_, in _san francisco bulletin_, , also quoted in _shuck's cal. scrap book_, p. . 'todas sus obras son primorosas y bien acabadas.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. . [ ] _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., pp. - . [ ] 'the planks were bent and joined by the heat of fire, and then paved with asphaltum, called by them chapapote.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _june , _. [ ] at santa catalina vizcaino saw 'vnas canoguelas, que ellos vsan, de tablas bien hechas, como barquillos, con las popas, y proas levantadas, y mas altas, que el cuerpo de la barca, ò canoa.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; see also _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . on the coast of los angeles father crespi saw 'canoas hechas de buenas tablas de pino, bien ligadas y de una forma graciosa con dos proas.... usan remos largos de dos palas y vogan con indecible lijeriza y velocidad.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. . at san diego palou describes 'balsas de tule, en forma de canoas, con lo que entran muy adentro del mar.' _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. ; _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. ; _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . description of balsas, which differ in no respect from those used north. [ ] 'the worth of a rial was put on a string which passed twice and a-half round the hand, i. e., from end of middle finger to wrist. eight of these strings passed for the value of a silver dollar.' _cal. farmer_, _june , _. 'eight yards of these beads made about one dollar of our currency.' _id._, _jan. , _. [ ] 'if a quarrel occurred between parties of distinct lodges (villages), each chief heard the witnesses produced by his own people; and then, associated with the chief of the opposite side, they passed sentence. in case they could not agree, an impartial chief was called in, who heard the statements made by both, and he alone decided. there was no appeal from his decision.' _reid_, in _los angeles star_. [ ] 'pour tout ce qui concerne les affaires intérieures, l'influence des devins est bien supérieure à la leur.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . at san diego 'chaque village est soumis aux ordres absolus d'un chef.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. ; or see _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . 'i have found that the captains have very little authority.' _stanley_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, pp. - . [ ] dr. hoffman states that in the vicinity of san diego 'their laws allow them to keep as many wives as they can support.' _san francisco medical press_, vol. vi., p. . fages, speaking of the indians on the coast from san diego to san francisco, says: 'ces indiens n'ont qu'une seule femme à la fois, mais ils en changent aussi souvent que cela leur convient.' _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. . of those in the vicinity of san luis rey the same author says: 'les chefs de ce district ont le privilége de prendre deux on trois femmes, de les répudier ou de les changer aussi souvent qu'ils le veulent; mais les autres habitants n'en ont qu'une seule et ne peuvent les répudier qu'en cas d'adultère.' _id._, p. . [ ] 'les veufs des deux sexes, qui veulent se remarier, ne peuvent le faire qu'avec d'autres veufs.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. ; see also _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . [ ] 'the perverse child, invariably, was destroyed, and the parents of such remained dishonored.' _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. . 'ils ne pensent pas à donner d'autre éducation à leurs enfants qu'à enseigner aux fils exactement ce que faisait leur père; quant aux filles, elles ont le droit de choisir l'occupation qui leur convient le mieux.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. . [ ] the intoxicating liquor was 'made from a plant called _pibat_, which was reduced to a powder, and mixed with other intoxicating ingredients.' _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. . [ ] _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . for other descriptions of ceremony observed at age of puberty, see: _hoffman_, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. vi., pp. - ; _mckinstry_, in _san francisco herald_, _june, _. [ ] 'pero en la mision de s. antonio se pudo algo averiguar, pues avisando á los padres, que en una de las casas de los neófitos se habian metido dos gentiles, el uno con el traje natural de ellos, y el otro con el trage de muger, expresándolo con el nombre de joya (que dicen llamarlos asi en su lengua nativa) fué luego el p. misionero con el cabo y un soldado á la casa á ver lo que buscaban, y los hallaron en el acto de pecado nefando. castigáronlos, aunque no con la pena merecida, y afearonles el hecho tan enorme; y respondió el gentil, que aquella joya era su muger.... solo en el tramo de la canal de santa bárbara, se hallan muchos joyas, pues raro es el pueblo donde no se vean dos ó tres.' _palou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. . 'así en esta ranchería como en otros de la canal, hemos visto algunos gentiles con traje de muger con sus nagüitas de gamusa, y muy engruesadas y limpias; no hemos podido entender lo que significa, ni á qué fin.' _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. . see also _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, pp. - ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. ; _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. . [ ] 'in some tribes the men and the women unite in the dance; in others the men alone trip to the music of the women, whose songs are by no means unpleasant to the ear.' _mckinstry_, in _s. francisco herald_, _june _. 'in their religious ceremonial dances they differ much. while, in some tribes, all unite to celebrate them, in others, men alone are allowed to dance, while the women assist in singing.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. - . [ ] 'la danse est exécutée par deux couples au son d'une espèce de flûte, les autres restent simples spectateurs et se contentent d'augmenter le bruit en frappant des roseaux secs.' _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., p. ; _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, pp. - ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., pp. - ; _mckinstry_, in _s. francisco herald_, _june _; _reid_, in _los angeles star_; _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. . [ ] _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., p. . 'when the new year begun, no thought was given to the past; and on this account, even amongst the most intelligent, they could not tell the number of years which had transpired, when desirous of giving an idea of any remote event.' _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. . [ ] 'for gonorrhoea they used a strong decoction of an herb that grows very plentifully here, and is called by the spanish "chancel agua," and wild pigeon manure, rolled up into pills. the decoction is a very bitter astringent, and may cure some sores, but that it fails in many, i have undeniable proof. in syphilis they use the actual cautery, a living coal of fire applied to the chancer, and a decoction of an herb, said to be something like sarsaparilla, called rosia.' _hoffman_, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. v., p. - . [ ] i am indebted for the only information of value relating to the medical usages of the southern california tribes, to _boscana's ms._, literally translated by robinson in his _life in cal._, pp. - , and also given in substance in _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. - , and to reid's papers on the indians of los angeles county, in the _los angeles star_, also quoted in _cal. farmer_, _jan. , ._ [ ] see _mofras_, _explor._, tom. ii., pp. - , and plate, p. , and hoffmann, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. v., p. . [ ] 'the same custom is now in use, but not only applied to deaths, but to their disappointments and adversities in life, thus making public demonstration of their sorrow.' _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, pp. - . [ ] _california farmer_, _may , _. [ ] _reid_, in _los angeles star_. [ ] the latitude of which he fixes at ° ´. [ ] _fages_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. ci., pp. - . quoted almost literally by _marmier_, _notice_, in _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, p. . [ ] _boscana_, in _robinson's life in cal._, p. . [ ] in spelling the word shoshone, i have followed the most common orthography. many, however, write it shoshonee, others, shoshonie, either of which would perhaps give a better idea of the pronunciation of the word, as the accent falls on the final _e_. the word means 'snake indian,' according to stuart, _montana_, p. ; and 'inland,' according to ross, _fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . i apply the name shoshones to the whole of this family; the shoshones proper, including the bannacks, i call the snakes; the remaining tribes i name collectively utahs. [ ] see _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - ; _remy and brenchley's journey_, vol. i., p. ; _chandless' visit_, p. ; _farnham's life in cal._, p. ; _carvalho's incid. of trav._, p. ; _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _beckwith_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. ii., p. ; _farley's sanitary rept._, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. iii., p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; _hesperian magazine_, vol. x., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _prince_, quoted in _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _; _townsend's nar._, pp. , ; _bryant_, _voy. en cal._, pp. , ; _coke's rocky mountains_, p. ; _fremont's explor. ex._, pp. , ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _figuier's human race_, p. ; _burton's city of the saints_, p. . mention is made by salmeron of a people living south of utah lake, who were 'blancas, y rosadas las mejillas como los franceses.' _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . escalante, speaking of indians seen in the same region, lat. ° ´ ´´, says: 'eran estos de los barbones, y narices agujeradas, y en su idioma se nombran tirangapui, tian los cinco, que con su capitan venieron primero, tan crecida la barba, que parecian padres capuchinos ó belemitas.' _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. . wilkes writes, 'southwest of the youta lake live a tribe who are known by the name of the monkey indians; a term which is not a mark of contempt, but is supposed to be a corruption of their name.... they are reported to live in fastnesses among high mountains; to have good clothing and houses; to manufacture blankets, shoes, and various other articles, which they sell to the neighboring tribes. their colour is as light as that of the spaniards; and the women in particular are very beautiful, with delicate features, and long flowing hair.... some have attempted to connect these with an account of an ancient welsh colony, which others had thought they discovered among the mandans of the missouri; while others were disposed to believe they might still exist in the monkeys of the western mountains. there is another account which speaks of the monquoi indians, who formerly inhabited lower california, and were partially civilized by the spanish missionaries, but who have left that country, and of whom all traces have long since been lost.' _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. iv., pp. - . 'on the southern boundary of utah exists a peculiar race, of whom little is known. they are said to be fair-skinned, and are called the "white indians;" have blue eyes and straight hair, and speak a kind of spanish language differing from other tribes.' _san francisco evening bulletin_, _may , _. taylor has a note on the subject, in which he says that these fair indians were doubtless the moquis of western new mexico. _cal. farmer_, _june , _. although it is evident that this mysterious and probably mythic people belong in no way to the shoshone family, yet as they are mentioned by several writers as dwelling in a region which is surrounded on all sides by shoshones, i have given this note, wherefrom the reader can draw his own conclusions. [ ] _beckwith_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. ii., p. ; _heap's cent. route_, p. . [ ] speaking of women: 'their breasts and stomachs were covered with red mastic, made from an earth peculiar to these rocks, which rendered them hideous. their only covering was a pair of drawers of hare-skin, badly sewn together, and in holes.' _remy and brenchley's journ._, vol. ii., p. ; see also vol. i., p. , and vol. ii., pp. , , . 'the women often dress in skirts made of entrails, dressed and sewed together in a substantial way.' _prince_, in _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _. hareskins 'they cut into cords with the fur adhering; and braid them together so as to form a sort of cloak with a hole in the middle, through which they thrust their heads.' _farnham's life and adven._, p. . the remaining authorities describe them as naked, or slightly and miserably dressed; see _stansbury's rept._, pp. , - ; _chandless' visit_, p. ; _heap's cent. route_, p. ; _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. ; _bryant's cal._, p. ; _forney_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _dodge_, _ib._, pp. - ; _fenton_, in _id._, , p. ; _graves_, in _id._, , p. ; _burton's city of the saints_, pp. - , - , , ; _fremont's explor. ex._, pp. , - , , , , , ; _bulfinch's oregon_, p. ; _saxon's golden gate_, p. ; _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. ; _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, p. . [ ] _townsend's nar._, pp. , ; _de smet_, _voy._, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - , - ; _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. - , - , vol. ii., pp. - ; _chandless' visit_, p. ; _carvalho's incid. of trav._, p. ; _white's ogn._, p. ; _lord's nat._, vol. i., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , . [ ] 'the ermine is the fur known to the north-west traders by the name of the white weasel, but is the genuine ermine.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . [ ] _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - . [ ] 'on y rencontre aussi des terres métalliques de différentes couleurs, telles que vertes, bleues, jaunes, noires, blanches, et deux sortes d'ocres, l'une pâle, l'autre d'un rouge brillant comme du vermillion. les indiens en font très-grand cas; ils s'en servent pour se peindre le corps et le visage.' _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xii., p. . [ ] 'they remain in a semi-dormant, inactive state the entire winter, leaving their lowly retreats only now and then, at the urgent calls of nature, or to warm their burrows.... in the spring they creep from their holes ... poor and emaciated, with barely flesh enough to hide their bones, and so enervated from hard fare and frequent abstinence, that they can scarcely move.' _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. . stansbury mentions lodges in utah, east of salt lake, which were constructed of 'cedar poles and logs of a considerable size, thatched with bark and branches, and were quite warm and comfortable.' _stansbury's rept._, p. ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. ; _remy and brenchley's journ._, vol. i., pp. - , , vol. ii., pp. , ; _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _farley_, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. iii., p. ; _farnham's life in cal._, p. ; _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _heap's cent. route_, pp. - ; _de smet_, _voy._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. - ; _coke's rocky mountains_, p. ; _ross' fur hunters_, vol. ii., p. ; _white's ogn._, p. ; _irving's astoria_, pp. , ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _fremont's explor. ex._, - , pp. , , ; _townsend's nar._, p. ; _dunn's oregon_, pp. , - , - ; _bulfinch's oregon_, p. ; _farnham's trav._, pp. , - ; _simpson's route to cal._, p. ; _burton's city of the saints_, p. ; _knight's pioneer life, ms._ [ ] _coke's rocky mts._, p. ; _de smet_, _voy._, p. ; _dennison_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _saint-amant_, _voyages_, p. . [ ] 'they eat the seed of two species of conifers, one about the size of a hazel-nut, the other much smaller. they also eat a small stone-fruit, somewhat red, or black in colour, and rather insipid; different berries, among others, those of _vaccinium_. they collect the seed of the _atriplex_ and _chenopodium_, and occasionally some grasses. among roots, they highly value that of a bushy, yellowish and tolerably large broomrape, which they cook or dry with the base, or root-stock, which is enlarged, and constitutes the most nutritious part. they also gather the napiform root of a _cirsium acaule_, which they eat raw or cooked; when cooked, it becomes quite black, resinous as pitch and rather succulent; when raw, it is whitish, soft, and of a pleasant flavour.' _remy and brenchley's journey_, vol. i., p. . the shoshones of utah and nevada 'eat certain roots, which in their native state are rank poison, called tobacco root, but when put in a hole in the ground, and a large fire burned over them, become wholesome diet.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. vi., p. . 'of the roots used ... the pap-pa, or wild potatoe, is abundant.' _id._, vol. iv., p. ; see also, _id._, vol. v., pp. - . at bear river, 'every living animal, thing, insect, or worm they eat.' _fremont's explor. exp._, p. , see also pp. , , - , , - , , . inland savages are passionately fond of salt; those living near the sea detest it. _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xii., p. . the utahs eat 'the cactus leaf, piñon-nut, and various barks; the seed of the bunch-grass, and of the wheat, or yellow grass, somewhat resembling rye, the rabbit-bush twigs, which are chewed, and various roots and tubers; the soft sego bulb, the rootlet of the cat-tail flag, and of the tule, which when sun-dried and powdered to flour, keeps through the winter and is palatable even to white men.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. , see also pp. , . the pi-edes 'live principally on lizards, swifts, and horned toads.' _ind. aff. rept._, . p. ; see also _id._, , p. ; , p. ; , p. ; , p. ; , pp. ; , pp. , ; , pp. , ; , p. . the snakes eat a white-fleshed kind of beaver, which lives on poisonous roots, whose flesh affects white people badly, though the indians roast and eat it with impunity. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. ii., p. , see also vol. i., p. - ; _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _farnham's life and adven._, pp. , - ; _irving's bonneville's adven._, pp. , , - ; _wilkes' nar._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. v., p. ; _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. ; _bryant's cal._, p. ; _stansbury's rept._, pp. , , ; _kelly's excursion_, vol. i., p. ; _saxon's golden gate_, p. ; _smith_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xxxvii., p. ; _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. - ; _townsend's nar._, p. ; _white's ogn._, p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, p. - , ; _coke's rocky mts._, p. ; _irving's astoria_, pp. , ; _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - , ; _stevens_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. i., p. ; _farnham's trav._, pp. , ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., pp. , , vol. ii., pp. , , , , , ; _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. ii., p. ; _simpson's route to pac._, pp. - ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , - , - ; _bigler's early days in utah and nevada, ms._ [ ] the wararereeks are 'dirty in their camps, in their dress, and in their persons.' _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . the persons of the piutes are 'more disgusting than those of the hottentots. their heads are white with the germs of crawling filth.' _farnham's trav._, p. . 'a filthy tribe--the prey of idleness and vermin.' _farnham's life and adven._, p. . bryant says, of the utahs between salt lake and ogden's hole, 'i noticed the females hunting for the vermin in the heads and on the bodies of their children; finding which they ate the animals with an apparent relish.' _bryant's cal._, p. . the snakes 'are filthy beyond description.' _townsend's nar._, p. . 'j'ai vu les sheyennes, les serpents, les youts, etc., manger la vermine les uns des autres à pleins peignes.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . 'the snakes are rather cleanly in their persons.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'a weapon called by the chippeways, by whom it was formerly used, the poggamoggon.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . bulfinch, _oregon_, p. , says the stone weighs about two pounds. salmeron also mentions a similar weapon used by the people living south of utah lake; concerning whom see note , p. . [ ] the utahs 'no usan mas armas que las flechas y algunas lanzas de perdernal, ni tienen otro peto, morrion ni espaldar que el que sacaron del vientre de sus madres.' _escalante_, quoted in _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, ser. iii., part iv., p. . 'bows made of the horns of the bighorn ... are formed by cementing with glue flat pieces of the horn together, covering the back with sinewes and glue, and loading the whole with an unusual quantity of ornaments.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . at ogden river, in utah, they work obsidian splinters 'into the most beautiful and deadly points, with which they arm the end of their arrows.' _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., p. . 'pour toute arme, un arc, des flèches et un bâton pointu.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . 'bows and arrows are their (banattees) only weapons of defence.' _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . the arrows of the pa-utes 'are barbed with a very clear translucent stone, a species of opal, nearly as hard as the diamond; and, shot from their long bow, are almost as effective as a gunshot.' _fremont's expl. ex._, p. . the pi-utes and pitches 'have no weapon of defence except the club, and in the use of that they are very unskilful.' _farnham's trav._, p. . southwest of great salt lake, 'their arms are clubs, with small bows and arrows made of reeds.' _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. . the pi-utes 'make some weapons of defence, as bows and arrows. the bows are about six feet long; made of the savine (juniperus sabina).' _farnham's life and adven._, p. ; see farther, _remy and brenchley's journ._, vol. ii., pp. , ; _stansbury's rept._, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _heap's cent. route_, pp. , , , , ; _palmer's jour._, p. ; _bulfinch's oregon_, p. ; _irving's bonneville's adven._, pp. , , ; _hale's ethnog._, in _u. s. ex. ex._, vol. vi., p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - , ; _irving's astoria_, p. ; _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xiii., p. ; _bigler's early days in utah and nevada, ms._; _knight's pioneer life, ms._ [ ] _remy and brenchley's jour._, vol. ii., p. ; _heap's cent. route_, p. ; _thornton's ogn. and cal._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'taking an enemy's scalp is an honour quite independent of the act of vanquishing him. to kill your adversary is of no importance unless the scalp is brought from the field of battle, and were a warrior to slay any number of his enemies in action, and others were to obtain the scalps or first touch the dead, they would have all the honours, since they have borne off the trophy.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; see also p. . the utahs 'will devour the heart of a brave man to increase their courage, or chop it up, boil it in soup, engorge a ladleful, and boast they have drunk the enemy's blood.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. ; see also p. . the utahs never carry arrows when they intend to fight on horseback. _heap's cent. route_, p. ; see also p. ; _remy and brenchley's journ._, pp. , ; _stansbury's rept._, p. ; _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - ; _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. - ; _bulfinch's oregon_, p. ; _farnham's trav._, p. . [ ] the pipe of the chief 'was made of a dense transparent green stone, very highly polished, about two and a half inches long, and of an oval figure, the bowl being in the same situation with the stem. a small piece of burnt clay is placed in the bottom of the bowl to separate the tobacco from the end of the stem.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . pots made of 'a stone found in the hills ... which, though soft and white in its natural state, becomes very hard and black after exposure to the fire.' _id._, p. . 'these vessels, although rude and without gloss, are nevertheless strong, and reflect much credit on indian ingenuity.' _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . pipe-stems 'resemble a walking-stick more than anything else, and they are generally of ash, and from two-and-a-half to three feet long.' _id._, vol. ii., p. . 'cooking vessels very much resembling reversed bee-hives, made of basket work covered with buffalo skins.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . stansbury discovered pieces of broken indian pottery and obsidian about salt lake. _stansbury's rept._, p. . the material of baskets 'was mostly willow twig, with a layer of gum, probably from the pine tree.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . the utahs 'manufacture very beautiful and serviceable blankets.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'considering that they have nothing but stone hammers and flint knives it is truly wonderful to see the exquisite finish and neatness of their implements of war and hunting, as well as their ear-rings and waist-bands, made of an amalgam of silver and lead.' _prince_, in _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _. 'les indiens en font des jarres, des pots, des plats de diverses formes. ces vaisseaux communiquent une odeur et une saveur très-agréables à tout ce qu'ils renferment; ce qui provient sans doute de la dissolution de quelque substance bitumineuse contenue dans l'argile.' _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xii., p. . 'the pipes of these indians are either made of wood or of red earth; sometimes these earthen pipes are exceedingly valuable, and indians have been known to give a horse in exchange for one of them.' _remy and brenchley's journ._, vol. i., p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - , - , . [ ] _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. . [ ] among the snakes in idaho garments of four to five beaver-skins were sold for a knife or an awl, and other articles of fur in proportion. horses were purchased for an axe each. a ship of seventy-four guns might have been loaded with provision, such as dried buffalo, bought with buttons and rings. articles of real value they thus disposed of cheaply, while articles of comparatively no value, such as indian head-dress and other curiosities, were held high. a beaver-skin could thus be had for a brass-ring, while a necklace of bears' claws could not be purchased for a dozen of the same rings. axes, knives, ammunition, beads, buttons and rings, were most in demand. clothing was of no value; a knife sold for as much as a blanket; and an ounce of vermilion was of more value than a yard of fine cloth. _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., pp. - . see further, _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _townsend's nar._, pp. , ; _prince_, in _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _; _farnham's trav._, p. . [ ] 'they inflict no penalties for minor offences, except loss of character and disfellowship.' _prince_, in _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - ; _remy and brenchley's journ._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'it is virtuous to seize and ravish the women of tribes with whom they are at war, often among themselves, and to retain or sell them and their children as slaves.' _drews' owyhee recon._, p. . the pi-edes 'barter their children to the utes proper for a few trinkets or bits of clothing, by whom they are again sold to the navajos for blankets.' _simpson's route to cal._, p. . 'some of the minor tribes in the southern part of the territory (utah), near new mexico, can scarcely show a single squaw, having traded them off for horses and arms.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . 'viennent trouver les blancs, et leur vendent leurs enfants pour des bagatelles.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. ; _knight's pioneer life, ms._; _utah, acts, resolutions, etc._, p. . [ ] 'a refusal in these lands is often a serious business; the warrior collects his friends, carries off the recusant fair, and after subjecting her to the insults of all his companions espouses her.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . [ ] 'the women are exceedingly virtuous ... they are a kind of mercantile commodity in the hands of their masters. polygamy prevails among the chiefs, but the number of wives is not unlimited.' _remy and brenchley's journ._, vol. i., pp. - . they are given to sensual excesses, and other immoralities. _farnham's trav._, p. ; see also p. . 'prostitution and illegitimacy are unknown ... they are not permitted to marry until eighteen or twenty years old ... it is a capital offence to marry any of another nation without special sanction from their council and head chief. they allow but one wife.' _prince_, in _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _. at the time of their confinement the women 'sit apart; they never touch a cooking utensil, although it is not held impure to address them, and they return only when the signs of wrath have passed away.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . 'infidelity of the wife, or prostitution of an unmarried female, is punishable by death.' _davies_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'our pi-ute has a peculiar way of getting a foretaste of connubial bliss, cohabiting experimentally with his intended for two or three days previous to the nuptial ceremony, at the end of which time, either party can stay further proceedings, to indulge other trials until a companion more congenial is found.' _farley_, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. iii., p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. - , ; _de smet_, _voy._, p. . [ ] the snakes 'ont une sorte de tabac sauvage qui croît dans les plaines contiguës aux montagnes du spanish-river, il a les feuilles plus étroites que le nôtre, il est plus agréable à fumer, ses effets étant bien moins violens.' _stuart_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xii., pp. - . the kinik-kinik 'they obtain from three different plants. one is a _cornus_, resembling our _cornus sanguinea_; after having detached the epidermic cuticle, they scrape the bark and dry it, when it is ready for use. another is a vaccinium with red berries; they gather the leaves to smoke them when dry; the third is a small shrub, the fruit and flower of which i have never seen, but resembles certain species of daphnads (particularly that of kauai), the leaves of which are in like manner smoked.' _remy and brenchley's journ._, vol. i., p. ; see also p. ; _ross' fur hunters_, vol. i., p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. ; _fremont's explor. ex._, p. ; _de smet_, _voy._, pp. - ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - , , - . [ ] 'en deux occasions diverses, je comptai cinq personnes ainsi montées, dont deux, certes, paraissaient aussi capables, chacune à elle seule, de porter la pauvre bête, que le cheval était à même de supporter leurs poids.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. ; _lewis and clarke's trav._, pp. , - , ; _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'with strong constitutions generally, they either die at once or readily recover.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . 'there is no lack of pulmonary difficulties among them.' _farley_, in _san francisco medical press_, vol. iii., p. . syphilis usually kills them. _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . 'the _convollaria stellata_ ... is the best remedial plant known among those indians.' _fremont's explor. ex._, p. ; _davies_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _prince_, in _cal. farmer_, _oct. , _; _coke's rocky mts._, p. ; _parker's explor. tour_, pp. - , - . [ ] 'the yutas make their graves high up the kanyons, usually in clefts of rock.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . at the obsequies of a chief of the timpenaguchya tribe 'two squaws, two pa yuta children, and fifteen of his best horses composed the "customs."' _id._, p. . 'when a death takes place, they wrap the body in a skin or hide, and drag it by the leg to a grave, which is heaped up with stones, as a protection against wild beasts.' _id._, p. ; _remy and brenchley's journ._, vol. i., pp. , ; _de smet_, _voy._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , . [ ] the shoshones of carson valley 'are very rigid in their morals.' _remy and brenchley's journ._, vol. i., p. . at haw's ranch, 'honest and trustworthy, but lazy and dirty.' _id._, p. . these kusi-utahs 'were very inoffensive and seemed perfectly guileless.' _id._, vol. ii., p. . the pai-uches are considered as mere dogs, the refuse of the lowest order of humanity. _farnham's life and adven._, p. . the timpanigos yutas 'are a noble race ... brave and hospitable.' _id._, p. . the pi-utes are 'the most degraded and least intellectual indians known to the trappers.' _farnham's trav._, p. . 'the snakes are a very intelligent race.' _id._, p. . the bannacks are 'a treacherous and dangerous race.' _id._, p. . the pi-edes are 'timid and dejected;' the snakes are 'fierce and warlike;' the tosawitches 'very treacherous;' the bannacks 'treacherous;' the washoes 'peaceable, but indolent.' _simpson's route to cal._, p. - . the utahs 'are brave, impudent, and warlike ... of a revengeful disposition.' _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'industrious.' _armstrong_, in _id._, , p. . 'a race of men whose cruelty is scarcely a stride removed from that of cannibalism.' _hurt_, in _id._, p. . 'the pah-utes are undoubtedly the most interesting and docile indians on the continent.' _dodge_, in _id._, , p. . the utahs are 'fox-like, crafty, and cunning.' _archuleta_, in _id._, , p. . the pi-utes are 'teachable, kind, and industrious ... scrupulously chaste in all their intercourse.' _parker_, in _id._, , p. . the weber-utes 'are the most worthless and indolent of any in the territory.' _head_, in _id._, p. . the bannocks 'seem to be imbued with a spirit of dash and bravery quite unusual.' _campbell_, in _id._, p. . the bannacks are 'energetic and industrious.' _danilson_, in _id._, , p. . the washoes are docile and tractable. _douglas_, in _id._, , p. . the pi-utes are 'not warlike, rather cowardly, but pilfering and treacherous.' _powell_, in _id._, , p. . the shoshokoes 'are extremely indolent, but a mild, inoffensive race.' _irving's bonneville's adven._, p. . the snakes 'are a thoroughly savage and lazy tribe.' _franchère's nar._, p. . the shoshones are 'frank and communicative.' _lewis and clarke's trav._, p. . the snakes are 'pacific, hospitable and honest.' _dunn's oregon_, p. . 'the snakes are a very intelligent race.' _white's ogn._, p. . the pi-utes 'are as degraded a class of humanity as can be found upon the earth. the male is proud, sullen, intensely insolent.... they will not steal. the women are chaste, at least toward their white brethren.' _farley_, in _san francisco medical jour._, vol. iii., p. . the snakes have been considered 'as rather a dull and degraded people ... weak in intellect, and wanting in courage. and this opinion is very probable to a casual observer at first sight, or when seen in small numbers; for their apparent timidity, grave, and reserved habits, give them an air of stupidity. an intimate knowledge of the snake character will, however, place them on an equal footing with that of other kindred nations, either east or west of the mountains, both in respect to their mental faculties and moral attributes.' _ross' fur hunters_, vol. ii., p. . 'les sampectches, les pagouts et les ampayouts sont ... un peuple plus misérable, plus dégradé et plus pauvre. les français les appellent communément les dignes-de-pitié, et ce nom leur convient à merveille.' _de smet_, _voy._, p. . the utahs 'pariassent doux et affables, très-polis et hospitaliers pour les étrangers, et charitables entre eux.' _id._, p. . 'the indians of utah are the most miserable, if not the most degraded, beings of all the vast american wilderness.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . the utahs 'possess a capacity for improvement whenever circumstances favor them.' _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. . the snakes are 'la plus mauvaise des races des peaux-rouges que j'ai fréquentées. ils sont aussi paresseux que peu prévoyants.' _saint-amant_, _voy._, p. . the shoshones of idaho are 'highly intelligent and lively ... the most virtuous and unsophisticated of all the indians of the united states.' _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _april , _. the washoes have 'superior intelligence and aptitude for learning.' _id._, _june , _; see also _id._, _june , _. the nevada shoshones 'are the most pure and uncorrupted aborigines upon this continent ... they are scrupulously clean in their persons, and chaste in their habits ... though whole families live together, of all ages and both sexes, in the same tent, immorality and crime are of rare occurrence.' _prince_, in _id._, _oct. , _. the bannacks 'are cowardly, treacherous, filthy and indolent.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'the utahs are predatory, voracious and perfidious. plunderers and murderers by habit ... when their ferocity is not excited, their suspicions are so great as to render what they say unreliable, if they do not remain altogether uncommunicative.' _id._, vol. v., pp. - . the pa-vants 'are as brave and improvable as their neighbours are mean and vile.' _burton's city of the saints_, p. . 'the yuta is less servile, and consequently has a higher ethnic status than the african negro; he will not toil, and he turns at a kick or a blow.' _id._, p. . the shoshokoes 'are harmless and exceedingly timid and shy.' _brownell's ind. races_, p. . [illustration: native races of the pacific states new mexican group] chapter v. new mexicans. geographical position of this group, and physical features of the territory--family divisions: apaches, pueblos, lower californians, and northern mexicans--the apache family: comanches, apaches proper, hualapais, yumas, cosninos, yampais, yalchedunes, yamajabs, cochees, cruzados, nijoras, navajos, mojaves, and their customs--the pueblo family: pueblos, moquis, pimas, maricopas, papagos, and their neighbours--the cochimis, waicuris, pericuis, and other lower californians--the seris, sinaloas, tarahumares, conchos, tepehuanes, tobosos, acaxes, and others in northern mexico. the new mexicans, under which name i group the nations of new mexico, arizona, lower california, sonora, sinaloa, chihuahua, durango, coahuila, nuevo leon, northern zacatecas, and western texas, present some peculiarities not hitherto encountered in this work. as a groupal designation, this name is neither more nor less appropriate than some others; all i claim for it is that it appears as fit as any. the term mexican might with propriety be applied to this group, as the majority of its people live within the mexican boundary, but that word is employed in the next division, which is yet more strictly of mexico. the territory of the new mexicans, which lies for the most part between the parallels ° and ° and the meridians ° and °, presents a great diversity of climate and aspect. on reaching the northern extremity of the gulf of california, the sierra nevada and coast ranges of mountains join and break up into detached upheavals, or as they are called 'lost mountains'; one part, with no great elevation, continuing through the peninsula, another, under the name of sierra madre, extending along the western side of mexico. the rocky mountains, which separate into two ranges at about the forty-fifth parallel, continue southward, one branch, known in utah as the wahsatch, merging into the sierra madre, while the other, the great cordillera, stretches along the eastern side of mexico, uniting again with the sierra madre in the mexican table-land. besides these are many detached and intersecting ranges, between which lie arid deserts, lava beds, and a few fertile valleys. from the sterile sandy deserts which cover vast areas of this territory, rise many isolated groups of almost inaccessible peaks, some of which are wooded, thus affording protection and food for man and beast. two great rivers, the colorado and the rio grande del norte flow through this region, one on either side, but, except in certain spots, they contribute little to the fertilization of the country. in the more elevated parts the climate is temperate, sometimes in winter severely cold; but on the deserts and plains, with the scorching sun above and the burning sand beneath, the heat is almost insupportable. the scanty herbage, by which the greater part of this region is covered, offers to man but a transient food-supply; hence he must move from place to place or starve. thus nature, more than elsewhere on our coast, invites to a roving life; and, as on the arabian deserts, bands of american bedouins roam over immense tracts seeking what they may devour. here it is that many a luckless miner and ill-protected traveler pays the penalty of his temerity with his life; here it is, more than elsewhere within the temperate zones of the two americas, that the natives bid defiance to the encroachments of civilization. sweeping down upon small settlements and isolated parties, these american arabs rob, murder, and destroy, then fleeing to their strongholds bid defiance to pursuers. in the midst of all this we find another phenomenon in the semi-civilized towns-people of new mexico and arizona; a spontaneous awakening from the ruder phases of savagism. the families of this division may be enumerated as follows: the _apaches_, under which general name i include all the savage tribes roaming through new mexico, the north-western portion of texas, a small part of northern mexico, and arizona; the _pueblos_, or partially cultivated towns-people of new mexico and arizona, with whom i unite, though not town-builders, the non-nomadic pimas, maricopas and pápagos of the lower gila river; the _lower californians_, who occupy the peninsula; and the _northern mexicans_, which term includes the various nations scattered over the states of sonora, sinaloa, chihuahua, durango, coahuila, nuevo leon and northern zacatecas. [sidenote: the apaches.] to the apaches, using the term in the signification of a family of this division, no accurate boundaries can be assigned. owing to their roving proclivities and incessant raids they are led first in one direction and then in another. in general terms they may be said to range about as follows: the _comanches_, jetans, or nauni, consisting of three tribes, the comanches proper, the yamparacks, and tenawas, inhabiting northern texas, eastern chihuahua, nuevo leon, coahuila, durango, and portions of south-western new mexico,[ ] by language allied to the shoshone family;[ ] the _apaches_, who call themselves shis inday, or 'men of the woods,'[ ] and whose tribal divisions are the chiricaguis, coyoteros, faraones, gileños, lipanes, llaneros, mescaleros, mimbreños, natages, pelones, pinaleños, tejuas, tontos and vaqueros, roaming over new mexico, arizona, north-western texas, chihuahua and sonora,[ ] and who are allied by language to the great tinneh family;[ ] the _navajos_, or tenuai, 'men,' as they designate themselves, having linguistic affinities with the apache nation, with which indeed they are sometimes classed, living in and around the sierra de los mimbres;[ ] the _mojaves_, occupying both banks of the colorado in mojave valley; the _hualapais_, near the headwaters of bill williams fork; the _yumas_, on the east bank of the colorado, near its junction with the rio gila;[ ] the _cosninos_, who like the hualapais are sometimes included in the apache nation, ranging through the mogollon mountains;[ ] and the _yampais_, between bill williams fork and the rio hassayampa.[ ] of the multitude of names mentioned by the early spanish authorities, i only give in addition to the above the _yalchedunes_, located on the west bank of the colorado in about latitude ° ´, the _yamajabs_, on the east bank of the same river, in about latitude °- °; the _cochees_, in the chiricagui mountains of arizona, the _cruzados_[ ] in new mexico, and finally the _nijoras_,[ ] somewhere about the lower colorado.[ ] the apache country is probably the most desert of all, alternating between sterile plains and wooded mountains, interspersed with comparatively few rich valleys. the rivers do little to fertilize the soil except in spots; the little moisture that appears is quickly absorbed by the cloudless air and arid plains which stretch out, sometimes a hundred miles in length and breadth, like lakes of sand. in both mountain and desert the fierce, rapacious apache, inured from childhood to hunger and thirst, and heat and cold, finds safe retreat. it is here, among our western nations, that we first encounter thieving as a profession. no savage is fond of work; indeed, labor and savagism are directly antagonistic, for if the savage continues to labor he can but become civilized. now the apache is not as lazy as some of his northern brothers, yet he will not work, or if he does, like the pueblos who are nothing but partially reclaimed apaches or comanches, he forthwith elevates himself, and is no longer an apache; but being somewhat free from the vice of laziness, though subject in an eminent degree to all other vices of which mankind have any knowledge, he presents the anomaly of uniting activity with barbarism, and for this he must thank his thievish propensities. leaving others to do the work, he cares not whom, the agriculturists of the river-bottoms or the towns-people of the north, he turns ishmaelite, pounces upon those near and more remote, and if pursued retreats across the _jornadas del muerte_, or 'journeys of death' as the mexican calls them, and finds refuge in the gorges, cañons, and other almost impregnable natural fortresses of the mountains. [sidenote: physique of apaches.] [sidenote: physical peculiarities.] the disparity in physical appearance between some of these nations, which may be attributed for the most part to diet, is curious. while those who subsist on mixed vegetable and animal food, present a tall, healthy, and muscular development, hardly excelled by the caucasian race, those that live on animal food, excepting perhaps the comanches, are small in stature, wrinkled, shriveled, and hideously ugly.[ ] all the natives of this family, with the exception of the apaches proper, are tall, well-built, with muscles strongly developed, pleasing features, although at times rather broad faces, high foreheads, large, clear, dark-colored eyes, possessing generally extraordinary powers of vision, black coarse hair and, for a wonder, beards. taken as a whole, they are the most perfect specimens of physical manhood that we have yet encountered. while some, and particularly females, are of a light copper color, others again approach near to the dark californian. women are generally plumper, inclining more to obesity than the men. some comely girls are spoken of amongst them, but they grow old early.[ ] in contradistinction to all this the apaches proper, or apache nation, as we may call them, are slim, ill developed, but very agile. their height is about five feet four to five inches; features described as ugly, repulsive, emotionless, flat, and approaching the mongol cast, while the head is covered with an unkempt mass of coarse, shocky, rusty black hair, not unlike bristles. the women are not at all behind the men in ugliness, and a pleasing face is a rarity. a feature common to the family is remarkably small feet; in connection with which may be mentioned the peculiarity which obtains on the lower colorado, of having the large toe widely separated from the others, which arises probably from wading in marshy bottoms. all the tribes whose principal subsistence is meat, and more particularly those that eat horse and mule flesh, are said to exhale a peculiar scent, something like the animals themselves when heated.[ ] [sidenote: dress of apaches and mojaves.] all the natives of this region wear the hair much in the same manner, cut square across the forehead, and flowing behind.[ ] the mojave men usually twist or plait it, while with the women it is allowed to hang loose. tattooing is common, but not universal; many of the mojave women tattoo the chin in vertical lines like the central californians, except that the lines are closer together.[ ] paint is freely used among the mojaves, black and red predominating, but the apaches, yumas, and others use a greater variety of colors.[ ] breech-cloth and moccasins are the ordinary dress of the men,[ ] while the women have a short petticoat of bark.[ ] the dress of the mojaves and apaches is often more pretentious, being a buckskin shirt, skull-cap or helmet, and moccasins of the same material; the latter, broad at the toes, slightly turned up, and reaching high up on the leg, serve as a protection against cacti and thorns.[ ] it is a common practice among these tribes to plaster the head and body with mud, which acts as a preventive against vermin and a protection from the sun's rays.[ ] in their selection of ornaments the mojaves show a preference for white, intermixed with blue; necklaces and bracelets made from beads and small shells, usually strung together, but sometimes sewed on to leather bands are much in vogue. the apache nation adopt a more fantastic style in painting and in their head-dress; for ornament they employ deer-hoofs, shells, fish-bones, beads, and occasionally porcupine-quills, with which the women embroider their short deer-skin petticoats.[ ] the navajoes, both men and women, wear the hair long, tied or clubbed up behind; they do not tattoo or disfigure themselves with paint.[ ] the ordinary dress is a species of hunting-shirt, or doublet, of deer-skin, or a blanket confined at the waist by a belt; buckskin breeches, sometimes ornamented up the seams with pieces of silver or porcupine-quills; long moccasins, reaching well up the leg, and a round helmet-shaped cap, also of buckskin, surmounted with a plume of eagle or wild turkey feathers, and fastened with a chin-strap. the women wear a blanket and waist-belt, breeches and moccasins. the belts, which are of buckskin, are frequently richly ornamented with silver. they sometimes also use porcupine-quills, with which they embroider their garments.[ ] [sidenote: comanche dress and ornament.] the comanches of both sexes tattoo the face, and body generally on the breast.[ ] the men do not cut the hair, but gather it into tufts or plaits, to which they attach round pieces of silver graduated in size from top to bottom; those who cannot obtain or afford silver use beads, tin, or glass.[ ] much time is spent by them in painting and adorning their person--red being a favorite color; feathers also form a necessary adjunct to their toilet.[ ] some few wear a deer-skin shirt, but the more common dress is the buffalo-robe, which forms the sole covering for the upper part of the body; in addition, the breech-cloth, leggins, and moccasins are worn. the women crop the hair short, and a long shirt made of deer-skin, which extends from the neck to below the knees, with leggins and moccasins, are their usual attire.[ ] [sidenote: dwellings of the apaches.] nomadic and roving in their habits, they pay little attention to the construction of their dwellings. seldom do they remain more than a week in one locality;[ ] hence their lodges are comfortless, and diversified in style according to caprice and circumstances. the frame-work everywhere is usually of poles, the comanches placing them erect, the lipans bringing the tops together in cone-shape, while the apaches bend them over into a low oval;[ ] one or other of the above forms is usually adopted by all this family,[ ] with unimportant differences depending on locality and variations of climate. the framework is covered with brushwood or skins, sometimes with grass or flat stones. they are from twelve to eighteen feet in diameter at the widest part, and vary from four to eight feet in height,[ ] which is sometimes increased by excavation.[ ] a triangular opening serves as a door, which is closed with a piece of cloth or skin attached to the top.[ ] when on or near rocky ground they live in caves, whence some travelers have inferred that they build stone houses.[ ] a few of the mojave dwellings are so superior to the others that they deserve special notice. they may be described as a sort of shed having perpendicular walls and sloping roof, the latter supported by a horizontal beam running along the center, the roof projecting in front so as to form a kind of portico. the timber used is cottonwood, and the interstices are filled up with mud or straw.[ ] none of their houses have windows, the door and smoke-hole in the roof serving for this purpose; but, as many of them have their fires outside, the door is often the only opening.[ ] [sidenote: new mexican dwellings.] small huts about three feet in height constitute their medicine-lodges, or bath-houses, and are generally in form and material like their other structures.[ ] the mojaves also build granaries in a cylindrical form with conical, skillfully made osier roofs.[ ] [sidenote: food and agriculture.] the food of all is similar;[ ] most of them make more or less pretentions to agriculture, and are habituated to a vegetable diet, but seldom do any of them raise a sufficient supply for the year's consumption, and they are therefore forced to rely on the mesquit-bean, the piñon-nut and the maguey-plant, _agave mexicana_, and other wild fruits, which they collect in considerable quantities.[ ] they are but indifferent hunters, and secure only a precarious supply of small game, such as rabbits and squirrels, with ultimate recourse to rats, grasshoppers, lizards and other reptiles.[ ] a few fish are taken by those living in the neighborhood of rivers.[ ] the navajos, mojaves, and yumas, have long been acquainted with the art of agriculture and grow corn, beans, pumpkins, melons, and other vegetables, and also some wheat; some attempt a system of irrigation, and others select for their crops that portion of land which has been overflowed by the river. the navajos possess numerous flocks of sheep, which though used for food, they kill only when requiring the wool for blankets. although in later years they have cows, they do not make butter or cheese, but only a curd from sour milk, from which they express the whey and of which they are very fond.[ ] their method of planting is simple; with a short sharp-pointed stick small holes are dug in the ground into which they drop the seeds, and no further care is given to the crop except to keep it partially free from weeds.[ ] maize soaked in water is ground to a paste between two stones. from this paste tortillas, or thin cakes, are made which are baked on a hot stone. to cook the maguey, a hole is made in the ground, in which a fire is kindled; after it has burned some time the maguey-bulb is buried in the hot ashes and roasted. some concoct a gypsy sort of dish or ollapodrida; game, and such roots or herbs as they can collect, being put in an earthen pot with water and boiled.[ ] as before mentioned, the roving apaches obtain most of their food by hunting and plunder; they eat more meat and less vegetable diet than the other arizona tribes. they have a great partiality for horse-flesh, seldom eat fish, but kill deer and antelope.[ ] when hunting they frequently disguise themselves in a skin, and imitating closely the habits and movements of the animal, they contrive to approach within shooting-distance.[ ] whether it be horse or deer, every portion of the carcass with the exception of the bones, is consumed, the entrails being a special delicacy. their meat they roast partially in the fire, and eat it generally half raw. when food is plenty they eat ravenously and consume an enormous quantity; when scarce, they fast long and stoically. most of them hate bear-meat and pork. so jew-like is the navajo in this particular that he will not touch pork though starving.[ ] [sidenote: buffalo hunting.] the comanches do not cultivate the soil, but subsist entirely by the chase. buffalo, which range in immense herds throughout their country, are the chief food, the only addition to it being a few wild plants and roots; hence they may be said to be almost wholly flesh-eaters.[ ] in pursuit of the buffalo they exhibit great activity, skill, and daring. when approaching a herd, they advance in close column, gradually increasing their speed, and as the distance is lessened, they separate into two or more groups, and dashing into the herd at full gallop, discharge their arrows right and left with great rapidity; others hunt buffalo with spears, but the common and more fatal weapon is the bow and arrow. the skinning and cutting up of the slain animals is usually the task of the women.[ ] the meat and also the entrails are eaten both raw and roasted. a fire being made in a hole, sticks are ranged round it, meeting at the top, on which the meat is placed. the liver is a favorite morsel, and is eaten raw; they also drink the warm blood of the animal.[ ] no provision is made for a time of scarcity, but when many buffalo are killed, they cut portions of them into long strips, which, after being dried in the sun, are pounded fine. this pemican they carry with them in their hunting expeditions, and when unsuccessful in the chase, a small quantity boiled in water or cooked with grease, serves for a meal. when unable to procure game, they sometimes kill their horses and mules for food, but this only when compelled by necessity.[ ] in common with all primitive humanity they are filthy--never bathing except in summer[ ]--with little or no sense of decency.[ ] [sidenote: weapons.] [sidenote: bow and lance.] throughout arizona and new mexico, the bow and arrow is the principal weapon, both in war and in the chase; to which are added, by those accustomed to move about on horseback, the shield and lance;[ ] with such also the mexican riata may now occasionally be seen.[ ] in battle, the colorado river tribes use a club made of hard heavy wood, having a large mallet-shaped head, with a small handle, through which a hole is bored, and in which a leather thong is introduced for the purpose of securing it in the hand.[ ] they seldom use the tomahawk. some carry slings with four cords attached.[ ] the bows are made of yew, bois d'arc, or willow, and strengthened by means of deer-sinews, firmly fastened to the back with a strong adhesive mixture. the length varies from four to five feet. the string is made from sinews of the deer.[ ] a leathern arm-guard is worn round the left wrist to defend it from the blow of the string.[ ] the arrows measure from twenty to thirty inches, according to length of bow, and the shaft is composed of two pieces; the notch end, which is the longer, consisting of a reed, into which is fitted a shorter piece made of acacia, or some other hard wood, and tipped with obsidian, agate, or iron. it is intended that when an object is struck, and an attempt is made to draw out the arrow, the pointed end shall remain in the wound. there is some difference in the feathering; most nations employing three feathers, tied round the shaft at equal distances with fine tendons. the tontos have their arrows winged with four feathers, while some of the comanches use only two. all have some distinguishing mark in their manner of winging, painting, or carving on their arrows.[ ] the quiver is usually made of the skin of some animal, deer or sheep, sometimes of a fox or wild-cat skin entire with the tail appended, or of reeds, and carried slung at the back or fastened to a waist-belt.[ ] the lance is from twelve to fifteen feet long, the point being a long piece of iron, a knife or sword blade socketed into the pole.[ ] previous to the introduction of iron, their spears were pointed with obsidian or some other flinty substance which was hammered and ground to a sharp edge. the frame of the shield is made of light basket-work, covered with two or three thicknesses of buffalo-hide; between the layers of hide it is usual with the comanches to place a stuffing of hair, thus rendering them almost bullet proof. shields are painted in various devices and decorated with feathers, pieces of leather, and other finery, also with the scalps of enemies, and are carried on the left arm by two straps.[ ] [sidenote: apache warriors.] their fighting has more the character of assassination and murder than warfare. they attack only when they consider success a foregone conclusion, and rather than incur the risk of losing a warrior will for days lie in ambush till a fair opportunity for surprising the foe presents itself.[ ] the ingenuity of the apache in preparing an ambush or a surprise is described by colonel cremony as follows: "he has as perfect a knowledge of the assimilation of colors as the most experienced paris modiste. by means of his acumen in this respect, he can conceal his swart body amidst the green grass, behind brown shrubs, or gray rocks, with so much address and judgment that any but the experienced would pass him by without detection at the distance of three or four yards. sometimes they will envelop themselves in a gray blanket, and by an artistic sprinkling of earth, will so resemble a granite boulder as to be passed within near range without suspicion. at others, they will cover their persons with freshly gathered grass, and lying prostrate, appear as a natural portion of the field. again they will plant themselves among the yuccas, and so closely imitate the appearance of that tree as to pass for one of its species." before undertaking a raid they secrete their families in the mountain fastnesses, or elsewhere, then two by two, or in greater numbers, they proceed by different routes, to a place of rendezvous, not far from where the assault is to be made or where the ambuscade is to be prepared. when, after careful observation, coupled with the report of their scouts, they are led to presume that little, if any, resistance will be offered them, a sudden assault is made, men, women and children are taken captives, and animals and goods secured, after which their retreat is conducted in an orderly and skillful manner, choosing pathways over barren and rugged mountains which are known only to themselves.[ ] held asunder from congregating in large bodies by a meagerness of provisions, they have recourse to a system of signals which facilitates intercourse with each other. during the day one or more columns of smoke are the signals made for the scattered and roaming bands to rendezvous, or they serve as a warning against approaching danger. to the same end at night they used a fire beacon; besides these, they have various other means of telegraphing which are understood only by them, for example, the displacement and arrangement of a few stones on the trail, or a bended twig, is to them a note of warning as efficient, as is the bugle-call to disciplined troops.[ ] they treat their prisoners cruelly; scalping them, or burning them at the stake; yet, ruled as they are by greediness, they are always ready to exchange them for horses, blankets, beads, or other property. when hotly pursued, they murder their male prisoners, preserving only the females and children, and the captured cattle, though under desperate circumstances they do not hesitate to slaughter the latter.[ ] the apaches returning to their families from a successful expedition, are received by the women with songs and feasts, but if unsuccessful they are met with jeers and insults. on such occasions says colonel cremony, "the women turn away from them with assured indifference and contempt. they are upbraided as cowards, or for want of skill and tact, and are told that such men should not have wives, because they do not know how to provide for their wants. when so reproached, the warriors hang their heads and offer no excuse for their failure. to do so would only subject them to more ridicule and objurgation; but indian-like, they bide their time in the hope of finally making their peace by some successful raid." if a mojave is taken prisoner he is forever discarded in his own nation, and should he return his mother even will not own him.[ ] [sidenote: comanche warriors.] the comanches, who are better warriors than the apaches, highly honor bravery on the battle-field. from early youth, they are taught the art of war, and the skillful handling of their horses and weapons; and they are not allowed a seat in the council, until their name is garnished by some heroic deed.[ ] before going on the war-path they perform certain ceremonies, prominent among which is the war-dance.[ ] they invariably fight on horseback with the bow and arrow, spear and shield, and in the management of these weapons they have no superiors. their mode of attack is sudden and impetuous; they advance in column, and when near the enemy form subdivisions charging on the foe simultaneously from opposite sides, and while keeping their horses in constant motion, they throw themselves over the side, leaving only a small portion of the body exposed, and in this position discharge their arrows over the back of the animal or under his neck with great rapidity and precision.[ ] a few scalps are taken, for the purpose of being used at the war or scalp dance by which they celebrate a victory. prisoners belong to the captors and the males are usually killed, but women are reserved and become the wives or servants of their owners, while children of both sexes are adopted into the tribe.[ ] peace ceremonies take place at a council of warriors, when the pipe is passed round and smoked by each, previous to which an interchange of presents is customary.[ ] [sidenote: implements.] household utensils are made generally of wickerwork, or straw, which, to render them watertight, are coated with some resinous substance. the mojaves and a few of the apache tribes have also burnt-clay vessels, such as water-jars and dishes.[ ] for grinding maize, as before stated, a kind of metate is used, which with them is nothing more than a convex and a concave stone.[ ] of agricultural implements they know nothing; a pointed stick, crooked at one end, which they call _kishishai_, does service as a corn-planter in spring, and during the later season answers also for plucking fruit from trees, and again, in times of scarcity, to dig rats and prairie dogs from their subterranean retreats. their cradle is a flat board, padded, on which the infant is fastened; on the upper part is a little hood to protect the head, and it is carried by the mother on her back, suspended by a strap.[ ] their saddles are simply two rolls of straw covered with deer or antelope skin, which are connected by a strap; a piece of raw hide serves for girths and stirrups. in later years the mexican saddle, or one approaching it in shape, has been adopted, and the navajos have succeeded in making a pretty fair imitation of it, of hard ash. their bridles, which consist of a rein attached to the lower jaw, are very severe on the animal.[ ] although not essentially a fish-eating people, the mojaves and axuas display considerable ingenuity in the manufacture of fishing-nets, which are noted for their strength and beauty. plaited grass, or the fibry bark of the willow, are the materials of which they are made.[ ] fire is obtained in the old primitive fashion of rubbing together two pieces of wood, one soft and the other hard. the hard piece is pointed and is twirled on the softer piece, with a steady downward pressure until sparks appear.[ ] [sidenote: navajo blankets.] the navajos excel all other nations of this family in the manufacture of blankets.[ ] the art with them is perhaps of mexican origin, and they keep for this industry large flocks of sheep.[ ] some say in making blankets cotton is mixed with the wool, but i find no notice of their cultivating cotton. their looms are of the most primitive kind. two beams, one suspended and the other fastened to the ground, serve to stretch the warp perpendicularly, and two slats, inserted between the double warp, cross and recross it and also open a passage for the shuttle, which is simply a short stick with some thread wound around it. the operator sits on the ground, and the blanket, as the weaving progresses, is wound round the lower beam.[ ] the wool, after being carded, is spun with a spindle resembling a boy's top, the stem being about sixteen inches long and the lower point made to revolve in an earthen bowl by being twirled rapidly between the forefinger and thumb. the thread after being twisted is wound on the spindle, and though not very even, it answers the purpose very well.[ ] the patterns are mostly regular geometrical figures, among which diamonds and parallels predominate.[ ] black and red are the principal variations in color, but blue and yellow are at times seen. their colors they obtain mostly by dyeing with vegetable substances, but in later years they obtain also colored manufactured materials from the whites, which they again unravel, employing the colored threads obtained in this manner in their own manufactures.[ ] they also weave a coarse woolen cloth, of which they at times make shirts and leggins.[ ] besides pottery of burnt clay, wickerwork baskets, and saddles and bridles, no general industry obtains in this family.[ ] featherwork, such as sewing various patterns on skins with feathers, and other ornamental needlework, are also practiced by the navajos.[ ] of the comanches, the abbé domenech relates that they extracted silver from some mines near san saba, from which they manufactured ornaments for themselves and their saddles and bridles.[ ] [sidenote: property.] they have no boats, but use rafts of wood, or bundles of rushes fastened tightly together with osier or willow twigs, and propelled sometimes with poles; but more frequently they place upon the craft their property and wives, and, swimming alongside of it, with the greatest ease push it before them.[ ] for their maintenance, especially in latter days, they are indebted in a great measure to their horses, and accordingly they consider them as their most valuable property. the navajos are larger stock owners than any of the other nations, possessing numerous flocks of sheep, and herds of cattle as well as horses and mules. these, with their blankets, their dressed skins, and peaches which they cultivate, constitute their chief wealth.[ ] certain bands of the apache nation exchange with the agriculturists pottery and skins for grain.[ ] among the navajos, husband and wife hold their property separate, and at their death it becomes the inheritance of the nephew or niece. this law of entail is often eluded by the parents, who before death give their goods to their children.[ ] their exchanges are governed by caprice rather than by established values. sometimes they will give a valuable blanket for a trifling ornament. the mojaves have a species of currency which they call _pook_, consisting of strings of shell beads, whose value is determined by the length.[ ] at the time of coronado's expedition, in , the comanches possessed great numbers of dogs, which they employed in transporting their buffalo-skin tents and scanty household utensils.[ ] when a buffalo is killed, the successful hunter claims only the hide; the others are at liberty to help themselves to the meat according to their necessities.[ ] in their trading transactions they display much shrewdness, and yet are free from the tricks usually resorted to by other nations.[ ] [sidenote: arts and calendar.] their knowledge of decorative art is limited; paintings and sculptures of men and animals, rudely executed on rocks or walls of caverns are occasionally met with; whether intended as hieroglyphical representations, or sketched during the idle moments of some budding genius, it is difficult to determine, owing to the fact that the statements of the various authors who have investigated the subject are conflicting.[ ] the comanches display a certain taste in painting their buffalo-robes, shields, and tents. the system of enumeration of the apaches exhibits a regularity and diffusiveness seldom met with amongst wild tribes, and their language contains all the terms for counting up to ten thousand.[ ] in this respect the comanches are very deficient; what little knowledge of arithmetic they have is decimal, and when counting, the aid of their fingers or presence of some actual object is necessary, being, as they are, in total ignorance of the simplest arithmetical calculation. the rising sun proclaims to them a new day; beyond this they have no computation or division of time. they know nothing of the motions of the earth or heavenly bodies, though they recognise the fixedness of the polar star.[ ] their social organization, like all their manners and customs, is governed by their wild and migratory life. government they have none. born and bred with the idea of perfect personal freedom, all restraint is unendurable.[ ] the nominal authority vested in the war chief, is obtained by election, and is subordinate to the council of warriors.[ ] every father holds undisputed sway over his children until the age of puberty. his power, importance, and influence at the council-fire is determined by the amount of his slaves and other property.[ ] those specially distinguished by their cunning and prowess in war, or success in the chase, are chosen as chiefs. [sidenote: comanche government.] a chief may at any time be deposed.[ ] sometimes it happens that one family retains the chieftaincy in a tribe during several generations, because of the bravery or wealth of the sons.[ ] in time of peace but little authority is vested in the chief; but on the war path, to ensure success, his commands are implicitly obeyed. it also frequently happens that chiefs are chosen to lead some particular war or marauding expedition, their authority expiring immediately upon their return home.[ ] among the comanches public councils are held at regular intervals during the year, when matters pertaining to the common weal are discussed, laws made, thefts, seditions, murders, and other crimes punished, and the quarrels of warrior-chiefs settled. smaller councils are also held, in which, as well as in the larger ones, all are free to express their opinion.[ ] questions laid before them are taken under consideration, a long time frequently elapsing before a decision is made. great care is taken that the decrees of the meeting shall be in accordance with the opinion and wishes of the majority. laws are promulgated by a public crier, who ranks next to the chief in dignity.[ ] ancestral customs and traditions govern the decisions of the councils; brute force, or right of the strongest, with the law of talion in its widest acceptance, direct the mutual relations of tribes and individuals.[ ] murder, adultery, theft, and sedition are punished with death or public exposure, or settled by private agreement or the interposition of elderly warriors. the doctor failing to cure his patient must be punished by death. the court of justice is the council of the tribe, presided over by the chiefs, the latter with the assistance of sub-chiefs, rigidly executing judgment upon the culprits.[ ] all crimes may be pardoned but murder, which must pay blood for blood if the avenger overtake his victim.[ ] all the natives of this family hold captives as slaves;[ ] some treat them kindly, employing the men as herders and marrying the women; others half-starve and scourge them, and inflict on them the most painful labors.[ ] nothing short of crucifixion, roasting by a slow fire, or some other most excruciating form of death, can atone the crime of attempted escape from bondage. they not only steal children from other tribes and sell them, but carry on a most unnatural traffic in their own offspring.[ ] [sidenote: treatment of women.] [sidenote: marriage and child-birth.] womankind as usual is not respected. the female child receives little care from its mother, being only of collateral advantage to the tribe. later she becomes the beast of burden and slave of her husband. some celebrate the entry into womanhood with feasting and dancing.[ ] courtship is simple and brief; the wooer pays for his bride and takes her home.[ ] every man may have all the wives he can buy. there is generally a favorite, or chief wife, who exercises authority over the others. as polygamy causes a greater division of labor, the women do not object to it.[ ] sometimes a feast of horse-flesh celebrates a marriage.[ ] all the labor of preparing food, tanning skins, cultivating fields, making clothes, and building houses, falls to the women, the men considering it beneath their dignity to do anything but hunt and fight. the women feed and saddle the horses of their lords; oftentimes they are cruelly beaten, mutilated, and even put to death.[ ] the marriage yoke sits lightly; the husband may repudiate his wife at will and take back the property given for her; the wife may abandon her husband, but by the latter act she covers him with such disgrace that it may only be wiped out by killing somebody[ ]--anybody whom he may chance to meet. in the event of a separation the children follow the mother. they are not a prolific race; indeed, it is but seldom that a woman has more than three or four children. as usual parturition is easy; but owing to unavoidable exposure many of their infants soon die. the naming of the child is attended with superstitious rites, and on reaching the age of puberty they never fail to change its name.[ ] immediately after the birth of the child, it is fastened to a small board, by bandages, and so carried for several months on the back of the mother. later the child rides on the mother's hip, or is carried on her back in a basket or blanket, which in travelling on horseback is fastened to the pommel of the saddle. boys are early taught the use of weapons, and early learn their superiority over girls, being seldom or never punished.[ ] it is a singular fact that of all these people the thievish meat-eating apache is almost the only one who makes any pretentions to female chastity. all authorities agree that the apache women both before and after marriage are remarkably pure.[ ] yuma husbands for gain surrender not only their slaves, but their wives. hospitality carries with it the obligation of providing for the guest a temporary wife. the usual punishment for infidelity is the mutilation of the nose or ears, which disfigurement prevents the offender from marrying, and commonly sends her forth as a public harlot in the tribe.[ ] the seducer can appease the anger of an injured husband by presents, although before the law he forfeits his life. even sodomy and incestuous intercourse occur among them. old age is dishonorable.[ ] [sidenote: amusements.] [sidenote: smoking and dancing.] they are immoderately fond of smoking, drinking, feasting, and amusements which fill up the many hours of idleness. dancing and masquerading is the most favorite pastime. they have feasts with dances to celebrate victories, feasts given at marriage, and when girls attain the age of puberty; a ceremonial is observed at the burial of noted warriors, and on other various occasions of private family life, in which both men and women take part. the dance is performed by a single actor or by a number of persons of both sexes to the accompaniment of instruments or their own voices.[ ] all festivities are incomplete without impromptu songs, the music being anything but agreeable, and the accompaniment corn-stalk or cane flutes, wooden drums, or calabashes filled with stone and shaken to a constantly varying time.[ ] they also spend much time in gambling, often staking their whole property on a throw, including everything upon their backs. one of these games is played with a bullet, which is passed rapidly from one hand to the other, during which they sing, assisting the music with the motion of their arms. the game consists in guessing in which hand the bullet is held. another comanche game is played with twelve sticks, each about six inches in length. these are dropped on the ground and those falling across each other are counted for game, one hundred being the limit.[ ] horse-racing is likewise a passion with them;[ ] as are also all other athletic sports.[ ] when smoking, the comanches direct the first two puffs, with much ceremony and muttering, to the sun, and the third puff with a like demonstration is blown toward the earth. when short of tobacco, they make use of the dried leaves of the sumach, of willow-bark, or other plants.[ ] the comanches are remarkable for their temperance, or rather abhorrence for intoxicating drink; all the other nations of this family abandon themselves to this subtle demoralization, and are rapidly sinking under it. they make their own spirits out of corn and out of agave americana, the pulque and mescal, both very strong and intoxicating liquors.[ ] of all north american indians the comanches and cheyennes are said to be the most skillful riders, and it would be difficult to find their superiors in any part of the world. young children, almost infants, are tied by their mothers to half-wild, bare-backed mustangs, which place thenceforth becomes their home. they supply themselves with fresh horses from wild droves wandering over the prairies, or from mexican rancherías. a favorite horse is loved and cherished above all things on earth, not excepting wives or children. the women are scarcely behind the men in this accomplishment. they sit astride, guide the horses with the knee like the men, and catch and break wild colts. in fighting, the comanches throw the body on one side of the horse, hang on by the heel and shoot with great precision and rapidity. it is beneath the dignity of these horsemen to travel on foot, and in their sometimes long and rapid marches, they defy pursuit.[ ] before horses were known they used to transport their household effects on the backs of dogs, which custom even now prevails among some nations.[ ] [sidenote: comanche customs.] the comanche observes laws of hospitality as strictly as the arab, and he exacts the observance of his rules of etiquette from strangers. when a visitor enters his dwelling, the master of the house points to him a seat, and how to reach it, and the host is greatly offended if his directions are not strictly followed. meeting on the prairie, friends as well as enemies, if we may believe colonel marcy, put their horses at full speed. "when a party is discovered approaching thus, and are near enough to distinguish signals, all that is necessary to ascertain their disposition is to raise the right hand with the palm in front, and gradually push it forward and back several times. they all understand this to be a command to halt, and if they are not hostile, it will at once be obeyed. after they have stopped, the right hand is raised again as before, and slowly moved to the right and left, which signifies, i do not know you. who are you? they will then answer the inquiry by giving their signal." then they inflict on strangers the hugging and face-rubbing remarked among the eskimos, demonstrating thereby the magnitude of their joy at meeting.[ ] the various tribes of the yuma and mojave nations hold communication with one another by means of couriers or runners, who quickly disseminate important news, and call together the various bands for consultation, hunting, and war. besides this, there is used everywhere on the prairies, a system of telegraphy, which perhaps is only excelled by the wires themselves. smoke during the day, and fires at night, perched on mountain-tops, flash intelligence quickly and surely across the plains, giving the call for assistance or the order to disperse when pursued. the advanced posts also inform the main body of the approach of strangers, and all this is done with astonishing regularity, by either increasing or diminishing the signal column, or by displaying it only at certain intervals or by increasing the number.[ ] in cold weather many of the nations in the neighborhood of the colorado, carry firebrands in their hands, as they assert for the purpose of warming themselves, which custom led the early visitors to name the colorado the rio del tizon.[ ] [sidenote: diseases and medicine.] the comanches stand in great dread of evil spirits, which they attempt to conciliate by fasting and abstinence. when their demons withhold rain or sunshine, according as they desire, they whip a slave, and if their gods prove obdurate, their victim is almost flayed alive. the navajos venerate the bear, and as before stated, never kill him nor touch any of his flesh.[ ] although early writers speak of cannibalism among these people, there is no evidence that they do or ever did eat human flesh.[ ] in their intercourse they are dignified and reserved, and never interrupt a person speaking. unless compelled by necessity, they never speak any language but their own, it being barbarous in their eyes to make use of foreign tongues.[ ] [sidenote: burial of the dead.] although endowed generally with robust and healthy constitutions, bilious and malarial fever, pneumonia, rheumatism, dysentery, ophthalmia, measles, small-pox, and various syphilitic diseases are sometimes met among them; the latter occurring most frequently among the navajos, mojaves, yumas, and comanches. whole bands are sometimes affected with the last-mentioned disease, and its effects are often visible in their young. a cutaneous ailment, called _pintos_, also makes its appearance at times.[ ] for these ailments they have different remedies, consisting of leaves, herbs, and roots, of which decoctions or poultices are made; scarification and the hunger cure are resorted to as well. among the mojaves the universal remedy is the sweat-house, employed by them and the other nations not only as a remedy for diseases, but for pleasure. there is no essential difference between their sweat-houses and those of northern nations--an air-tight hut near a stream, heated stones, upon which water is thrown to generate steam, and a plunge into the water afterward. as a cure for the bite of a rattlesnake they employ an herb called _euphorbia_. broken or wounded limbs are encased in wooden splints until healed. but frequently they abandon their sick and maimed, or treat them with great harshness.[ ] priests or medicine-men possess almost exclusively the secrets of the art of healing. when herbs fail they resort to incantations, songs, and wailings. they are firm believers in witchcraft, and wear as amulets and charms, feathers, stones, antelope-toes, crane's bills, bits of charred wood and the like. their prophets claim the power of foretelling future events, and are frequently consulted therefor.[ ] most of the nations in the vicinity of the colorado, burn their dead as soon as possible after death, on which occasion the worldly effects of the deceased are likewise spiritualized; utensils, property, sometimes wives, are sent with their master to the spirit land.[ ] those that do not burn the dead, bury them in caves or in shallow graves, with the robes, blankets, weapons, utensils, and ornaments of the deceased. the comanches frequently build a heap of stones over the grave of a warrior, near which they erect a pole from which a pair of moccasins is suspended.[ ] after burying the corpse, they have some mourning ceremonies, such as dances and songs around a fire, and go into mourning for a month. as a sign of grief they cut off the manes and tails of their horses, and also crop their own hair and lacerate their bodies in various ways; the women giving vent to their affliction by long continued howlings. but this applies only to warriors; children, and old men, are not worth so ostentatious a funeral.[ ] the name of a deceased person is rarely mentioned, and the apaches are shy of admitting strangers to a celebration of funeral ceremonies, which mostly take place at night. in general they are averse to speaking upon the subject of death at all. the navajos, says mr davis, "have a superstitious dread of approaching a dead body, and will never go near one when they can avoid it."[ ] [sidenote: new mexican character.] in the character of the several nations of this division there is a marked contrast. the apaches as i have said, though naturally lazy like all savages, are in their industries extremely active,--their industries being theft and murder, to which they are trained by their mothers, and in which they display consummate cunning, treachery, and cruelty.[ ] the navajos and mojaves display a more docile nature; their industries, although therein they do not claim to eschew all trickery, being of a more peaceful, substantial character, such as stock-raising, agriculture, and manufactures. professional thieving is not countenanced. though treacherous, they are not naturally cruel; and though deaf to the call of gratitude, they are hospitable and socially inclined. they are ever ready to redeem their pledged word, and never shrink from the faithful performance of a contract. they are brave and intelligent, and possess much natural common sense.[ ] the tamajabs have no inclination to share in marauding excursions. though not wanting in courage, they possess a mild disposition, and are kind to strangers.[ ] the comanches are dignified in their deportment, vain in respect to their personal appearance, ambitious of martial fame, unrelenting in their feuds, always exacting blood for blood, yet not sanguinary. they are true to their allies, prizing highly their freedom, hospitable to strangers, sober yet gay, maintaining a grave stoicism in presence of strangers, and a spartan indifference under severe suffering or misfortune. formal, discreet, and arab-like, they are always faithful to the guest who throws himself upon their hospitality. to the valiant and brave is awarded the highest place in their esteem. they are extremely clannish in their social relations. quarrels among relatives and friends are unheard of among them.[ ] [sidenote: the pueblos.] the non-nomadic semi-civilized town and agricultural peoples of new mexico and arizona, the second division of this group, i call the pueblos, or towns-people, from _pueblo_, town, population, people, a name given by the spaniards to such inhabitants of this region as were found, when first discovered, permanently located in comparatively well-built towns. strictly speaking, the term pueblos applies only to the villagers settled along the banks of the rio grande del norte and its tributaries, between latitudes ° ´ and ° ´, and although the name is employed as a general appellation for this division, it will be used, for the most part, only in its narrower and popular sense. in this division, besides the before-mentioned _pueblos_ proper, are embraced the _moquis_, or villagers of eastern arizona, and the non-nomadic agricultural nations of the lower gila river,--the _pimas_, _maricopas_, _pápagos_, and cognate tribes. the country of the towns-people, if we may credit lieutenant simpson, is one of "almost universal barrenness," yet interspersed with fertile spots; that of the agricultural nations, though dry, is more generally productive. the fame of this so-called civilization reached mexico at an early day; first through alvar nuñez cabeza de vaca and his companions, who belonged to the expedition under the unfortunate pámphilo de narvaez, traversing the continent from florida to the shore of the gulf of california; they brought in exaggerated rumors of great cities to the north, which prompted the expeditions of marco de niza in , of coronado in , and of espejo in . these adventurers visited the north in quest of the fabulous kingdoms of quivira, tontonteac, marata and others, in which great riches were said to exist. the name of quivira was afterwards applied by them to one or more of the pueblo cities. the name cíbola, from _cíbolo_, mexican bull, _bos bison_, or wild ox of new mexico, where the spaniards first encountered buffalo, was given to seven of the towns which were afterwards known as the seven cities of cíbola. but most of the villages known at the present day were mentioned in the reports of the early expeditions by their present names. the statements in regard to the number of their villages differed from the first. castañeda speaks of seven cities.[ ] the following list, according to lieutenant whipple's statement, appears to be the most complete. commencing north, and following the southward course of the rio grande del norte; shipap, acoti, taos, picuris, san juan, pojuaque, santa clara, san ildefonso, nambe, tesuque, cochite, pecos, santo domingo, cuyamanque, silla, jemez, san felipe, galisteo, santa ana, zandia, laguna, acoma, zuñi, isleta, and chilili.[ ] the moquis who speak a distinct language, and who have many customs peculiar to themselves, inhabit seven villages, named oraibe, shumuthpa, mushaiina, ahlela, gualpi, siwinna, and tegua.[ ] by the spanish conquest of new mexico the natives were probably disturbed less than was usually the case with the vanquished race; the pueblos being well-domiciled and well-behaved, and having little to be stolen, the invaders adopted the wise policy of permitting them to work in peace, and to retain the customs and traditions of their forefathers as they do, many of them, to this day. attempts have been made to prove a relationship with the civilized aztecs of mexico, but thus far without success. no affinities in language appear to exist; that of the moquis, indeed, contains a few faint traces of and assimilations to aztec words, as i shall show in the third volume of this work, but they are not strong enough to support any theory of common origin or relationship.[ ] [sidenote: pimas and pÁpagos.] the pimas inhabit the banks of the gila river about two hundred miles above its confluence with the colorado. their territory extends from about the bend of the gila up the river to a place called maricopa coppermine; northward their boundary is the salt river, and south the picacho. they are generally divided, and known as the upper and lower pimas, which branches show but slight dialectic differences. when first seen their territory extended further southward into sonora. the pápagos, their neighbors, are closely allied to them by language. in nowise related to them, but very similar in their manners and customs, are the maricopas, who reside in their immediate vicinity, and who claim to have migrated to that place some centuries ago, from a more westerly territory. all these people, although not dwelling in houses built, like those of the pueblos, of solid materials, have settled villages in which they reside at all times, and are entirely distinct from the roving and nomadic tribes described in the apache family. when first found by the spaniards, they cultivated the soil, and knew how to weave cotton and other fabrics; in fact it was easily observable that they had made a step toward civilization. i therefore describe them together with the pueblos. the region occupied by them, although containing some good soil, is scantily provided with water, and to enable them to raise crops, they are obliged to irrigate, conducting the water of the gila to their fields in small canals. the water obtained by digging wells is frequently brackish, and in many places they are forced to carry all the water needed for household purposes quite a long distance. the climate is claimed to be one of the hottest on the american continent. the pueblos, and moqui villagers, are a race of small people, the men averaging about five feet in height, with small hands and feet, well-cut features, bright eyes, and a generally pleasing expression of countenance.[ ] their hair is dark, soft, and of fine texture, and their skin a clear shade of brown.[ ] the woman seldom exceed four feet in height, with figure rotund, but a graceful carriage, and face full, with pretty, intelligent features and good teeth.[ ] albinos are at times seen amongst them, who are described as having very fair complexions, light hair, and blue or pink eyes.[ ] [sidenote: dress of the pueblos.] [sidenote: pima and maricopa dwellings.] the pimas and their neighbors are men of fine physique, tall and bony, many of them exceeding six feet in height, broad-chested, erect, and muscular, but frequently light-limbed with small hands, though the feet of both sexes are large. they have large features, expressive of frankness and good nature, with prominent cheek-bones and aquiline nose, those of the women being somewhat retroussés.[ ] the females are symmetrically formed, with beautifully tapered limbs, full busts, pleasing features, embellished with white and evenly set teeth.[ ] their coarse hair grows to a great length and thickness, and their dark complexion becomes yet darker toward the south.[ ] the ordinary dress of the pueblos is the breech-cloth and blanket; some add a blouse of cotton or deer-skin, a waist-belt, and buckskin leggins and moccasins. the women wear a long, cotton, sleeveless tunic, confined round the waist by a colored girdle, a species of cape bordered in different colors, fastened round the neck at the two corners, and reaching down to the waist, while over the head a shawl is thrown. the feet are protected by neat moccasins of deer-skin or woolen stuff, surmounted by leggins of the same material. they have a habit of padding the leggins, which makes them appear short-legged with small feet.[ ] the men bind a handkerchief or colored band round the head. young women dress the hair in a peculiarly neat and becoming style. parting it at the back, they roll it round hoops, when it is fastened in two high bunches, one on each side of the head, placing sometimes a single feather in the center; married women gather it into two tight knots at the side or one at the back of the head; the men cut it in front of the ears, and in a line with the eye-brows, while at the back it is plaited or gathered into a single bunch, and tied with a band.[ ] on gala occasions they paint and adorn themselves in many grotesque styles; arms, legs, and exposed portions of the body are covered with stripes or rings, and conical-shaped head-dresses; feathers, sheep-skin wigs, and masks, are likewise employed.[ ] the habiliments of the pimas are a cotton serape of their own manufacture, a breech-cloth, with sandals of raw-hide or deer-skin. women wear the same kind of serape, wound round the loins and pinned, or more frequently tucked in at the waist, or fastened with a belt in which different-colored wools are woven; some wear a short petticoat of deer-skin or bark.[ ] they wear no head-dress. like the pueblos, the men cut the hair short across the forehead, and either plait it in different coils behind, which are ornamented with bits of bone, shells, or red cloth, or mix it with clay, or gather it into a turban shape on top of the head, leaving a few ornamented and braided locks to hang down over the ears.[ ] each paints in a manner to suit the fancy; black, red, and yellow are the colors most in vogue, black being alone used for war paint. some tattoo their newly born children round the eyelids, and girls, on arriving at the age of maturity, tattoo from the corners of the mouth to the chin. some tribes oblige their women to cut the hair, others permit it to grow.[ ] for ornament, shell and bead necklaces are used; also ear-rings of a blue stone found in the mountains.[ ] the dwellings of the agricultural pimas, maricopas, and pápagos consist of dome-shaped huts, either round or oval at the base. there are usually thirty or more to a village, and they are grouped with some regard to regularity. strong forked stakes are firmly fixed in the ground at regular distances from each other, the number varying according to the size of the hut, cross-poles are laid from one to the other, around these are placed cotton-wood poles, which are bent over and fastened to the transverse sticks, the structure is then wattled with willows, reeds, or coarse straw, and the whole covered with a coat of mud. the only openings are an entrance door about three feet high, and a small aperture in the center of the roof that serves for ventilation. their height is from five to seven feet, and the diameter from twenty to fifty. outside stands a shed, open at all sides with a roof of branches or corn-stalks, under which they prepare their food. their houses are occupied mainly during the rainy season; in summer they build light sheds of twigs in their corn-fields, which not only are more airy, but are also more convenient in watching their growing crops. besides the dwelling-place, each family has a granary, similar in shape and of like materials but of stronger construction; by frequent plastering with mud they are made impervious to rain.[ ] the towns of the pueblos are essentially unique, and are the dominant feature of these aboriginals. some of them are situated in valleys, others on mesas; sometimes they are planted on elevations almost inaccessible, reached only by artificial grades or by steps cut in the solid rock. some of the towns are of an elliptical shape, while others are square, a town being frequently but a block of buildings. thus a pueblo consists of one or more squares, each enclosed by three or four buildings of from three to four hundred feet in length, and about one hundred and fifty feet in width at the base, and from two to seven stories of from eight to nine feet each in height. the buildings forming the square do not meet, but in some cases are connected by bridges or covered gangways, and in some instances the houses project over the streets below, which being narrow, are thus given an underground appearance. the stories are built in a series of gradations or retreating surfaces, decreasing in size as they rise, thus forming a succession of terraces. [sidenote: pueblo houses.] in some of the towns these terraces are on both sides of the building; in others they face only toward the outside; while again in others they are on the inside. in front of the terraces is a parapet, which serves as a shelter for the inhabitants when forced to defend themselves against an attack from the outside. these terraces are about six feet wide, and extend round the three or four sides of the square, forming a walk for the occupants of the story resting upon it, and a roof for the story beneath; so with the stories above. as there is no inner communication with one another, the only means of mounting to them is by ladders which stand at convenient distances along the several rows of terraces, and they may be drawn up at pleasure, thus cutting off all unwelcome intrusion. the outside walls of one or more of the lower stories are entirely solid, having no openings of any kind, with the exception of, in some towns, a few loopholes. all the doors and windows are on the inside opening on the court. the several stories of these huge structures are divided into multitudinous compartments of greater or lesser size, which are apportioned to the several families of the tribe. access is had to the different stories by means of the ladders, which at night and in times of danger are drawn up after the person entering. to enter the rooms on the ground floor from the outside, one must mount the ladder to the first balcony or terrace, then descend through a trap door in the floor by another ladder on the inside. the roofs or ceilings, which are nearly flat, are formed of transverse beams which slope slightly outward, the ends resting on the side walls; on these, to make the floor and terrace of the story above, is laid brush wood, then a layer of bark or thin slabs, and over all a thick covering of mud sufficient to render them water-tight. the windows in the upper stories are made of flakes of selenite instead of glass. the rooms are large, the substantial partitions are made of wood, and neatly whitewashed. the apartments on the ground floor are gloomy, and generally used as store-rooms; those above are sometimes furnished with a small fireplace, the chimney leading out some feet above the terrace. houses are common property, and both men and women assist in building them; the men erect the wooden frames, and the women make the mortar and build the walls. in place of lime for mortar, they mix ashes with earth and charcoal. they make adobes or sun-dried bricks by mixing ashes and earth with water, which is then moulded into large blocks and dried in the sun. some of the towns are built with stones laid in mud. captain simpson describes several ruined cities, which he visited, which show that the inhabitants formerly had a knowledge of architecture and design superior to any that the pueblos of the present day possess. yet their buildings are even now well constructed, for although several stories in height, the walls are seldom more than three or four feet in thickness. the apartments are well arranged and neatly kept; one room is used for cooking, another for grinding corn and preserving winter supplies of food, others for sleeping-rooms. on the balconies, round the doors opening upon them, the villagers congregate to gossip and smoke, while the streets below, when the ladders are drawn up, present a gloomy and forsaken appearance. sometimes villages are built in the form of an open square with buildings on three sides, and again two or more large terraced structures capable of accommodating one or two thousand people are built contiguous to each other, or on opposite banks of a stream. in some instances the outer wall presents one unbroken line, without entrance or anything to indicate the busy life within; another form is to join the straight walls, which encompass three sides of a square, by a fourth circular wall; in all of which the chief object is defense. the pueblos take great pride in their picturesque and, to them, magnificent structures, affirming that as fortresses they have ever proved impregnable. to wall out black barbarism was what the pueblos wanted, and to be let alone; under these conditions time was giving them civilization.[ ] [sidenote: pueblo estufas.] the sweat-house, or as the spaniards call it, the _estufa_, assumes with the pueblos the grandest proportions. every village has from one to six of these singular structures. a large, semi-subterranean room, it is at once bath-house, town-house, council-chamber, club-room, and church. it consists of a large excavation, the roof being about on a level with the ground, sometimes a little above it, and is supported by heavy timbers or pillars of masonry. around the sides are benches, and in the center of the floor a square stone box for fire, wherein aromatic plants are kept constantly burning. entrance is made by means of a ladder, through a hole in the top placed directly over the fire-place so that it also serves as a ventilator and affords a free passage to the smoke. usually they are circular in form and of both large and small dimensions; they are placed either within the great building or underground in the court without. in some of the ruins they are found built in the center of what was once a pyramidal pile, and four stories in height. at jemez the estufa is of one story, twenty-five feet wide by thirty feet high. the ruins of chettro kettle contain six estufas, each two or three stories in height. at bonito are estufas one hundred and seventy-five feet in circumference, built in alternate layers of thick and thin stone slabs. in these subterranean temples the old men met in secret council, or assembled in worship of their gods. here are held dances and festivities, social intercourse, and mourning ceremonies. certain of the pueblos have a custom similar to that practiced by some of the northern tribes, the men sleeping in the sweat-house with their feet to the fire, and permitting women to enter only to bring them food. the estufas of tiguex were situated in the heart of the village, built underground, both round and square, and paved with large polished stones.[ ] [sidenote: how food is obtained.] from the earliest information we have of these nations they are known to have been tillers of the soil; and though the implements used and their methods of cultivation were both simple and primitive, cotton, corn, wheat, beans, with many varieties of fruits, which constituted their principal food, were raised in abundance. the pueblos breed poultry to a considerable extent; fish are eaten whenever obtainable, as also a few wild animals, such as deer, hares, and rabbits, though they are indifferent hunters.[ ] the pápagos, whose country does not present such favorable conditions for agriculture are forced to rely for a subsistence more upon wild fruits and animals than the nations north of them. they collect large quantities of the fruit of the pitahaya (_cereus giganteus_), and in seasons of scarcity resort to whatever is life-sustaining, not disdaining even snakes, lizards, and toads.[ ] most of these people irrigate their lands by means of conduits or ditches, leading either from the river or from tanks in which rain-water is collected and stored for the purpose. these ditches are kept in repair by the community, but farming operations are carried on by each family for its own separate benefit, which is a noticeable advance from the usual savage communism.[ ] fishing nets are made of twisted thread or of small sticks joined together at the ends. when the rivers are low, fish are caught in baskets or shot with arrows to which a string is attached.[ ] the corn which is stored for winter use, is first par-boiled in the shuck, and then suspended from strings to dry; peaches are dried in large quantities, and melons are preserved by peeling and removing the seeds, when they are placed in the sun, and afterward hung up in trees. meal is ground on the metate and used for making porridge, tortillas, and a very thin cake called _guayave_, which latter forms a staple article of food amongst the pueblos. the process of making the guayave, as seen by lieutenant simpson at santo domingo on the rio grande, is thus described in his journal. "at the house of the governor i noticed a woman, probably his wife, going through the process of baking a very thin species of corn cake, called, according to gregg, guayave. she was hovering over a fire, upon which lay a flat stone. near her was a bowl of thin corn paste, into which she thrust her fingers; allowing then the paste to drip sparingly upon the stone, with two or three wipes from the palm of her hand she would spread it entirely and uniformly over the stone; this was no sooner done than she peeled it off as fit for use; and the process was again and again repeated, until a sufficient quantity was obtained. when folded and rolled together, it does not look unlike (particularly that made from the blue corn) a hornet's nest--a name by which it is sometimes called." the pimas do all their cooking out of doors, under a shed erected for the purpose. they collect the pulp from the fruit of the pitahaya, and boiling it in water, make a thick syrup, which they store away for future use. they also dry the fruit in the sun like figs.[ ] the pueblos and moquis are remarkable for their personal cleanliness and the neatness of their dwellings.[ ] [sidenote: pueblo weapons.] their weapons are bows and arrows, spears, and clubs. the pueblos use a crooked stick, which they throw somewhat in the manner of the boomerang; they are exceedingly skillful in the use of the sling, with a stone from which they are said to be able to hit with certainty a small mark or kill a deer at the distance of a hundred yards. for defense, they use a buckler or shield made of raw hide. their arrows are carried in skin quivers or stuck in the belt round the waist.[ ] bows are made of willow, and are about six feet in length, strung with twisted deer-sinews; arrows are made of reeds, into which a piece of hard wood is fitted.[ ] the pimas wing their war arrows with three feathers and point them with flint, while for hunting purposes they have only two feathers and wooden points.[ ] it has been stated that they poison them, but there does not appear to be good foundation for this assertion.[ ] clubs, which are used in hand-to-hand combats, are made of a hard, heavy wood, measuring from twenty to twenty-four inches in length. in former days they were sharpened by inserting flint or obsidian along the edge.[ ] [sidenote: war ceremonies.] the pimas wage unceasing war against the apaches, and the pueblos are ever at enmity with their neighbors, the navajos. the pueblos are securely protected by the position and construction of their dwellings, from the top of which they are able to watch the appearance and movements of enemies, and should any be daring enough to approach their walls, they are greeted by a shower of stones and darts. as an additional protection to their towns, they dig pitfalls on the trails leading to them, at the bottom of which sharp-pointed stakes are driven, the top of the hole being carefully covered.[ ] expeditions are sometimes organized against the navajos for the recovery of stolen property. on such occasions the towns-people equip themselves with the heads, horns, and tails of wild animals, paint the body and plume the head.[ ] lieutenant simpson mentions a curious custom observed by them, just previous to going into action. "they halted on the way to receive from their chiefs some medicine from the medicine bags which each of them carried about his person. this they rubbed upon their heart, as they said, to make it big and brave." the pueblos fight on horseback in skirmishing order, and keep up a running fight, throwing the body into various attitudes, the better to avoid the enemies' missiles, at the same time discharging their arrows with rapidity.[ ] the pimas, who fight usually on foot, when they decide on going to war, select their best warriors, who are sent to notify the surrounding villages, and a place of meeting is named where a grand council is held. a fire being lighted and a circle of warriors formed, the proceedings are opened by war songs and speeches, their prophet is consulted, and in accordance with his professional advice, their plan of operations is arranged.[ ] the attack is usually made about day-break, and conducted with much pluck and vigor. they content themselves with proximate success, and seldom pursue a flying foe.[ ] during the heat of battle they spare neither sex nor age, but if prisoners are taken, the males are crucified or otherwise cruelly put to death, and the women and children sold as soon as possible.[ ] the successful war party on its return is met by the inhabitants of the villages, scalps are fixed on a pole, trophies displayed, and feasting and dancing indulged in for several days and nights; if unsuccessful, mourning takes the place of feasting, and the death-cries of the women resound through the villages.[ ] [sidenote: pueblo trade.] for farming implements they use plows, shovels, harrows, hatchets, and sticks, all of wood.[ ] baskets of willow-twigs, so closely woven as to be water-tight, and ornamented with figures; and round, baked, and glazed earthen vessels, narrow at the top, and decorated with paintings or enamel, are their household utensils.[ ] for mashing hulled corn they used the metate, a mexican implement, made of two stones, one concave and the other convex, hereafter more fully described. among their household utensils there must also be mentioned hair sieves, hide ropes, water-gourds, painted fans, stone pipes, and frame panniers connected with a netting to carry loads on their backs.[ ] in their manufacture of blankets, of cotton and woolen cloths, and stockings, the pueblos excel their neighbors, the navajos, although employing essentially the same method, and using similar looms and spinning instruments, as have been described in the preceding pages. although the women perform most of this work, as well as tanning leather, it is said that the men also are expert in knitting woolen stockings. according to mühlenpfordt the pimas and maricopas make a basket-boat which they call _cora_, woven so tight as to be water-proof without the aid of pitch or other application.[ ] all these nations, particularly the pueblos, have great droves of horses, mules, donkeys, cattle, sheep, and goats grazing on the extensive plains, and about their houses poultry, turkeys, and dogs. the flocks they either leave entirely unprotected, or else the owner herds them himself, or from each village one is appointed by the war captain to do so. the pápagos carry on an extensive trade in salt, taken from the great inland salt lakes. besides corn, they manufacture and sell a syrup extracted from the pitahaya.[ ] the laws regulating inheritance of property are not well defined. among some there is nothing to inherit, as all is destroyed when the person dies; among others the females claim the right of inheritance; at other times the remaining property is divided among all the members of the tribe. in general they care but little for gold, and all their trade, which at times is considerable, is carried on by barter; a kind of blue stone, often called turquoise, beads, skins, and blankets, serving the purpose of currency.[ ] the pueblos display much taste in painting the walls of their estufas, where are represented different plants, birds, and animals symmetrically done, but without any scenic effect. hieroglyphic groupings, both sculptured and painted, are frequently seen in the ancient pueblo towns, depicting, perhaps, their historical events and deeds. with colored earths their pottery is painted in bright colors.[ ] many spanish authors mention a great many gold and silver vessels in use amongst them, and speak of the knowledge they had in reducing and working these metals; but no traces of such art are found at present.[ ] [sidenote: laws of the pueblos.] among the pueblos an organized system of government existed at the time of coronado's expedition through their country; castañeda, speaking of the province of tiguex, says that the villages were governed by a council of old men; and a somewhat similar system obtains with these people at the present time. each village selects its own governor, frames its own laws, and in all respects they act independently of each other. the governor and his council are elected annually by the people; all affairs of importance and matters relating to the welfare of the community are discussed at the estufa; questions in dispute are usually decided by a vote of the majority. all messages and laws emanating from the council-chamber are announced to the inhabitants by town criers. the morals of young people are carefully watched and guarded by a kind of secret police, whose duty it is to report to the governor all irregularities which may occur; and especial attention is given that no improper intercourse shall be allowed between the young men and women, in the event of which the offending parties are brought before the governor and council and, if guilty, ordered to marry, or if they refuse they are restricted from holding intercourse with each other, and if they persist they are whipped. among their laws deserves to be particularly mentioned one, according to which no one can sell or marry out of the town until he obtains permission from the authorities.[ ] in the seven confederate pueblos of the moquis, the office of chief governor is hereditary; it is not, however, necessarily given to the nearest heir, as the people have the power to elect any member of the dominant family. the governor is assisted by a council of elders, and in other respects the moqui government is similar to that of the other towns.[ ] the pimas and maricopas have no organized system of government, and are not controlled by any code of laws; each tribe or village has a chief to whom a certain degree of respect is conceded, but his power to restrain the people is very limited; his influence over them is maintained chiefly by his oratorical powers or military skill. in war the tribe is guided by the chief's advice, and his authority is fully recognized, but in time of peace his rule is nominal; nor does he attempt to control their freedom or punish them for offences. the chief's office is hereditary, yet an unpopular ruler may be deposed and another chosen to fill his place.[ ] [sidenote: women among the pueblos.] among the pueblos the usual order of courtship is reversed; when a girl is disposed to marry she does not wait for a young man to propose to her, but selects one to her own liking and consults her father, who visits the parents of the youth and acquaints them with his daughter's wishes. it seldom happens that any objections to the match are made, but it is imperative on the father of the bridegroom to reimburse the parents of the maiden for the loss of their daughter. this is done by an offer of presents in accordance with his rank and wealth. the inhabitants of one village seldom marry with those of another, and, as a consequence, intermarriage is frequent among these families--a fertile cause of their deterioration. the marriage is always celebrated by a feast, the provisions for which are furnished by the bride, and the assembled friends unite in dancing and music. polygamy is never allowed, but married couples can separate if they are dissatisfied with each other; in such a contingency, if there are children, they are taken care of by the grandparents, and both parties are free to marry again; fortunately, divorces are not of frequent occurrence, as the wives are always treated with respect by their husbands.[ ] to the female falls all indoor work, and also a large share of that to be done out of doors. in the treatment of their children these people are careful to guide them in the ways of honesty and industry, and to impress their minds with chaste and virtuous ideas. mothers bathe their infants with cold water, and boys are not permitted to enter the estufas for the purpose of warming themselves; if they are cold they are ordered to chop wood, or warm themselves by running and exercise.[ ] a girl's arrival at the age of puberty among the gila nations is a period of much rejoicing; when the first symptoms appear, all her friends are duly informed of the important fact, and preparations are made to celebrate the joyful event. the girl is taken by her parents to the prophet, who performs certain ceremonies, which are supposed to drive the evil out of her, and then a singing and dancing festival is held. when a young man sees a girl whom he desires for a wife, he first endeavors to gain the good will of the parents; this accomplished, he proceeds to serenade his lady-love, and will often sit for hours, day after day, near her house, playing on his flute. should the girl not appear it is a sign she rejects him; but if, on the other hand, she comes out to meet him, he knows that his suit is accepted, and he takes her to his house. no marriage ceremony is performed. among the pápagos the parents select a husband for their daughter to whom she is, so to say, sold. it not unfrequently happens that they offer their daughter at auction, and she is knocked down to the highest bidder. however, among all the nations of this family, whether the bridegroom makes a love-match or not, he has to recompense the parents with as much as his means will permit.[ ] although polygamy is not permitted, they often separate and marry again at pleasure. women, at the time of their confinement as well as during their monthly periods, must live apart; as they believe that if any male were to touch them, he would become sick. the children are trained to war, and but little attention given to teaching them useful pursuits. all the household labor is performed by the women; they also assist largely in the labors of the field; severe laws oblige them to observe the strictest chastity, and yet, at their festivals, much debauchery and prostitution take place.[ ] [sidenote: pueblo dances.] with but few exceptions, they are temperate in drinking and smoking. intoxicating liquors they prepare out of the fruits of the pitahaya, agave, aloe, corn, mezcal, prickly pear, wild and cultivated grapes. colonel cremony says that the pimas and maricopas 'macerate the fruit of the pitahaya (species of cactus) in water after being dried in the sun, when the saccharine qualities cause the liquid to ferment, and after such fermentation it becomes highly intoxicating. it is upon this liquor that the maricopas and pimas get drunk once a year, the revelry continuing for a week or two at a time; but it is also an universal custom with them to take regular turns, so that only one third of the party is supposed to indulge at one time, the remainder being required to take care of their stimulated comrades, and protect them from injuring each other or being injured by other tribes.'[ ] all are fond of dancing and singing; in their religious rites, as well as in other public and family celebrations, these form the chief diversion. different dances are used on different occasions; for example, they have the arrow, scalp, turtle, fortune, buffalo, green-corn, and montezuma dances. their costumes also vary on each of these occasions, and not only are grotesque masks, but also elk, bear, fox, and other skins used as disguises. the dance is sometimes performed by only one person, but more frequently whole tribes join in, forming figures, shuffling, or hopping about to the time given by the music. lieutenant simpson, who witnessed a green-corn dance at the jemez pueblo, describes it as follows: 'when the performers first appeared, all of whom were men, they came in a line, slowly walking and bending and stooping as they approached. they were dressed in a kirt of blanket, the upper portion of their bodies being naked and painted red. their legs and arms, which were also bare, were variously striped with red, white and blue colors; and around their arms, above the elbow, they wore a green band, decked with sprigs of piñon. a necklace of the same description was worn around the neck. their heads were decorated with feathers. in one hand they carried a dry gourd, containing some grains of corn; in the other, a string from which were hung several tortillas. at the knee were fastened small shells of the ground turtle and antelope's feet; and dangling from the back, at the waist, depended a fox-skin. the party was accompanied by three elders of the town, whose business it was to make a short speech in front of the different houses, and, at particular times, join in the singing of the rest of the party. thus they went from house to house, singing and dancing, the occupants of each awaiting their arrival in front of their respective dwellings.' a somewhat similar moqui dance is described by mr ten broeck. some of the pueblo dances end with bacchanalia, in which not only general intoxication, but promiscuous intercourse between the sexes is permitted.[ ] 'once a year,' says kendall, 'the keres have a great feast, prepared for three successive days, which time is spent in eating, drinking and dancing. near this scene of amusement is a dismal gloomy cave, into which not a glimpse of light can penetrate, and where places of repose are provided for the revellers. to this cave, after dark, repair grown persons of every age and sex, who pass the night in indulgences of the most gross and sensual description.' reed flutes and drums are their chief instruments of music; the former they immerse in a shallow basin of water, and thereby imitate the warbling of birds. the drum is made of a hollow log, about two and a half feet long and fifteen inches in diameter. a dried hide, from which previously the hair has been scraped, is stretched over either end, and on this the player beats with a couple of drumsticks, similar to those used on our kettle-drums. gourds filled with pebbles and other rattles, are also used as a musical accompaniment to their dances.[ ] [sidenote: customs of pimas and pÁpagos.] the cocomaricopas and pimas are rather fond of athletic sports, such as football, horse and foot racing, swimming, target-shooting, and of gambling.[ ] many curious customs obtain among these people. mr walker relates that a pima never touches his skin with his nails, but always uses a small stick for that purpose, which he renews every fourth day, and wears in his hair. among the same nation, when a man has killed an apache, he must needs undergo purification. sixteen days he must fast, and only after the fourth day is he allowed to drink a little pinole. during the sixteen days he may not look on a blazing fire, nor hold converse with mortal man; he must live in the woods companionless, save only one person appointed to take care of him. on the seventeenth day a large space is cleared off near the village, in the center of which a fire is lighted. the men form a circle round this fire, outside of which those who have been purified sit, each in a small excavation. certain of the old men then take the weapons of the purified and dance with them in the circle; for which service they receive presents, and thenceforth both slayer and weapon are considered clean, but not until four days later is the man allowed to return to his family. they ascribe the origin of this custom to a mythical personage, called szeukha, who, after killing a monster, is said to have fasted for sixteen days. the pápagos stand in great dread of the coyote, and the pimas never touch an ant, snake, scorpion, or spider, and are much afraid of thunderstorms. like the mojaves and yumas, the maricopas in cold weather carry a firebrand to warm themselves withal. in like manner the pueblos have their singularities and semi-religious ceremonies, many of which are connected with a certain mythical personage called montezuma. among these may be mentioned the perpetual watching of the eternal estufa-fire, and also the daily waiting for the rising sun, with which, as some writers affirm, they expectantly look for the promised return of the much-loved montezuma. the moqui, before commencing to smoke, reverently bows toward the four cardinal points.[ ] their diseases are few; and among these the most frequent are chills and fevers, and later, syphilis. the pueblos and moquis resort to the sweat-house remedy, but the pimas only bathe daily in cold running water. here, as elsewhere, the doctor is medicine-man, conjuror, and prophet, and at times old women are consulted. if incantations fail, emetics, purgatives, or blood-letting are prescribed.[ ] the pimas bury their dead immediately after death. at the bottom of a shaft, about six feet deep, they excavate a vault, in which the corpse is placed, after having first been tied up in a blanket. house, horses, and most personal effects are destroyed; but if children are left, a little property is reserved for them. a widow or a daughter mourns for three months, cutting the hair and abstaining from the bath during that time. the maricopas burn their dead. pueblo and moqui burials take place with many ceremonies, the women being the chief mourners.[ ] [sidenote: character of the pueblos.] industrious, honest, and peace-loving, the people of this division are at the same time brave and determined, when necessity compels them to repel the thieving apache. sobriety may be ranked among their virtues, as drunkenness only forms a part of certain religious festivals, and in their gambling they are the most moderate of barbarians.[ ] the lower californians present a sad picture. occupying the peninsula from the head of the gulf to cape san lucas, it is thought by some that they were driven thither from upper california by their enemies. when first visited by the missionary fathers, they presented humanity in one of its lowest phases, though evidences of a more enlightened people having at some previous time occupied the peninsula were not lacking. clavigero describes large caves or vaults, which had been dug out of the solid rock, the sides decorated with paintings of animals and figures of men, showing dress and features different from any of the inhabitants. whom they represented or by whom they were depicted there is no knowledge, as the present race have been unable to afford any information on the subject. [sidenote: lower california.] the peninsula extends from near ° to ° north latitude; in length it is about seven hundred, varying in width from thirty-five to eighty miles. its general features are rugged; irregular mountains of granite formation and volcanic upheavals traversing the whole length of the country, with barren rocks and sandy plains, intersected by ravines and hills. some fertile spots and valleys with clear mountain streams are there, and in such places the soil produces abundantly; then there are plains of greater or less extent, with rich soil, but without water; so that, under the circumstances, they are little more than deserts. these plains rise in places into mesas, which are cut here and there by cañons, where streams of water are found, which are again lost on reaching the sandy plains. altogether, lower california is considered as one of the most barren and unattractive regions in the temperate zone, although its climate is delightful, and the mountain districts especially are among the healthiest in the world, owing to their southern situation between two seas. a curious meteorological phenomenon is sometimes observed both in the gulf and on the land; it is that of rain falling during a perfectly clear sky. savants, who have investigated the subject, do not appear to have discovered the cause of this unusual occurrence. the greater part of the peninsula, at the time of its discovery, was occupied by the _cochimís_, whose territory extended from the head of the gulf to the neighborhood of loreto, or a little south of the twenty-sixth parallel; adjoining them were the _guaicuris_, living between latitude ° and ° ´; while the _pericúis_ were settled in the southern part, from about ° ´ or ° to cape san lucas, and on the adjacent islands.[ ] the lower californians are well formed, robust and of good stature, with limbs supple and muscular; they are not inclined to corpulence; their features are somewhat heavy, the forehead low and narrow, the nose well set on, but thick and fleshy; the inner corners of the eyes round instead of pointed; teeth very white and regular, hair very black, coarse, straight, and glossy, with but little on the face, and none upon the body or limbs. the color of the skin varies from light to dark brown, the former color being characteristic of the dwellers in the interior, and the latter of those on the sea-coast.[ ] [sidenote: cochimÍ and pericÚi dress.] adam without the fig-leaves was not more naked than were the cochimís before the missionaries first taught them the rudiments of shame. they ignored even the usual breech-cloth, the only semblance of clothing being a head-dress of rushes or strips of skin interwoven with mother-of-pearl shells, berries, and pieces of reed. the guaicuris and pericúis indulge in a still more fantastic head-dress, white feathers entering largely into its composition. the women display more modesty, for, although scantily clad, they at least essay to cover their nakedness. the pericúi women are the best dressed of all, having a petticoat reaching from the waist to the ankles, made from the fibre of certain palm-leaves, and rendered soft and flexible by beating between two stones. over the shoulders they throw a mantle of similar material, or of plaited rushes, or of skins. the cochimí women make aprons of short reeds, strung upon cords of aloe-plant fibres fastened to a girdle. the apron is open at the sides, one part hanging in front, the other behind. as they are not more than six or eight inches wide, but little of the body is in truth covered. when traveling they wear sandals of hide, which they fasten with strings passed between the toes.[ ] both sexes are fond of ornaments; to gratify this passion, they string together pearls, shells, fruit-stones and seeds in the forms of necklaces and bracelets. in addition to the head-dress the pericúis are distinguished by a girdle highly ornamented with pearls and mother-of-pearl shells. they perforate ears, lips, and nose, inserting in the openings, shells, bones, or hard sticks. paint in many colors and devices is freely used on war and gala occasions; tattooing obtains, but does not appear to be universal among them. mothers, to protect them against the weather, cover the entire bodies of their children with a varnish of coal and urine. cochimí women cut the hair short, but the men allow a long tuft to grow on the crown of the head. both sexes among the guaicuris and pericúis wear the hair long and flowing loosely over the shoulders.[ ] equally adamitic are their habitations. they appear to hold a superstitious dread of suffocation if they live or sleep in covered huts; hence in their rare and meagre attempts to protect themselves from the inclemencies of the weather, they never put any roof over their heads. roving beast-like in the vicinity of springs during the heat of the day, seeking shade in the ravines and overhanging rocks; at night, should they desire shelter, they resort to caverns and holes in the ground. during winter they raise a semi-circular pile of stones or brushwood, about two feet in height, behind which, with the sky for a roof and the bare ground for a bed, they camp at night. over the sick they sometimes throw a wretched hut, by sticking a few poles in the ground, tying them at the top and covering the whole with grass and reeds, and into this nest visitors crawl on hands and knees.[ ] [sidenote: lower californian food.] reed-roots, wild fruit, pine-nuts, cabbage-palms, small seeds roasted, and also roasted aloe and mescal roots constitute their food. during eight weeks of the year they live wholly on the redundant fat-producing _pitahaya_, after which they wander about in search of other native vegetable products, and when these fail they resort to hunting and fishing. of animal food they will eat anything--beasts, birds, and fishes, or reptiles, worms, and insects; and all parts: flesh, hide, and entrails. men and monkeys, however, as articles of food are an abomination; the latter because they so much resemble the former. the gluttony and improvidence of these people exceed, if possible, those of any other nation; alternate feasting and fasting is their custom. when so fortunate as to have plenty they consume large quantities, preserving none. an abominable habit is related of them, that they pick up the undigested seeds of the pitahaya discharged from their bowels, and after parching and grinding them, eat the meal with much relish. clavigero, baegert, and other authors, mention another rather uncommon feature in the domestic economy of the cochimís; it is that of swallowing their meat several times, thereby multiplying their gluttonous pleasures. tying to a string a piece of well-dried meat, one of their number masticates it a little, and swallows it, leaving the end of the string hanging out of the mouth; after retaining it for about two or three minutes in his stomach, it is pulled out, and the operation repeated several times, either by the same individual or by others, until the meat becomes consumed. here is father baegert's summary of their edibles: "they live now-a-days on dogs and cats; horses, asses and mules; item: on owls, mice and rats; lizards and snakes; bats, grasshoppers and crickets; a kind of green caterpillar without hair, about a finger long, and an abominable white worm of the length and thickness of the thumb."[ ] their weapon is the bow and arrow, but they use stratagem to procure the game. the deer-hunter deceives his prey by placing a deer's head upon his own; hares are trapped; the cochimís throw a kind of boomerang or flat curved stick, which skims the ground and breaks the animal's legs. fish are taken from pools left by the tide and from the sea, sometimes several miles out, in nets and with the aid of long lances. it is said that at san roche island they catch fish with birds. they also gather oysters, which they eat roasted, but use no salt. they have no cooking utensils, but roast their meat by throwing it into the fire and after a time raking it out. insects and caterpillars are parched over the hot coals in shells. fish is commonly eaten raw; they drink only water.[ ] it is said that they never wash, and it is useless to add that in their filthiness they surpass the brutes.[ ] besides bows and arrows they use javelins, clubs, and slings of cords, from which they throw stones. their bows are six feet long, very broad and thick in the middle and tapering toward the ends, with strings made from the intestines of animals. the arrows are reeds about thirty inches in length, into the lower end of which a piece of hard wood is cemented with resin obtained from trees, and pointed with flint sharpened to a triangular shape and serrated at the edges. javelins are sharpened by first hardening in the fire and then grinding to a point; they are sometimes indented like a saw. clubs are of different forms, either mallet-head or axe shape; they also crook and sharpen at the edge a piece of wood in the form of a scimeter.[ ] their wars, which spring from disputed boundaries, are frequent and deadly, and generally occur about fruit and seed time. the battle is commenced amidst yells and brandishing of weapons, though without any preconcerted plan, and a tumultuous onslaught is made without regularity or discipline, excepting that a certain number are held in reserve to relieve those who have expended their arrows or become exhausted. while yet at a distance they discharge their arrows, but soon rush forward and fight at close quarters with their clubs and spears; nor do they cease till many on both sides have fallen.[ ] [sidenote: implements in lower california.] their implements and household utensils are both rude and few. sharp flints serve them instead of knives; a bone ground to a point answers the purpose of a needle or an awl; and with a sharp-pointed stick roots are dug. fire is obtained in the usual way from two pieces of wood. when traveling, water is carried in a large bladder. the shell of the turtle is applied to various uses, such as a receptacle for food and a cradle for infants. the lower californians have little ingenuity, and their display of mechanical skill is confined to the manufacture of the aforesaid implements, weapons of war, and of the chase; they make some flat baskets of wicker work, which are used in the collection of seeds and fruits; also nets from the fibre of the aloe, one in which to carry provisions, and another fastened to a forked stick and hung upon the back, in which to carry children.[ ] for boats the inhabitants of the peninsula construct rafts of reeds made into bundles and bound tightly together; they are propelled with short paddles, and seldom are capable of carrying more than one person. in those parts where trees grow a more serviceable canoe is made from bark, and sometimes of three or more logs, not hollowed out, but laid together side by side and made fast with withes or pita-fibre cords. these floats are buoyant, the water washing over them as over a catamaran. on them two or more men will proceed fearlessly to sea, to a distance of several miles from the coast. to transport their chattels across rivers, they use wicker-work baskets, which are so closely woven as to be quite impermeable to water; these, when loaded, are pushed across by the owner, who swims behind.[ ] besides their household utensils and boats, and the feathers or ornaments on their persons, i find no other property. they who dwell on the sea-coast occasionally travel inland, carrying with them sea-shells and feathers to barter with their neighbors for the productions of the interior.[ ] they are unable to count more than five, and this number is expressed by one hand; some few among them are able to understand that two hands signify ten, but beyond this they know nothing of enumeration, and can only say much or many, or show that the number is beyond computation, by throwing sand into the air and such like antics. the year is divided into six seasons; the first is called mejibo, which is midsummer, and the time of ripe pitahayas; the second season amaddappi, a time of further ripening of fruits and seeds; the third amadaappigalla, the end of autumn and beginning of winter; the fourth, which is the coldest season, is called majibel; the fifth, when spring commences, is majiben; the sixth, before any fruits or seeds have ripened, consequently the time of greatest scarcity, is called majiibenmaaji.[ ] neither government nor law is found in this region; every man is his own master, and administers justice in the form of vengeance as best he is able. as father baegert remarks: 'the different tribes represented by no means communities of rational beings, who submit to laws and regulations and obey their superiors, but resembled far more herds of wild swine, which run about according to their own liking, being together to-day and scattered to-morrow, till they meet again by accident at some future time. in one word, the californians lived, _salva venia_, as though they had been free-thinkers and materialists.' in hunting and war they have one or more chiefs to lead them, who are selected only for the occasion, and by reason of superior strength or cunning.[ ] [sidenote: marriage.] furthermore, they have no marriage ceremony, nor any word in their language to express marriage. like birds or beasts they pair off according to fancy. the pericúi takes as many women as he pleases, makes them work for him as slaves, and when tired of any one of them turns her away, in which case she may not be taken by another. some form of courtship appears to have obtained among the guaicuris; for example, when a young man saw a girl who pleased him, he presented her with a small bowl or basket made of the pita-fibre; if she accepted the gift, it was an evidence that his suit was agreeable to her, and in return she gave him an ornamented head-dress, the work of her own hand; then they lived together without further ceremony. although among the guaicuris and cochimís some hold a plurality of wives, it is not so common as with the pericúis, for in the two first-mentioned tribes there are more men than women. a breach of female chastity is sometimes followed by an attempt of the holder of the woman to kill the offender; yet morality never attained any great height, as it is a practice with them for different tribes to meet occasionally for the purpose of holding indiscriminate sexual intercourse. childbirth is easy; the pericúis and guaicuris wash the body of the newly born, then cover it with ashes; as the child grows it is placed on a frame-work of sticks, and if a male, on its chest they fix a bag of sand to prevent its breasts growing like a woman's, which they consider a deformity. for a cradle the cochimís take a forked stick or bend one end of a long pole in the form of a hoop, and fix thereto a net, in which the infant is placed and covered with a second net. it can thus be carried over the shoulder, or when the mother wishes to be relieved, the end of the pole is stuck in the ground, and nourishment given the child through the meshes of the net. when old enough the child is carried astride on its mother's shoulders. as soon as children are able to get food for themselves, they are left to their own devices, and it sometimes happens that when food is scarce the child is abandoned, or killed by its parents.[ ] [sidenote: lower californian feast.] nevertheless, these miserables delight in feasts, and in the gross debauchery there openly perpetrated. unacquainted with intoxicating liquors, they yet find drunkenness in the fumes of a certain herb smoked through a stone tube, and used chiefly during their festivals. their dances consist of a series of gesticulations and jumpings, accompanied by inarticulate murmurings and yells. one of their great holidays is the pitahaya season, when, with plenty to eat, they spend days and nights in amusements; at such times feats of strength and trials of speed take place. the most noted festival among the cochimís occurs upon the occasion of their annual distribution of skins. to the women especially it was an important and enjoyable event. upon an appointed day all the people collected at a designated place. in an arbor constructed with branches, the road to which was carpeted with the skins of wild animals that had been killed during the year, their most skillful hunters assembled; they alone were privileged to enter the arbor, and in their honor was already prepared a banquet and pipes of wild tobacco. the viands went round as also the pipe, and, in good time, the partakers became partially intoxicated by the smoke; then one of the priests or sorcerers, arrayed in his robe of ceremony, appeared at the entrance to the arbor, and made a speech to the people, in which he recounted the deeds of the hunters. then the occupants of the arbor came out and made a repartition of the skins among the women; this finished, dancing and singing commenced and continued throughout the night. it sometimes happened that their festivals ended in fighting and bloodshed, as they were seldom conducted without debauchery, especially among the guaicuris and pericúis.[ ] when they have eaten their fill they pass their time in silly or obscene conversation, or in wrestling, in which sports the women often take a part. they are very adroit in tracking wild beasts to their lairs and taming them. at certain festivals their sorcerers, who were called by some _quamas_, by others _cusiyaes_, wore long robes of skins, ornamented with human hair; these sages filled the offices of priests and medicine-men, and threatened their credulous brothers with innumerable ills and death, unless they supplied them with provisions. these favored of heaven professed to hold communication with oracles, and would enter caverns and wooded ravines, sending thence doleful sounds, to frighten the people, who were by such tricks easily imposed upon and led to believe in their deceits and juggleries.[ ] as to ailments, lower californians are subject to consumption, burning fevers, indigestion, and cutaneous diseases. small pox, measles, and syphilis, the last imported by troops, have destroyed numberless lives. wounds inflicted by the bites of venomous reptiles may be added to the list of troubles. loss of appetite is with them, generally, a symptom of approaching death. they submit resignedly to the treatment prescribed by their medicine-men, however severe or cruel it may be. they neglect their aged invalids, refusing them attendance if their last sickness proves too long, and recovery appears improbable. in several instances they have put an end to the patient by suffocation or otherwise.[ ] diseases are treated externally by the application of ointments, plasters, and fomentations of medicinal herbs, particularly the wild tobacco. smoke is also a great panacea, and is administered through a stone tube placed on the suffering part. the usual juggleries attend the practice of medicine. in extreme cases they attempt to draw with their fingers the disease from the patient's mouth. if the sick person has a child or sister, they cut its or her little finger of the right hand, and let the blood drop on the diseased part. bleeding with a sharp stone and whipping the affected part with nettles, or applying ants to it, are among the remedies used. for the cure of tumors, the medicine-men burst and suck them with their lips until blood is drawn. internal diseases are treated with cold-water baths. the means employed by the medicine-man are repeated by the members of the patient's family and by his friends. in danger even the imitation of death startles them. if an invalid is pronounced beyond recovery, and he happens to slumber, they immediately arouse him with blows on the head and body, for the purpose of preserving life.[ ] [sidenote: death and burial in lower california.] death is followed by a plaintive, mournful chant, attended with howling by friends and relatives, who beat their heads with sharp stones until blood flows freely. without further ceremony they either inter or burn the body immediately, according to the custom of the locality: in the latter case they leave the head intact. oftentimes they bury or burn the body before life has actually left it, never taking pains to ascertain the fact.[ ] weapons and other personal effects are buried or burned with the owner; and in some localities, where burying is customary, shoes are put to the feet, so that the spiritualized body may be prepared for its journey. in colechá and guajamina mourning ceremonies are practiced certain days after death--juggleries--in which the priest pretends to hold converse with the departed spirit through the scalp of the deceased, commending the qualities of the departed, and concluding by asking on the spirit's behalf that all shall cut off their hair as a sign of sorrow. after a short dance, more howling, hair-pulling, and other ridiculous acts, the priest demands provisions for the spirit's journey, which his hearers readily contribute, and which the priest appropriates to his own use, telling them it has already started. occasionally they honor the memory of their dead by placing a rough image of the departed on a high pole, and a _quama_ or priest sings his praises.[ ] the early missionaries found the people of the peninsula kind-hearted and tractable, although dull of comprehension and brutal in their instincts, rude, narrow-minded, and inconstant. a marked difference of character is observable between the cochimís and the pericúis. the former are more courteous in their manners and better behaved; although cunning and thievish, they exhibit attachment and gratitude to their superiors; naturally indolent and addicted to childish pursuits and amusements, they lived among themselves in amity, directing their savage and revengeful nature against neighboring tribes with whom they were at variance. the pericúis, before they became extinct, were a fierce and barbarous nation, unruly and brutal in their passions, cowardly, treacherous, false, petulant, and boastful, with an intensely cruel and heartless disposition, often shown in relentless persecutions and murders. in their character and disposition the guaicuris did not differ essentially from the pericúis. in the midst of so much darkness there was still one bright spot visible, inasmuch as they were of a cheerful and happy nature, lovers of kind and lovers of country. isolated, occupying an ill-favored country, it was circumstances, rather than any inherent incapacity for improvement, that held these poor people in their low state; for, as we shall see at some future time, in their intercourse with civilized foreigners, they were not lacking in cunning, diplomacy, selfishness, and other aids to intellectual progress.[ ] [sidenote: northern mexicans.] the northern mexicans, the fourth and last division of this group, spread over the territory lying between parallels ° and ° of north latitude. their lands have an average breadth of about five hundred miles, with an area of some , square miles, comprising the states of sonora, sinaloa, chihuahua, durango, nuevo leon, and the northern portions of zacatecas, san luis potosí and tamaulipas. nearly parallel with the pacific seaboard, and dividing the states of sonora and sinaloa from chihuahua and durango, runs the great central cordillera; further to the eastward, passing through coahuila, nuevo leon, and san luis potosí, and following the shore line of the mexican gulf, the sierra madre continues in a southerly direction, until it unites with the first-named range at the isthmus of tehuantepec. all of these mountains abound in mineral wealth. the table-land between them is intersected by three ridges; one, the sierra mimbres, issuing from the inner flank of the western cordillera north of arispe, extending in a northerly direction and following the line of the rio grande. the middle mountainous divide crosses from durango to coahuila, while the third rises in the state of jalisco and taking an easterly and afterward northerly direction, traverses the table-land and merges into the sierra madre in the state of san luis potosí. on these broad table-lands are numerous lakes fed by the streams which have their rise in the mountains adjacent; in but few spots is the land available for tillage, but it is admirably adapted to pastoral purposes. the climate can hardly be surpassed in its tonic and exhilarating properties; the atmosphere is ever clear, with sunshine by day, and a galaxy of brilliant stars by night; the absence of rain, fogs, and dews, with a delicious and even temperature, renders habitations almost unnecessary. all this vast region is occupied by numerous tribes speaking different languages and claiming distinct origins. upon the northern seaboard of sonora and tiburon island are the _ceris_, _tiburones_, and _tepocas_; south of them the _cahitas_, or _sinaloas_, which are general names for the _yaquis_ and _mayos_, tribes so called from the rivers on whose banks they live. in the state of sinaloa there are also the _cochitas_, _tuvares_, _sabaibos_, _zuaques_, and _ahomes_, besides many other small tribes. scattered through the states of the interior are the _Ópatas_, _eudeves_, _jovas_, _tarahumares_, _tubares_, and _tepehuanes_, who inhabit the mountainous districts of chihuahua and durango. east of the tarahumares, in the northern part of the first-named state, dwell the _conchos_. in durango, living in the hills round topia, are the _acaxées_; south of whom dwell the _xiximes_. on the table-lands of mapimi and on the shores of its numerous lakes, the _irritilas_ and many other tribes are settled; while south of these again, in zacatecas and san luis potosí, are the _guachichiles_, _huamares_, and _cazcanes_, and further to the east, and bordering on the gulf shores we find the country occupied by scattered tribes, distinguished by a great variety of names, prominent among which are the _carrizas_ or _garzas_, _xanambres_, and _pintos_.[ ] [sidenote: physical peculiarities in north mexico.] most of these nations are composed of men of large stature; robust, and well formed, with an erect carriage; the finest specimens are to be found on the sea-coast, exceptions being the Ópatas and chicoratas, the former inclining to corpulency, the latter being short, although active and swift runners. the women are well limbed and have good figures, but soon become corpulent. the features of these people are quite regular, the head round and well shaped, with black and straight hair; they have high cheek-bones and handsome mouths, with a generally mild and pleasing expression of countenance. they have piercing black eyes, and can distinguish objects at great distances. the ceris see best toward the close of the day, owing to the strong reflection from the white sands of the coast during the earlier part of the day. the carrizas are remarkable for their long upper lip. the men of this region have little beard; their complexion varies from a light brown to a copper shade. many of them attain to a great age.[ ] for raiment the cahitas and ceris wear only a small rag in front of their persons, secured to a cord tied round the waist; the tarahumares, acaxées, and other nations of the interior use for the same purpose a square piece of tanned deer-skin painted, except in cold weather, when they wrap a large blue cotton mantle round the shoulders. the women have petticoats reaching to their ankles, made of soft chamois or of cotton or agave-fibre, and a _tilma_ or mantle during the winter. some wear a long sleeveless chemise, which reaches from the shoulders to the feet. the ceri women have petticoats made from the skins of the albatross or pelican, the feathers inside. the Ópata men, soon after the conquest, were found well clad in blouse and drawers of cotton, with wooden shoes, while their neighbors wore sandals of raw hide, cut to the shape of the foot.[ ] the cahitas, acaxées and most other tribes, pierce the ears and nose, from which they hang small green stones, attached to a piece of blue cord; on the head, neck, and wrists, a great variety of ornaments are worn, made from mother-of-pearl and white snails' shells, also fruit-stones, pearls, and copper and silver hoops; round the ankles some wear circlets of deer's hoofs, others decorate their heads and necks with necklaces of red beans and strings of paroquets and small birds; pearls and feathers are much used to ornament the hair. the practice of painting the face and body is common to all, the colors most in use being red and black. a favorite style with the ceris is to paint the face in alternate perpendicular stripes of blue, red, and white. the pintos paint the face, breast, and arms; the tarahumares tattoo the forehead, lips, and cheeks in various patterns; the yaquis the chin and arms; while other tribes tattoo the face or body in styles peculiar to themselves. both sexes are proud of their hair, which they wear long and take much care of; the women permit it to flow, in loose tresses, while the men gather it into one or more tufts on the crown of the head, and when hunting protect it by a chamois cap, to prevent its being disarranged by trees or bushes.[ ] [sidenote: northern mexican dwellings.] their houses are of light construction, usually built of sticks and reeds, and are covered with coarse reed matting. the chinipas, yaquis, Ópatas and conchos build somewhat more substantial dwellings of timber and adobes, or of plaited twigs well plastered with mud; all are only one story high and have flat roofs. although none of these people are without their houses or huts, they spend most of their time, especially during summer, under the trees. the tarahumares find shelter in the deep caverns of rocky mountains, the tepehuanes and acaxées place their habitations on the top of almost inaccessible crags, while the humes and batucas build their villages in squares, with few and very small entrances, the better to defend themselves against their enemies--detached buildings for kitchen and store-room purposes being placed contiguous.[ ] the northern mexicans live chiefly on wild fruits such as the pitahaya, honey, grain, roots, fish, and larvæ; they capture game both large and small, and some of them eat rats, mice, frogs, snakes, worms, and vermin. the ahomamas along the shores of lake parras, the yaquis, batucas, ceris, tarahumares, and the Ópatas since the conquest have become agriculturists and cattle-breeders, besides availing themselves of fishing and hunting as means of subsistence. on the coast of sonora, there being no maize, the natives live on pulverized rush and straw, with fish caught at sea or in artificial enclosures. the dwellers on the coast of sinaloa consume a large quantity of salt, which they gather on the land during the dry season, and in the rainy reason from the bottom of marshes and pools. it is said that the salineros sometimes eat their own excrement. according to the reports of the older historians, the tobosos, bauzarigames, cabezas, contotores, and acaxées, as well as other tribes of durango and sinaloa, formerly fed on human flesh,--hunted human beings for food as they hunted deer or other game. the flesh of their brave foes they ate, thinking thereby to augment their own bravery.[ ] [sidenote: methods of hunting.] the ceris of tiburon island depend for food entirely on fish and game. they catch turtle by approaching the animal and suddenly driving the point of their spear into its back, a cord being attached to the weapon by which they drag the prize on to the raft as soon as its strength has become exhausted. according to gomara, the natives of sonora in were caught poisoning the deer-pools, probably for the skins, or it may have been only a stupefying drink that the pools were made to supply. the sinaloans are great hunters; at times they pursue the game singly, then again the whole town turns out and, surrounding the thickest part of the forest, the people set fire to the underbrush and bring down the game as it attempts to escape the flames. a feast of reptiles is likewise thus secured. iguanas are caught with the hands, their legs broken, and thus they are kept until required for food. for procuring wild honey, a bee is followed until it reaches its tree, the sweet-containing part of which is cut off and carried away. the tarahumares hunt deer by driving them through narrow passes, where men are stationed to shoot them. others make use of a deer's head as a decoy. for fishing they have various contrivances; some fish between the rocks with a pointed stick; others, when fishing in a pool, throw into the water a species of cabbage or leaves of certain trees, that stupefy the fish, when they are easily taken with the hands; they also use wicker baskets, and near the pacific ocean they inclose the rivers, and catch enormous quantities of smelt and other fish, which have come up from the sea to spawn. the laguneros of coahuila catch ducks by placing a calabash on their heads, with holes through which to breathe and see; thus equipped, they swim softly among the ducks, and draw them under water without flutter or noise. tatéma is the name of a dish cooked in the ground by the tarahumares. the laguneros make tortillas of flour obtained from an aquatic plant. the zacatecs make the same kind of bread from the pulp of the maguey, which is first boiled with lime, then washed and boiled again in pure water, after which it is squeezed dry and made into cakes. most of the people use _pozole_, or _pinolatl_, both being a kind of gruel made of pinole, of parched corn or seeds ground, the one of greater thickness than the other; also _tamales_, boiled beans, and pumpkins. the ceris of tiburon eat fish and meat uncooked, or but slightly boiled. the salineros frequently devour uncooked hares and rabbits, having only removed their furs.[ ] [sidenote: how arrows were made and poisoned.] the weapons universally used by these nations were bows and arrows and short clubs, in addition to which the chiefs and most important warriors carried a short lance and a buckler. the arrows were carried in a quiver made of lion or other skins. the tarahumares and some others wore a leathern guard round the left wrist, to protect it from the blow of the bow-string. flint knives were employed for cutting up their slain enemies. the ceris, jovas, and other tribes smeared the points of their arrows with a very deadly poison, but how it was applied to the point, or whence obtained, it is difficult to determine; some travelers say that this poison was taken from rattlesnakes and other venomous reptiles, which, by teasing, were incited to strike their fangs into the liver of a cow or deer which was presented to them, after which it was left to putrefy, and the arrows being dipped into the poisonous mass, were placed in the sun to dry; but other writers, again, assert that the poison was produced from a vegetable preparation. the wound inflicted by the point, however slight, is said to have caused certain death. the arrows were pointed with flint, or some other stone, or with bone, fastened to a piece of hard wood, which is tied by sinews to a reed or cane, notched, and winged with three feathers; when not required for immediate use, the tying was loosed, and the point reversed in the cane, to protect it from being broken. the ceris and chicoratos cut a notch a few inches above the point, so that in striking it should break off and remain in the wound. their clubs were made of a hard wood called _guayacan_, with a knob at the end, and when not in use were carried slung to the arm by a leather thong. their lances were of brazil wood, bucklers of alligator-skin, and shields of bull's hide, sufficiently large to protect the whole body, with a hole in the top to look through. another kind of shield was made of small lathes closely interwoven with cords, in such a manner that, when not required for use, it could be shut up like a fan, and was carried under the arm.[ ] living in a state of constant war, arising out of family quarrels or aggressions made into each other's territories, they were not unskilled in military tactics. previous to admission as a warrior, a young man had to pass through certain ordeals; having first qualified himself by some dangerous exploit, or having faithfully performed the duty of a scout in an enemy's country. the preliminaries being settled, a day was appointed for his initiation, when one of the braves, acting as his godfather, introduced him to the chief, who, for the occasion, had first placed himself in the midst of a large circle of warriors. the chief then addressed him, instructing him in the several duties required of him, and drawing from a pouch an eagle's talon, with it proceeded to score his body on the shoulders, arms, breast, and thighs, till the blood ran freely; the candidate was expected to suffer without showing the slightest signs of pain. the chief then handed to him a bow and a quiver of arrows; each of the braves also presented him with two arrows. in the campaigns that followed, the novitiate must take the hardest duty, be ever at the post of danger, and endure without a murmur or complaint the severest privations, until a new candidate appeared to take his place.[ ] [sidenote: war customs in north mexico.] when one tribe desires the assistance of another in war, they send reeds filled with tobacco, which, if accepted, is a token that the alliance is formed; a call for help is made by means of the smoke signal. when war is decided upon, a leader is chosen, at whose house all the elders, medicine-men, and principal warriors assemble; a fire is then lighted, and tobacco handed round and smoked in silence. the chief, or the most aged and distinguished warrior then arises, and in a loud tone and not unpoetic language, harangues his hearers, recounting to them heroic deeds hitherto performed, victories formerly gained, and present wrongs to be avenged; after which tobacco is again passed round, and new speakers in turn address the assembly. war councils are continued for several nights, and a day is named on which the foe is to be attacked. sometimes the day fixed for the battle is announced to the enemy, and a spot on which the fight is to take place selected. during the campaign fasting is strictly observed. the acaxées, before taking the war-path, select a maiden of the tribe, who secludes herself during the whole period of the campaign, speaking to no one, and eating nothing but a little parched corn without salt. the ceris and Ópatas approach their enemy under cover of darkness, preserving a strict silence, and at break of day, by a preconcerted signal, a sudden and simultaneous attack is made. to fire an enemy's house, the tepagues and others put lighted corn-cobs on the points of their arrows. in the event of a retreat they invariably carry off the dead, as it is considered a point of honor not to leave any of their number on the field. seldom is sex or age spared, and when prisoners are taken, they are handed over to the women for torture, who treat them most inhumanly, heaping upon them every insult devisable, besides searing their flesh with burning brands, and finally burning them at the stake, or sacrificing them in some equally cruel manner. many cook and eat the flesh of their captives, reserving the bones as trophies. the slain are scalped, or a hand is cut off, and a dance performed round the trophies on the field of battle. on the return of an expedition, if successful, entry into the village is made in the day-time. due notice of their approach having been forwarded to the inhabitants, the warriors are received with congratulations and praises by the women, who, seizing the scalps, vent their spleen in frantic gestures; tossing them from one to another, these female fiends dance and sing round the bloody trophies, while the men look on in approving silence. should the expedition, however, prove unsuccessful, the village is entered in silence and during the dead of night. all the booty taken is divided amongst the aged men and women, as it is deemed unlucky by the warriors to use their enemy's property.[ ] their household utensils consist of pots of earthen ware and gourds, the latter used both for cooking and drinking purposes; later, out of the horns of oxen cups are made. the tarahumares use in place of saddles two rolls of straw fastened by a girdle to the animal's back, loose enough, however, to allow the rider to put his feet under them. emerging from their barbarism, they employ, in their agricultural pursuits, plows with shares of wood or stone, and wooden hoes. the ceris have a kind of double-pointed javelin, with which they catch fish, which, once between the prongs, are prevented from slipping out by the jagged sides.[ ] the ahomoas, eudebes, jovas, yaquis, and Ópatas weave fabrics out of cotton or agave-fibre, such as blankets or serapes, and cloth with colored threads in neat designs and figures; these nations also manufacture matting from reeds and palm-leaves. their loom consists of four short sticks driven into the ground, to which a frame is attached to hold the thread. the shuttle is an oblong piece of wood, on which the cross-thread is wound. after passing through the web, the shuttle is seized and pressed close by a ruler three inches in breadth, which is placed between the web and supplies the place of a comb. when any patterns are to be worked, several women assist to mark off with wooden pegs the amount of thread required. the yaquis and ceris manufacture common earthen ware, and the tarahumares twist horse-hair into strong cords; they also use undressed hides cut in strips, and coarse aloe-fibres.[ ] [sidenote: property of ceris, Ópatas, and yaquis.] no boats or canoes are employed by any of the natives of this region; but the ceris, the tiburones, and the tepocas make rafts of reeds or bamboos, fastened together into bundles. these rafts are about eighteen feet long and tapering toward both ends; some are large enough to carry four or five men; they are propelled with a double-bladed paddle, held in the middle and worked alternately on both sides.[ ] subsequent to the conquest, the Ópatas and yaquis accumulated large flocks of sheep, cattle, and bands of horses; the latter are good miners, and expert divers for pearls. their old communistic ideas follow them in their new life; thus, the landed property of the tarahumares is from time to time repartitioned; they have also a public asylum for the sick, helpless, and for orphans, who are taken care of by male and female officials called _tenanches_. pearls, turquoises, emeralds, coral, feathers, and gold were in former times part of their property, and held the place of money; trade, for the most part, was carried on by simple barter.[ ] the northern mexicans make no pretensions to art; nevertheless, guzman states that in the province of culiacan the walls of the houses were decorated with obscene paintings. they are all great observers of the heavenly bodies and the changes in the atmosphere; the yaquis count their time by the moon. they are good musicians, imitating to perfection on their own instruments almost any strain they happen to hear. their native melodies are low, sweet, and harmonious. in petatlan they embroidered dresses with pearls, and as they had no instrument for piercing the jewel, they cut a small groove round it, and so strung them. with pearls they formed on cloth figures of animals and birds.[ ] i find nowhere in this region any system of laws or government. there are the usual tribal chieftains, selected on account of superior skill or bravery, but with little or no power except in war matters. councils of war, and all meetings of importance, are held at the chief's house.[ ] [sidenote: marriage and polygamy.] the ceris and tepocas celebrate the advent of womanhood with a feast, which lasts for several days. the ahome maiden wears on her neck a small carved shell, as a sign of her virginity, to lose which before marriage is a lasting disgrace. on the day of marriage the bridegroom removes this ornament from his bride's neck. it is customary among most of the tribes to give presents to the girl's parents. the tahus, says castañeda, are obliged to purchase a maiden from her parents, and deliver her to the _cacique_,[ ] chief, or possibly high priest, to whom was accorded the _droit de seigneur_. if the bride proves to be no virgin, all the presents are returned by her parents, and it is optional with the bridegroom to keep her or condemn her to the life of a public prostitute. the bauzarigames, cabezas, contotores, and tehuecos practice polygamy and inter-family marriages, but these are forbidden by the ceris, chinipas, tiburones, and tepocas. different ceremonies take place upon the birth of the first child. among some, the father is intoxicated, and in that state surrounded by a dancing multitude, who score his body till the blood flows freely. among others, several days after the birth of a male child, the men visit the house, feel each limb of the newly born, exhort him to be brave, and finally give him a name; women perform similar ceremonies with female children. the couvade obtains in certain parts; as for instance, the lagunero and ahomama husbands, after the birth of a child, remain in bed for six or seven days, during which time they eat neither fish nor meat. the sisibotaris, ahomes, and tepehuanes hold chastity in high esteem, and both their maidens and matrons are remarkably chaste. the standard of morality elsewhere in this vicinity is in general low, especially with the acaxées and tahus, whose incestuous connections and system of public brothels are notorious. according to arlegui, ribas, and other authors, among some of these nations male concubinage prevails to a great extent; these loathsome semblances of humanity, whom to call beastly were a slander upon beasts, dress themselves in the clothes and perform the functions of women, the use of weapons even being denied them.[ ] drunkenness prevails to a great extent among most of the tribes; their liquors are prepared from the fruit of the pitahaya, mezquite-beans, agave, honey, and wheat. in common with all savages, they are immoderately fond of dancing, and have numerous feasts, where, with obscene carousals and unseemly masks, the revels continue, until the dancers, from sheer exhaustion or intoxication, are forced to rest. the Ópatas hold a festival called _torom raqui_, to insure rain and good crops. clearing a square piece of ground, they strew it with seeds, bones, boughs, horns, and shells; the actors then issue forth from huts built on the four corners of the square, and there dance from sunrise to sunset. on the first day of the year they plant in the ground a tall pole, to which are tied long ribbons of many colors. a number of young maidens, fancifully attired, dance round the pole, holding the ends of the ribbons, twisting themselves nearer or away from the center in beautiful figures. upon other occasions they commemorate, in modern times, what is claimed to be the journey of the aztecs, and the appearance of montezuma among them. hunting and war expeditions are inaugurated by dances. their musical instruments are flutes and hollow trunks beaten with sticks or bones, and accompanied with song and impromptu words, relating the exploits of their gods, warriors, and hunters. they are passionately fond of athletic sports, such as archery, wrestling, and racing; but the favorite pastime is a kind of foot-ball. the game is played between two parties, with a large elastic ball, on a square piece of ground prepared expressly for the purpose. the players must strike the ball with the shoulders, knees, or hips, but never with the hand. frequently one village challenges another as upon the occasion of a national festival, which lasts several days, and is accompanied with dancing and feasting. they have also games with wooden balls, in which sticks are used when playing. the players are always naked, and the game often lasts from sunrise to sunset, and sometimes, when the victory is undecided, the play will be continued for several successive days. bets are freely made, and horses and other property staked with the greatest recklessness.[ ] [sidenote: customs in northern mexico.] loads are carried on the head, or in baskets at the back, hanging from a strap that passes across the forehead. another mode of carrying burdens is to distribute equally the weight at both ends of a pole which is slung across the shoulder, _à la chinoise_. their conceptions of the supernatural are extremely crude; thus, the Ópatas, by yells and gesticulations, endeavor to dispel eclipses of the heavenly bodies; before the howling of the wind they cower as before the voice of the great spirit. the ceris superstitiously celebrate the new moon, and bow reverentially to the rising and setting sun. nuño de guzman states that in the province of culiacan tamed serpents were found in the dwellings of the natives, which they feared and venerated. others have a great veneration for the hidden virtues of poisonous plants, and believe that if they crush or destroy one, some harm will happen to them. it is a common custom to hang a small bag containing poisonous herbs round the neck of a child, as a talisman against diseases or attacks from wild beasts, which they also believe will render them invulnerable in battle. they will not touch a person struck by lightning, and will leave him to die, or, if dead, to lie unburied.[ ] [sidenote: medical treatment.] intermittent and other fevers prevail among the people of northern mexico. small-pox, introduced by europeans, has destroyed many lives; syphilis was introduced among the carrizos by the spanish troops. the tarahumares suffer from pains in the side about the end of the spring. the Ópatas of oposura are disfigured by goitres, but this disease seems to be confined within three leagues of the town. wounds inflicted by arrows, many of them poisoned, and bites of rattlesnakes are common. friends, and even parents and brothers leave to their fate such as are suffering from contagious diseases; they, however, place water and wild fruits within the sufferer's reach. to relieve their wearied legs and feet after long marches, they scarify the former with sharp flints. in extreme cases they rub themselves with the maguey's prickly leaf well pounded, which, acting as an emollient on their hardened bodies, affords them prompt relief. the carrizos cure syphilis with certain plants, the medicinal properties of which are known to them. as a purgative they use the grains of the _maguacate_, and as a febrifuge the _cenicilla_ (_teraina frutescens_). with the leaves of the latter they make a decoction which, mixed with hydromel, is an antidote for intermittent fevers. they also use the leaves of the willow in decoction, as a remedy for the same complaint. in sinaloa, the leaf and roots of the _guaco_ are used by the natives as the most efficacious medicine for the bites of poisonous reptiles. the Ópatas employ excellent remedies for the diseases to which they are subject. they have a singular method of curing rattlesnake bites, a sort of retaliative cure; seizing the reptile's head between two sticks, they stretch out the tail and bite it along the body, and if we may believe alegre, the bitten man does not swell up, but the reptile does, until it bursts. in some parts, if a venomous snake bites a person, he seizes it at both ends, and breaks all its bones with his teeth until it is dead, imagining this to be an efficacious means of saving himself from the effect of the wounds. arrow wounds are first sucked, and then _peyote_ powder is put into them; after two days the wound is cleaned, and more of the same powder applied; this operation is continued upon every second day, and finally powdered lechugilla-root is used; by this process the wound, after thoroughly suppurating, becomes healed. out of the leaves of the maguey, lechugilla, and date-palm, as well as from the rosemary, they make excellent balsams for curing wounds. they have various vegetable substances for appeasing the thirst of wounded persons, as water is considered injurious. the acaxées employ the sucking processes, and blowing through a hollow tube, for the cure of diseases. the yaquis put a stick into the patient's mouth, and with it draw from the stomach the disease; the ceris of tiburon island also employ charms in their medical practice.[ ] i find nothing of cremation in these parts. the dead body is brought head and knees together, and placed in a cave or under a rock. several kinds of edibles, with the utensils and implements with which the deceased earned a support while living, are deposited in the grave, also a small idol, to serve as a guide and fellow traveler to the departed on the long journey. on the lips of dead infants is dropped milk from the mother's breast, that these innocents may have sustenance to reach their place of rest. among the acaxées, if a woman dies in childbirth, the infant surviving is slain, as the cause of its mother's death. cutting the hair is the only sign of mourning among them.[ ] [sidenote: character.] the character of the northern mexicans, as portrayed by arlegui, is gross and low; but some of these tribes do not deserve such sweeping condemnation. the mayos, yaquis, acaxées, and Ópatas are generally intelligent, honest, social, amiable, and intrepid in war; their young women modest, with a combination of sweetness and pride noticed by some writers. the Ópatas especially are a hard-working people, good-humored, free from intemperance and thievishness; they are also very tenacious of purpose, when their minds are made up--danger often strengthening their stubbornness the more. the sisibotaris, ahomamas, onavas, and tarahumares are quiet and docile, but brave when occasion requires; the last-mentioned are remarkably honest. the tepocas and tiburones are fierce, cruel, and treacherous, more warlike and courageous than the ceris of the main land, who are singularly devoid of good qualities, being sullenly stupid, lazy, inconstant, revengeful, depredating, and much given to intemperance. their country even has become a refuge for evil-doers. in former times they were warlike and brave: but even this quality they have lost, and have become as cowardly as they are cruel. the tepehuanes and other mountaineers are savage and warlike, and their animosity to the whites perpetual. the laguneros and other tribes of coahuila are intelligent, domestic, and hospitable; the former especially are very brave. in chihuahua they are generally fierce and uncommunicative. at el paso, the women are more jovial and pleasant than the men; the latter speak but little, never laugh, and seldom smile; their whole aspect seems to be wrapped in melancholy--everything about it has a semblance of sadness and suffering.[ ] tribal boundaries. to the new mexican group belong the nations inhabiting the territory lying between the parallels ° and ° of north latitude, and the meridians ° and ° of west longitude; that is to say, the occupants of the states of new mexico, arizona, lower california, sonora, sinaloa, chihuahua, durango, coahuila, nuevo leon, northern zacatecas, and western texas. in the apache family, i include all the savage tribes roaming through new mexico, the north-western portion of texas, a small part of northern mexico, and arizona; being the comanches, apaches proper, navajos, mojaves, hualapais, yumas, cosninos, yampais, yalchedunes, yamajabs, cochees, cruzados, nijoras, cocopas, and others. the _comanches_ inhabit western texas, eastern new mexico, and eastern mexico, and from the arkansas river north to near the gulf of mexico south. range 'over the plains of the arkansas from the vicinity of bent's fort, at the parallel of °, to the gulf of mexico ... from the eastern base of the llano estacado to about the meridian of longitude th.' _pope_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. ii., p. . from the western border of the choctaw country 'uninterruptedly along the canadian to tucumcari creek and thence, occasionally, to rio pecos. from this line they pursue the buffalo northward as far as the sioux country, and on the south are scarcely limited by the frontier settlements of mexico.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'during summer ... as far north as the arkansas river, their winters they usually pass about the head branches of the brazos and colorado rivers of texas.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., p. . 'between ° and ° longitude and ° and ° north latitude.' _norton_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'about thirteen thousand square miles of the southern portion of colorado, and probably a much larger extent of the neighboring states of kansas and texas, and territory of new mexico and the "indian country," are occupied by the kioways and comanches.' _dole_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _evans and collins_, in _id._, pp. , ; _martinez_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . 'en invierno se acercan á téjas, y en estío á la sierra de santa fe.' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. . 'comanches ou hietans (eubaous, yetas), dans le nord-ouest du texas.' _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxiii., p. . 'originaire du nouveau-mexique; mais ... ils descendent souvent dans les plaines de la basse-californie et de la sonora.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . 'range east of the mountains of new mexico.' _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. . 'in dem uncultivirten theile des bolson de mapimi' (chihuahua). _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., pp. - . 'entre la rivière rouge et le missouri, et traversent el rio-bravo-del-norte.' _dufey_, _resumé de l'hist._, tom. i., p. . 'upon the south and west side' of the rio brazos. _marcy's rept._, p. ; _marcy's army life_, pp. - . 'im westen des mississippi und des arcansas ... und bis an das linke ufer des rio grande.' _ludecus_, _reise_, p. . 'range from the sources of the brazos and colorado, rivers of texas, over the great prairies, to the waters of the arkansas and the mountains of rio grande.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . concurrent statements in _wilson's amer. hist._, p. ; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. ii., p. ; _moore's texas_, p. ; _dewees' texas_, p. ; _holley's texas_, p. ; _dragoon camp._, p. . 'la nacion comanche, que está situada entre el estado de texas y el de nuevo méxico ... se compone de las siguientes tribus ó pueblos, á saber: yaparehca, cuhtzuteca, penandé, pacarabó, caiguarás, noconi ó yiuhta, napuat ó quetahtore, yapainé, muvinábore. sianábone, caigua, sarritehca y quitzaené.' _garcía rejon_, in _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'extends from the witchita mountains as far as new mexico, and is divided into four bands, called respectively the cuchanticas, the tupes, the yampaxicas, and the eastern comanches.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . see also: _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. , - ; _foote's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _frost's ind. wars_, p. . [sidenote: apache tribes.] the _apaches_ may be said to 'extend from the country of the utahs, in latitude ° north to about the th parallel.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . 'along both sides of the rio grande, from the southern limits of the navajo country at the parallel of °, to the extreme southern line of the territory, and from thence over the states of chihuahua, sonora, and durango, of mexico. their range eastward is as far as the valley of the pecos, and they are found as far to the west as the pimos villages on the gila.' _pope_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. ii., p. . scattered 'throughout the whole of arizona, a large part of new mexico, and all the northern portion of chihuahua and sonora, and in some parts of durango.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . range 'over some portions of california, most of sonora, the frontiers of durango, and ... chihuahua.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. . apatschee, a nation 'welche um ganz neu-biscaya, und auch an tarahumara gränzet.' _steffel_, in _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. . 'reicht das gebiet der apache-indianer vom . bis zum . grad westlicher länge von greenwich, und von den grenzen des utah-gebietes, dem . grad, bis hinunter zum . grad nördlicher breite.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . inhabit 'all the country north and south of the gila, and both sides of the del norte, about the parallel of the jornada and dead man's lakes.' _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . 'tota hæc regio, quam novam mexicanam vocant, ab omnibus pene lateribus ambitur ab apachibus.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'recorren las provincias del norte de méxico, llegando algunas veces hasta cerca de zacatecas.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'derramadas desde la intendencia de san luis potosí hasta la extremidad setentrional del golfo de california.' _balbi_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'se extienden en el vasto espacio ... que comprenden los grados á de latitud norte, y á de longitude de tenerife.' _cordero_, in _id._, p. ; see also _id._, p. . 'from the entrance of the rio grande to the gulf of california.' _pike's explor. trav._, p. . 'the southern and south-western portions of new mexico, and mainly the valley of the gila.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _bent_, in _id._, vol. i., p. . 'scarcely extends farther north than albuquerque ... nor more than two hundred miles south of el paso del norte; east, the vicinity of the white mountains; west, generally no further than the borders of sonora.' _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'ils ont principalement habité le triangle formé par le rio del norte, le gila et le colorado de l'ouest.' _turner_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxv., pp. , . concurrent authorities: _gallatin_, in _id._, , tom. cxxxi., pp. , ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, pp. , ; _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _stanley's portraits_, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. ; _western scenes_, p. ; _mill's hist. mex._, p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. ; _conder's mex. guat._, vol. ii., p. - ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. - ; _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _poston_, in _id._, , p. ; _clark_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . the apache nation is divided into the following tribes; chiricagüis, coyoteros, faraones, gileños, copper mine apaches, lipanes, llaneros, mescaleros, mimbreños, natages, pelones, pinaleños, tontos, vaqueros, and xicarillas. the lipanes roam through western texas, coahuila, and the eastern portion of chihuahua. their territory is bounded on the west by the 'lands of the llaneros; on the north, the comanche country; on the east, the province of cohaguila; and on the south, the left bank of the rio grande del norte.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _id._; _pope_, in _id._, vol. ii., p. . the lee panis 'rove from the rio grande to some distance into the province of texas. their former residence was on the rio grande, near the sea shore.' _pike's explor. trav._, p. . su 'principal asiento es en coahuila, nuevo leon y tamaulipas.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'divídese en dos clases ... la primera ha estado enlazada con los mescaleros y llaneros, y ocupa los terrenos contiguos á aquellas tribus: la segunda vive generalmente en la frontera de la provincia de tejas y orillas del mar.... por el poniente son sus limites los llaneros; por el norte los comanches; por el oriente los carancaguaces y borrados, provincia de tejas, y por el sur nuestra frontera (mexico).' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'from time immemorial has roved and is yet roving over the bolson de mapimi.' _wislizenus' tour_, p. . 'frequented the bays of aransas and corpus christi, and the country lying between them and the rio grande.' _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _foote's texas_, p. . see also: _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _moore's texas_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . the mescaleros inhabit 'the mountains on both banks of the river pecos, as far as the mountains that form the head of the bolson de mapimi, and there terminate on the right bank of the rio grande. its limit on the west is the tribe of the taracones; on the north, the extensive territories of the comanche people; on the east, the coast of the llanero indians; and on the south, the desert bolson de mapimi.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'im bolsón de mapimí und in den östlichen gränzgebirgen del chanáte, del diablo puerco und de los pílares.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . 'occupent le bolson de mapimi, les montagnes de chanate, et celles de los organos, sur la rive gauche du rio grande del norte.' _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . live 'east of the rio del norte.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. ; _carleton_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _western scenes_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. . 'on the east side of the rio grande, and on both sides of the pecos, extending up the latter river ... to about the thirty-fourth parallel.' _merriwether_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. - . see also: _steck_, in _id._, , pp. - , , p. ; _collins_, in _id._, , p. ; _cooley_, in _id._, , p. ; _norton_, in _id._, , p. . 'the copper mine apaches occupy the country on both sides of the rio grande, and extend west to the country of the coyoteros and pinalinos, near the eastern san francisco river.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . the faraones, pharaones or taracones, 'inhabit the mountains between the river grande del norte and the pecos.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . the following concur; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . the 'xicarillas anciently inhabited the forests of that name in the far territories to the north of new mexico, until they were driven out by the comanches, and now live on the limits of the province, some of them having gone into the chasms (cañadas) and mountains between pecuries and taos, which are the last towns of the province.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'inhabiting the mountains north of taos.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. . 'les jicorillas, à l'extrémité nord du nouveau-mexique.' _turner_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxv., p. . 'from the rio grande eastward beyond the red river, between the thirty-fourth and thirty-seventh parallels.' _merriwether_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'in the mountains which lie between santa fé, taos, and abiquin.' _collins_, in _id._, , pp. - . 'at the cimarron.' _graves_, in _id._, , p. . 'upon rio ose, west of the rio grande.' _davis_, in _id._, , p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . the llaneros occupy 'the great plains and sands that lie between the pecos and the left bank of the river grande del norte.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . inhabit the 'cajones de la cabellera y pitaycachi, sierra de mimbres, laguna de guzman.' _barrangan_, in _el orden, mex._, _decemb. , _. 'ocupan ... los llanos y arenales situados entre el rio de pecos, nombrado por ellos tjunchi, y el colorado que llaman tjulchide.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; domenech's deserts, vol. ii., p. . the mimbreños have their hunting grounds upon the mimbres mountains and river, and range between the sierras san mateo and j'lorida on the north and south, and between the burros and mogoyen on the west and east. _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'südlich von den apáches gileños, an den gränzen von chihuáhua und neu-mejico jagen in den gebirgen im osten die apáches mimbreños.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. . 'la provincia de nuevo méxico es su confin por el norte; por el poniente la parcialidad mimbreña; por el oriente la faraona, y por el sur nuestra frontera.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . see also: _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'in the wild ravines of the sierra de acha.' _mill's hist. mex._, p. . the chiricaguis adjoin on the north 'the tontos and moquinos; on the east the gileños; and on the south and west the province of sonora.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'live in the mountains of that name, the sierra largua and dos cabaces.' _steck_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - . the tontos 'inhabit the northern side of the gila from antelope peak to the pimo villages.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'between rio verde and the aztec range of mountains,' and 'from pueblo creek to the junction of rio verde with the salinas.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. - ; in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _cortez_, in _id._, p. . 'südlich von den wohnsitzen der cocomaricópas und dem rio gila.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. . on the 'rio puerco.' _barrangan_, in _el orden, mex._, _decemb. , _. 'in the cañons to the north and east of the mazatsal peaks.' _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . see _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., p. . 'inhabit the tonto basin from the mogollon mountains on the north to salt river on the south, and between the sierra ancha on the east to the mazatsal mountains.' _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'on both sides of the verde from its source to the east fork, and ... around the headwaters of the chiquito colorado, on the northern slope of the black mesa or mogollon mountains ... on the north, to salt river on the south, and between the sierra ancha on the east and the mazatsal mountains on the west.' _jones_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pinaleños, piñols or piñals range 'over an extensive circuit between the sierra piñal and the sierra blanca.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . 'between the colorado chiquito and rio gila.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. see also: _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . in 'the country watered by the salinas and other tributaries of the gila.' _steck_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; also _whittier_, in _id._, , p. ; _colyer_, in _id._, , p. ; _jones_, in _id._, p. . the coyoteros 'live in the country north of the gila and east of the san carlos.' _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'upon the rio san francisco, and head waters of the salinas.' _steck_, in _id._, , p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. . 'the gileños inhabit the mountains immediately on the river gila ... bounded on the west by the chiricagüìs; on the north by the province of new mexico; on the east by the mimbreño tribe.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'oestlich von diesem flusse (gila), zwischen ihm und dem südlichen fusse der sierra de los mimbres, eines theiles der sierra madre.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _maxwell_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the apache mojaves are 'a mongrel race of indians living between the verde or san francisco and the colorado.' _poston_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _navajos_ occupy 'a district in the territory of new mexico, lying between the san juan river on the north and northeast, the pueblo of zuñi on the south, the moqui villages on the west, and the ridge of land dividing the waters which flow into the atlantic ocean from those which flow into the pacific on the east.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'extending from near the th to th meridian, and from the th to the th parallel of latitude.' _clark_, in _hist. mag._, vol. viii., p. . northward from the th parallel 'to rio san juan, valley of tuñe cha, and cañon de chelle.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'between the del norte and colorado of the west,' in the northwestern portion of new mexico. _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'in the main range of cordilleras, to miles west of santa fé, on the waters of rio colorado of california.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. - . 'between the del norte and the sierra anahuac, situated upon the rio chama and puerco,--from thence extending along the sierra de los mimbros, into the province of sonora.' _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. . 'la provincia de navajoos, que está situada à la parte de el norte del moqui, y à la del noruest de la villa de santa fee.' _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., p. . 'esta nacion dista de las fronteras de nuevo-méxico como veinticinco leguas, entre los pueblos de moqui, zuñi y la capital (santa fé).' _barreiro_, _ojeada sobre n. mex._, app., p. . 'habita la sierra y mesas de navajó.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . see also: _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iii., p. . 'along the th parallel, north latitude.' _mowry's arizona_, p. . 'on the tributaries of the river san juan, west of the rio grande, and east of the colorado, and between the thirty-fifth and thirty-seventh parallels of north latitude.' _merriwether_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'from cañon de chelly to rio san juan.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. . 'from the rio san juan to the gila.' _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'directly west from santa fé, extending from near the rio grande on the east, to the colorado on the west; and from the land of the utahs on the north, to the apaches on the south.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'fifty miles from the rio del norte.' _pattie's pers. nar._, p. . 'from the ° to the ° of north latitude.' and 'from soccorro to the valley of taos.' _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. . concurrent authorities: _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . [sidenote: mojaves and yumas.] the _mojaves_ dwell on the mojave and colorado rivers, as far up as black cañon. the word mojave 'appears to be formed of two yuma words--hamook (three), and häbî (mountains)--and designates the tribe of indians which occupies a valley of the colorado lying between three mountains. the ranges supposed to be referred to are: st, "the needles," which terminates the valley upon the south, and is called asientic-häbî, or first range; d, the heights that bound the right bank of the colorado north of the mojave villages, termed havic-häbî, or second range; and, d, the blue ridge, extending along the left bank of the river, to which has been given the name of hamook-häbî, or third range.' _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'von ° ´ nordwärts bis zum black cañon.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. - . 'inhabit the cottonwood valley.' _ives' colorado riv._, p. . 'occupy the country watered by a river of the same name, which empties into the colorado.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'the mohaves, or hamockhaves, occupy the river above the yumas.' _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . see further: _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. ; _cal. mercantile jour._, vol. i., p. ; _jones_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _willis_, in _id._, _spec. com._, , pp. - ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. . the _hualapais_ are 'located chiefly in the cerbat and aquarius mountains, and along the eastern slope of the black mountains. they range through hualapai, yampai, and sacramento valleys, from bill williams fork on the south to diamond river on the north.' _jones_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'in the almost inaccessible mountains on the upper colorado.' _poston_, in _id._, , p. . 'on the north and south of the road from camp mohave to prescott.' _whittier_, in _id._, , p. . 'in the northwest part of arizona.' _willis_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . the _yumas_ or cuchans range 'from the new river to the colorado, and through the country between the latter river and the gila, but may be said to inhabit the bottom lands of the colorado, near the junction of the gila and the colorado.' _ind. traits_, vol. i., in _hayes collection_. 'both sides of the colorado both above and below the junction with the gila.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'from about sixty miles above fort yuma to within a few miles of the most southern point of that part of the colorado forming the boundary.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . 'das eigentliche gebiet dieses stammes ist das thal des untern colorado; es beginnt dasselbe ungefähr achtzig meilen oberhalb der mündung des gila, und erstreckt sich von da bis nahe an den golf von californien.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, vol. i., pp. , - , . 'la junta del gila con el colorado, tierra poblada de la nacion yuma.' _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'le nord de la basse-californie, sur la rive droite du rio-colorado.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . 'for ten or fifteen miles north and south' in the valley near the mouth of the gila. _ives' colorado riv._, p. . see _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _latham's comparative philology_, vol. viii., p. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _mowry's arizona_, p. ; _mckinstry_, in _san francisco herald_, _june, _; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. ; _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - ; _bailey_, in _id._, , p. ; _jones_, in _id._, , p. ; _howard_, in _id._, , pp. - ; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. . the _cosninos_ 'roam northward to the big bend of the colorado.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'in the vicinity of bill williams and san francisco mountains.' _jones_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . see also: _figuier's hum. race_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. . the _yampais_ inhabit the country west and north-west of the aztec range of mountains to the mouth of the rio virgen. _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'am obern colorado.' 'nördlich von den mohaves.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. , . 'on the west bank of the colorado, about the mouth of bill williams's fork.' _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _poston_, in _id._, , p. . the _yalchedunes_ or talchedunes 'live on the right bank of the colorado, and their tribes first appear in lat. ° ´.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . the _yamajabs_ or tamajabs 'are settled on the left bank of the colorado from ° of latitude to °.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . the _cochees_ are in the 'chiricahua mountains, southern arizona and northern sonora.' _whittier_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the _nijoras_ dwell in the basin of the rio azul. 'petite tribu des bords du gila.' _ruxton_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxvi., p. ; _gallatin_, in _id._, , tom. cxxxi., p. . the _soones_ live 'near the head waters of the salinas.' emory's reconnoissance, p. ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. . the _cocopas_ 'live along the colorado for fifty miles from the mouth.' _ives' colorado riv._, p. . 'on the colorado bottoms were the cocopahs, the southern gulf tribes of which consag calls the bagiopas, hebonomas, quigyamas, cuculetes, and the alchedumas.' _browne's explor. of lower cal._, p. . 'on the right bank of the river colorado, from lat. ° ´ upward.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'range all the way from port isabel, upon the east bank of the river (colorado), to the boundary line between the republic of mexico and the united states.' _johnson's hist. arizona_, p. . 'between the gila and the gulf, and near the latter.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. . see also: _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _poston_, in _id._, , p. ; _bailey_, in _id._, , p. ; _howard_, in _id._, , p. . without definitely locating them, salmeron enumerates the following nations, seen by oñate during his trip through new mexico: the cruzados, somewhere between the moquis and the rio gila, near a river which he calls the rio sacramento. 'dos jornadas de allí (cruzados) estaba un rio de poco agua, por donde ellos iban á otro muy grande que entra en la mar, en cuyas orillas habia una nacion que se llama amacava.' 'pasada esta nacion de amacabos ... llegaron á la nacion de los bahacechas.' 'pasada esta nacion de bahacecha, llegaron á la nacion de los indios ozaras.' 'la primera nacion pasado el rio del nombre de jesus, es halchedoma.' 'luego está la nacion cohuana.' 'luego está la nacion haglli.' 'luego los tlalliquamallas.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . 'la nacion excanjaque que habita cien leguas del nuevo-méxico, rumbo nordeste.' _id._, p. . 'habitan indios excanjaques aquel tramo de tierra que en cuarenta y seis grados de altura al polo y ciento sesenta y dos de longitud, se tiende oblícuamente al abrigo que unas serranías hacen á un rio que corre norueste, sur deste á incorporarse con otro que se va á juntar con el misissipi, son contérmino de los pananas.' _id._, p. . 'cerca de este llano de matanza, está otro llano de esa otra parte del rio en que hay siete cerros, habitados de la nacion aixas.' _id._, p. . 'la nacion de los aijados, que hace frente por la parte del oriente y casi confina con la nacion quivira por la parte del norte, estando vecina de los tejas por levante.' _paredes_, in _id._, p. . [sidenote: pueblo family.] in the pueblo family, besides the inhabitants of the villages situated in the valley of the rio grande del norte, i include the seven moqui villages lying west of the former, and also the pimas, the maricopas, the pápagos, and the sobaipuris with their congeners of the lower gila river. 'the number of inhabited pueblos in the territory [new mexico] is twenty-six.... their names are taos, picoris, nambé, tezuque, pojuaque, san juan, san yldefonso, santo domingo, san felipe, santa ana, cochiti, isleta, silla, laguna, acoma, jemez, zuñi, sandia, and santa clara.... in texas, a short distance below the southern boundary of new mexico, and in the valley of the del norte, is a pueblo called isleta of the south,' and another called los lentes. _davis' el gringo_, pp. - . san gerónimo de taos, san lorenzo de picuries, san juan de los caballeros, santo tomas de abiquiu, santa clara, san ildefonso, san francisco de nambé, nuestra señora de guadalupe de pojuaque, san diego de tesuque, n. s. de los angeles de tecos, san buena ventura de cochiti, santo domingo, san felipe, n. s. de los dolores de sandia, san diego de jemes, n. s. de la asumpcion de zia, santa ana, san augustin del isleta, n. s. de belem, san estevan de acoma, san josef de la laguna, n. s. de guadalupe de zuñi. _alencaster_, in _meline's two thousand miles_, p. . taos, eighty-three miles north north-east of santa fé; picuris, on rio picuris, sixty miles north by east of santa fé; san juan, on the rio grande, thirty-four miles north of santa fé, on road to taos; santa clara, twenty-six miles north north-west of santa fé; san ildefonso, on rio grande, eighteen miles north of santa fé; nambe, on nambe creek, three miles east of pojuaque; pojuaque, sixteen miles north of santa fé; tesuque, eight miles north of santa fé; cochiti, on west bank of rio grande, twenty-four miles south-west of santa fé; santo domingo, on rio grande, six miles south of cochiti; san felipe, on rio grande, six miles south of santo domingo; sandia, on rio grande, fifteen miles south of san felipe; isleta, on rio grande, thirty miles south of sandia; jemes, on jemes river, fifty miles west of santa fé; zia, near jemes, fifty-five miles west of santa fé; santa ana, near zia, sixty-five miles west of santa fé; laguna, west of albuquerque forty-five miles, on san josé river; acoma, one hundred and fifteen miles west of santa fé, on a rock five hundred feet high, fifteen miles south-west of laguna; zuñi, one hundred and ninety miles west south-west of santa fé, in the navajo country, on zuñi river. _meline's two thousand miles_, p. . see _abert_, in _emory's reconnoissance_, pp. - ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, pp. - , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _ward_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , - ; _barreiro_, _ojeada sobre n. mex._, p. . 'la primera, entrando sur á norte, es la nacion tigua.... están poblados junto á la sierra de puruai, que toma el nombre del principal pueblo que se llama asi, y orillas del gran rio ... fueran de éste, pueblan otros dos pueblos, el uno san pedro, rio abajo de puruai y el otro santiago, rio arriba.... la segunda nacion es la de tahanos, que al rumbo oriental y mano derecha del camino, puebla un rio que de la parte del oriente ... viene á unirse con el rio grande; su pueblo principal es zandia con otros dos pueblos.... la tercera nacion es la de los gemex, que á la parte occidua puebla las orillas del rio-puerco cuyo principal pueblo qicinzigua.... la cuarta nacion es de los teguas, que están poblados al norte de los tahanas, de esa otra parte del rio, su principal es galisteo ... con otros dos pueblos, y hay al rumbo oriental, encaramada en una sierra alta, la quinta de navon de los pecos, su principal pueblo se llama así, otro se llama el tuerto, con otras rancherías en aquellos picachos.... la sesta nacion es la de los queres.... el pueblo principal de esta nacion es santo domingo ... la sétima nacion al rumbo boreal es la de los tahos.... la octava nacion es la de los picuries, al rumbo norueste de santa cruz, cuyo pueblo principal es san felipe, orillas del rio zama, y su visita cochite, orilla del mismo rio.... la última nacion es la de los tompiras, que habita de esa otra parte de la cañada de santa clara y rio zama, en un arroyo que junta al dicho rio, y es las fronteras de los llanos de cíbola ó zuñi.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . 'some sixty miles to the south southeast of fort defiance is situated the pueblo of zuñi, on a small tributary of the colorado chiquito.' _davis' el gringo_, p. . 'on the rio de zuñi.' _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. . 'to the n. e. of the little colorado, about lat. °, are the zunis.' _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. . the _moquis_, are settled 'west from the navajos, and in the fork between the little and the big colorados.' the names of their villages are, according to mr leroux, 'Óráibè, shúmuthpà, múshàilnà, ahlélà, guálpí, shiwinnà, téquà.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'westward of the capital of new mexico ... oraibe, taucos, moszasnavi, guipaulavi, xougopavi, gualpi.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'desde estos parages (zuñi) corriendo para el vest noruest, empiezan los pueblos, y rancherías de las provincias de moqui oraybe: los pueblos moquinos son: hualpi, tanos, moxonavi, xongopavi, quianna, aguatubi, y rio grande de espeleta.' _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. ii., p. . 'the five pueblos in the moqui are orayxa, masanais, jongoapi, gualpa, and another, the name of which is not known.' _ruxton's adven. mex._, p. . 'the three eastern villages are located on one bluff, and are named as follows: taywah, sechomawe, jualpi.... five miles west of the above-named villages ... is ... the village of meshonganawe.... one mile west of the last-named village ... is ... shepowlawe. five miles, in a northwestern direction, from the last-named village is ... shungopawe. five miles west of the latter ... is the oreybe village.' _crothers_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . further authorities: _palmer_, in _id._, , p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. ; _marcy's life on the border_, p. . [sidenote: the pimas of arizona.] 'the _pimas_ inhabit the country on both banks of the gila river, two hundred miles above its mouth. they claim the territory lying between the following boundaries: commencing at a mountain about twelve miles from the bend of the gila river, the line runs up said river to the maricopa coppermine. the north line extends to salt river and the southern one to the picacho.' _walker's pimas, ms._ 'la partie la plus septentrionale de l'intendance de la sonora porte le nom de la pimeria.... on distingue la pimeria alta de la pimeria baxa.' _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . 'corre, pues, esta pimería alta, de sur á norte desde los grados hasta los que se cuentan desde esta mision de nuestra señora de los dolores hasta el rio del gila ... y de oriente á poniente desde el valle de los pimas, llamados sobaipuris, hasta las cercanías y costas del seno del mar californio, habitadas de los pimas sobas.... por el sur tiene el resto de las naciones ópata, endeves, pertenecientes á dicha provincia y entre ellas y la sierra-madre, de oriente á poniente, la pimería baja.' _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. - . 'los pueblos de pimas bajos son ... desde taraitzi hasta cumuripa, onapa, nuri, movas y oanbos lo son hàcia el sur de cumuripa, suaqui, san josé de pimas, santa rosalía, ures y nacameri hácia el poniente, son la frontera contra los seris.... los pimas altos ocupan todo el terreno que hay desde de cucurpe por santa ana caborca hasta la mar de oriente á poniente y sur norte, todo lo que desde dicha mision tirando por dolores, remedios, cocospera el presidio de terrenate, y desde éste siguiendo el rio de san pedro ó de los sobaipuris hasta su junta con el rio xila, y por ambas orillas de este hasta el colorado y entre la mar, ó seno de californias se encierra.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . 'from the river yaqui in sonora, northward to the gila and even beyond the tomosatzi (colorado) eastward beyond the mountains in the province of taraumara, and westward to the sea of cortez.' _smith_, _grammar of the pima or névome language_, p. viii; _id._, _heve language_, pp. - ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. . 'nördlich vom flusse yaqui, vom dorfe s. josé de pimas bis zu dem über leguas nördlicher gelegenen dorfe cucurápe, bewohnen die pimas bajas die mitte des landes.' 'nördlich vom fluss ascensión, von der küste weit ins land hinein, treffen wir die pimas altas.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. - . 'pimérie haute et basse. la première s'étend depuis les rios colorado et gila jusqu'à la ville de hermosillo et au rio de los ures, et la seconde depuis cette limite jusqu'au rio del fuerte qui la sépare de sinaloa.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. i., p. . 'los pimas altos ocupan los partidos de la magdalena y del altar; lindan al norte con el gila; al este con los apaches y con los ópatas, sirviendo de limite el rio san pedro ó de sobaipuris; al oeste el mar de cortés, y al sur el terreno que ocuparon los séris.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . see also: _malte-brun_, _sonora_, pp. - ; _mill's hist. mex._, p. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. ; _cutts' conq. cal._, p. ; _stanley's portraits_, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; _cremony's apaches_, pp. - ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . the _maricopas_ inhabit both sides of the gila river, for about leagues in the vicinity of its junction with the asuncion river. _apostólicos afanes_, p. . 'on the northern bank of the gila, a few miles west of that of the pimas, in about west longitude °.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'desde stue cabitic, se estienden à lo largo del rio (gila) como treinta y seis leguas.' _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., pp. - . 'vom südlichen ufer des gila bis zum östlichen des colorádo.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _emory's reconnoissance_, pp. - ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. . 'au sud du rio gila, sur une étendue de près de milles, en remontant depuis l'embouchure.' _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _escudero_, _noticias de chihuahua_, p. . the pimas and maricopas live 'on the gila, one hundred and eighty miles from its junction with the colorado.' _mowry's arizona_, p. . 'wo der te grad westlicher länge den gila-strom kreuzt, also ungefähr auf der mitte der strecke, die der gila, fast vom rio grande del norte bis an die spitze des golfs von kalifornien, zu durchlaufen hat, liegen die dörfer der pimos und coco-maricopas.' _möllhausen_, _flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. . 'non loin du confluent du rio salinas, par ° environ de longitude.' _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., pp. - . 'on the gila river, about one hundred miles above the confluence of that stream with the colorado.' _dole_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'claimed as their own property the entire gila valley on both sides, from the piñal mountains to the tesotal.' _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'from maricopa wells to a short distance beyond sacaton.' _whittier_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . limits also given in _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. ; _bailey_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. ; _poston_, in _id._, , p. . the _pápagos_ 'inhabit that triangular space of arid land bounded by the santa cruz, gila, and colorado rivers, and the mexican boundary line.' _poston_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'nördlich von diesen (pimas altas) hausen im osten der sierra de santa clara, welche sich unter ½° nördlicher breite dicht am östlichen ufer des meerbusens von californien erhebt, die papágos oder papábi-ootam.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. . 'junto al rio de san marcos: leguas mas arriba habita la nacion de los papagos.' _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iv., p. . 'in the country about san xavier del baca, a few miles from tucson.' _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _jones_, in _id._, p. ; _dole_, in _id._, , p. . 'wander over the country from san javier as far west as the tinajas altas.' _emory's rept. mex. and u. s. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . see also: _davidson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. . the _sobaipuris_, a nation related to the pimas, live among the lower pimas. 'por una sierrezuela que hay al oriente de este rio y sus rancherías, se dividen éstas del valle de los pimas sobaipuris, que á poca distancia tienen las suyas muchas y muy numerosas, las mas al poniente y pocas al oriente del rio, que naciendo de las vertientes del cerro de terrenate, que está como treinta leguas al norte de esta mision, corre de sur à norte hasta juntarse con el tantas veces nombrado de gila y juntos corren al poniente.' _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. . reference also in _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iv., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. . [sidenote: lower californians.] the lower californian family includes all the nations inhabiting the peninsula of lower california, northward to the mouth of the colorado river. the _cochimís_ inhabit the peninsula north of the twenty-sixth degree of north latitude. 'i cochimí ne presero la parte settentrionale da gr. sino a , e alcune isole vicine del mar pacifico.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. . 'desde el territorio de loreto, por todo lo descubierto al norte de la nacion cochimí, ó de los cochimies.' 'la nacion, y lengua de los cochimies ázia el norte, despues de la ultima mission de san ignacio.' 'los laymones son los mismos, que los cochimies del norte.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., pp. - . 'los cochimíes ocupaban la peninsula desde loreto hasta poco mas allá de nuestra frontera. los de las misiones de san francisco javier y san josé comondú se llamaban edúes; los de san ignacio didúes.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _forbes' cal._, p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, pp. , ; _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. ; _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. spr._, pp. - . 'between san fernando and moleje were the limonies, divided (going from north) into the cagnaguets, adacs and kadakamans.' 'from santo tomas to san vicente they were termed icas.' _browne's lower cal._, p. ; _hist. chrétienne de la cal._, p. . 'nördlich von loréto schwärmt der zahlreiche stamm der cochimíes, auch cochimas oder colimíes genannt. zu ihnen gehören die laimónes und die icas.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . the _guaicuris_ roam south of the cochimís, as far as magdalena bay. 'si stabilirono tra i gr. ½ e .' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. . 'los guaicuras se subdividen en guaicuras, coras, conchos, uchitas, y aripas. los guaicuras vivian principalmente en la costa del pacífico, desde el puerto de san bernabe hasta el de la magdalena. los coras en la costa del golfo, desde los pericúes hasta la mision de los dolores, comprendiendo el puerto de la paz. entre los guaicuras, los coras, y los pericúes estaban los uchitas ó uchities. hasta el mismo loreto, ó muy cerca llegaban los conchos ó monquies, á quienes los jesuitas pusieron lauretanos, ... una rama de su nacion nombrada monquí-laimon ó monquíes del interior, porque vivian lejos de la costa, y se encuentran tambien nombrados por solo laimones. los aripas al norte de los guaicuras.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . 'desde la paz hasta mas arriba del presidio real de loreto, es de los monquis ... à si mismos se llaman con vocablo general monqui, ó monquis ... los vehities, que pueblan las cercanías de la bahía y puerto de la paz; y la de los guaycúras, que desde la paz se estienden en la costa interior hasta las cercanías de loreto. los monquis mismos se dividen en liyùes, didiùs, y otras ramas menores.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., pp. - . 'los guaicuras se establecieron entre el paralelo de ° ´ y el de °.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'von la paz bis über den presidio von loréto dehnt der stamm monqui, moqui oder mongui sich aus, welchem die familien guaycùra und uchíti oder vehíti angehören, die jedoch von einigen reisenden für ganz verschiedene stämme gehalten werden.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. spr._, p. ; _forbes' cal._, p. ; _browne's lower cal._, p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'la nacion ya nombrada guaicure, que habita el ramalde la sierra giganta, que viene costeando el puerto de la magdalena hasta el de san bernabé.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . the _pericúis_ live in the southern portion of the peninsula from cape san lucas northward to la paz. 'desde el cabo de san lucas, hasta mas acà del puerto de la paz de la nacion pericù.... a los indios, que caen al sùr, ò mediodia de su territorio, llaman edù, ó equù, ó edùes ... se divide en varias nacioncillas pequeñas, de las quales la mas nombrada es la de los coras, nombre propio de una ranchería, que se ha comunicado despues à algunos pueblos, y al rio, que desagua en la bahía de san bernabé.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., pp. - . 'los pericúes habitan en la mision de santiago, que tiene sujeto á san josé del cabo y en las islas de cerralvo, el espíritu santo y san josé.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'i pericui ne occuparono la parte australe dal c. di s. luca sino a gr. , e le isole adjacenti di cerralvo, dello spirito santo, e di s. giuseppe.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. . 'im süden, vom cap san lucas bis über den hafen los pichilingues und die mission la paz hinaus wohnen die perícues zu welchen die familien edú oder equu und cora gerechnet werden.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . see also: _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. ; _californias, noticias_, carta i., p. ; _browne's lower cal._, p. ; _forbes' cal._, p. ; _buschmann_, _spuren der aztek. spr._, p. . the northern mexican family is composed of the inhabitants of the states of sonora, sinaloa, chihuahua, coahuila, nuevo leon, and portions of tamaulipas, durango, and zacatecas, south as far as ° north latitude, divided as follows: [sidenote: ceris and Ópatas.] the _seris_ 'live towards the coast of sonora, on the famous cerro prieto, and in its immediate neighborhood.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'reside in the village near hermosillo, occupy the island of tiburon in the gulf of california, north of guaymas.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . 'son las islas nombradas s. antonio, taburon, s. estevan, bocalinas, salsipuedes, la tortuga, la ensenada de la concepcion, habitadas de indios de la nacion seris.' _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. . 'su principal abrigo es el famoso cerro prieto, al poniente de san josé de los pimas, doce leguas, y doce casi al sur del pitic; del mar como cerca de catorce leguas al oriente, y de la boca del rio hiaqui al norte, treinta leguas.... otro asilo tienen, así en su isla del tiburon, casi como cuarenta leguas al poniente de la hacienda del pitic y como una legua de la costa, en el seno de californias; como en la de san juan bautista, cerca de nueve leguas del tiburon al sud-sudueste y á mas de dos leguas de tierra.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., vol. iv., pp. - . 'los ceris ... [ ] estaban situados en la villa de horcasitas en un pueblo llamado el pópulo, una legua hácia el este de dicha villa, camino para nacameri. de allí se trasladaron en al pueblo de ceris.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . 'the céres are confined to the island of tiburon, the coast of tépoca, and the pueblo of los céres, near pitic.' _hardy's trav._, p. . 'zwischen dem flecken petíc und der küste, und diese hinauf bis zum flusse ascensión.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. . the country adjacent to the bay of san juan bautista was occupied by the ceris. _browne's apache country_, p. . 'sus madrigueras las han tenido en el famoso cerro prieto, doce leguas al oeste de san josé de los pimas, en la cadena que se extiende hácia guaymas, en el rincon de márcos, en las sierras de bocoatzi grande, en la sierra de picu cerca de la costa, y sobre todo en la isla del tiburon, situada en el golfo de californias, á una legua de la playa.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _pajaken_, in _cal. farmer_, _june , _. concurrent authorities: _lachappelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. i., p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. i., p. ; _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. . the salineros 'hácia los confines de la pimeria alta.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the tepocas are south of the latter. 'ordinarily live on the island of tiburon.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'los mas próximos á la isla del tiburon.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _malte-brun_, _sonora_, pp. - ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. i., p. . the guaymas and upanguaymas live near the like-named port. 'ocupaban el terreno en que ahora se encuentra el puerto de ese nombre, y que se redujeron al pueblo de belen.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _Ópatas_ occupy central and eastern sonora. 'in the eastern part of the state, on the banks of the sonora and oposura, and in the vicinity of the town of arispe and the mineral region of nocasari.' _mayer's mex., aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. . 'leurs villages couvrent les bords des rivières de yaqui, de sonora et de nacaméri, ainsi que la belle vallée d'oposura.' _zuñiga_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xciii., pp. - . 'im osten des staats, an den ufern der flüsse sonóra und oposúra und bis gegen die stadt aríspe und den minendistrict von nacosári hinauf.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . 'habita el centro del estado de sonora.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . 'le long des rivières de san miguel de horcasitas, d'arispe, de los ures et d'oposura.' _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcv., p. . 'confinan al norte con los pimas y con los apaches; al este con la tarahumara; al sur con la pimeria baja, y al oeste con los pimas y con los séris.' 'ocupan en el estado de sonora los actuales partidos de sahuaripa, oposura, ures, arizpe y parte del de magdalena.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , - . the Ópatas, eudebes, and jovas 'pueblan la mayor parte de la sonora, desde muy adentro de la sierra, son sus terrenos hácia al sur desde este que pusimos por lindero al oriente, por el desierto pueblo de natora, aribetzi, bacanora, tonitzi, soyopa, nacori, alamos, parte de ures, nacameri, opodepe, cucurpe hácia el poniente; desde aquí arispe, chinapa, bacoatzi, cuquiaratzi hasta babispe hácia el norte, y desde esta mision la poco ha citado sierra hasta natora, los que la terminan hácia el oriente.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . see also: _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. i., p. ; _malte-brun_, _sonora_, p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. ; _pajaken_, in _cal. farmer_, _june , _; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, tom. ii., p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. i., p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. , . in early days 'they occupied the whole western slope of the sierra, from the headquarters of the sonora river to nuri, near the yaqui towns. they were then esteemed different tribes in different localities, and are named in the old records as jobas, teqüimas, teguis, and cogüinachies.' _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. . 'la nacion ópata se subdivide en ópatas tegüis, avecindados en los pueblos de opodepe, terrapa, cucurpe, alamos, batuco. en opatas tegüimas en sinoquipe, banamichi, huepaca, aconchi, babiacora, chinapa, bacuachi, cuquiarachi, cumpas. Ópatas cogüinachis en toniche, matape, oputo, oposura, guasavas, bacadeguachi, nacori (otro), mochopa. los del pueblo de santa cruz se dice que son de nacion contla. los batucas, en el pueblo de batuco corresponden tambien á los ópatas, así como los sahuaripas, los himeris y los guasabas.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - , and _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. - . to the jovas 'pertenecen los pueblos de san josé teopari, los dolores, sahuaripa, donde hay tambien ópatas, pónida, santo tomas, arivetzi, san mateo malzura.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . ovas, 'esta nacion está poblada á orillas del rio papigochic, variedad de algunos pueblos y corre hasta cerca del partido de samaripa y uno de sus pueblos llamado teopari (que es de nacion ova su gente) y corre como se ha dicho poblada en este rio hasta cerca de la mision de matachic.' _zapata_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. . 'los ovas, tribu que vive principalmente en sonora ... en chihuahua está poblada orillas del rio papigochi (el yaqui), llegando hasta cerca de yepomera, de la mision de tarahumares de matachic; sus rancherías se llamaron oparrapa, natora, bacaniyahua ó baipoa, orosaqui y xiripa.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the sobas 'ocuparon à caborca, encontrándose tambien en los alrededores.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the potlapiguas, 'nacion gentil cerca de babispe y de bacerac, colocada en la frontera.' _ib._ the tepahues were 'habitadores de una península que forman dos rios ó brazos del mayo al oriente de los de esta nacion.' _id._, p. . the tecayaguis, cues or macoyahuis were 'en las vertientes del rio, antes de los tepahues ... sus restos se encuentran en el pueblo de la concepcion de macoyahui.' _ib._ the hymeris, 'nacion situada en los varios valles que forma la sierra madre entre occidente y norte del valle de sonora.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. . the _sonoras_ inhabit the valley of soñora, which 'cae a la banda del norte, apartado de la villa (sinaloa) ciento y treinta leguas.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . the eudeves, eudebes, hegues, hequis, heves, eudevas or dohme dwell in the villages 'matape, nacori, los alamos, robesco, bacanora, batuco, tepuspe, cucurpe, saracatzi, toape, and opodepe.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the sibubapas 'del pueblo de suaqui.' _id._, p. . the nures, 'habitadores del pueblo de nuri.' _ib._ 'habita cerca de la de los nebomes.' _alcedo_, _diccionario_, vol. iii., p. . the hios, 'á ocho leguas al este de tepahue.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the huvagueres and tehuisos are neighbors of the hios. _ib._ the basiroas and teatas, 'más al este.' _ib._ the tupocuyos are four leagues northwest of santa magdalena. 'de santa magdalena en ... el rumbo al noroeste ... á leguas de distancia llegamos á la ranchería del tupocuyos.' _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. . [sidenote: sinaloas and mayos.] 'the indians of the state of cinaloa belong to different tribes: towards the south, in the country and in the sierra, the coras, najarites, and hueicolhues are to be found; to the north of culiacan, the cinaloas, cochitas and tuvares; and towards the town of el fuerte, and farther north, we find the mayos indians, to which belong also the tribes quasare, ahome, and ocoronis.' _sevin_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxx., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . the _sinaloas_ 'tiene su assiento y poblaciones en el mismo rio de tegueco, y cuaque, en lo mas alto dél, y mas cercanas a las haldas de serranias de topia; y sus pueblos comiençan seis leguas arriba del fuerte de montesclaros.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , . 'los mas orientales de las gentes que habitaban las riberas del que ahora llamamos rio del fuerte.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . 'avecindados en una parte de las orillas, hácia las fuentes del rio del fuerte.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _mayos_ occupy the banks of the rivers mayo and fuerte. the mayo river 'baña todos los pueblos de indígenas llamados los mayos.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . 'die eigentlichen mayos wohnen hauptsächlich westlich and nordwestlich von der stadt alamos.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . 'los mayos, sobre el rio mayo ... están distribuidos en los pueblos de santa cruz de mayo, espíritu santo echojoa ó echonova, natividad navajoa ó navohoua, concepcion cuirimpo, san ignacio de tesia, santa catalina cayamoa ó camoa, san bartolomé batacosa, masiaca.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , ; _malte-brun_, _sonora_, p. . 'the mayos on the river mayo inhabit the following towns: tepágue, conecáre, camóa, tésia, navahóa, curinghóa, echehóa, and santa cruz de mayo, a seaport. towns of the same nation on the rio del fuerte: tóro, báca, chóis, omi, san miguel, charác, sivilihóa, and teguéco.' _hardy's trav._, pp. , ; _ward's mexico_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., p. ; also: _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. ; _mayer's mex., aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. . the _yaquis_ are settled on the rio yaqui and between it and the rio mayo. on the yaqui river at a distance of twelve leagues from the sea, 'está poblada la famosa nacion de hiaquis.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . 'lista de los pueblos del rio yaqui, contados desde cocori, primer pueblo al otro lado del rio de buenavista, al este del estado, camino para la ciudad de alamos, y rio abajo hasta belen: cocori, bacum, torin, bicam, potam, rahum, huirivis.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . 'zwischen den flüssen mayo und yaquí.... die ortschaften des stammes yaquí (hiaquí) sind besonders: belén, huadíbis, raún, potan, bican, torin, bacún und cocorún.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _malte-brun_, _sonora_, p. . 'les habitations des yaquis commencent, à partir de la rivière de ce nom, et s'étendent également sur le rio de mayo fuerte et de sinaloa, sur une étendue de plus de lieues.' _zuñiga_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xciii., p. ; _ternaux-compans_, in _id._, tom. xcv., p. . 'taraumara es la residencia de los indios yaquis.' 'are still farther north (than the mayos), and belong entirely to the state of sonora.' _sevin_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxx., p. ; _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., pp. - ; _pajaken_, in _cal. farmer_, _june , _; _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. v., p. . 'occupent le pays situé au sud de guaymas jusqu'au rio del fuerte.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. i., p. . see further: _ferry_, _scènes de la vie sauvage_, pp. , ; _ward's mexico_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., p. ; _hardy's trav._, pp. - ; _combier_, _voy._, p. ; _mex. in _, pp. - ; _hist. chrétienne de la cal._, p. . the _zuaques_ have their villages between the mayo and yaqui rivers. 'los zuaques estaban adelante, á cinco leguas de los tehuecos, y sus tierras corrian por espacio de diez leguas.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'sus pueblos ... eran tres ... el principal dellos, llamado mochicaui.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. . the _tehuecos_ are west of the sinaloas. 'seis leguas al oeste del último de sus pueblos (sinaloas) seguian los teguecos ó tehuecos.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'los pueblos desta nacion, que en sus principios fueron tres, començauan quatro leguas rio arriba del vltimo de los Çuaques.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . the _ahomes_ dwell on the rio zuaque four leagues from the sea. 'la nacion ahome, y su principal pueblo.... dista quatro leguas de la mar de californias.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _alcedo_, _diccionario_, vol. i., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . the _vacoregues_ 'vivian en las playas del mar y en los médanos, ... un pueblo, orillas del rio (fuerte), no lejos de ahome.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _batucaris_ 'frecuentaban un lagunazo á tres leguas de ahome.' _ib._ the _comoporis_ 'existian en una península, siete leguas de ahome.' _ib._ 'en vna peninsula retirada, y en los medanos, ó montes de arena del mar, viuian las rancherias de la gente fiera destos comoporis.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . the _guazaves_ 'distante diez, y doze leguas de la villa' (cinaloa). _id._, p. . 'habitadores de san pedro guazave y de tamazula, orillas del rio sinaloa.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _zoes_ 'eran indios serranos, que tenian sus poblaciones en lo alto del mismo rio de los cinaloas, y a las haldas de sus serranias.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . 'se establecieron á las faldas de la sierra, en las fuentes del rio del fuerte cercanos á los sinaloas.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'confinan con los tubares.' _zapata_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. . the _huites_ 'vivian en la sierra, à siete leguas de los sinaloas.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _ohueras_ and _cahuimetos_ dwell at 'san lorenzo de oguera ... situado á seis leguas al e. de la villa de sinaloa y sobre el rio.' _id._, p. . the _chicoratos_ and _basopas_, 'en la sierra, y á siete leguas al e. de oguera, se encuentra la concepcion de chicorato.... cinco leguas al norte tiene à san ignacio de chicuris, en que los habitantes son tambien basopas.' _ib._ the _chicuràs_ 'eran vecinos de los chicoratos.' _ib._ the _tubares_ or tovares live in the 'pueblos de concepcion, san ignacio y san miguel.' 'habitan uno de los afluentes del rio del fuerte.' _id._, pp. - . 'poblada en varias rancherias sobre los altos del rio grande de cinaloa.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . 'en el distrito de mina.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . the _chinipas_, _guailopos_, and _maguiaquis_ live 'en san andres chinipas.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . the _hizos_ are in 'nuestra señora de guadalupe de voragios ó taraichi.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _varogios_, _husorones_, _cutecos_ and _tecàrgonis_ are in 'nuestra señora de loreto de voragios ó sinoyeca y en santa ana.' _ib._ the _tarahumares_ inhabit the district of tarahumara in the state of chihuahua. 'provincia ... confina por el o con la de sonora, por el e con el nuevo méxico, sirviéndole de límites el rio grande del norte, por este rumbo no están conocidos aun sus términos, por el s o con la de cinaloa ... toma el nombre de la nacion de indios así llamada, que confinaba con la de los tepeguanes.' _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. v., p. ; _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . 'in den tiefen und wilden schluchten von tararécua und santa sinforósa, jagen verschiedene familien der tarahumáras.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _mexikanische zustände_, tom. i., p. . 'bewohnen einen theil des berglandes im w. der hauptstadt, wo sie namentlich in dem schönen hochthale des rio papigóchic in allen ortschaften einen theil der bevölkerung bilden.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . 'inhabit the towns in mulatos.' _hardy's trav._, p. . 'en la raya que divide los reynos de la vizcaya y de la galicia no en los terminos limitados que hoy tiene que es acaponeta, sino en los que antes tubo hasta cerca de sinaloa.' _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. . 'al oriente tienen el rio de los conchos y al poniente la sinaloa, sonora y las regiones del nuevo méxico, al norte y al austro la nacion de los tepehuanes. 'se estiendan por el norte hasta mas abajo de san buenaventura.' 'vivian en s. josé de bocas, cabecera de una de las misiones de los jesuitas,' in durango. _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . 'Á tres leguas de san josé temaichic está otro pueblo y mucha gente en él llamada taraumar pachera.' _zapata_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. ; _richthofen_, _mexico_, p. . 'les tahues étaient probablement les mêmes que ceux que l'on désigne plus tard sous le nom de tarahumaras.' 'leur capitale était téo-colhuacan.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, preface, p. . the _conchos_ inhabit the banks of the rio conchos, near its confluence with the rio del norte. 'endereço su camino hazia el norte, y a dos jornadas topo mucha cantidad de indios de los que llaman conchos.' _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. , . 'en en real del parral.' _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, p. . 'se estiende hasta las orillas del rio grande del norte. por la parte del septentrion confina con los laguneros, y al mediodia tiene algunos pueblos de los tepehuanes y valle de santa bárbara.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. . the _passaguates_ live twenty-four leagues north of the conchos. 'andadas las veinte y quatro leguas dichas (from the conchos), toparon otra nacion de indios, llamados passaguates.' _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. , . the mamites, colorados, arigames, otaquitamones, pajalames, poaramas were in the neighborhood of the conchos. _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _guazapares_ are 'a veinte leguas de distancia del pueblo y partido de loreto al sur, reconociendo al oriente, y solas diez del pueblo y partido de santa inés, caminando derecho al oriente, está el pueblo y partido de santa teresa de guazapares, llamado en su lengua guazayepo.' _zapata_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. . the _temoris_ dwell in the 'pueblo de santa maría magdalena de temoris.... a cinco leguas de distancia hácia el norte del pueblo y cabecera de santa teresa está el pueblo llamado nuestra señora del valle humbroso.' _id._, p. . the _tobosos_ are north of the tarahumares and in the mission of san francisco de coahuila, in the state of coahuila. 'se extendian por el bolson de mapimí, y se les encuentra cometiendo depredaciones así en chihuahua y en durango, como en las misiones de parras, en las demas de coahuila y en el norte de nuevo leon.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - , , . in coahuila, 'un paraje ... que llaman la cuesta de los muertos, donde tienen habitacion los indios tobosos.' _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., pp. - , - . 'a un paraje que hoy es la mision del santo nombre de jesus.' _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia_, p. . the sisimbres, chizos, cocoyomes, coclamas, tochos, babos, and nures live near the tobosos. _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'valle de san bartholome, presidio de la provincia de tepeguana ... antigua residencia de los indios infieles cocoyomes.' _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. i., pp. - . the _tepagues_ are 'cinco leguas arriba del rio de mayo, en vn arroyo.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . the _conicaris_ live 'distante de chinipa diez y seis leguas.' _id._, pp. , . [sidenote: north-eastern mexican tribes.] a multitude of names of nations or tribes are mentioned by different authorities, none of which coincide one with the other. but few nations are definitely located. i therefore first give the different lists of names, and afterwards locate them as far as possible. 'babeles, xicocoges, gueiquizales, goxicas, manos prietas, bocoras, escabas, cocobiptas, pinanacas, codames, cacastes, colorados, cocomates, jaímamares, contores, filifaes, babiamares, catujanes, apes, pachagues, bagnames, isipopolames, piez de benado. chancafes, payaguas, pachales, jumes, johamares, bapancorapinamacas, babosarigames, pauzanes, paseos, chahuanes, mescales, xarames, chachaguares, hijames, iedocodamos, xijames, cenízos, pampapas, gavilanes. sean estos nombres verdaderos, ó desfigurados segun la inteligencia, caprichos, ó voluntariedad de los que se emplearon en la pacificacion del pais, ó de los fundadores de las doctrinas, parece mas creible que los mencionados yndios, fuesen pequeñas parcialidades, ó ramos de alguna nacion cayo nombre genérico no ha podido saberse.' _revillagigedo_, _carta, ms._ 'pacpoles, coaquites, zíbolos, canos, pachoches, sicxacames, siyanguayas, sandajuanes, liguaces, pacuazin, pajalatames y carrizos.' _padilla_, cap. lxix., quoted in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'negritos, bocalos, xanambres, borrados, guanipas, pelones, guisoles, hualahuises, alasapas, guazamoros, yurguimes, mazames, metazures, quepanos, coyotes, bguanas, zopilotes, blancos, amitaguas, quimis, ayas, comocabras, mezquites.' _archivo general, mss._, tom. xxxi., fol. , quoted in _ib._ 'paogas, caviseras, vasapalles, ahomamas, yanabopos, daparabopos, mamazorras, neguales, salineros y baxaneros, conocidos generalmente bajo la apelacion de laguneros.' _id._, p. . 'rayados y cholomos.' _id._, p. . 'las tribus que habitaban el valle (del rio nazas) se nombraban irritilas, miopacoas, meviras, hoeras y maiconeras, y los de la laguna' [laguna grande de san pedro or tlahuelila]. _id._, p. . 'pajalates, orejones, pacoas, tilijayas, alasapas, pausanes, y otras muchas diferentes, que se hallan en las misiones del rio de san antonio y rio grande ... como son; los pacúaches, mescales, pampopas, tácames, chayopines, venados, pamaques, y toda la juventud de pihuiques, borrados, sanipáos y manos de perro.' _id._, p. ; _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'Á media legua corta ... [de san juan bautista] se fundó la mision de san bernardo ... con las naciones de ocanes, canuas, catuxanes, paxchales, pomulumas, pacuaches, pastancoyas, pastalocos y pamasus, á que se agregaron despues los pacuas, papanacas, tuancas y otras.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the gijames are in the mountains near the mission of el santo nombre de jesus de peyotes. _morfi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . the pitas and pasalves at the mission of 'nuestra señora de los dolores de la punta.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the pampopas 'habitaban en el rio de las nueces, à leguas al sur de la mision de san juan bautista; los tilijaes mas abajo de los anteriores; al sur de estos los patacales, y los cachopostales cerca de los pampopas. los pajalaques vivian en el rio de san antonio como à leguas de la mision de san bernardo; los pacos y los pastancoyas à leguas en el paraje nombrado el carrizo; los panagues à leguas de la mision sobre el rio de las nueces; los pauzanes sobre el rio de san antonio, y los paguachis à leguas del mismo san bernardo.' ... 'con indios de la naciones mahuames, pachales, mescales, jarames, ohaguames y chahuames ... con ellos y con las tribus de pampopas, tilofayas, pachalocos y tusanes situó de nuevo la mision de san juan bautista, junto al presidio del mismo nombre, cerca del rio bravo.' 'a tiro de escopeta [from santo nombre de jesus peyotes] se encuentra san francisco vizarron de los pausanes ... con familias de tinapihuayas, pihuiques y julimeños, aunque la mayor parte fueron pauzanes.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . 'en el valle de santo domingo, á orilla del rio de sabinas ... san juan bautista ... lo pobló con indios chahuanes, pachales, mescales y jarames, à que se agregaron despues algunos pampopas, tilofayas, pachalocos y tusanes.' _morfi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . the cabesas, contotores, bazaurigames and others were at the mission san buenaventura. _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. . the gabilanes and tripas blancas roamed over a stretch of country situated north of the presidio of mapimi, between the rivers san pedro and conchos to their confluence with the rio grande. _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., pp. - . the _laguneros_ 'poblados à las margenes de la laguna que llaman grande de san pedro, y algunos dellos en las isletas que haze la misma laguna.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . los misioneros franciscanos atrajeron de paz las tribus siguientes, con los cuales fundaron cinco misiones. san francisco de coahuila, un cuarto de legua al norte de monclova, con indios boboles y obayas, à los cuales se agregaron algunos tobosos y tlaxcaltecas conducidas de san esteban del saltillo. santa rosa de nadadores, puesta en à cuarenta leguas al noroeste de coahuila, de indios cotzales y manosprietas, trasladada junto al rio de nadadores para huir de la guerra de los tobosos, y colocada al fin, en , à siete leguas al noroeste de coahuila: se le agregaron ocho familias tlaxcaltecas. san bernardo de la candela, con indios catujanes, tilijais y milijaes, y cuatro familias tlaxcaltecas. san buenaventura de las cuatro ciénegas, veinte leguas al oeste de coahuila, con indios cabezas, contores y bauzarigames: la mision repuesta en con los tocas y los colorados. _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _irritilas_ occupy 'la parte del partido de mapimí al este.' _id._, p. . the _pisones_ and _xanambres_ roam 'al sur del valle de la purísima y al norte hasta rio blanco, confinando al oeste con los cuachichiles.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . other names which cannot be located are: cadimas, pelones, nazas, pamoranos, quedexeños, palmitos, pintos, quinicuanes, maquiapemes, seguyones, ayagua, zima, canaina, comepescados, aguaceros, vocarros, posuamas, zalaias, malahuecos, pitisfiafuiles, cuchinochis, talaquichis, alazapas, pafaltoes. _id._, pp. - . [sidenote: tribes of tamaulipas.] the nations or tribes of tamaulipas, although very numerous, are mostly located. the _olives_ live in horcasitas. _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _palagueques_ are at the mission of san francisco xavier. _ib._ the _anacanas_, 'a una legua de altamira.' _ib._ the _aretines_, _panguais_, and _caramiguais_ in the 'sierra del chapopote, que remata en la barra del tordo.' _ib._ the _mapulcanas_, _cataicanas_, _caramiguais_, _panguais_, and _zapoteros_ live near the salinas, which are between the cerro del maiz and the sea. _ib._ the _caribays_, _comecamotes_, _ancasiguais_, _tagualilos_, and _pasitas_ are near de soto la marina and santander. _ib._ the _moraleños_ and _panguajes_ live on the coast between marina and altamirano. _ib._ the _martinez_, 'en la sierra de tamaulipa vieja.' _ib._ the _mariguanes_, _caramariguanes_, _aretines_, 'habitada desde el cerro de s. josé á la mar.' _ib._ the _tumapacanes_, 'en el camino para santander.' _ib._ the _inapanames_, 'á una y media leguas de la primera villa (santillana).' _ib._ the _pintos_ and _quinicuanes_ dwell near san fernando de austria. _ib._ the _tedexeños_, 'en las lagunas de la barra.' _ib._ the _comecrudos_, 'donde el rio se vacia en sus crecientes.' _ib._ the _tamaulipecos_ and _malincheños_ live at the mission of s. pedro alcántara. _ib._ the _guixolotes_, _cadimas_, _canaynes_, and _borrados_ are 'al pié de la sierra de tamaulipas, teniendo al sur el terreno que se llama la tamaulipa moza.' _id._, pp. - . the _nazas_, _narices_, _comecrudos_, and _texones_ are at the mission of reynosa. _id._, p. . the _tanaquiapemes_, _saulapaguemes_, _auyapemes_, _uscapemes_, _comesacapemes_, _gummesacapemes_, _catanamepaques_ are 'rumbo al este y sobre el rio, à seis leguas de la mision ... se internan à las tierras llegando en sus correrías únicamente hasta el mar.' _ib._ the _carrizos_, _cotomanes_, and _cacalotes_ are at 'camargo, situado sobre el rio da s. juan ... al otro lado del bravo ... los cuales por fuera del rio grande llegan hasta revilla.' _ib._ the _garzas_ and _malaguecos_ live near rio alamo. _id._, p. . no location for the following can be found: politos, mulatos, pajaritos, venados, payzanos, cuernos quemados. _id._, pp. - . the _tepehuanes_ inhabit the mountains of southern chihuahua and the northern portions of durango, a district commonly called the partido de tepehuanes. 'estiende desde la sierra del mezquital hasta el parral ... hasta adelante de topia, muy cerca de caponeta.' _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, pp. - . 'se extiende esta region desde la altura misma de guadiana, á poco ménos de grados hasta los de latitud septentrional. sus pueblos comienzan á las veinticinco leguas de la capital de nueva-vizcaya, ácia el noroeste en santiago de papásquiaro. al norte tiene á la provincia de taraumara, al sur la de chiametlán y costa del seno californio, al oriente los grandes arenales y naciones vecinas á la laguna de s. pedro, y al poniente la sierra madre de topía, que la divide de esta provincia y la de sinaloa.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . 'sus pueblos, parte en llanos, y parte en sierra, a las vertientes de la de topia, y san andres.... y por essa parte vezinos a las naziones xixime, y acaxee, y aun a las de la tierra mas adentro de cinaloa.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . for concurrent testimony see: _zapata_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. ; _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . the _acaxées_ inhabit the valleys of the mountain regions of topia and s. andres in durango and sinaloa. 'la principal nacion, en cuyas tierras está el real de topia, es la acaxee.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . 'lo limitan al norte y al este el tepehuan, al sur el xixime y al oeste el sabaibo y el tebaca.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , , ; _zapata_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., pp. - . 'san pedro valle de topia, el mineral de topia, asuncion sianori, san antonio tahuahueto y los dolores de agua caliente, las cuales poblaciones marcan los terrenos habitados por los acaxees.' _tamaron_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _tebacas_ lived among the acaxees in the mountain districts of topia and s. andres. _id._, p. . the _sabaibos_ 'habitaban en el partido de san ignacio otatitlan y pueblos de piaba, alaya y quejupa.' _ib._ the _cácaris_ dwell in cacaria. _id._, p. . the _papudos_ and _tecayas_ were settled in the district of san andres. _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., pp. - . the _xiximes_ inhabited 'en el coraçon desta sierra' de san andres. _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . 'ocupan el partido de san dimas.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . the _hinas_ 'habitan la mayor parte en profundísimas quebradas del centro de la sierra, y muchos á las márgenes del rio de humace, que en su embocadura llaman de piaxtla, muy cerca de su nacimiento, como á cinco leguas de yamoriba.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. . 'habitantes de las márgenes del rio de piaztla.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _humes_ are in the sierra de san andres. 'como nueue leguas del pueblo de quilitlan, y en lo mas alto de toda esta sierra, caminando al oriente.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . 'nueve leguas mas adelante del lugar de queibos ó de santiago.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , . the _zacatecos_ inhabit the like-named state, and particularly near the rio nazas. 'baxò la sierra, que oy llaman del calabazal, y parò â las orillas de un rio, que oy llaman de suchil.' _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, p. . 'los que habitan en el rio de las nasas son indios zacatecos.' _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. . 'se extendian hasta el rio nazas. cuencamé, cerro gordo, s. juan del rio, nombre de dios, quedaban comprendidos en esta demarcacion.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _guachichiles_, cuachichiles, or huachichiles 'corrian por zacatecas hasta san potosí y coahuila.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'la villa del saltillo está fundada sobre el terreno que en lo antiguo ocuparon los indios cuachichiles.' _id._, pp. , ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . footnotes: [ ] the comanches 'are divided into three principal bands, to wit: the comanche, the yamparack and the tenawa.' _burnet_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; 'ietans, termed by the spaniards comanches, and in their own language na-uni, signifying "life people."' _prichard's nat. hist._, vol. ii., p. . 'the comanches and the numerous tribes of chichimecas ... are comprehended by the spaniards under the vague name of mecos.' _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . 'the tribe called themselves niyuna.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _parker's notes on tex._, p. ; _neighbors_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _french's hist. la._, p. . 'se divide en cuatro ramas considerables bajo los nombres de cuchanticas, jupes, yamparicas y orientales.' _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. ; see also _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . the jetans or camanches, as the spaniards term them, or padoucas, as they are called by the pawnees. _pike's explor. trav._, p. . [ ] _turner_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'los indios yutas, ... son los mismos que los comanches ó cumanches, pues yuta eso quiere decir en la lengua de los lipanes. por consiguente no se pueden distinguir esos nombres, que aunque de dos lenguas diferentes espresan una misma nacion.' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. . 'the comanches are a branch of the shoshones or snakes.' _ruxton's adven._, p. . 'the pawnees are descended from a cousin-germanship of the same stock.' _edward's hist. tex._, pp. - . 'si le sang des aztéques existe encore sans mélange en amerique, il doit couler dans les veines des comanches.' _domenech's jour._, p. ; see also _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _buschmann_, _spuren der azt. spr._, p. . [ ] 'probably because their winter quarters are always located amid the forests which grow upon the sierras.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . [ ] cordero gives the following tribal names, which he says are used among themselves: vinni ettinenne, tontos; segatajenne, chiricaguis; tjuiccujenne, gileños; iccujenne, mimbreños; yutajenne, faraones; sejenne, mescaleros; cuelcajenne, llaneros; lipajenne and yutajenne, lipans and navajos. _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , - . 'los pimas gileños llaman á los yavipais taros ó nifores; los jamajabs les llaman yavipais y nosotros apaches.' _garces_, _diario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., pp. , - . 'yavipais tejua que son los indómitos apaches.' _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. . 'yavapais, or apache mohaves, as they are more generally called.' _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'pueden dividirse en nueve tribus principales ... tontos, chirocahues, gileños, mimbreños, faraones, mezcaleros, llaneros, lipanes y navajoes. todos hablan un mismo idioma.... no componen una nacion uniforme en sus usos y costumbres, pero coinciden en la major parte de sus inclinaciones, variando en otras con proporcion á los terrenos de su residencia, á las necesidades que padecen.' _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. . apaches, 'their name is said to signify 'men.'' mescaleros, 'the meaning of the name, probably, is drinkers of mescal.' _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., pp. - . _froebel's central amer._, pp. , , ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., pp. , , ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. ; _wislizenus' tour_, p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. ; _ruxton's adven._, p. ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., pp. - ; _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _steck_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , and _id._, , p. , , p. ; _bailey_, in _id._, , p. ; _clum_, in _id._, , p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . called coyoteros, because it is believed that 'they feed upon the flesh of the coyote.' _hardy's trav._, p. . 'les gileños ... avec les axuas et les apaches qui viennent de la sierra madre sont confondus sous le nom de pápagos.' _mofras_, _explor._, tom. i., p. ; _bustamante_, in _cavo_, _tres siglos_, tom. iii., pp. - . 'tonto, in spanish means stupid.' 'tonto is a spanish corruption of the original indian name.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. - ; _ayers_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _collins_, in _id._, , p. ; _id._, , p. ; _maxwell_, in _id._, , p. ; _parker_, in _id._, , p. ; _walker_, in _id._, , p. ; _clum_, in _id._, , p. ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _turner_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxv., p. . [ ] 'the apaches and their congeners belong to the athapascan family.' _turner_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. , and in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxv., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'the apaches call the navajoes yútahkah. the navajoes call themselves, as a tribe, tenúai (man). the appellation návajo was unquestionably given them by the spaniards.' _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. , . 'the navajoes and apaches are identically one people.' _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _ruxton's adven._, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _poston_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'navajoes and apaches have descended from the same stock.' _carleton_, in _ind. aff., rept. spec. com._, , p. . 'the navajoes are a pueblo indian.' _griner_, in _id._, p. . 'allied to the crow indians.' _fitzpatrick_, in _emory's reconnoissance_, p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. . 'most civilized of all the wild indians of north america.' _farnham's life in cal._, p. . the navajoes 'are a division of the ancient mexicans.' _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. . [ ] '"yumah," signifies "son of the river," and is only applied to the indians born on the banks of the colorado. this nation is composed of five tribes ... among which ... the yabipaïs (yampaïs or yampaos).' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'the cajuenches and cuchans ... belong to two different divisions of one tribe, which forms part of the great nation of the yumas.' _id._, p. . [ ] cosninos, 'es ist mehrfach die ansicht ausgesprochen worden, dass die meisten derselben zu dem stamme der apaches gehören, oder vielmehr mit ihnen verwandt sind.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. - ; _figuier's human race_, p. . [ ] 'the yampais form a connecting link between the gila, colorado, and pueblo indians.' _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . yampais are related to the yumas. _möllhausen_, _reisen_, tom. i., p. . yampais: 'unable to separate them from the tonto-apaches.' _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'llaman á estos indios los cruzados, por unas cruces que todos, chicos y grandes se atan del copete, que les viene á caer en la frente; y esto hacen cuando ven á los españoles.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'unos dicen que á un lado de estas naciones (yutas) para hácia al poniente está la nacion de los nijoras, y otros afirman que no hay tal nacion nijora, sino que esta palabra nijor quiere decir cautivo, y que los cocomaricopas les dan de noche á las naciones mas inmediatas y les quitan sus hijos, los que cautivan y venden á los pimas y éstos á los españoles; si es asi que hay tal nacion, está en esta inmediacion del rio colorado para el rio salado ó rio verde.' _noticias de la pimeria_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'todos estos cautivos llaman por acá fuera nijores, aunque hay otra nacion hijeras á parte.' _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . [ ] for further particulars as to location of tribes, see notes on tribal boundaries, at the end of this chapter. [ ] 'besonders fiel uns der unterschied zwischen den im gebirge, ähnlich den wölfen lebenden yampays und tontos ... und den von vegetabilischen stoffen sich nährenden bewohnern des colorado-thales auf, indem erstere nur kleine hässliche gestalten mit widrigem tückischem ausdruck der physiognomie waren, die anderen dagegen wie lauter meisterwerke der schöpferischen natur erschienen.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . [ ] the navajos are 'of good size, nearly six feet in height, and well proportioned; cheek-bones high and prominent, nose straight and well shaped; hair long and black; eyes black; ... feet small; lips of moderate size; head of medium size and well shaped; forehead not small but retreating.' _lethermann_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'fine looking, physically.' 'most symmetrical figure, combining ease, grace and power, and activity.' and the comanches 'about five feet ten inches in height, with well proportioned shoulders, very deep chest, and long, thin, but muscular arms.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. , , . the mojave 'men are tall, erect, and finely proportioned. their features are inclined to european regularity; their eyes large, shaded by long lashes.' the cuchans are 'a noble race, well formed, active and intelligent.' _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., pp. , . the navajos are distinguished 'by the fullness and roundness of their eyes.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'the camanches are small of stature ... wear moustaches and heads of long hair.' _pope_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. ii., p. . the comanches 'que da un aspecto bien particular á estas naciones, es la falta completa de cejas, pues ellos se las arrancan; algunos tienen una poca barba.' _berlandier and thovel_, _diario_, p. . the yumas 'if left to their natural state, would be fine looking,' but the hualpais 'were squalid, wretched-looking creatures, with splay feet, large joints and diminutive figures ... features like a toad's.... they present a remarkable contrast to our tall and athletic mojaves.' the navajos are 'a fine looking race with bold features.' 'the mojaves are perhaps as fine a race of men physically, as there is in existence.' _ives' colorado river_, pp. , , - , , , , , , , , plate p. . the comanches are 'de buena estatura.' _beaumont_, _crónica de mechoacan, ms._, p. . the people between the colorado and gila rivers. 'es gente bien agestada y corpulenta, trigueños de color.' _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . the cruzados are described as 'bien agestados y nobles y ellas hermosas de lindos ojos y amorosas.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; see also _cordoue_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, serie i., tom. x., p. . in new mexico allegre describes them as 'corpulentos y briosos, pero mal agestados, las orejas largas ... tienen poco barba.' _allegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; and of the same people alcedo writes 'son de mejor aspecto, color y proporcion que los demás.' _diccionario_, tom. iii., p. . and lieut. möllhausen, who frequently goes into ecstasies over the splendid figures of the lower colorado people, whom he calls the personification of the ancient gods of the romans and greeks, says further that they are 'grosse, schön gewachsene leute,' and describes their color as 'dunkelkupferfarbig.' of the women he adds 'ganz im gegensatze zu den männern sind die weiber der indianer am colorado durchgängig klein, untersetzt und so dick, dass ihr aussehen mitunter an's komische gränzt.' comparing the hualapais with the mojaves he writes 'auf der einen seite die unbekleideten, riesenhaften und wohlgebildeten gestalten der mohaves ... auf der andern seite dagegen die im vergleich mit erstern, zwergähnlichen, hagern.... figuren der wallpays, mit ihren verwirrten, struppigen haaren, den kleinen, geschlitzten augen und dem falschen, gehässigen ausdruck in ihren zügen.' the cosninos he calls 'hässlich und verkümmert.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , - ; _möllhausen_, _reisen_, tom. i., pp. - , , , , , , tom. ii., pp. , , and plate frontispiece. _möllhausen_, _mormonenmädchen_, tom. ii., p. . the comanche 'men are about the medium stature, with bright copper-coloured complexions ... the women are short with crooked legs ... far from being as good looking as the men.' in the colorado valley 'are the largest and best-formed men i ever saw, their average height being an inch over six feet.' _marcy's army life_, pp. , . 'les comanchés ont la taille haute et élancée, et sont presque aussi blancs que les européens.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, serie v., no. , p. . and of the comanches see further. _dragoon camp._, p. . 'robust, almost herculean race.' _foote's texas_, vol. i., p. . 'exceedingly handsome.' _calderon de la barca's life in mex._, vol. ii., p. ; _hartmann and millard's texas_, p. . 'women are ugly, crooklegged, stoop-shouldered.' _parker's notes on tex._, pp. , , ; _mexikanische zustände_, tom. i., p. ; _froebel's cent. am._, p. ; see also _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., pp. - ; _domenech_, _journ._, p. . the yuma 'women are generally fat.' 'the men are large, muscular, and well formed.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., pp. , . navajo women are 'much handsomer and have lighter complexions than the men.' _pattie's pers. nar._, pp. - ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , , , , plate . the navajos have 'light flaxen hair, light blue eyes ... their skin is of the most delicate whiteness.' _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. . on the mojaves see further, _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. ; _cal. mercantile jour._, vol. i., p. , plate; _clum_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . and on the yumas. _poston_, in _ind. rept. aff._, , p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _feb. , _. women's 'feet are naturally small.' _emory's rept._, in _u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . the yampais are broad-faced, and have 'aquiline noses and small eyes.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. . _indian traits_, in _hayes col._ [ ] 'their average height is about five feet four or five inches. they are but slimly built, and possess but little muscular development ... light brownish red color.' some have 'a chinese cast of countenance ... rusty black hair.' _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . their 'features were flat, negro-like ... small legged, big-bellied and broad-shouldered.' _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . 'more miserable looking objects i never beheld;' legs, 'large and muscular.' _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, p. . 'widerliche physiognomien und gestalten ... unter mittlerer grösse ... grosse köpfe, vorstehende stirn und backenknochen, dicke nasen, aufgeworfene lippen und kleine geschlitzte augen.... ihr gesicht war dunkler als ich es jemals bei indianern gefunden.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . 'von zottigen weit abstehenden haupthaaren bedeckt.' _möllhausen_, _flüchtling_, tom. iii., p. . 'ill-formed, emaciated, and miserable looking race ... had all a treacherous-fiendish look.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . 'physically of a slighter build than any indians i have seen.' _clum_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'most wretched looking indians i have ever seen.' _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. . 'small in stature.... coal-black eye.' _peters' life of carson_, p. . 'hair is very black and straight, much resembling horse hair ... appears to belong to the asiatic type.' _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'gipsy looking with an eye singularly wild and piercing.' _houstoun's texas_, p. . 'have very light complexions.' _ward's mexico_, vol. i., p. . 'die lipanis haben blondes haar, und sind schöne leute.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . 'sont des beaux hommes.' _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. . 'tall, majestic in figure; muscular.' _brantz-mayer's mex. aztec., etc._, vol. ii., p. . 'fine physical conformation.' _foote's texas_, vol. i., p. . 'their skin looked whiter than i have ever seen it in the indians.' _wizlizenus' tour_, p. . 'crian pié menor que los otros indios.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'todos son morenos, cuerpo bien proporcionado, ojos vivos, cabello largo y lampiños.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . 'su talla y color diferencian algo en cada tribu, variando este desde el bronceado al moreno. son todos bien proporcionados ... y ninguna barba.' _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. ; see also _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . 'though not tall, are admirably formed, with fine features and a bright complexion, inclining to yellow.' _pattie's pers. nar._, p. . 'son altos, rubios y de bellisimas proporciones.' _revista científica_, tom. i., p. . 'taille ordinaire, de couleur foncé.' 'comme ces indiens ne font leur nourriture que de chair et principalement de celle de l'âne et du mulet, ils exhalent une odeur si pénétrante que les chevaux et surtout les mules rebroussent chemin aussitôt qu'ils les éventent.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . [ ] 'cut their hair short over the forehead, and let it hang behind.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . distinguished 'durch den vollständig gleichmässigen schnitt ihrer schwarzen haare.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _browne's apache country_, ; _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, pp. , ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., pp. , ; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., pp. , . [ ] mojave girls, after they marry, tattoo the chin 'with vertical blue lines.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. . yumas: 'doch ist ihnen das tätowiren nicht fremd; dieses wird indessen mehr von den frauen angewendet welche sich die mundwinkel und das kinn mit blauen punkten und linien schmücken.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, pp. - ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., and plate; _michler_, in _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _treasury of trav._, p. . [ ] 'das gesicht hatten sich alle vier (mojaves) auf gleiche weise bemalt, nämlich kohlschwarz mit einem rothen striche, der sich von der stirne über nase, mund und kinn zog.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , , ; plate, . 'painted perfectly black, excepting a red stripe from the top of his forehead, down the bridge of his nose to his chin.' _ives' colorado riv._, p. . the apaches 'se tiñen el cuerpo y la cara con bastantes colores.' _doc. hist. n. vizcaya, ms._, p. . 'pintura de greda y almagre con que se untan la cara, brazos y piernas.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. ; _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., and plate; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _sedelmair_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., vol. iv., p. . [ ] 'naked with the exception of the breech-cloth.' _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, pp. , ; see also plates; mojave men 'simply a breech-cloth.' _touner_, in _ind. aff. rept._, . 'no clothing but a strip of cotton.... the yumas display 'a ludicrous variety of tawdry colors and dirty finery.' _ives' colorado rept._, pp. , , . see colored plates of yumas, mojaves, and hualpais, 'andan enteramente desnudos.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _hardy's trav._, pp. , ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _walker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _cremony's apaches_, pp. , ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _indian traits_, vol. i., in _hayes col._ [ ] 'a few stripes of the inner bark of the willow or acacia tied scantily round their waists.' _hardy's trav._, p. . 'long fringe of strips of willow bark wound around the waist.' _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. . the men wear 'a strip of cotton,' the women 'a short petticoat, made of strips of bark.' _ives' colorado riv._, p. . 'nude, with the exception of a diminutive breech cloth.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'las mas se cubren de la cintura hasta las piernas con la cáscara interior del sauce.' _sedelmair_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'las mugeres se cubren de la cintura á la rodilla con la cáscara interior del sauce.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, vol. i., p. ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., plate and cuts; _touner_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _michler_, in _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., pp. , , with plate. [ ] 'partly clothed like the spaniards, with wide drawers, moccasins and leggings to the knee ... their moccasins have turned-up square toes ... mostly they have no head-dress, some have hats, some fantastic helmets.' _cutts' conq. of cal._, p. . 'they prefer the legging and blanket to any other dress.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., pp. , . 'mexican dress and saddles predominated, showing where they had chiefly made up their wardrobe.' _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . 'los hombres, se las acomodan alrededor del cuerpo, dejando desambarazados los brazos. es en lo general la gamuza ó piel del venado la que emplean en este servicio. cubren la cabeza de un bonete ó gorra de lo mismo, tal vez adornado de plumas de aves, ó cuernos de animales.... el vestuario de las mujeres es igualmente de pieles.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'cervinis tergoribus amiciuntur tam foeminæ quam mares.' _benavides_, in _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _alarchon_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. , ; _sonora, descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _doc. hist. n. vizcaya, ms._, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. ; _peters' life of carson_, p. ; _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., pp. , ; _walker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _roedel_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _niza_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., pp. , ; see also _froebel's cent. am._, pp. , ; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., pp. , , ; _linati_, _costumes_, plate xxii.; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _flüchtling_, tom. ii., p. ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. . [ ] the hair of the mohaves is occasionally 'matted on the top of the head into a compact mass with mud.' _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. . 'their pigments are ochre, clay, and probably charcoal mingled with oil.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, pp. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'ihr hauptschmuck dagegen sind die langen, starken haare, die mittelst nasser lehmerde in rollen gedreht.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. . the axuas 'beplastered their bodies and hair with mud.' _hardy's trav._, pp. - , , , ; _browne's apache country_, pp. , . [ ] small white beads are highly prized by the mohaves. _ives' colorado river_, pp. - . 'the young girls wear beads ... a necklace with a single sea-shell in front.' the men 'leather bracelets, trimmed with bright buttons ... eagles' feathers, called "sormeh," sometimes white, sometimes of a crimson tint ... strings of wampum, made of circular pieces of shell.' _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., pp. , . 'shells of the pearl-oyster, and a rough wooden image are the favorite ornaments of both sexes' with the apaches. _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'sus adornos en el cuello y brazos son sartas de pesuñas de venado y berrendos, conchas, espinas de pescado y raices de yerbas odoríferas. las familias mas pudientes y aseadas bordan sus trajes y zapatos de la espina del puerco-espin.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'adórnanse con gargantillas de caracolillos del mar, entreverados de otras cuentas, de conchas coloradas redondas.' _sedelmair_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'las mugeres por arracadas ó aretes, se cuelgan conchas enteras de nácar, y otras mayores azules en cada oreja.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _emory's reconnoissance_, p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., pp. , ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. ; _almanza_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; _browne's apache country_, pp. - ; _michler_, in _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, pp. - ; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , , ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. ; _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. - ; _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, serie i., tom. ix., pp. , , ; _alarchon_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _mexikanische zustände_, tom. i., p. . [ ] the 'hair is worn long and tied up behind' by both sexes; _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'langes starkes haar in einen dicken zopf zusammengeknotet.' _möllhausen_, _flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'tolerably well dressed, mostly in buckskin.... they dress with greater comfort than any other tribe, and wear woolen and well-tanned buckskin ... the outer seams are adorned with silver or brass buttons.' _davis' el gringo_, pp. , , . leggins made of deer-skin with thick soles ... a leathern cap shaped like a helmet, decorated with cocks', eagles' or vultures' feathers. _figuier's hum. race_, pp. , . 'auf dem kopfe tragen sie eine helmartige lederkappe die gewöhnlich mit einem busch kurzer, glänzender truthahnfedern und einigen geier oder adlerfedern geschmückt ist.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , . 'a close banded cap is worn by the men which is gracefully ornamented by feathers, and held under the chin by a small throat-latch.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. , and plate vii., fig. , p. . 'their wardrobes are never extravagantly supplied.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the women 'wear a blanket.' _ives' colorado riv._, p. , and plate. the women 'wore blankets, leggins and moccasons.' _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, pp. , , . 'over all is thrown a blanket, under and sometimes over which is worn a belt, to which are attached oval pieces of silver.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the women's dress is 'chiefly composed of skins ... showily corded at the bottom, forming a kind of belt of beads and porcupine quills.' _pattie's pers. nar._, pp. - . _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., pp. , , ; _möllhausen_, _flüchtling_, tom. iv., pp. , ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _bristol_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. . [ ] 'tattooed over the body, especially on the chest.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'tattoo their faces and breasts.' _marcy's army life_, p. . 'mares juxta atque foeminæ facies atque artus lineis quibusdam persignant.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _warden_, _recherches_, p. ; _farnham's trav._, p. . [ ] 'they never cut the hair, but wear it of very great length, and ornament it upon state occasions with silver and beads.' _marcy's army life_, p. . 'their heads are covered with bits of tin and glass.' _shepard's land of the aztecs_, p. . 'der dicke und lang über den rücken hinabhängende zopf mit abwärts immer kleiner werdenden silbernen scheiben belastet, die, im nacken mit der grösse einer mässigen untertasse beginnend, an der spitze des zopfes mit der grösse eines halben thalers endigten.' _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. , and _froebel's cent. am._, p. . they 'never cut their hair, which they wear long, mingling with it on particular occasions silver ornaments and pearls.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'todos ellos llevan la cabeza trasquilada desde la mitad hasta la frente, y dejan lo demas del pelo colgando.' _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. ; _revista cientifica_, tom. i., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, p. ; _dragoon camp._, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., p. ; _combier_, _voy._, p. . [ ] 'im gesichte mit zinnober bemalt, auf dem kopfe mit adlerfedern geschmückt.' _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. . 'it takes them a considerable time to dress, and stick feathers and beads in their hair.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'fond of decking themselves with paint, beads and feathers.' _marcy's army life_, pp. , , . 'vederbosschen op't hoofd.' _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. . 'en quanto á los colores, varian mucho, no solamente en ellos, sino tambien en los dibujos que se hacen en la cara.' _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., p. . the comanches 'de tout sexe portent un miroir attaché au poignet, et se teignent le visage en rouge.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, pp. , ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, pp. , , , ; _wislizenus' tour_, p. ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _combier_, _voy._, p. ; _hartmann and millard_, _texas_, p. ; _larenaudière_, _mex. et guat._, p. , plate; _tempsky's mitla_, p. ; _gilliam's trav._, p. ; _horn's captivity_, p. . [ ] 'the camanches prefer dark clothes.' _parker's notes on tex._, pp. , , . 'les guerriers portent pour tout vêtement une peau de buffle en manteau.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . 'las mugeres andan vestidas de la cintura para abajo con unos cueros de venado adobado en forma de faldellines, y cubren el cuerpo con unos capotillos del mismo cuero.' _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. . 'vistense galanos ... asi hombres como mugeres con mantas pintadas y bordadas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'sus vestidos se componen de unas botas, un mediano delantal que cubre sus vergüenzas, y un coton, todo de pieles: las mugeres usan una manta cuadrada de lana negra muy estrecha.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . 'tam mares quam foeminæ gossypinis tunicis et ferarum exuviis vestiebantur ad mexicanorum normam et quod insolens barbaris, ideoque hispanis novum visum, utebantur calceis atque ocreis quæ è ferarum tergoribus et taurino corio consuta erant. foeminis capillus bene pexus et elegantur erat dispositus, nec ullo præterea velamine caput tegebant.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, pp. , ; _dragoon camp._, p. ; _warden_, _recherches_, pp. , ; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., p. ; _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. , , ; _revista cientifica_, tom. i., p. ; _horn's captivity_, p. ; _marcy's army life_, pp. , , ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _larenaudière_, _mex. et guat._, p. , plate; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., pp. , , ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. , and _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. iv., p. ; _wislizenus' tour_, p. ; _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _escudero_, _noticias de chihuahua_, p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., pp. , , ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. ; _hartmann and millard_, _texas_, p. ; _domenech_, _jour._, pp. , ; _maillard_, _hist. tex._, p. , _jaramillo_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , ; _castaño de soza_, in _pacheco_, _col. doc. inéd._, tom. iv., p. ; _houstoun's tex._, p. ; _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iii., p. ; _farnham's trav._, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] the apaches 'rarely remain more than a week in any one locality.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'cette nation étant nomade et toujours à la poursuite du gibier.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. p. ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. ; _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _backus_, in _id._, vol. iv., p. ; _ten broeck_, in _id._, vol. iv., p. ; _bailey_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. ; _foote's texas_, p. ; _carleton_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _holley's texas_, p. ; _dragoon camp._, p. ; _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, pt. x., p. . [ ] 'the principal characteristic i believe, is the form of their wigwams; one sets up erect poles, another bends them over in a circular form, and the third gives them a low oval shape.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . other tribes make their lodges in a different way, by a knowledge of which circumstance, travelers are able to discover on arriving at a deserted camp whether it belongs to a hostile or friendly tribe. _parker's notes on texas_, p. ; _hartmann and millard_, _texas_, p. ; _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _bulletin_, tom. v., p. . [ ] 'sus chozas ó jacales son circulares, hechas de ramas de los árboles, cubiertas con pieles de caballos, vacas, ó cíbolos.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'i did expect ... to find that the navajos had other and better habitations than the conical, pole, brush, and mud lodge.' _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. . 'the camanches make their lodges by placing poles in the ground in a circle and tying the tops together.' _parker's notes on texas_, p. . huts are only temporary, conical, of sticks. _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'sie bestanden einfach aus grossen lauben von cedernzweigen, deren wölbung auf starken pfählen ruhte, und von aussen theilweise mit erde, lehm, und steinen bedeckt war.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., pp. , - . 'un grand nombre de forme ronde.' _jaramillo_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . 'their lodges are rectangular.' _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. ; _ives' colorado river_, p. ; _figuier's hum. race_, p. . [ ] 'they make them of upright poles a few feet in height ... upon which rest brush and dirt.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., pp. - . 'the very rudest huts hastily constructed of branches of cedar trees, and sometimes of flat stones for small roofs.' _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . these huts are about eight feet high, eighteen feet in diameter at base, the whole being covered with bark or brush and mud. _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. . 'exceedingly rude structures of sticks about four or five feet high.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'the comanches make their lodges ... in a conical shape ... which they cover with buffalo hides.' _parker's notes on tex._, p. . 'ils habitent sous des tentes.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., tom. , p. ; _davis' el gringo_, p. ; _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _bent_, in _id._, vol. i., p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _farnham's trav._, p. ; _mange_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. ; _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., p. ; _dufey_, _résumé de l'hist._, tom. i., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _domenech_, _jour._, p. ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, p. ; _ludecus_, _reise_, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. ; _emory's recon._, p. ; _marcy's rept._, p. ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cli., p. ; _jaramillo_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, serie i., tom. ix., pp. - ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan_, p. ; _alarchon_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; see also, _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. - ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _cordoue_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. . [ ] _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. . 'this compels the navajoes to erect substantial huts of an oval form, the lower portion of the hut being excavated.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'they live in brush houses, in the winter time, digging a hole in the ground and covering this with a brush roof.' _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _maillard's hist. tex._, p. . [ ] 'their lodges are ... about four or five feet high, with a triangular opening for ingress or egress.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the most they do is to build small huts ... with thick poles for the arches and a small door through which a single person can hardly pass. _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . a ranchería of the cuabajai is described as 'formada como una grande galeria en una pieza muy larga adornada con arcos de sauz, y cubierta con esteras de tule muy delgadas y bien cocidas; tenia ventanas para la luz y desahogar el humo y dos puertas, una al oriente y otra al poniente, ... á los dos lados de la pieza habia varios cámaras ó alojamientos para dormir.' _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, pp. - . [ ] 'some live in caves in the rocks.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'they do not live in houses built of stone as has been repeatedly represented, but in caves, caverns, and fissures of the cliffs.' _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'ils habitaient des cavernes et des lieux souterrains, où ils déposaient leurs récoltes.' _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. . most of the navajos 'live in houses built of stone.' _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. ; _almanza_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _sanchez_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. ; _gordon's hist. and geog. mem._, p. . [ ] 'the large cottonwood posts and the substantial roof of the wide shed in front, are characteristic of the architecture of this people.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'they are built upon sandy soil and are thirty or forty feet square; the sides about two feet thick of wicker-work and straw ... their favorite resort seems to be the roof, where could usually be counted from twenty to thirty persons, all apparently at home.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. . [ ] see plate in _marcy's army life_, p. . 'the fire is made in the front of the lodge.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'in every village may be seen small structures, consisting of a frame-work of slight poles, bent into a semi-spherical form and covered with buffalo hides. these are called medicine lodges and are used as vapor-baths.' _marcy's army life_, p. . 'they make huts three feet high for bath-rooms and heat them with hot stones.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xviii., p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. [ ] 'ils sont très-laborieux; ils cultivent les melons, les haricots, et d'autres légumes; ils récoltent aussi en abondance le maïs.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . 'bohnen, mais, weizen, feingeriebenes mehl, kürbisse und melonen.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , - . 'the yumas and other tribes on the colorado, irrigate their lands, and raise wheat, corn, melons, &c.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., pp. , , ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _ives' colorado river_, pp. , , , ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., pp. , , ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , , ; _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. ; _browne's apache country_, pp. , , ; _mowry's arizona_, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _mexicanische zustände_, tom. i., p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. ; _champagnac_, _voyageur_, p. ; _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, pp. , , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., pp. - ; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. ; _farnham's life in cal._; _davis' el gringo_, p. ; _clark_, in _hist. mag._, vol. viii., p. ; _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . [ ] 'a small but agreeable nut called the piñon, grows abundantly in this country; and during a period of scarcity, it sometimes constitutes the sole food of the poorer class of natives for many successive weeks.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'living upon the fruit of the mezquit and tornilla trees.' _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, pp. , ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . 'tambien tienen para su sustento mescali, que es conserva de raiz de maguey.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _hardy's trav._, pp. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , , , , ; _cordoue_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _castañeda_, in _id._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'the quail and hare of the valley, and the deer and lizards of the plains, together furnish but a scanty supply.' _ehrenberg_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'they ate worms, grasshoppers, and reptiles.' _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, pp. - . 'an den dünnen gurt hatten unsere besucher noch ratten, grosse eidechsen und frösche befestigt.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . 'depending upon game and roots for food.' _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , and , p. . 'mas para ellos es plato regaladísimo el de ratones del campo asados ó cocidos y toda especie de insectos.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, pp. , ; _figuier's hum. race_, p. ; _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. . [ ] on the rivers colorado and gila. 'usan de hilo torcido unas redes y otras de varios palitos, que los tuercen y juntan por las puntas, en que forman á modo de un pequeño barquito para pescar del infinito pescado que hay en el rio.' _sedelmair_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . the cajuenches when the produce is insufficient, live on fish. _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . the navajos 'live by raising flocks and herds, instead of hunting and fishing.' _davis' el gringo_, p. . the apaches 'no comen pescado alguno, no obstante de lo que abundan sus rios.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'el apache no come el pescado, aunque los hay abundantes en sus rios.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] 'they do not make butter and cheese.... some who own cattle make from the curd of soured milk small masses, which some have called cheese.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'they never to my knowledge make butter or cheese, nor do i believe they know what such things are.' _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the navajoes 'make butter and cheese.' _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. . some of the 'men brought into camp a quantity of cheese.' _ives' colorado river_, pp. , . [ ] _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . 'they plant corn very deep with a stake and raise very good crops.' _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. ; _merriwether_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'the metate is a slightly hollowed hard stone, upon which soaked maize is laid and then reduced to paste.... the paste so formed is then patted between the hands until it assumes a flat, thin and round appearance when it is laid on a hot pan and baked into a tortilla.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. - . 'ils récoltent aussi en abondance le maïs dont ils font de tortillas.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . 'their meat was boiled with water in a tusquin (clay kettle) and this meat-mush or soup was the staple of food among them.' _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, pp. , . 'a large echino cactus ... hollowed so as to make a trough. into this were thrown the soft portions of the pulpy substance which surrounds the heart of the cactus; and to them had been added game and plants gathered from the banks of the creek. mingled with water, the whole had been cooked by stirring it up with heated stones.' _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'ils mangent des pains de maïs cuits sous la cendre, aussi gros que les gros pains de castille.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. ; _castaño de soza_, in _pacheco_, _col. doc. inéd._, tom. iv., pp. - . [ ] 'the apaches rely chiefly upon the flesh of the cattle and sheep they can steal ... they are said, however, to be more fond of the meat of the mule than that of any other animal.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., pp. - . 'a nonproductive race, subsisting wholly on plunder and game.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . the jicarilla apaches: 'the chase is their only means of support.' _carson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'they live entirely by hunting.' _delgado_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'die nahrung der apaches besteht hauptsächlich in dem fleische der rinder und schafe ... doch soll, wie man sagt, maulthierfleisch ihre lieblingsspeise sein.' _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. . 'ihre besten leckerbissen sind pferde und mauleselfleisch, welches sie braten und dem rindfleische vorziehen.' _ochs_, in _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. . their daintiest food is mule and horseflesh. _apostólicos afanes_, p. . 'anteriormente antes que en la frontera abundase el ganado, uno de sus alimentos era la came del caballo, y la caza de diferentes animales.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. - ; _edward's hist. texas_, p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. i., p. ; _armin_, _das heutige mexiko_, p. ; _stanley's portraits_, p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _edwards' campaign_, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; see further _ind. aff. repts._, from - ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. ; _peters' life of carson_, p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'what i would have sworn was an antelope, proved to be a young indian, ... who having enveloped himself in an antelope's skin with head, horns and all complete, had gradually crept up to the herd under his disguise.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. , . 'se viste de una piel de los mismos animales, pone sobre su cabeza otra de la clase de los que va á buscar, y armado de su arco y flechas andando en cuatro piés, procura mezclarse en una banda da ellos.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _ferry_, _scènes de la vie sauvage_, p. . [ ] 'they always asked if we had bear on the table, for they wished to avoid it.... i found they had some superstitious prejudice against it.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . 'the apaches are rather fond of lion and panther meat, but seldom touch that of the bear.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'tambien matan para comer osos.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . the navajoes 'never kill bears or rattlesnakes unless attacked.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'sie verehren den bären, der nie von ihnen getödtet wird, und dessen fleisch zu essen sie sich scheuen. schweinefleisch verschmähen sie desgleichen; beim ärgsten hunger können sie es nicht über sich gewinnen, davon zu kosten.' _armin_, _das heutige mexiko_, p. ; _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . [ ] 'the northern and middle comanches ... subsist almost exclusively upon the flesh of the buffalo, and are known among the indians as buffalo-eaters.' _marcy's army life_, pp. , , . 'they plant no corn, and their only food is meat, and a few wild plants that grow upon the prairies.' _marcy's rept._, p. . the comanches are a 'nation subsisting solely by the chase.' _pike's explor. trav._, p. . 'subsist mainly upon the buffalo.' _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'acknowledge their entire ignorance of even the rudest methods of agriculture.' _baylor_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. , and _froebel's cent. amer._, p. ; _combier_, _voy._, p. ; _french's hist. coll. la._, pt. ii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, pp. - , ; _figuier's hum. race_, p. ; _ludecus_, _reise_, p. ; _dragoon camp._, p. ; _foote's texas_, p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _domenech_, _jour._, p. ; _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _holley's texas_, p. ; _dufey_, _résumé_, tom. i., p. ; _dewees' texas_, p. ; _frost's ind. battles_, p. . [ ] 'luego que los cíbolos echan á huir, los cazadores sin apresurarlos demasiado los persiguen á un galope corto, que van activando mas y mas hasta que rompen en carrera ... el indio sin cesar de correr, dispara su arco en todas direcciones, y va sembrando el campo de reses.... las indias al mismo tiempo van dessollando cada una de aquellas reses, recogiendo la piel y la carne.' _revista científica_, tom. i., pp. - . 'at a suitable distance from their prey they divide into two squadrons, one half taking to the right, and the other to the left, and thus surround it.' _edward's hist. tex._, p. ; _french's hist. coll. la._, pt. ii., p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., pp. - . women when they perceive a deer or antelope 'give it chase, and return only after capturing it with the lasso.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'when any game was killed, the indians would tear out the heart, liver, and entrails, and eat them raw.' _frost's ind. battles_, p. . 'ces indiens se nourissent de viande crue et boivent du sang.... ils coupent la viande en tranches très-minces et la font sécher au soleil; ils la réduisent ensuite en poudre pour la conserver.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. - . 'they "jerked" or dried the meat and made the pemmican.' _marcy's army life_, p. . 'comen las criadillas crudas, recogiendo la sangre que corre del cuerpo con unas tutundas ó jicaras, se la beben caliente.' _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. ; _farnham's trav._, p. ; _horn's captivity_, pp. , ; _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'at one time their larder is overstocked and they gorge themselves to repletion.' _marcy's army life_, pp. , , . 'catch and tame these wild horses, and when unsuccessful in chase, subsist upon them.' _holley's texas_, p. . 'when pressed by hunger from scarcity of game, they subsist on their young horses and mules.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'have a rare capacity for enduring hunger, and manifest great patience under its infliction. after long abstinence they eat voraciously.' _burnet_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, p. ; _edward's hist. tex._, p. . [ ] the tribe 'lived in the most abject condition of filth and poverty.' _browne's apache country_, p. . 'with very few exceptions, the want of cleanliness is universal--a shirt being worn until it will no longer hang together, and it would be difficult to tell the original color.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'they are fond of bathing in the summer, ... but nothing can induce them to wash themselves in winter.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . they give off very unpleasant odors. _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. . 'they seem to have a natural antipathy against water, considered as the means of cleansing the body ... water is only used by them in extreme cases; for instance, when the vermin become too thick on their heads, they then go through an operation of covering the head with mud, which after some time is washed out.' _dodt_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, ; _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, p. ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. . [ ] 'they defecate promiscuously near their huts; they leave offal of every character, dead animals and dead skins, close in the vicinity of their huts.' _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. . [ ] the mojave 'arms are the bow and arrow, the spear and the club.' _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. . 'armed with bows and arrows.' _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, p. . the querechos 'use the bow and arrow, lance and shield.' _marcy's army life_, pp. , . 'the apache will invariably add his bow and arrows to his personal armament.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. , - , , . 'neben bogen und pfeilen führen sie noch sehr lange lanzen.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . 'they use the bow and arrow and spear.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'armed with bows and arrows, and the lance.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . for colored lithograph of weapons see _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'el armamento de los apaches se componen de lanza, arco y flechas.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'las armas de los apaches son fusil, flechas y lanza.' _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. . 'los yumas son indios ... de malas armas, muchos no llevan arco, y si lo llevan es mal dispuesto, y con dos ó tres flechas.' _garces_, in _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, p. ; _drew_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _odin_, in _domenech_, _jour._, p. ; _wislizenus' tour_, p. ; _dewees' texas_, p. ; _holley's texas_, p. ; _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _dragoon camp._, p. ; _moore's texas_, p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. ii., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _combier_, _voy._, p. ; _brantz-mayer's mex., aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. ; _peters' life of carson_, p. ; _cutts' conq. of cal._, p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., pp. - , ; _pagés' travels_, vol. i., p. ; _linati_, _costumes_, plate xxii.; _armin_, _das heutige mexiko_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _mormonenmädchen_, tom. ii., p. ; _figuier's hum. race_, pp. - , with cut. [ ] 'their weapons of war are the spear or lance, the bow, and the laso.' _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. . [ ] among 'their arms of offence' is 'what is called macána, a short club, like a round wooden mallet, which is used in close quarters.' _hardy's trav._, p. . 'war clubs were prepared in abundance.' _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. . die apachen 'nur bogen, pfeile und keulen.' _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. . 'their clubs are of mezquite wood (a species of acacia) three or four feet long.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . 'ils n'ont d'autre arme qu'un grand croc et une massue.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . 'arma sunt ... oblongi lignei gladii multis acutis silicibus utrimque muniti.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'sus armas son flechas, y macanas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . among the comanches: 'leur massue est une queue de buffle à l'extrémité de laquelle ils insèrent une boule en pierre on en métal.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'mit vierstreifigen strickschleudern bewaffnet.' _mexikanische zustände_, tom. i., p. . 'sie fechten mit lanzen, büchsen, pfeilen und tamahaks.' _ludecus_, _reise_, p. . 'une petite hache en silex.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., p. ; _treasury of trav._, p. ; _escudero_, _noticias de chihuahua_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] the querecho 'bows are made of the tough and elastic wood of the "bois d'arc" or osage orange (maclura aurantiaca), strengthened and reenforced with the sinews of the deer wrapped firmly around them, and strung with a cord made of the same material.' _marcy's army life_, p. . the tonto 'bow is a stout piece of tough wood ... about five feet long, strengthened at points by a wrapping of sinew ... which are joined by a sinew string.' _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the navajo 'bow is about four feet in length ... and is covered on the back with a kind of fibrous tissue.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the yuma 'bow is made of willow.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . 'langen bogen von weidenholz.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. . apaches: 'the bow forms two semicircles, with a shoulder in the middle; the back of it is entirely covered with sinews, which are laid on ... by the use of some glutinous substance.' _pike's explor. trav._, p. . 'los tamaños de estas armas son differentes, segun las parcialidades que las usan.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, pp. , ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. . [ ] the apaches: 'tous portaient au poignet gauche le bracelet de cuir ... ce bracelet de cuir est une espèce de paumelle qui entoure la main gauche, ... le premier sert à amortir le coup de fouet de la corde de l'arc quand il se détend, la seconde empêche les pennes de la flèche de déchirer la peau de la main.' _ferry_, _scènes de la vie sauvage_, p. . 'with a leather bracelet on one wrist and a bow and quiver of arrows form the general outfit.' _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] the coyoteros 'use very long arrows of reed, finished out with some hard wood, and an iron or flint head, but invariably with three feathers at the opposite end.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . navajoes: 'the arrow is about two feet long and pointed with iron.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the querechos 'arrows are twenty inches long, of flexible wood, with a triangular point of iron at one end, and two feathers ... at the opposite extremity.' _marcy's army life_, p. . the apache 'arrows are quite long, very rarely pointed with flint, usually with iron. the feather upon the arrow is placed or bound down with fine sinew in threes, instead of twos.... the arrow-shaft is usually made of some pithy wood, generally a species of yucca.' _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'sagittæ acutis silicibus asperatæ.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'arrows were ... pointed with a head of stone. some were of white quartz or agate, and others of obsidian.' _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . the tonto 'arrows ... are three feet long ... the cane is winged with four strips of feather, held in place by threads of sinew ... which bears on its free end an elongated triangular piece of quartz, flint, or rarely iron.' _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the lipan arrows 'have four straight flutings; the comanches make two straight black flutings and two red spiral ones.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. ; _tempsky's mitla_, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _conder's mex. guat._, vol. ii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. . [ ] the apache 'quivers are usually made of deer-skin, with the hair turned inside or outside, and sometimes of the skin of the wild-cat, with the tail appended.' _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'quiver of sheep-skin.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. . 'quiver of fresh-cut reeds.' _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, p. . 'un carcax ó bolsa de piel de leopardo en lo general.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _tempsky's mitla_, p. . [ ] 'the spear is eight or ten feet in length, including the point, which is about eighteen inches long, and also made of iron.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . should the apaches possess any useless firearms, 'generalmente vienen á darles nuevo uso, haciendo de ellas lanzas, cuchillos, lengüetas de flechas.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'la lanza la usan muy larga.' _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. . 'lance of fifteen feet in length.' _pike's explor. trav._, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _holley's texas_, p. ; _cutts' conq. of cal._, p. ; _revista científica_, tom. i., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. . [ ] the comanche 'shield was round ... made of wicker-work, covered first with deer skins and then a tough piece of raw buffalo-hide drawn over, ... ornamented with a human scalp, a grizzly bear's claw and a mule's tail ... for the arm were pieces of cotton cloth twisted into a rope.' _parker's notes on tex._, p. . 'en el brazo izquierdo llevaba el chimal, que es un escudo ovalado, cubierto todo de plumas, espejos, chaquiras y adornos de paño encarnado.' _revista científica_, tom. i., p. . their shield 'is generally painted a bright yellow.' _domenech's deserts_ vol. ii., p. . 'shield of circular form, covered with two thicknesses of hard, undressed buffalo hide, ... stuffed with hair ... a rifle-ball will not penetrate it unless it strikes perpendicular to the surface.' _marcy's army life_, pp. - ; _möllhausen_, _flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. ; _tempsky's mitla_, p. . a 'navajo shield ... with an image of a demon painted on one side ... border of red cloth, ... trimmed with feathers.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _linati_, _costumes_, plate xxii.; _shepard's land of the aztecs_, p. ; _edward's hist. tex._, p. . [ ] 'wherever their observations can be made from neighboring heights with a chance of successful ambush, the apache never shows himself.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. , . 'attacking only when their numbers, and a well-laid ambush, promise a certainty of success.' _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'colocan de antemano una emboscada.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. - , ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _emory's reconnoissance_, p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _davis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'salen ... generalmente divididos en pequeñas partidas para ocultar mejor sus rastros.... es imponderable la velocidad con que huyen despues que han ejecutado un crecido robo ... las montañas que encumbran, los desiertos sin agua que atraviesan.' _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. . 'they steal upon their enemies under the cover of night.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _apostólicos afanes_, p. ; _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _figuier's hum. race_, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. . [ ] 'la practica, que observan para avisarse los unos à los otros ... es levantar humaredas.' _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., p. . 'smokes are of various kinds, each one significant of a particular object.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. - . 'in token of retreate sounded on a certaine small trumpet ... made fires, and were answered againe afarre off ... to giue their fellowes vnderstanding, how wee marched and where we arriued.' _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, tom. iii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _flüchtling_, tom. ii., p. ; _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] 'la suma crueldad con que tratan á los vencidos atenaccandolos vivos y comiendose los pedazos de la carne que la arrancan.' _doc. hist. n. vizcaya, ms._, p. . 'their savage and blood-thirsty natures experience a real pleasure in tormenting their victim.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'hang their victims by the heels to a tree and put a slow fire under their head.' _browne's apache country_, pp. , , . among the navajos, 'captives taken in their forays are usually treated kindly.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'ils scalpent avec la corde de leur arc, en la tournant rapidement autour de la tête de leur victime.' _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, pp. - , , , ; _farnham's trav._, p. ; _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _labadi_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. ; _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. ; _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. . [ ] _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'obran en la guerra con mas táctica que los apaches.' _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. . 'a young man is never considered worthy to occupy a seat in council until he has encountered an enemy in battle.' _marcy's army life_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _domenech_, _jour._, pp. - ; _foote's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _maillard's hist. tex._, p. . [ ] 'when a chieftain desires to organize a war-party, he ... rides around through the camp singing the war-song.' _marcy's army life_, p. . 'when a chief wishes to go to war ... the preliminaries are discussed at a war-dance.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. ; _armin_, _das heutige mexiko_, p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'they dart forward in a column like lightning.... at a suitable distance from their prey, they divide into two squadrons.' _holley's texas_, p. . 'a comanche will often throw himself upon the opposite side of his charger, so as to be protected from the darts of the enemy.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., pp. - ; _dewees' texas_, p. ; _shepard's land of the aztecs_, p. ; _ludecus_, _reise_, p. . [ ] 'ils tuent tous les prisonniers adultes, et ne laissent vivre que les enfants, qu'ils élèvent avec soin pour s'en servir comme d'esclaves.' _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . 'invariably kill such men as offer the slightest impediment to their operations, and take women and children prisoners.' _marcy's army life_, pp. , . 'prisoners of war belong to the captors.' _burnet_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _farnham's trav._, p. ; _figuier's hum. race_, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _foote's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _horn's captivity_, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. . [ ] 'ten chiefs were seated in a circle within our tent, when the pipe, the indian token of peace, was produced ... they at first refused to smoke, their excuse being, that it was not their custom to smoke until they had received some presents.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'i saw no earthenware vessels among them; the utensils employed in the preparation of food being shallow basins of closely netted straw. they carried water in pitchers of the same material, but they were matted all over with a pitch.' _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'aus binsen und weiden geflochtene gefässe, mitunter auch einige aus thon geformte;' ... by the door stood 'ein breiter stein ... auf welchem mittelst eines kleineren die mehlfrüchte zerrieben wurden.' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , . 'panniers of wicker-work, for holding provisions, are generally carried on the horse by the women.' _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _neighbors_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. . 'their only implements are sticks.' _greene_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'they (the axuas of colorado river) had a beautiful fishing-net made out of grass.' ... 'they had also burnt earthen jars, extremely well made. the size of each of them might be about two feet in diameter in the greatest swell; very thin, light, and well formed.' _hardy's trav._, p. . 'nets wrought with the bark of the willow.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. . 'tienen mucha loza de las coloradas, y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros; almofias, xicaras muy galanas: alguna de la loza está vidriada. tienen mucho apercibimiento de leña, é de madera, para hacer sus casas, en tal manera, á lo que nos dieron á entender, que cuando uno queria hacer casa, tiene aquella madera allí de puesto para el efecto, y hay mucha cantidad. tiene dos guaxexes á los lados del pueblo, que le sirven para se bañar, porque de otros ojos de agua, á tiro de arcabuz, beben y se sirven. a un cuarto de legua va el rio salado, que decimos, por donde fué nuestro camino, aunque el agua salada se pierde de muchas leguas atrás.' _castaño de sosa_, in _pacheco_, _col. doc. inéd._, tom. iv., p. ; _taylor_, in _cal. farmer_, _feb. th, _; _browne's apache country_, p. . 'their only means of farming are sharpened sticks.' _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'their utensils for the purpose of grinding breadstuff, consist of two stones; one flat, with a concavity in the middle; the other round, fitting partly into the hollow of the flat stone.' _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . [ ] 'the cradle of the navajo indians resembles the same article made by the western indians. it consists of a flat board, to support the vertebral column of the infant, with a layer of blankets and soft wadding, to give ease to the position, having the edges of the frame-work ornamented with leather fringe. around and over the head of the child, who is strapped to this plane, is an ornamented hoop, to protect the face and cranium from accident. a leather strap is attached to the vertebral shell-work, to enable the mother to sling it on her back.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - , and plate p. . [ ] 'the saddle is not peculiar but generally resembles that used by the mexicans. they ride with a very short stirrup, which is placed further to the front than on a mexican saddle. the bit of the bridle has a ring attached to it, through which the lower jaw is partly thrust, and a powerful pressure is exerted by this means when the reins are tightened.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'sa selle est faite de deux rouleaux de paille reliés par une courroie et maintenus par une sangle de cuir.' _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _tempsky's mitla_, p. . the navajos have 'aus zähem eschenholz gefertigten sattelbogen.' _möllhausen_, _flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. . [ ] 'das netz war weitmaschig, aus feinen, aber sehr starken bastfäden geflochten, vier fuss hoch, und ungefähr dreissig fuss lang. von vier zu vier fuss befanden sich lange stäbe an demselben, mittelst welcher es im wasser, zugleich aber auch auf dem boden und aufrecht gehalten wurde.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'el apache para sacar lumbre, usa ... un pedazo de sosole y otro de lechuguilla bien secos. al primero le forman una punta, lo que frotan con la segunda con cuanta velocidad pueden á la manera del ejercicio de nuestros molinillos para hacer el chocolate: luego que ambos palos se calientan con la frotacion, se encienden y producen el fuego.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . [ ] the navajos 'manufacture the celebrated, and, for warmth and durability, unequaled, navajo blanket. the navajo blankets are a wonder of patient workmanship, and often sell as high as eighty, a hundred, or a hundred and fifty dollars.' _walker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'navajo blankets have a wide and merited reputation for beauty and excellence.' _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _ind. aff. rept., spec. com._, , p. ; _turner_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxv., p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, pp. , , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _davis' el gringo_, p. ; _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. ; _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. ; _figuier's hum. race_, p. ; _peters' life of carson_, p. ; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. ; _farnham's life in cal._, pp. - . [ ] 'this art may have been acquired from the new mexicans, or the pueblo indians.' _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'this manufacture of blankets ... was originally learned from the mexicans when the two people lived on amicable terms.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . [ ] 'the blanket is woven by a tedious and rude process, after the manner of the pueblo indians.... the manner of weaving is peculiar, and is, no doubt, original with these people and the neighboring tribes.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . [ ] 'the spinning and weaving is done ... by hand. the thread is made entirely by hand, and is coarse and uneven.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'the wool or cotton is first prepared by carding. it is then fastened to the spindle near its top, and is held in the left hand. the spindle is held between the thumb and the first finger of the right hand, and stands vertically in the earthen bowl. the operator now gives the spindle a twirl, as a boy turns his top, and while it is revolving, she proceeds to draw out her thread, precisely as is done by our own operatives, in using the common spinning-wheel. as soon as the thread is spun, the spindle is turned in an opposite direction, for the purpose of winding up the thread on the portion of it next to the wooden block.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . [ ] _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'the colors are woven in bands and diamonds. we have never observed blankets with figures of a complicated pattern.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] 'the colors, which are given in the yarn, are red, black, and blue. the juice of certain plants is employed in dyeing, but it is asserted by recent authorities that the brightest red and blue are obtained by macerating strips of spanish cochineal, and altamine dyed goods, which have been purchased at the towns.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'the colors are red, blue, black, and yellow; black and red being the most common. the red strands are obtained by unravelling red cloth, black by using the wool of black sheep, blue by dissolving indigo in fermented urine, and yellow is said to be by coloring with a particular flower.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . the women 'welche sich in der wahl der farben und der zusammenstellung von bunten streifen und phantastischen figuren in dem gewebe gegenseitig zu übertreffen suchen. ursprünglich trugen die decken nur die verschiedenen farben der schafe in breiten streifen, doch seit die navahoes farbige, wollene stoffe von neu-mexiko beziehen können, verschaffen sie sich solche, um sie in fäden aufzulösen, und diese dann zu ihrer eigenen weberei zu verwenden.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. ; _ruxton's adven. mex._, p. . [ ] 'ils (the apaches) travaillent bien les cuirs, font de belles brides.' _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. . 'they manufacture rough leather.' _pike's explor. trav._, p. . 'man macht leder.' _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. . 'it has been represented that these tribes (the navajos) wear leather shoes.... inquiry from persons who have visited or been stationed in new mexico, disaffirms this observation, showing that in all cases the navajo shoes are skins, dressed and smoked after the indian method.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. . they 'knit woolen stockings.' _davis' el gringo_, p. . 'they also manufacture ... a coarse woolen cloth with which they clothe themselves.' _clark_, in _hist. mag._, vol. viii., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. - . 'the navajoes raise no cotton.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'sie sind noch immer in einigen baumwollengeweben ausgezeichnet.' _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. . 'these people (the inhabitants of arizona in ) had cotton, but they were not very carefull to vse the same: because there was none among them that knew the arte of weauing, and to make apparel thereof.' _alarchon_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iii., p. . [ ] the xicarillas, 'manufacture a sort of pottery which resists the action of fire.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the yuma 'women make baskets of willow, and also of tule, which are impervious to water; also earthen ollas or pots, which are used for cooking and for cooling water.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _revillagigedo_, _carta, ms._, p. . 'figure . a scoop or dipper, from the mohave tribe, and as neat and original an article in earthenware as could well be designed by a civilized potter.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'professor cox was informed that the new mexican indians colored their pottery black by using the gum of the mezquite, which has much the appearance and properties of gum arabic, and then baking it. much of the ancient pottery from the colorado chiquito is colored, the prevailing tints being white, black, and red.' _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. ; _ruxton's adven. mex._, p. . the yampais had 'some admirably made baskets of so close a texture as to hold water; a wicker jar coated with pine tree gum.' _sitgreaves' zuñi. ex._, p. ; _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _gregg's com. prairies_, p. . 'in regard to the manufacture of plumage, or feather-work, they certainly display a greater fondness for decorations of this sort than any indians we have seen.... i saw no exhibition of it in the way of embroidery.' _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. . [ ] 'mines d'argent exploitées par les comanches, qui en tirent des ornements pour eux et pour leurs chevaux, ainsi que des balles pour leurs fusils.' _domenech_, _jour._, p. . [ ] the mescaleros had 'a raft of bulrush or cane, floated and supported by some twenty or thirty hollow pumpkins fastened together.' _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. iii., p. . the yumas had 'batteaus which could hold or pounds weight.' _id._, vol. iv., p. . the mojaves had 'flössen, die von binsen-bündeln zusammengefügt waren (die einzige art von fahrzeug, welche ich bei den bewohnern des colorado-thales bemerkte).' _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . 'merely bundles of rushes placed side by side, and securely bound together with willow twigs ... their owners paddled them about with considerable dexterity.' _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. , and plate. _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. , ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. . [ ] 'immense numbers of horses and sheep, attesting the wealth of the tribe.' _ives' colorado riv._, pp. , . 'they possess more wealth than all the other wild tribes in new mexico combined.' _graves_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'they are owners of large flocks and herds.' _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. , ; _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. ; _davis' el gringo_, p. ; _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. - ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. ; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. ; _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. ; _peters' life of carson_, p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . [ ] the jicarilla apaches 'manufacture a species of coarse earthenware, which they exchange for corn and wheat.' _keithly_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. . [ ] 'das eigenthum des vaters nicht auf den sohn übergeht, sondern dass neffen und nichten als die rechtmässigen erben anerkannt werden wenn nicht der vater bei lebzeiten schon seine habe an die eigenen kinder geschenkt hat.' _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. . 'the husband has no control over the property of his wife.... property does not descend from father to son, but goes to the nephew of the decedent, or, in default of a nephew, to the niece ... but if, while living, he distributes his property to his children, that disposition is recognised.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. - . 'when the father dies ... a fair division is not made; the strongest usually get the bulk of the effects.' _bristol_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . [ ] 'the blankets, though not purchasable with money ... were sold, in some instances, for the most trifling article of ornament or clothing.' _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. . shell beads, which they call 'pook,' are their substitute for money.' _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] the querechos encountered by coronado had with them 'un grand troupeau de chiens qui portaient tout ce qu'ils possédaient.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . 'the only property of these people, with the exception of a few articles belonging to their domestic economy, consists entirely in horses and mules.' _marcy's army life_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _marcy's rept._, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. - . [ ] 'there are no subdivisions of land acknowledged in their territory, and no exclusive right of game.' _neighbors_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. . 'their code is strictly spartan.' _marcy's army life_, p. . [ ] 'they are sufficiently astute in dealing.' _burnet_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. . 'le chef des indiens choisit, parmi ces objets, ceux qui sont nécessaires à sa tribu.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . 'in comanche trade the main trouble consists in fixing the price of the first animal. this being settled by the chiefs.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, pp. , ; _burnet_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _domenech_, _jour._, p. ; _dewees' texas_, p. . [ ] mr bartlett, describing an excursion he made to the sierra waco near the copper mines in new mexico, says, he saw 'an overhanging rock extending for some distance, the whole surface of which is covered with rude paintings and sculptures, representing men, animals, birds, snakes, and fantastic figures ... some of them, evidently of great age, had been partly defaced to make room for more recent devices.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., pp. - , with cuts. in arizona, emory found 'a mound of granite boulders ... covered with unknown characters.... on the ground nearby were also traces of some of the figures, showing some of the hieroglyphics, at least, to have been the work of modern indians.' _emory's reconnoissance_, pp. , , with cut. the comanches 'aimaient beaucoup les images, qu'ils ne se lassaient pas d'admirer.' _domenech_, _jour._, p. . [ ] 'the apaches count ten thousand with as much regularity as we do. they even make use of the decimal sequences.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . [ ] 'they have no computation of time beyond the seasons ... the cold and hot season ... frequently count by the caddo mode--from one to ten, and by tens to one hundred, &c.... they are ignorant of the elements of figures.' _neighbors_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., pp. - . 'ce qu'ils savent d'astronomie se borne à la connaissance de l'étoile polaire.... l'arithmétique des sauvages est sur leurs doigts; ... il leur faut absolument un objet pour nombrer.' _hartmann and millard_, _tex._, pp. - . [ ] the navajos have no tribal government, and in reality no chiefs. _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'their form of government is so exceedingly primitive as to be hardly worthy the name of a political organization.' _davis' el gringo_, pp. , ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. . 'ils n'ont jamais connu de domination.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série. v., no. , p. . 'each is sovereign in his own right as a warrior.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . [ ] 'it is my opinion that the navajo chiefs have but very little influence with their people.' _bennett_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , and , p. ; _bristol_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . [ ] 'los padres de familia ejercen esta autoridad en tanto que los hijos no salen de la infancia, porque poco antes de salir de la pubertad son como libres y no reconocen mas superioridad que sus propias fuerzas, ó la del indio que los manda en la campaña.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. - . 'every rich man has many dependants, and these dependants are obedient to his will, in peace and in war.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'every one who has a few horses and sheep is a "head man."' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. . the rule of the querechos is 'essentially patriarchal.' _marcy's army life_, p. . [ ] 'when one or more (of the navajos) are successful in battle or fortunate in their raids to the settlements on the rio grande, he is endowed with the title of captain or chief.' _bristol_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'en cualquiera de estas incorporaciones toma el mando del todo por comun consentimiento el mas acreditado de valiente.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the comanches have 'a right to displace a chief, and elect his successor, at pleasure.' _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. . a chief of the comanches is never degraded 'for any private act unconnected with the welfare of the whole tribe.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] the office of chief is not hereditary with the navajos. _cremony's apaches_, p. . the wise old men of the querechos 'curb the impetuosity of ambitious younger warriors.' _marcy's army life_, p. . 'i infer that rank is (among the mojaves), to some extent, hereditary.' _ives' colorado riv._, pp. , . 'this captain is often the oldest son of the chief, and assumes the command of the tribe on the death of his father,' among the apaches. _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . [ ] the mescaleros and apaches 'choose a head-man to direct affairs for the time being.' _carleton_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'es gibt auch stämme, an deren spitze ein kriegs- sowie ein friedens-häuptling steht.' _armin_, _das heutige mexiko_, p. ; _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. . [ ] when col. langberg visited the comanches who inhabit the bolson de mapimi, 'wurde dieser stamm von einer alten frau angeführt.' _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. . 'i have never known them (comanches) to make a treaty that a portion of the tribe do not violate its stipulations before one year rolls around.' _neighbors_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] the chiefs of the comanches 'are in turn subject to the control of a principal chief.' _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. . 'la autoridad central de su gobierno reside en un gefe supremo.' _revista científica_, tom. i., p. ; _escudero_, _noticias de chihuahua_, p. . the southern comanches 'do not of late years acknowledge the sovereignty of a common ruler and leader in their united councils nor in war.' _marcy's army life_, p. . the gila apaches acknowledge 'no common head or superior.' _merriwether_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . [ ] the comanches 'hold regular councils quarterly, and a grand council of the whole tribe once a year.' _edward's hist. tex._, p. . 'at these councils prisoners of war are tried, as well as all cases of adultery, theft, sedition and murder, which are punished by death. the grand council also takes cognizance of all disputes between the chiefs, and other matters of importance.' _maillard's hist. tex._, p. . 'their decisions are of but little moment, unless they meet the approbation of the mass of the people; and for this reason these councils are exceedingly careful not to run counter to the wishes of the poorer but more numerous class, being aware of the difficulty, if not impossibility, of enforcing any act that would not command their approval.' _collins_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'singulis pagis sui reguli erant, qui per praecones suos edicta populo denuntiabant.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'tienen otra persona, que llaman pregonero, y es la segunda persona de la república; el oficio de este, es manifestar al pueblo todas las cosas que se han de hacer.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _id._, tom. i., p. . they recognize 'no law but that of individual caprice.' _steck_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the comanches 'acknowledge no right but the right of the strongest.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'la loi du talion est la base fondamentale du code politique, civil et criminel de ces diverses peuplades, et cette loi reçoit une rigoureuse application de nation à nation, de famille à famille, d'individu à individu.' _hartmann and millard_, _tex._, p. . [ ] the comanches punish 'adultery, theft, murder, and other crimes ... by established usage.' _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. . among the navajos, 'lewdness is punished by a public exposure of the culprit.' _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. . _marcy's army life_, pp. , . navajoes 'regard each other's right of property, and punish with great severity any one who infringes upon it. in one case a navajo was found stealing a horse; they held a council and put him to death.' _bristol_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . a cuchano young boy who frightened a child by foretelling its death, which accidentally took place the next day, 'was secretly accused and tried before the council for "being under the influence of evil spirits,"' and put to death. _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. iii.; _feudge_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . among the yumas, 'each chief punishes delinquents by beating them across the back with a stick. criminals brought before the general council for examination, if convicted, are placed in the hands of a regularly appointed executioner of the tribe, who inflicts such punishment as the council may direct.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. iii. [ ] the apache chief ponce, speaking of the grief of a poor woman at the loss of her son, says: 'the mother of the dead brave demands the life of his murderer. nothing else will satisfy her.... would money satisfy me for the death of my son? no! i would demand the blood of the murderer. then i would be satisfied.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'if one man (apache) kills another, the next of kin to the defunct individual may kill the murderer--if he can. he has the right to challenge him to single-combat.... there is no trial, no set council, no regular examination into the crime or its causes; but the ordeal of battle settles the whole matter.' _id._, p. . [ ] _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'ils (comanches) tuent tous les prisonniers adultes, et ne laissent vivre que les enfans.' _dillon_, _hist. mex._, p. . the navajos 'have in their possession many prisoners, men, women, and children, ... whom they hold and treat as slaves.' _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. . [ ] one boy from mexico taken by the comanches, said, 'dass sein geschäft in der gefangenschaft darin bestehe die pferde seines herrn zu weiden.' _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., p. . the natives of new mexico take the women prisoners 'for wives.' _marcy's rept._, p. . some prisoners liberated from the comanches, were completely covered with stripes and bruises. _dewees' texas_, p. . miss olive oatman detained among the mohaves says: 'they invented modes and seemed to create necessities of labor that they might gratify themselves by taxing us to the utmost, and even took unwarranted delight in whipping us on beyond our strength. and all their requests and exactions were couched in the most insulting and taunting language and manner, as it then seemed, and as they had the frankness soon to confess, to fume their hate against the race to whom we belonged. often under the frown and lash were we compelled to labor for whole days upon an allowance amply sufficient to starve a common dandy civilized idler.' _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, pp. - , . [ ] 'it appeared that the poor girl had been stolen, as the indian (axua) said, from the yuma tribe the day before, and he now offered her for sale.' _hardy's trav._, p. . 'the practice of parents selling their children is another proof of poverty' of the axuans. _id._, p. . [ ] 'according to their (tontos') physiology the female, especially the young female, should be allowed meat only when necessary to prevent starvation.' _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. . the comanches 'enter the marriage state at a very early age frequently before the age of puberty.' _neighbors_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. . whenever a jicarilla female arrives at a marriageable age, in honor of the 'event the parents will sacrifice all the property they possess, the ceremony being protracted from five to ten days with every demonstration of hilarity.' _steck_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. - . among the yumas, the applicant for womanhood is placed in an oven or closely covered hut, in which she is steamed for three days, alternating the treatment with plunges into the near river, and maintaining a fast all the time.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., pp. - . the apaches celebrate a feast with singing, dancing, and mimic display when a girl arrives at the marriageable state, during which time the girl remains 'isolated in a huge lodge' and 'listens patiently to the responsibilities of her marriageable condition,' recounted to her by the old men and chiefs. 'after it is finished she is divested of her eyebrows.... a month afterward the eye lashes are pulled out.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. , - . [ ] there is no marriage ceremony among the navajoes 'a young man wishing a woman for his wife ascertains who her father is; he goes and states the cause of his visit and offers from one to fifteen horses for the daughter. the consent of the father is absolute, and the one so purchased assents or is taken away by force. all the marriageable women or squaws in a family can be taken in a similar manner by the same individual; i. e., he can purchase wives as long as his property holds out.' _bristol_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. ; _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, p. . [ ] among the apaches, the lover 'stakes his horse in front of her roost.... should the girl favor the suitor, his horse is taken by her, led to water, fed, and secured in front of his lodge.... four days comprise the term allowed her for an answer.... a ready acceptance is apt to be criticised with some severity, while a tardy one is regarded as the extreme of coquetry.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. - ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _marcy's army life_, pp. , . the apache 'who can support or keep, or attract by his power to keep, the greatest number of women, is the man who is deemed entitled to the greatest amount of honor and respect.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. , . un comanche, 'peut épouser autant de femmes qu'il veut, à la seule condition de donner à chacune un cheval.' _domenech_, _jour._, p. . among the navajoes, 'the wife last chosen is always mistress of her predecessors.' _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. they seldom, if ever, marry out of the tribe. _ward_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . 'in general, when an indian wishes to have many wives he chooses above all others, if he can, sisters, because he thinks he can thus secure more domestic peace.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'i think that few, if any, have more than one wife,' of the mojaves. _ives' colorado riv._, p. . [ ] 'the navajo marriage-ceremony consists simply of a feast upon horse-flesh.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. . when the navajos desire to marry, 'they sit down on opposite sides of a basket, made to hold water, filled with atole or some other food, and partake of it. this simple proceeding makes them husband and wife.' _davis' el gringo_, p. . [ ] the comanche women 'are drudges.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _dufey_, _résumé de l'hist._, tom. i., p. ; _neighbors_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _escudero_, _noticias de chihuahua_, p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . labor is considered degrading by the comanches. _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. . the apache men 'no cuidan de otras cosas, sino de cazar y divertirse.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _marcy's army life_, pp. , , . 'la femme (du comanche) son esclave absolue, doit tout faire pour lui. souvent il n'apporte pas même le gibier qu'il a tué, mais il envoie sa femme le chercher au loin.' _dubuis_, in _domenech_, _jour._, p. . the navajos 'treat their women with great attention, consider them equals, and relieve them from the drudgery of menial work.' _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. . the navajo women 'are the real owners of all the sheep.... they admit women into their councils, who sometimes control their deliberations; and they also eat with them.' _davis' el gringo_, p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. ., in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'de aquí proviene que sean árbitros de sus mugeres, dandoles un trato servilísimo, y algunas veces les quitan hasta la vida por celos.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . 'les comanches, obligent le prisonnier blanc, dont ils ont admiré le valeur dans le combat, á s'unir aux leurs pour perpétuer sa race.' _fossey_, _mexique_, p. . [ ] among the apaches, 'muchas veces suele disolverse el contrato por unánime consentimiento de los desposados, y volviendo la mujer á su padre, entrega este lo que recibió por ella.' _cordero_. in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . when the navajo women abandon the husband, the latter 'asks to wipe out the disgrace by killing some one.' _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . [ ] navajo women, 'when in parturition, stand upon their feet, holding to a rope suspended overhead, or upon the knees, the body being erect.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'previous to a birth, the (yuma) mother leaves her village for some short distance and lives by herself until a month after the child is born; the band to which she belongs then assemble and select a name for the little one, which is given with some trivial ceremony.' _emory's rept._, vol. i., p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. . 'si el parto es en marcha, se hacen á un lado del camino debajo de un árbol, en donde salen del lance con la mayor facilidad y sin apuro ninguno, continuando la marcha con la criatura y algun otro de sus chiquillos, dentro de una especie de red, que á la manera de una canasta cargan en los hombros, pendiente de la frente con una tira de cuero ó de vaqueta que la contiene, en donde llevan ademas alunos trastos ó cosas que comer.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; _fossey_, _mexique_, p. . 'luego que sale á luz esta, sale la vieja de aquel lugar con la mano puesta en los ojos, y no se descubre hasta que no haya dado una vuelta fuera de la casa, y el objeto que primero se le presenta á la vista, es el nombre que se le pone á la criatura.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . [ ] _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. ; _ives' colorado river_, pp. , ; _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'quand les indiennes (comanches) voyagent avec leurs enfants en bas âge, elles les suspendent à la selle avec des courroies qu'elles leur passent entre les jambes et sous les bras. les soubresauts du cheval, les branches, les broussailles heurtent ces pauvres petits, les déchirent, les meurtrissent: peu importe, c'est une façon de les aguerrir.' _domenech_, _journ._, p. ; _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . 'a la edad de siete años de los apaches, ó antes, lo primero que hacen los padres, es poner á sus hijos el carcax en la mano enseñándoles á tirar bien, cuya táctica empiezan á aprender en la caza.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . the apaches, 'juventutem sedulo instituunt castigant quod aliis barbaris insolitum.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . male children of the comanches 'are even privileged to rebel against their parents, who are not entitled to chastise them but by consent of the tribe.' _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. - . in fact a navajo indian has said, 'that he was afraid to correct his own boy, lest the child should wait for a convenient opportunity, and shoot him with an arrow.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. . [ ] 'the navajo women are very loose, and do not look upon fornication as a crime.' _guyther_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'prostitution is the rule among the (yuma) women, not the exception.' _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. . 'prostitution prevails to a great extent among the navajoes, the maricopas, and the yuma indians; and its attendant diseases, as before stated, have more or less tainted the blood of the adults; and by inheritance of the children.' _carleton_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . among the navajoes, 'the most unfortunate thing which can befall a captive woman is to be claimed by two persons. in this case, she is either shot or delivered up for indiscriminate violence.' _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . the colorado river indians 'barter and sell their women into prostitution, with hardly an exception.' _safford_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'the comanche women are, as in many other wild tribes, the slaves of their lords, and it is a common practice for their husbands to lend or sell them to a visitor for one, two, or three days at a time.' _marcy's rept._, p. ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. . 'las faltas conyugales no se castigan por la primera vez; pero á la segunda el marido corta la punta de la nariz á su infiel esposa, y la despide de su lado.' _revista científica_, vol. i., p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . 'the squaw who has been mutilated for such a cause, is _ipso facto_ divorced, and, it is said, for ever precluded from marrying again. the consequence is, that she becomes a confirmed harlot in the tribe.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., pp. , - , . 'el culpable, segun dicen, jamas es castigado por el marido con la muerte; solamente se abroga el derecho de darle algunos golpes y cogerse sus mulas ó caballos.' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. . 'these yung men may not haue carnall copulation with any woman: but all the yung men of the countrey which are to marrie, may company with them.... i saw likewise certaine women which liued dishonestly among men.' _alarchon_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'they tolde mey that ... such as remayned widowes, stayed halfe a yeere, or a whole yeere before they married.' _alarchon_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. ; _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. . [ ] 'en las referidas reuniones los bailes son sus diversiones favoritas. los hacen de noche al son de una olla cubierta la boca con una piel tirante, que suenan con un palo, en cuya estremidad lian un boton de trapos. se interpolan ambos secsos, saltan todos a un mismo tiempo, dando alaridos y haciendo miles de ademanes, en que mueven todos los miembros del cuerpo con una destreza extraordinaria, arremedando al coyote y al venado. desta manera forman diferentes grupos simétricamente.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'este lo forma una junta de truhanes vestidos de ridiculo y autorizados por los viejos del pueblo para cometer los mayores desórdenes, y gusten tanto de estos hechos, que ni los maridos reparan las infamias que cometen con sus mugeres, ni las que resultan en perjuicio de las hijas.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . 'the females (of the apaches) do the principal part of the dancing.' _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'among the abenakis, chactas, comanches, and other indian tribes, the women dance the same dances, but after the men, and far out of their sight ... they are seldom admitted to share any amusement, their lot being to work.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , . 'de éstos vinieron cinco danzas, cada una compuesta de treinta indias; de éstas, veintiseis como de à años, y las cuatro restantes de mas edad, que eran las que cuidaban y dirigian à las jóvenes.' _museo mex._, tom. i., p. . 'the dance (of the tontos) is similar to that of the california indians; a stamp around, with clapping of hands and slapping of thighs in time to a drawl of monotones.' _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. . the yumas 'sing some few monotonous songs, and the beaux captivate the hearts of their lady-loves by playing on a flute made of cane.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. iii. 'no tienen mas orquesta que sus voces y una olla ó casco de calabazo à que se amarra una piel tirante y se toca con un palo.' _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, pp. - ; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., pp. , . [ ] _stanley's portraits_, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. . 'y el vicio que tienen estos indios, es jugar en las estufas las mantas, y otras preseas con vnas cañuelas, que hechan en alto (el qual juego vsaban estos indios mexicanos) y al que no tiene mas que vna manta, y la pierde, se la buelven; con condicion, que ha de andar desnudo por todo el pueblo, pintado, y embijado todo el cuerpo, y los muchachos dandole grita.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'the players generally take each about ten arrows, which they hold with their bows in the left hand; he whose turn it is advances in front of the judges, and lances his first arrow upwards as high as possible, for he must send off all the others before it comes down. the victory belongs to him who has most arrows in the air together, and he who can make them all fly at once is a hero.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'the indians amuse themselves shooting at the fruit (pitaya), and when one misses his aim and leaves his arrow sticking in the top of the cactus, it is a source of much laughter to his comrades.' _browne's apache country_, p. ; _armin_, _das heutige mexiko_, p. . the hoop and pole game of the mojaves is thus played. 'the hoop is six inches in diameter, and made of elastic cord; the poles are straight, and about fifteen feet in length. rolling the hoop from one end of the course toward the other, two of the players chase it half-way, and at the same time throw their poles. he who succeeds in piercing the hoop wins the game.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. iii.; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. , ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'tienen unas pelotas de materia negra como pez, embutidas en ella varias conchuelas pequeñas del mar, con que juegan y apuestan arrojándola con el pié.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. ; _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., vol. iv., p. . [ ] 'los salvages recogen sus hojas generalmente en el otoño, las que entónces están rojas y muy oxidadas: para hacer su provision, la secan al fuego ó al sol, y para fumarlas, las mezclan con tabaco.' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. . the comanches smoke tobacco, 'mixed with the dried leaves of the sumach, inhaling the smoke into their lungs, and giving it out through their nostrils.' _marcy's army life_, pp. , ; _alarchon_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. . the comanches 'avoid the use of ardent spirits, which they call "fool's water."' _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., p. . _dubuis_, in _domenech_, _jour._, p. . 'in order to make an intoxicating beverage of the mescal, the roasted root is macerated in a proportionable quantity of water, which is allowed to stand several days, when it ferments rapidly. the liquor is boiled down and produces a strongly intoxicating fluid.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'when its stem (of the maguey) is tapped there flows from it a juice which, on being fermented, produces the pulque.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. . the apaches out of corn make an intoxicating drink which they called "teeswin," made by boiling the corn and fermenting it. _murphy_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. ; _hardy's trav._, pp. , . [ ] _jones_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _domenech_, _jour._, p. ; _turner_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. , p. ; _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, , tom. i., p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _shepard's land of the aztecs_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. - ; _emory's reconnoissance_, p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. . the apache women, 'son tan buenas ginetas, que brincan en un potro, y sin mas riendas que un cabrestillo, saben arrendarlo.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. ; _figuier's hum. race_, p. . 'a short hair halter was passed around under the neck of the horse, and both ends tightly braided into the mane, on the withers, leaving a loop to hang under the neck, and against the breast, which, being caught up in the hand, makes a sling into which the elbow falls, taking the weight of the body on the middle of the upper arm. into this loop the rider drops suddenly and fearlessly, leaving his heel to hang over the back of the horse, to steady him, and also to restore him when he wishes to regain his upright position on the horse's back.' _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _davis' el gringo_, p. . les comanches 'regardent comme un déshonneur d'aller à pied.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. . the comanches, for hardening the hoofs of horses and mules, have a custom of making a fire of the wild rosemary--artemisia--and exposing their hoofs to the vapor and smoke by leading them slowly through it. _parker's notes on tex._, p. . [ ] _marcy's army life_, p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _cordoue_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. . 'les teyas et querechos ont de grands troupeaux de chiens qui portent leur bagage; ils l'attachent sur le dos de ces animaux au moyen d'une sangle et d'un petit bât. quand la charge se dérange les chiens se mettent à hurler, pour avertir leur maître de l'arranger.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , , . 'on the top of the bank we struck a camanche trail, very broad, and made by the lodge poles, which they transport from place to place ... by fastening them on each side of their pack horses, leaving the long ends trailing upon the ground.' _parker's notes on tex._, p. . 'si carecen de cabalgaduras, cargan los muebles las mujeres igualmente que sus criaturas.' _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. . [ ] _neighbors_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, p. ; _marcy's army life_, pp. , , ; _marcy's rept._, p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., pp. , ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, pp. , ; _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . when the yampais 'wish to parley they raise a firebrand in the air as a sign of friendship.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'these messengers (of the mohaves) were their news-carriers and sentinels. frequently two criers were employed (sometimes more) one from each tribe. these would have their meeting stations. at these stations these criers would meet with promptness, and by word of mouth, each would deposit his store of news with his fellow expressman, and then each would return to his own tribe with the news.' _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, pp. , . 'el modo de darse sus avisos para reunirse en casos de urgencia de ser perseguidos, es por medio de sus telégrafos de humos que forman en los cerros mas elevados formando hogueras de los palos mas humientos que ellos conocen muy bien.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'para no detenerse en hacer los humos, llevan los mas de los hombres y mujeres, los instrumentos necessarios para sacar lumbre; prefieren la piedra, el eslabon, y la yesca; pero si no tienen estos útiles, suplen su falta con palos preparados al efecto bien secos, que frotados se inflaman.' _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., p. . [ ] _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, p. . 'su frazada en tiempo de frio es un tizon encendido que aplicándolo á la boca del estómago caminan por los mañanas, y calentando ya el sol como a las ocho tiran los tizones, que por muchos que hayan tirado por los caminos, pueden ser guias de los caminantes.' _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., vol. iv., p. . [ ] the comanches 'have yearly gatherings to light the sacred fires; they build numerous huts, and sit huddled about them, taking medicine for purification, and fasting for seven days. those who can endure to keep the fast unbroken become sacred in the eyes of the others.' _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. . if a yuma kills one of his own tribe he keeps 'a fast for one moon; on such occasions he eats no meat--only vegetables--drinks only water, knows no woman, and bathes frequently during the day to purify the flesh.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . 'it was their (mojaves,) custom never to eat salted meat for the next moon after the coming of a captive among them.' _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _domenech_, _jour._, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. - . [ ] 'entre cuyas tribus hay algunas que se comen á sus enemigos.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . 'los chirumas, que me parecen ser los yumas, no se que coman carne humana como dijo el indio cosnina.' _garces_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. . 'among the spoil which we took from these camanches, we found large portions of human flesh evidently prepared for cooking.' _dewees' texas_, p. - . certain europeans have represented the comanches 'as a race of cannibals; but according to the spaniards ... they are merely a cruel, dastardly race of savages.' _pagés' travels_, vol. i., p. . [ ] _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _davis' el gringo_, p. . [ ] _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'gonorrhoea and syphilis are not at all rare' among the navajos. _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. . [ ] _hardy's trav._, p. - . 'los comanches la llaman puip; y cuando uno de entre ellos está herido, mascan la raiz (que es muy larga) y esprimen el yugo y la saliva en la llaga.' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. ; _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. ; _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _id._, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _neighbors_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, p. . the apaches: 'cuando se enferma alguno á quien no han podido hacer efecto favorable la aplicacion de las yerbas, único antidoto con que se curan, lo abandonan, sin mas diligencia ulterior que ponerle un monton de brasas á la cabecera y una poca de agua, sin saberse hasta hoy qué significa ésto ó con qué fin la hacen.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . [ ] _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _domenech_, _jour._, pp. , ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _parker's notes on tex._, p. - . among the comanches during the steam bath, 'the shamans, or medicine-men, who profess to have the power of communicating with the unseen world, and of propitiating the malevolence of evil spirits, are performing various incantations, accompanied by music on the outside.' _marcy's army life_, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. ; _bristol_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . 'de aquí ha sucedido que algunos indios naturalmente astutos, se han convertido en adivinos, que han llegado á sostener como á sus oràculos. estos mismos adivinos hacen de médicos, que por darse importancía á la aplicacion de ciertas yerbas, agregan porcion de ceremonias supersticiosas y ridiculas, con cánticos estraños, en que hablan á sus enfermos miles de embustes y patrañas.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . [ ] at the colorado river they 'burned those which dyed.' _alarchon_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. - . 'it is the custom of the mojaves to burn their property when a relation dies to whose memory they wish to pay especial honor.' _ives' colorado riv._, p. . 'die comanches tödteten früher das lieblingsweib des gestorbenen häuptlings.' _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. . 'no navajo will ever occupy a lodge in which a person has died. the lodge is burned.' _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'when a death occurs they (yumas) move their villages, although sometimes only a short distance, but never occupying exactly the same locality.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'when a comanche dies ... he is usually wrapped in his best blankets or robes, and interred with most of his "jewelry," and other articles of esteem.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. ii., pp. , . 'cuando muere algun indio, ... juntando sus deudos todas las alhajas de su peculio, se las ponen y de esta manera lo envuelven en una piel de cíbolo y lo llevan á enterrar.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _kennedy's texas_, vol. i., p. ; _wislizenus' tour_, p. . the comanches cover their tombs 'with grass and plants to keep them concealed.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _id._, _jour._, p. . the apaches: 'probably they bury their dead in caves; no graves are ever found that i ever heard of.' _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . see also _james' exped._, vol. ii., p. . 'on the highest point of the hill, was a comanche grave, marked by a pile of stones and some remnants of scanty clothing.' _parker's notes on tex._, pp. , . the custom of the mescalero apaches 'heretofore has been to leave their dead unburied in some secluded spot.' _curtis_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. . [ ] among the navajos 'immediately after a death occurs a vessel containing water is placed near the dwelling of the deceased, where it remains over night; in the morning two naked indians come to get the body for burial, with their hair falling over and upon their face and shoulders. when the ceremony is completed they retire to the water, wash, dress, do up their hair, and go about their usual avocations.' _bristol_, in _ind. aff. rept. spec. com._, , p. . the navajos 'all walked in solemn procession round it (the grave) singing their funeral songs. as they left it, every one left a present on the grave; some an arrow, others meat, moccasins, tobacco, war-feathers, and the like, all articles of value to them.' _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _revista científica_, tom. i., p. . 'a los niños y niñas de pecho les llevan en una jicara la leche ordenada de sus pechos las mismas madres, y se las echan en la sepultura; y esto lo hacen por algunos dias continuos.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _neighbors_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., p. ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. ; _marcy's army life_, p. . 'when a young warrior dies, they mourn a long time, but when an old person dies, they mourn but little, saying that they cannot live forever, and it was time they should go.' _parker's notes on tex._, pp. , . [ ] _davis' el gringo_, pp. - ; _cremony's apaches_, pp. , . [ ] 'the quality of mercy is unknown among the apaches.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. - , , - , - . 'perfectly lawless, savage, and brave.' _marcy's rept._, p. . 'for the sake of the booty, also take life.' _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'inclined to intemperance in strong drinks.' _henry_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. v., p. . 'ferocísimos de condicion, de naturaleza sangrientos.' _almanza_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'sumamente vengativo.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . 'alevoso y vengativo caracte ... rastutos ladrones, y sanguinarios.' _bustamante_, in _cavo_, _tres siglos_, tom. iii., p. . 'i have not seen a more intelligent, cheerful, and grateful tribe of indians than the roving apaches.' _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , , ; _garcía conde_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. v., pp. - , ; _doc. hist. n. vizcaya, ms._, p. ; _cordero_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., pp. , - ; _smart_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _apostólicos afanes_, p. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _turner_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxv., pp. , ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., pp. , , ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. i., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , ; _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. i., p. ; _mowry's arizona_, pp. - ; _pope_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. ii., p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., pp. , ; _hist. chrétienne de la cal._, p. ; _edward's hist. tex._, p. ; _peters' life of carson_, p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _pike's explor. trav._, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., pp. - ; _figuier's hum. race_, pp. , ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., pp. - , and _cent. amer._, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; see further, _ind. aff. repts._, from to ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, pp. , . [ ] the navajos: 'hospitality exists among these indians to a great extent.... nor are these people cruel.... they are treacherous.' _letherman_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. , . 'brave, hardy, industrious.' _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . 'tricky and unreliable.' _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. . the mojaves: 'they are lazy, cruel, selfish; ... there is one good quality in them, the exactitude with which they fulfil an agreement.' _ives' colorado riv._, pp. , - ; _backus_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . [ ] _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. . 'estos indios se aventajan en muchas circunstancias á los yumas y demas naciones del rio colorado; son menos molestos y nada ladrones.' _garces_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. ; also in _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'grave and dignified ... implacable and unrelenting ... hospitable, and kind ... affectionate to each other ... jealous of their own freedom.' _marcy's army life_, pp. , - , , - , , . 'alta estima hacen del valor estas razas nomadas.' _museo mex._, tom. ii., p. . 'loin d'être cruels, ils-sont très-doux et très-fidèles dans leurs amitiés.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, serie i., tom. ix., p. ; _payno_, in _revista científica_, tom. i., p. ; _escudero_, _noticias de chihuahua_, pp. - ; _domenech_, _jour._, pp. , , ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, tom. v., no. , p. ; _neighbors_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., pp. , ; vol. ii., pp. , ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. ; _shepard's land of the aztecs_, p. ; _pagés' travels_, vol. i., p. ; _calderon de la barca's life in mex._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'tiguex est situé vers le nord, à environ quarante lieues,' from cíbola. _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . 'la province de cibola contient sept villages; le plus grand se nomme muzaque.' _id._, p. . of two provinces north of tiguex, 'l'une se nommait hemes, et renfermait sept villages; l'autre yuque-yunque.' _id._, p. . 'plus au nord (of tiguex) est la province de quirix ... et celle de tutahaco.' _id._, p. . from cicuyé to quivira, 'on compte sept autres villages.' _id._, p. . 'il existe aussi, d'après le rapport ... un autre royaume très-vaste, nommé villes, et la capitale. acus sans aspiration est un royaume.' _niza_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . 'the kingdome of totonteac so much extolled by the father prouinciall, ... the indians say is a hotte lake, about which are five or sixe houses; and that there were certaine other, but that they are ruinated by warre. the kingdome of marata is not to be found, neither haue the indians any knowledge thereof. the kingdome of acus is one onely small citie, where they gather cotton which is called acucu, and i say that this is a towne. for acus with an aspiration nor without, is no word of they countrey. and because i gesse that they would deriue acucu of acus, i say that it is this towne whereinto the kingdom of acus is conuerted.' _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _espeio_, in _id._, pp. - ; _mendoza_, _lettre_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _escalante_, in _id._, pp. - ; _pike's explor. trav._, pp. - ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. - ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. . [ ] _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, pp. - , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, pp. - ; _hezio_, _noticia de las misiones_, in _meline's two thousand miles_, pp. - ; _chacon_, in _id._, pp. - ; _alencaster_, in _id._, p. ; _davis' el gringo_, p. ; _calhoun_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii. 'los nombres de los pueblos del moqui son, segun lengua de los yavipais, sesepaulabá, masagneve, janogualpa, muqui, concabe y muca á quien los zuñís llaman oraive, que es en el que estuve.' _garces_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. ; _ruxton's adven. mex._, p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. . [ ] affirmations are abundant enough, but they have no foundation whatever in fact, and many are absurd on their face. 'nous affirmons que les indiens pueblos et les anciens mexicains sont issus d'une seule et même souche.' _ruxton_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxvi., p. . 'these indians claim, and are generally supposed, to have descended from the ancient aztec race.' _merriwether_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'they are the descendants of the ancient rulers of the country.' _davis' el gringo_, p. . 'they are the remains of a once powerful people.' _walker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _colyer_, in _id._, , p. . 'they (moquis) are supposed by some to be descended from the band of welsh, which prince madoc took with him on a voyage of discovery, in the twelfth century; and it is said that they weave peculiarly and in the same manner as the people of wales.' _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'il est assez singulier que les moquis soient désignés par les trappers et les chasseurs américains, qui pènètrent dans leur pays ... sous le nom d'indiens welches.' _ruxton_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxvi., p. . 'moques, supposed to be vestiges of aztecs.' _amer. quart. register_, vol. i., p. ; _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . [ ] 'les hommes sont petits.' _mendoza_, _lettre_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . the moquis are 'of medium size and indifferently proportioned, their features strongly marked and homely, with an expression generally bright and good-natured.' _ives' colorado riv._, pp. - , - . the keres 'sind hohen wuchses.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. - ; _ruxton_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxvi., pp. - ; _pike's explor. trav._, p. . [ ] 'the people are somewhat white.' _niza_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. . 'much fairer in complexion than other tribes.' _ruxton's adven. mex._, p. ; _kendall's nar._, vol. i., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _prichard's researches_, vol. v., pp. , ; _walker_, in _s. f. herald_, _oct. , _; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'prettiest squaws i have yet seen.' _marcy's army life_, p. . good looking and symmetrical. _davis' el gringo_, pp. - . [ ] _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . 'many of the inhabitants have white skin, fair hair, and blue eyes.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., p. ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. . [ ] 'a robust and well-formed race.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. , . 'well built, generally tall and bony.' _walker's pimas, ms._ the maricopas 'sont de stature plus haute et plus athlétique que les pijmos.' _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. ; see also _emory_, in _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, pp. , ; _id._, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. ii., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. ; _emory's reconnoissance_, p. ; _bigler's early days in utah and nevada, ms._; _johnson's hist. arizona_, p. ; _brackett_, in _western monthly_, p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _san francisco bulletin_, _july, _. [ ] 'las mujeres hermosas.' _mange_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. , . 'rather too much inclined to embonpoint.' _ives' colorado riv._, pp. , , ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'ambos secsos ... no mal parecidos y muy melenudos.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. , . 'trigueños de color.' _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'die masse, dicke und länge ihres haupthaares grenzt an das unglaubliche.' _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, p. ; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, pp. - , ; _stratton's capt. oatman girls_, p. . [ ] 'heads are uncovered.' _ruxton's adven. mex._, p. . 'los hombres visten, y calçan de cuero, y las mugeres, que se precian de largos cabellos, cubren sus cabeças y verguenças con lo mesmo.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . 'de kleeding bestond uit kotoene mantels, huiden tot broeken, genaeyt, schoenen en laerzen van goed leder.' _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , - . the women 'having the calves of their legs wrapped or stuffed in such a manner as to give them a swelled appearance.' _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, pp. , ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, pp. - , , , - ; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. , ; _espejo_, in _id._, pp. - ; _niza_, in _id._, pp. , ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, pp. , , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., pp. , , vol. ii., pp. , ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _wizlizenus' tour_, p. ; _larenaudière_, _mex. et gaut._, p. ; _warden_, _recherches_, p. ; _marcy's army life_, pp. - , - ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. - , , , , ; _jaramillo_, in _id._, pp. - ; _ives' colorado riv._, pp. - ; _ruxton_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxvi., p. ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _abert_, in _emory's reconnoissance_, p. ; _mayer's mex., aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , ; _kendall's nar._, vol. i., p. ; _revilla-gigedo_, _carta, ms._; _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iv., p. ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., pp. , - ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., pp. , . [ ] both sexes go bareheaded. 'the hair is worn long, and is done up in a great queue that falls down behind.' _davis' el gringo_, pp. , - , . the women 'trençan los cabellos, y rodeanse los à la cabeça, por sobre las orejas.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . 'llevan las viejas el pelo hecho dos trenzas y las mozas un moño sobre cada oreja.' _garces_, _diario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., pp. - ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . [ ] 'van vestidos estos indios con frazadas de algodon, que ellos fabrican, y otras de lana.' _garces_, _diario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. . their dress is cotton of domestic manufacture. _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . 'kunstreich dagegen sind die bunten gürtel gewebt, mit denen die mädchen ein stück zeug als rock um die hüften binden.' _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., pp. , ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. - , ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, pp. , ; _mowry's arizona_, p. ; _mange_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. - ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; _briefe aus den verein. staat._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'men never cut their hair.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . they plait and wind it round their heads in many ways; one of the most general forms a turban which they smear with wet earth. _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, p. ; _emory_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. ii., p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, pp. , , ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'all of them paint, using no particular design; the men mostly with dark colors, the women, red and yellow.' _walker's pimas, ms._; _johnson's hist. arizona_, p. . 'the women when they arrive at maturity, ... draw two lines with some blue-colored dye from each corner of the mouth to the chin.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'adornanse con gargantillas de caracolillos del mar, entreverados de otras cuentas de concha colorada redonda.' _mange_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. . 'they had many ornaments of sea shells.' _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . 'some have long strings of sea-shells.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. - . 'rarely use ornaments.' _walker's pimas, ms._; _murr_, _nachrichten_, pp. - ; _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . [ ] _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. , p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. . the maricopas 'occupy thatched cottages, thirty or forty feet in diameter, made of the twigs of cotton-wood trees, interwoven with the straw of wheat, corn-stalks, and cane.' _emory's reconnoissance_, p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. ; _mange_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. , - . 'leurs (pápagos) maisons sont de formes coniques et construites en jonc et en bois.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _walker's pimas, ms._; _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., p. ; _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. , . 'andere, besonders die dummen papagos, machten löcher und schliefen des nachts hierinnen; ja im winter machten sie in ihren dachslöchern zuvor feuer, und hitzten dieselben.' _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. . 'their summer shelters are of a much more temporary nature, being constructed after the manner of a common arbor, covered with willow rods, to obstruct the rays of the vertical sun.' _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. . in front of the pimo house is usually 'a large arbor, on top of which is piled the cotton in the pod, for drying.' _emory_, in _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, p. . the pápagos' huts were 'fermées par des peaux de buffles.' _ferry_, _scènes de la vie sauvage_, p. . granary built like the mexican _jakals_. they are better structures than their dwellings, more open, in order to give a free circulation of air through the grain deposited in them. _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., p. ; _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, pp. , , , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. ii.; _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. ; _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. , - . 'ellas son las que hacen, y edifican las casas, assi de piedra, como de adove, y tierra amasada; y con no tener la pared mas de vn pie de ancho, suben las casas dos, y tres, y quatro, y cinco sobrados, ó altos; y á cada alto, corresponde vn corredor por de fuera; si sobre esta altura hechan mas altos, ó sobrados (porque ay casas que llegan á siete) son los demás, no de barro, sino de madera.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . for further particulars, see _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , , , , , , , , , , ; _niza_, in _id._, pp. , , , ; _diaz_, in _id._, pp. , ; _jaramillo_, in _id._, pp. , _cordoue_, in _id._, tom. x., pp. - ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, pp. , , ; _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _ten broeck_, in _id._, vol. iv., pp. , , and plates, pp. , ; _warden_, _recherches_, p. ; _ruxton's adven. mex._, p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _mayer's mex., aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., pp. , ; _hughes' doniphan's ex._, p. ; _garces_, _diario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, pp. , , ; _marcy's army life_, pp. , , , ; _ruxton_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxvi., pp. , , , ; _gallatin_, in _id._, , tom. cxxxi., pp. , , , , , , ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. , , - ; _coronado_, in _id._, vol. iii., pp. , ; _niza_, in _id._, vol. iii., pp. , ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. ; _id._, _tagebuch_, pp. - , ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , , . the town of cíbola 'domos è lapidibus et caemento affabre constructas et conjunctim dispositas esse, superliminaria portarum cyaneis gemmis, (turcoides vocant) ornata.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, pp. , - ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. . 'the houses are well distributed and very neat. one room is designed for the kitchen, and another to grind the grain. this last is apart, and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry.' _davis' el gringo_, pp. - , , , , , , ; _castaño de sosa_, in _pacheco_, _col. doc. inéd._, tom. iv., pp. - ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. . [ ] in the province of tucayan, 'domiciliis inter se junctis et affabre constructis, in quibus et tepidaria quae vulgo stuvas appellamus, sub terra constructa adversus hyemis vehementiam.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'in the centre was a small square box of stone, in which was a fire of guava bushes, and around this a few old men were smoking.' _marcy's army life_, p. . 'estufas, que mas propiamente deberian llamar sinagogas. en estas hacen sus juntas, forman sus conciliábulos, y ensayan sus bailes á puerta cerrada.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, pp. , ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , , - , ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. - ; _niel_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . [ ] 'magna ipsis mayzü copia et leguminum.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, pp. , , - , . 'hallaron en los pueblos y casas muchos mantenimientos, y gran infinidad de gallinas de la tierra.' _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. , . 'criaban las indias muchas gallinas de la tierra.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'zy leven by mair, witte orweten, haesen, konynen en vorder wild-braed.' _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. , and _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. . compare _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. ; _marcy's army life_, pp. - , , ; _cortez_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, pp. - ; _jaramillo_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. - ; _diaz_, in _id._, pp. - ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., pp. , ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, pp. , , , ; _wislizenus' tour_, p. ; _bent_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; ruxton, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxvi., p. ; _gallatin_, in _id._, , tom. cxxxi., pp. - , , - , , ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., pp. , , ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in the felsengeb._, tom. ii., pp. , ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., pp. , - , - ; _browne's apache country_, pp. , , - , - , - ; _sedelmair_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. , ; _id._, serie iv., tom. i., p. ; _emory's reconnoissance_, p. ; _mowry's arizona_, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _hughes' doniphan's ex._, pp. , ; _eaton_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _ind. aff. repts._, from to . [ ] 'para su sustento no reusa animal, por inmundo que sea.' _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., p. . 'los pápagos se mantienen de los frutos silvestres.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. - . 'hatten grossen appetit zu pferd- und mauleselfleisch.' _murr_, _nachrichten_, pp. - , , - ; _sonora_, _descrip., geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. . [ ] the pimas 'hacen grandes siembras ... para cuyo riego tienen formadas buenas acequias.' _garces_, _diario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., pp. , . 'we were at once impressed with the beauty, order, and disposition of the arrangements for irrigating.' _emory_, in _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, pp. - . with the pueblos: 'regen-bakken vergaederden 't water: of zy leiden 't uit een rievier door graften.' _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, tom. iii., pp. - , - ; _cutts' conq. of cal._, p. . [ ] _walker's pimas, ms._; _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. . 'usan de hilo torcido unas redes y otras de varios palitos, que los tuercen y juntan por las puntas.' _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . [ ] 'hacen de la masa de ma'z por la mañana atole.... tambien hacen tamales, y tortillas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'the fruit of the petajaya ... is dried in the sun.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. , , , - . 'from the suwarrow (cereus giganteus) and pitaya they make an excellent preserve.' _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . see also _ives' colorado riv._, pp. , , , , ; _carleton_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. , ; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, tom. iii., p. ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, pp. , ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , , , - ; _davis' el gringo_, pp. , , - , - ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. - , . [ ] _ives' colorado riv._, pp. - , . 'ils vont faire leurs odeurs au loin, et rassemblent les urines dans de grands vases de terre que l'on va vider hors du village.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . [ ] 'the only defensive armor they use is a rude shield made of raw bull-hide.' _davis' el gringo_, pp. - . 'bows and arrows, and the wooden boomerang.' _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the papagos 'armes sont la massue, la lance et l'arc; ils portent aussi une cuirasse et un bouclier en peau de buffle.' _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . for further comparisons see _whipple, ewbank, and turner's rept._, p. , in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii.; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _larenaudière_, _mex. et guat._, p. ; _pike's explor. trav._, p. ; _niza_, in _hakluyt's voy._, tom. iii., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. .; _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. ; _sedelmair_, in _id._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _id._, p. ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., pp. , . [ ] bows 'of strong willow-boughs.' _walker's pimas, ms._ 'bows are six feet in length, and made of a very tough and elastic kind of wood, which the spaniards call tarnio.' _pattie's pers. nar._, pp. , . [ ] the pima 'arrows differ from those of all the apache tribes in having only two feathers.' _cremony's apaches_, p. . 'war arrows have stone points and three feathers; hunting arrows, two feathers and a wooden point.' _walker's pimas, ms._; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] the pimas: 'flechas, ennervadas con el eficaz mortífero veneno que componen de varias ponzoñas, y el zumo de la yerba llamada en pima _usap_.' _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. . 'die spitzen ihrer pfeile ... welche mit einer dunklen substanz überzogen waren. sie behaupteten, dass diese aus schlangengift bestehe, was mir indess unwahrscheinlich ist.' _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , , . [ ] 'una macana, como clava ó porra.... estas son de un palo muy duro y pesado.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'macanas, que son vnas palos de media vara de largo, y llanos todos de pedernales agudos, que bastan a partir por medio vn hombre.' _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, tom. iii., pp. , . [ ] 'de grosses pierres avaient été rassemblées au sommet, pour les rouler sur quiconque attaquerait la place.' _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. . 'they have placed around all the trails leading to the town, pits, ten feet deep.' _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . see further, _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . [ ] 'painted to the eyes, their own heads and their horses covered with all the strange equipments that the brute creation could afford.' _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . [ ] 'sometimes a fellow would stoop almost to the earth, to shoot under his horse's belly, at full speed.' _emory's reconnoissance_, p. . [ ] _walker's pimas, ms._ [ ] _cremony's apaches_, p. . [ ] _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., pp. - ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, pp. , ; _cutts' conq. of cal._, p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, serie v., no. , p. . [ ] _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. ; _cremony's apaches_, pp. - . [ ] _walker's pimas, ms._; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., pp. - . [ ] baskets and pottery 'are ornamented with geometrical figures.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. - , . 'schüsselförmige runde körbe (coritas), diese flechten sie aus einem hornförmigen, gleich einer ahle spitzigen unkraute.' _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. . the pueblos had 'de la vaiselle de terre très-belle, bien vernie et avec beaucoup d'ornements. on y vit aussi de grands jarres remplies d'un métal brillant qui servait à faire le vernis de cette faïence.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , , ; see also _niza_, in _id._, p. . 'they (pueblos) vse vessels of gold and siluer.' _niza_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, pp. , , , ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _marcy's army life_, pp. , ; _carleton_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., pp. , ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _browne's apache country_, pp. , , , . [ ] 'all the inhabitants of the citie (cíbola) lie vpon beddes raysed a good height from the ground, with quilts and canopies ouer them, which couer the sayde beds.' _niza_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _id._, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . the quires had 'umbracula (vulgo tirazoles) quibus sinenses utuntur solis, lunæ, et stellarum imaginibus eleganter picta.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. . the moquis' chief men have pipes made of smooth polished stone. _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. . [ ] _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. , , . 'sie flechten von zartgeschlitzten palmen auf damastart die schönsten ganz leichten hüthe, aus einem stücke.' _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. . the maricopa blankets will turn rain. _cremony's apaches_, pp. , . the moquis wove blankets from the wool of their sheep, and made cotton cloth from the indigenous staple. _poston_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the maricopas make a heavy cloth of wool and cotton, 'used by the women to put around their loins; and an article from to inches wide, used as a band for the head, or a girdle for the waist.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'rupicaprarum tergora eminebant (among the yumanes) tam industriè præparata ut cum belgicis certarent.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . [ ] _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., pp. , ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, pp. , , ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. , ; _eaton_, in _id._, vol. iv., p. ; _emory_, in _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, p. ; see further _ind. aff. reports_, from to ; _browne's apache country_, p. . 'these papagos regularly visit a salt lake, which lies near the coast and just across the line of sonora, from which they pack large quantities of salt, and find a ready market at tubac and tucson.' _walker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. , and , p. . 'many pimas had jars of the molasses expressed from the fruit of the cereus giganteus.' _emory_, in _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, p. . [ ] 'die vernichtung des eigenthums eines verstorbenen,--einen unglücklichen gebrauch der jeden materiellen fortschritt unmöglich macht.' _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. i., p. . 'the right of inheritance is held by the females generally, but it is often claimed by the men also.' _gorman_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'all the effects of the deceased (pima) become common property: his grain is distributed; his fields shared out to those who need land; his chickens and dogs divided up among the tribe.' _browne's apache country_, pp. , ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. ; _niza_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , , , ; _id._, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. . the zuñis 'will sell nothing for money, but dispose of their commodities entirely in barter.' _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. . the pimos 'wanted white beads for what they had to sell, and knew the value of money.' _cutts' conq. of cal._, p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. xi., pp. , . 'ils apportèrent des coquillages, des turquoises et des plumes.' _cabeza de vaca_, _relation_, in _id._, tom. vii., p. ; _diaz_, in _id._, tom. xi., p. ; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. . many of the pueblo indians are rich, 'one family being worth over one hundred thousand dollars. they have large flocks.' _colyer_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . [ ] _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. ; _davis' el gringo_, p. ; _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, tom. iii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . [ ] 'estos ahijados tienen mucho oro y lo benefician.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. i., p. . 'they vse vessels of gold and siluer, for they have no other mettal.' _niza_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. - , - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _diaz_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . [ ] pueblo government purely democratic; election held once a year. 'besides the officers elected by universal suffrage, the principal chiefs compose a "council of wise men."' _davis' el gringo_, pp. - . 'one of their regulations is to appoint a secret watch for the purpose of keeping down disorders and vices of every description.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. . see further: _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , ; _niza_, in _id._, p. ; _palmer_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xvii., p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _wislizenus' tour_, p. ; _mayer's mex., aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxi., p. ; _stanley's portraits_, p. . [ ] _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. , ; _marcy's army life_, p. . [ ] 'gobierno no tienen alguno, ni leyes, tradiciones ó costumbres con que gobernarse.' _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. . 'cada cual gobernado por un anciano, y todas por el general de la nacion.' _escudero_, _noticias de sonora y sinaloa_, p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. . compare: _grossman_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _walker's pimas, ms._ [ ] 'un homme n'épouse jamais plus d'une seule femme.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _ward_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . [ ] 'ils traitent bien leurs femmes.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . 'desde que maman los niños, los laban sus madres con nieve todo el cuerpo.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. ; _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. . [ ] 'early marriages occur ... but the relation is not binding until progeny results.' _poston_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'no girl is forced to marry against her will, however eligible her parents may consider the match.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. - ; _davis' el gringo_, p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _browne's apache country_, p. . [ ] 'si el marido y mujer se desavienen y los hijos non pequeños, se arriman á cualquiera de los dos y cada uno gana por su lado.' _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. . 'tanto los pápagos occidentales, como los citados gilas desconocen la poligamia.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . 'among the pimas loose women are tolerated.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. - ; _ruxton_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxvi., p. ; _emory's rept. u. s. and mex. boundary survey_, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'the pimas also cultivate a kind of tobacco, this, which is very light, they make up into cigaritos, never using a pipe.' _walker's pimas, ms._ the pueblos 'sometimes get intoxicated.' _walker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . the pueblos 'are generally free from drunkenness.' _davis' el gringo_, p. . _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. . [ ] _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. . 'their hair hung loose upon their shoulders, and both men and women had their hands painted with white clay, in such a way as to resemble open-work gloves. the women ... were bare-footed, with the exception of a little piece tied about the heel.... they all wore their hair combed over their faces, in a manner that rendered it utterly impossible to recognize any of them.... they keep their elbows close to their sides, and their heels pressed firmly together, and do not raise the feet, but shuffle along with a kind of rolling motion, moving their arms, from the elbows down, with time to the step. at times, each man dances around his squaw; while she turns herself about, as if her heels formed a pivot on which she moved.' _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. . the dresses of the men were similar to those worn on other festivities, 'except that they wear on their heads large pasteboard towers painted typically, and curiously decorated with feathers; and each man has his face entirely covered by a vizor made of small willows with the bark peeled off, and dyed a deep brown.' _id._, p. . 'such horrible masks i never saw before--noses six inches long, mouths from ear to ear, and great goggle eyes, as big as half a hen's egg, hanging by a string partly out of the socket.' _id._, p. . 'each pueblo generally had its particular uniform dress and its particular dance. the men of one village would sometimes disguise themselves as elks, with horns on their heads, moving on all-fours, and mimicking the animal they were attempting to personate. others would appear in the garb of a turkey, with large heavy wings.' _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., pp. , . 'festejo todo (pimas) el dia nuestra llegada con un esquisito baile en forma circular, en cuyo centro figaraba una prolongada asta donde pendian trece cabelleras, arcos, flechas y demas despojos de otros tantos enemigos apaches que habian muerto.' _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. . 'este lo forma una junta de truhanes vestidos de ridículo y autorizados por los viejos del pueblo para cometer los mayores desórdenes, y gustan tanto de estos hechos, que ni los maridos reparan las infamias que cometen con sus mugeres, ni las que resultan en perjuicio de las hijas.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., pp. - . for further particulars see _kendall's nar._, vol. i., p. ; _marcy's army life_, pp. - ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _davis' el gringo_, pp. - ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _sitgreaves' zuñi ex._, plates , , ; _whipple_, in _pac. r. r. rept._, vol. iii., p. ; _pike's explor. trav._, p. . [ ] _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _johnson's hist. arizona_, p. . 'their instruments consisted, each of half a gourd, placed before them, with the convex side up; upon this they placed, with the left hand, a smooth stick, and with their right drew forward and backwards upon it, in a sawing manner, a notched one.' _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. . 'i noticed, among other things, a reed musical instrument with a bell-shaped end like a clarionet, and a pair of painted drumsticks tipped with gaudy feathers.' _ives' colorado riv._, p. . 'les indiens (pueblos) accompagnent leurs danses et leur chants avec des flûtes, où sont marqués les endroits où il faut placer les doigts.... ils disent que ces gens se réunissent cinq ou six pour jouer de la flûte; que ces instruments sont d'inégales grandeurs.' _diaz_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. ; _castañeda_, in _id._, pp. , ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _garces_, _diario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. . 'while they are at work, a man, seated at the door, plays on a bagpipe, so that they work keeping time: they sing in three voices.' _davis' el gringo_, p. . [ ] the cocomaricopas, 'componen unas bolas redondas del tamaño de una pelota de materia negra como pez, y embutidas en ellas varias conchitas pequeñas del mar con que hacen labores y con que juegan y apuestan, tirándola con la punta del pié corren tres ó cuatro leguas y la particularidad es que el que da vuelta y llega al puesto donde comenzaron y salieron á la par ese gana.' _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'it is a favorite amusement with both men [maricopas] and boys to try their skill at hitting the pitahaya, which presents a fine object on the plain. numbers often collect for this purpose; and in crossing the great plateau, where these plants abound, it is common to see them pierced with arrows.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. ; _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'amusements of all kinds are universally resorted to [among the pueblos]; such as foot-racing, horse-racing, cock-fighting, gambling, dancing, eating, and drinking.' _ward_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. , . [ ] _walker's pimas, ms._ 'the papago of to-day will on no account kill a coyote.' _davidson_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. . 'eben so abergläubischen gebrauch hatten sie bey drohenden kieselwetter, da sie den hagel abzuwenden ein stück von einem palmteppiche an einem stecken anhefteten und gegen die wolken richteten.' _murr_, _nachrichten_, pp. , ; _arny_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , pp. , . 'a sentinel ascends every morning at sunrise to the roof of the highest house, and, with eyes directed towards the east, looks out for the arrival of the divine chieftain, who is to give the sign of deliverance.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., p. , , , , and vol. ii., p. . 'on a dit que la coutume singulière de conserver perpétuellement un feu sacré près duquel les anciens mexicains attendaient le retour du dieu quetzacoatl, existe aussi chez les pueblos.' _ruxton_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxvi., p. ; _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv.. p. ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. ; _cremony's apaches_, p. ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, p. . 'i, however, one night, at san felipe, clandestinely witnessed a portion of their secret worship. one of their secret night dances is called tocina, which is too horrible to write about.' _arny_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _ward_, in _id._, , p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, p. ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. , ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. . 'ils ont des prêtres ... ils montent sur la terrasse la plus élevée du village et font un sermon au moment où le soleil se lève.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , , . [ ] _walker's pimas, ms._; _mowry_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _ruggles_, in _id._, , p. ; _andrews_, in _id._, , p. ; _ward_, in _id._, , p. ; _davis' el gringo_, pp. , . the cause of the decrease of the pecos indians is 'owing to the fact that they seldom if ever marry outside of their respective pueblos.' _parker_, in _ind. aff. rept._, , p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. . 'au milieu [of the estufa] est un foyer allumé, sur lequel on jette de temps en temps une poignée de thym, ce qui suffit pour entretenir la chaleur, de sorte qu'on y est comme dans un bain.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . [ ] _walker's pimas, ms._ the pimas, 'usan enterrar sus varones con su arco y flechas, y algun bastimento y calabazo de agua, señal que alcanzan vislumbre de la immortalidad, aunque no con la distincion de prémio ó castigo.' _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. . 'the maricopas invariably bury their dead, and mock the ceremony of cremation.' ... 'sacrifice at the grave of a warrior all the property of which he died possessed, together with all in possession of his various relatives.' _cremony's apaches_, pp. , . 'the pimos bury their dead, while the coco-maricopas burn theirs.' _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. ii., p. . 'the females of the family [pueblo] approached in a mournful procession (while the males stood around in solemn silence), each one bearing on her head a tinaja, or water-jar, filled with water, which she emptied into the grave, and whilst doing so commenced the death-cry. they came singly and emptied their jars, and each one joined successively in the death-cry; ... they believe that on a certain day (in august, i think) the dead rise from their graves and flit about the neighboring hills, and on that day, all who have lost friends, carry out quantities of corn, bread, meat, and such other good things of this life as they can obtain, and place them in the haunts frequented by the dead, in order that the departed spirits may once more enjoy the comforts of this nether world.' _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - . if the dead pima was a chief, 'the villagers are summoned to his burial. over his grave they hold a grand festival. the women weep and the men howl, and they go into a profound mourning of tar. soon the cattle are driven up and slaughtered, and every body heavily-laden with sorrow, loads his squaw with beef, and feasts for many days.' _browne's apache country_, pp. - ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, pp. , , ; _ferry_, _scènes de la vie sauvage_, p. ; _froebel's cent. amer._, p. ; _id._, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . [ ] 'though naturally disposed to peaceful pursuits, the papagoes are not deficient in courage.' _browne's apache country_, pp. , , - , , ; _johnson's hist. arizona_, p. ; _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _escudero_, _noticias de sonora y sinaloa_, p. ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. , ; _froebel's cent. amer._, pp. , , ; _id._, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., pp. , , ; _garces_, _diario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. ; _sedelmair_, _relacion_, in _id._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _gallardo_, in _id._, p. . 'the peaceful disposition of the maricopas is not the result of incapacity for war, for they are at all times enabled to meet, and vanquish the apaches in battle.' _emory_, in _fremont and emory's notes of trav._, p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., pp. , ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. ; _hardy's trav._, pp. , ; _mange_, _itinerario_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. - ; _mowry's arizona_, p. ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, pp. , ; _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - , . 'the pueblos were industrious and unwarlike in their habits.' _marcy's army life_, pp. , . the moquis 'are a mild and peaceful race of people, almost unacquainted with the use of arms, and not given to war. they are strictly honest.... they are kind and hospitable to strangers.' _davis' el gringo_, pp. , . 'c'est une race (pueblos) remarquablement sobre et industrieuse, qui se distingue par sa moralité.' _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., pp. , , ; _ruxton_, in _id._, , tom. cxxvi., pp. , , ; _ruxton's adven. mex._, p. ; _ives' colorado riv._, pp. , , , , - ; _gregg's com. prairies_, vol. i., p. , , ; _pike's explor. trav._, p. ; _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. iv., p. ; _champagnac_, _voyageur_, p. ; _hughes' doniphan's ex._, pp. , ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _wislizenus' tour_, p. ; _pattie's pers. nar._, p. ; _ten broeck_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. , ; _eaton_, in _id._, p. ; _bent_, in _id._, vol. i., p. ; _kendall's nar._, vol. i., p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _möllhausen_, _tagebuch_, p. ; _möllhausen_, _reisen in die felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. . the pueblos 'are passionately fond of dancing, and give themselves up to this diversion with a kind of frenzy.' _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., pp. , , , , and vol. ii., pp. , - ; _cutts' conq. of cal._, pp. - , ; _simpson's jour. mil. recon._, pp. , , , ; _scenes in the rocky mts._, p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - ; _mayer's mex. as it was_, p. ; _id._, _mex., aztec etc._, vol. ii., p. . see further: _ind. aff. rept._, from to . [ ] _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _forbes' cal._, pp. - ; _mofras_, _explor._, tom. i., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _gleeson's hist. cath. church_, vol. i., pp. - ; _prichard's researches_, vol. v., p. . 'esse sono tre nella california cristiana, cioè quelle de' pericui, de' guaicuri, e de' cochimì.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. . venegas, in giving the opinion of father taravàl, says: 'tres son (dice este habil missionero) las lenguas: la cochimi, la pericù, y la de loreto. de esta ultima salen dos ramos, y son: la guaycùra, y la uchiti; verdad es, que es la variacion tanta, que el que no tuviere connocimiento de las tres lenguas, juzgara, no solo que hay quatro lenguas, sino que hay cinco.... està poblada la primera àzia el medioda, desde el cabo de san lucas, hasta mas acá del puerto de la paz de la nacion pericú, ó siguiendo la terminacion castellana de los pericúes: la segunda desde la paz, hasta mas arriba del presidio real de loreto, es de los monquis; la tercera desde el territorio de loreto, por todo lo descubierto al norte de la nacion cochimi, ó de los cochimíes.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., pp. - . 'auf der halbinsel alt-californien wohnen: an der südspitze die perícues, dann die monquis oder menguis, zu welchen die familien der guaycúras und coras gehören, die cochímas oder colímiës, die laimónes, die utschítas oder vehítis, und die icas.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. . 'all the indian tribes of the peninsula seem to be affiliated with the yumas of the colorado and with the coras below la paz ... in no case do they differ in intellect, habits, customs, dress, implements of war, or hunting, traditions, or appearances from the well-known digger indians of alta-california, and undoubtedly belong to the same race or family.' _browne's lower cal._, pp. - . [ ] 'di buona statura, ben fatti, sani, e robusti.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. - . 'el color en todos es muy moreno ... no tienen barba ni nada de vello en el cuerpo.' _californias, noticias_, carta i., pp. , , carta ii., p. . compare: _kino_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. ; _crespi_, in _id._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. ; _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. , ; _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., p. ; _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. - ; _gleeson's hist. cath. church_, p. . [ ] 'siendo de gran deshonra en los varones el vestido.' _salvatierra_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. v., p. . 'aprons are about a span wide, and of different length.' _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. - . consult further: _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., pp. - , ; _gleeson's hist. cath. church_, pp. - , - ; _forbes' cal._, pp. , ; _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. - , , ; _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. , and in _berenger_, _col. de voy._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'unos se cortan un pedazo de oreja, otros las dos; otros agugerean el labio inferior, otros las narizes, y es cosa de risa, pues allí llevan colgando ratoncillos, lagartijitas, conchitas. &c.' _californias, noticias_, carta i., pp. , . 'it has been asserted that they also pierce the nose. i can only say that i saw no one disfigured in that particular manner.' _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'nudi agunt, genas quadratis quibusdam notis signati.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . further reference: _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., pp. , ; _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. - , and in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. . [ ] _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., p. ; _campbell's hist. span. amer._, p. ; _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. , ; _californias, noticias_, carta i., p. ; _lockman's trav. jesuits_, vol. i., p. . 'le abitazioncelle più comuni sono certe chiuse circolari di sassi sciolti, ed ammucchiati, le quali hanno cinque piedi di diametro, e meno di due d'altezza.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. . 'i am certainly not much mistaken in saying that many of them change their night-quarters more than a hundred times in a year.' _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] 'twenty-four pounds of meat in twenty-four hours is not deemed an extraordinary ration for a single person.' _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. - . 'no tienen horas señaladas para saciar su apetito: comen cuanto hallan por delante; hasta las cosas mas sucias sirven á su gula.' _californias, noticias_, carta i., pp. - , ; see also: _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _salvatierra_, in _id._, serie iv., tom. v., p. ; _crespi_, in _id._, serie iv., tom. vii., pp. , , ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., pp. - ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. ; _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'la pesca si fa da loro in due maniere, o con reti nella spiaggia, o ne' gorghi rimasi della marea, o con forconi in alto mare.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. , - ; 'use neither nets nor hooks, but a kind of lance.' _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'forman los indios redes para pescar, y para otros usos.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'poichè le stesse donne si lavavano, e si lavano anche oggidì con essa (orina) la faccia.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. ; _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. , ; _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _kino_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. ; _crespi_, in _id._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. . 'si trovarono altre spezie d'armi per ferir da vicino, ma tutte di legno. la prima è un mazzapicchio, simile nella forma a una girella col suo manico tutta d'un pezzo. la seconda è a foggia d'un ascia di legnajuolo tutta anch'essa d'un sol pezzo. la terza ha la forma d'una piccola scimitara.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. , . [ ] 'el modo de publicar la guerra era, hacer con mucho estruendo gran provision de cañas, y pedernales para sus flechas, y procurar, que por varios caminos llegassen las assonadas à oídos de sus contrarios.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., pp. - . referring to venegas' work, baegert, _smithsonian rept._, , p. , says: 'all that is said in reference to the warfare of the californians is wrong. in their former wars they merely attacked the enemy unexpectedly during the night, or from an ambush, and killed as many as they could, without order, previous declaration of war, or any ceremonies whatever.' see also: _apostólicos afanes_, pp. - , and _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'in lieu of knives and scissors they use sharp flints for cutting almost everything--cane, wood, aloë, and even their hair.' _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'le loro reti, tanto quelle da pescare, quanto quelle, che servono a portare checchessia, le fanno col filo, che tirano dalle foglie del mezcal.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. . further notice in _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . [ ] vancouver, _voy._, vol. ii., p. , speaking of lower california says: 'we were visited by one of the natives in a straw canoe.' 'vedemmo che vsci vna canoua in mare con tre indiani dalle lor capanne.' _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. - , , , and in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. . see further: _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. ; _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. , and in _berenger_, _col. de voy._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'tienen trato de pescado con los indios de tierra adentro.' _salmeron_, _relaciones_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; also, _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. - . [ ] 'su modo de contar es muy diminuto y corto, pues apénas llegan á cinco, y otros á diez, y van multiplicando segun pueden.' _californias, noticias_, carta i., p. . 'non dividevano l'anno in mesi, ma solamente in sei stagioni.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia della, cal._, tom. i., pp. - . _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., p. . 'entre ellos siempre hay alguno mas desahogado y atrevido, que se reviste con el caracter de capitan: pero ni este tiene jurisdiccion alguna, ni le obedecen, y en estando algo viejo lo suelen quitar del mando: solo en los lances que les tiene cuenta siguen sus dictámenes.' _californias, noticias_, carta i., pp. , . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. - ; _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_ tom. iii., fol. ; _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., p. ; _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. - . 'sus casamientos son muy ridiculos: unos para casarse enseñan sus cuerpos á las mugeres, y estas á ellos; y adoptándose á su gusto, se casan: otros en fin, que es lo mas comun, se casan sin ceremonia.' _californias, noticias_, carta i., pp. , - . 'el adulterio era mirado como delito, que por lo menos daba justo motivo á la venganza, á excepción de dos ocasiones: una la de sus fiestas, y bayles: y otra la de las luchas.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., p. . 'les hommes s'approchaient des femmes comme des animaux, et les femmes se mettaient publiquement à quatre pattes pour les recevoir.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . this method of copulation is by no means peculiar to the lower californians, but is practiced almost universally by the wild tribes of the pacific states. writers naturally do not mention this custom, but travellers are unanimous in their verbal accounts respecting it. [ ] 'fiesta entre los indios gentiles no es mas que una concurrencia de hombres y mugeres de todas partes para desahogar los apetitos de luxuria y gula.' _californias, noticias_, carta i., pp. - . 'una de las fiestas mas celebres de los cochimies era la del dia, en que repartian las pieles à las mugeres una vez al año.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., pp. - , ; _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _salvatierra_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. v., pp. , . [ ] _californias, noticias_, carta i., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. , . 'there existed always among the californians individuals of both sexes who played the part of sorcerers or conjurers, pretending to possess the power of exorcising the devil.' _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. - . 'las carreras, luchas, peleas y otras trabajos voluntarios les ocasionan muchos dolores de pecho y otros accidentes.' _californias, noticias_, carta i., pp. - . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. - , - ; _apostólicos afanes_, pp. - ; _salvatierra_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. v., p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., pp. - . 'rogaba el enfermo, que le chupassen, y soplassen de el modo mismo, que lo hacian los curanderos. executaban todos por su orden este oficio de piedad, chupando, y soplando primero la parte lesa, y despues todos los otros organos de los sentidos.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] baegert says: 'it seems tedious to them to spend much time near an old, dying person that was long ago a burden to them and looked upon with indifference. a person of my acquaintance restored a girl to life that was already bound up in a deer-skin, according to their custom, and ready for burial.' _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . [ ] 'solevano essi onorar la memoria d'alcuni defunti ponendo sopra un' alta pertica la loro figura gossamente formata di rami, presso alla quale si metteva un guama a predicar le loro lodi.' _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. . [ ] 'la estupidèz è insensibilidad: la falta de conocimiento, y reflexion: la inconstancia, y volubilidad de una voluntad, y apetitos sin freno, sin luz, y aun sin objeto: la pereza, y horror à todo trabajo, y fatiga à la adhesion perpetua à todo linage de placer, y entretenimiento puerìl, y brutàl: la pusilanimidad, y flaqueza de animo; y finalmente, la falta miserable de todo lo que forma à los hombres esto es racionales, politicos, y utiles para sì, y para la sociedad.' _venegas_, _noticia de la cal._, tom. i., pp. - , - . 'las naciones del norte eran mas despiertas, dóciles y fieles, ménos viciosas y libres, y por tanto mejor dispuestas para recibir el cristianismo que las que habitaban al sur.' _sutil y mexicana_, _viage_, p. lxxxix. 'eran los coras y pericues, y generalmente las rancherias del sur de california, mas ladinos y capaces; pero tambien mas viciosos é inquietos que las demas naciones de la península.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. . 'ces peuples sont d'une tres-grande docilité, ils se laissent instruire.' _californie, nouvelle descente_, in _voy. de l'empereur de la chine_, p. . other allusions to their character may be found in _calderon de la barca's life in mex._, vol. i., p. ; _villa-señor y sanchez_, _theatro_, tom. ii., p. ; _baegert_, in _smithsonian rept._, , pp. - ; _crespi_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. vii., pp. , - ; _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia della cal._, tom. i., pp. - ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. . [ ] father ribas, the first priest who visited the yaquis, was surprised at the loud rough tone in which they spoke. when he remonstrated with them for doing so, their reply was, 'no vés que soy hiaqui: y dezianlo, porque essa palabra, y nombre, significa, el que habla a gritos.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. . mayos: 'their name comes from their position, and means in their own language boundary, they having been bounded on both sides by hostile tribes.' _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. . 'segun parece, la palabra _talahumali ó tarahumari_ significa, "_corredor de a pié_;" de _tala ó tara_, pié, _y huma_, correr'. _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . 'la palabra _tepehuan_ creen algunos que es mexicana, y corrupcion de _tepehuani_, conquistador; ó bien un compuesto de _tepetl_, monte, y _hua_, desinencia que en mexicano indica posesion, como si dijéramos señor ó dueño del monte. otros, acaso con mas exactitud, dicen que _tepchuan_ es voz tarahumar, derivada de _pehua_ ó pegua, que significa _duro_, lo cual conviene con el carácter de la nacion.' _id._, tom. ii., p. . 'la palabra _acaxee_ parece ser la misma que la de _acaxete_, nombre de un pueblo perteneciente al estado de _puebla_, ambos corrupcion de la palabra mexicana _acaxitl_, compuesta de _atl_ (agua,) y de _caxitl_ (cazuela ó escudilla), hoy tambien corrompida, _cajete_: el todo significa _alberca_, nombre perfectamente adecuado á la cosa, pues que alcedo, [_diccion. geográf. de américa_] dice que en _acaxete_, "hay una caja ó arca de agua de piedra de cantería, en que se recogen las que bajan de la sierra y se conducen à _tepeaca_: el nombre, pues, nos dice que si no la obra arquitectónica, á lo menos la idea y la ejecucion, vienen desde los antiguos mexicanos."' _diccionario universal de hist. geog._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'las mugeres son notables por los pechos y piés pequeños.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . 'tienen la vista muy aguda.... el oido es tambien vivissimo.' _arlegui_, _crón. de zacatecas_, pp. - . see also, _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , , , ; _zuñiga_, in _escudero_, _noticias de sonora y sinaloa_, p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , pp. , ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans._, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, pp. - ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. ; _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. ; _hardy's trav._, pp. , ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., pp. , ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., pp. - , tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _guzman_, _rel. anon._, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., fol. ; _sevin_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxx., p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, pp. - ; _ward's mexico_, vol. i., pp. , ; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. ; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'no alcanzan ropa de algodon, si no es algunas pampanillas y alguna manta muy gruesa; porque el vestido de ellos es de cuero de venados adobados, y el vestido que dellos hacen es coser un cuero con otro y ponérselos por debajo del brazo atados al hombro, y las mujeres traen sus naguas hechas con sus jirones que les llegan hasta los tobillos como faja.' _guzman_, _rel. anón._, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., pp. , , . the ceri women wear 'pieles de alcatras por lo general, ó una tosca frazada de lana envuelta en la cintura.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. , , . [ ] the temoris had 'las orejas cercadas de los zarcillos que ellos vsan, adornados de conchas de nacar labradas, y ensartadas en hilos azules, y cercan toda la oreja.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , , . near culiacan, nuño de guzman met about , warriors who 'traian al cuello sartas de codornices, pericos pequeños y otros diferentes pajaritos.' _tello_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., p. . the humes, 'coronadas sus cabezas de diademas de varias plumas de papagayos, guacamayas con algunos penachos de hoja de plata batida.' _ahumada_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. . 'los indios de este nuevo reyno son de diversas naciones que se distinguen por la diversidad de rayas en el rostro.' _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, pp. , . 'no hemos visto á ningun carrizo pintado con vermellon, tal como lo hacen otros.' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. . for further description see _hardy's trav._, pp. - , ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., p. ; _combier_, _voy._, pp. - ; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. - ; _espejo_, in _id._, pp. , - ; _cabeza de vaca_, _relation_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. vii., p. ; _castañeda_, in _id._, tom. ix., p. ; _jaramillo_, in _id._, p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. i., p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , pp. - , ; _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. ; _arnaya_, in _id._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. ; _descrip. top._, in _id._, serie iv., tom. iv., pp. - ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, pp. - ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., pp. - , ; _sevin_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxx., pp. , - ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., pp. , , and ii., pp. , ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , , ; and _dapper_, _neue welt_, pp. , - ; _cabeza de vaca_, _relation_, pp. - ; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., p. ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, pp. - ; _hazart_, _kirchen-geschichte_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'todos los pueblos de los indios cobiertas las casas de esteras, á las cuales llaman en lengua de méxico _petates_, y por esta causa le llamamos petatlan.' _guzman_, _rel. anón._, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., p. . compare _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , ; _combier_, _voy._, pp. , , , ; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _niza_, in _id._, p. ; _espejo_, in _id._, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , , - ; and _dapper_, _neue welt_, pp. , ; _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , , , , , ; _cabeza de vaca_, _relation_, pp. , ; _id._, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , , ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _azpilcueta_, in _id._, tom. ii., p. ; _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. . [ ] 'comian inmundas carnes sin reservar la humana.' _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, pp. , , , . 'ils mangent tous de la chair humaine, et vont à la chasse des hommes.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , - . see also, _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, pp. , - ; _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , , , , , , , , . [ ] poçolatl, 'beuida de mayz cozido.' pinolatl, 'beuida de mayz y chia tostado.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. the batucas 'cuanto siembran es de regadío ... sus milpas parecen todas huertas.' _azpilcueta_, in _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. , see also p. ; acaxées, mode of fishing, etc., in _id._, tom. i., pp. - , also - , , - ; tarahumaras, mode of fishing, hunting, and cooking. _murr_, _nachrichten_, pp. , , - , , . the yaquis 'fields and gardens in the highest state of cultivation.' _ward's mexico_, vol. ii., p. . for further account of their food and manner of cooking, etc., see _revista mexicana_, tom. i., pp. - ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _zepeda_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. ; _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. , - ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., pp. , ; _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._ serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - ; _jaramillo_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. ; _cabeza de vaca_, in _id._, tom. vii., pp. - , - , ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, tom. iii., p. ; _coronado_, in _id._, pp. , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _combier_, _voy._, pp. - , , , , ; _guzman_, _rel. anón._, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., p. ; _tello_, in _id._, p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, pp. , ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. - ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., pp. , ; _zuñiga_, in _id._, , tom. xciii., p. ; _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. ; _malte-brun_, _sonora_, pp. - . [ ] of the ceris it is said that 'la ponzoña con que apestan las puntas de sus flechas, es la mas activa que se ha conocido por acá ... no se ha podido averiguar cuáles sean á punto fijo los mortíferos materiales de esta pestilencial maniobra? y aunque se dicen muchas cosas, como que lo hacen de cabezas de víboras irritadas cortadas al tiempo que clavan sus dientes en un pedazo de bofes y de carne humana ya medio podrida ... pues no es mas que adivinar lo que no sabemos. sin duda su principal ingrediente será alguna raíz.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - , . 'el magot es un árbol pequeño muy losano y muy hermoso á la vista; pero á corta incision de la corteza brota una leche mortal que les servia en su gentilidad para emponzoñar sus flechas.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. . see also _hardy's trav._, pp. - , ; _stone_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. ii., p. ; _cabeza de vaca_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. vii., pp. - ; _castañeda_, in _id._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , - ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , pp. - , ; _arlegui_, _chron. de zacatecas_, p. ; _tello_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., p. ; _guzman_, _rel. anón._, in _id._, p. , ; _descrip. topog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iv., p. ; _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , , , ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, pp. , , , ; _sevin_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxx., pp. , ; _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. ; _ramirez_, in _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _combier_, _voy._, pp. , ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. , ; _niza_, in _id._, p. ; _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , ; and _dapper_, _neue welt_, pp. , ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . [ ] 'el jóven que desea valer por las armas, ántes de ser admitido en toda forma á esta profesion, debe hacer méritos en algunas campañas ... despues de probado algun tiempo en estas experiencias y tenida la aprobacion de los ancianos, citan al pretendiente para algun dia en que deba dar la última prueba de su valor.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., pp. - , - , and tom. i., pp. - . examine _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - ; _lizasoin_, in _id._, pp. - . [ ] as to the mayos, 'eran estos indios en sus costumbres y modo de guerrear como los de sinaloa, hacian la centinela cada cuarto de hora, poniendose en fila cincuenta indios, uno delante de otro, con sus arcos y flechas y con una rodilla en tierra.' _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. . see also _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , , , - ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. ; _guzman_, _rel. anón._, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _hazart_, _kirchen-geschichte_, tom. ii., p. ; _ferry_, _scènes de le vie sauvage_, p. ; _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, p. ; _coronado_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _gallatin_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxxxi., p. . [ ] see _combier_, _voy._, p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, pp. , , ; _descrip. topog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iv., p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. . [ ] 'vsauan el arte de hilar, y texer algodon, ó otras yeruas siluestres, como el cañamo de castilla, o pita.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , . for the yaquis, see _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. ; for the Ópatas and jovas, _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - ; and for the tarahumares, _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. ; _cabeza de vaca_, _relation_, pp. , ; id., in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, pp. - . [ ] 'el indio tomando el asta por medio, boga con gran destreza por uno y otro lado.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. iii., p. . 'an indian paddles himself ... by means of a long elastic pole of about twelve or fourteen feet in length.' _hardy's trav._, pp. , . see also _niza_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., pp. ; _cabeza de vaca_, _relation_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. vii., p. ; _ulloa_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . [ ] the carrizos 'no tienen caballos, pero en cambio, sus pueblos están llenos de perros.' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. . the tahus 'sacrifiaient une partie de leurs richesses, qui consistaient en étoffes et en turquoises.' _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. . compare further, _combier_, _voy._, pp. - ; _zuñiga_, in _escudero_, _noticias de sonora y sinaloa_, p. ; _mex. in _, p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, p. ; _cabeza de vaca_, _relation_, p. . [ ] 'son grandes observadores de los astros, porque como siempre duermen á cielo descubierto, y estan hechos â mirarlos, se marabillan de qualquier nueva impression, que registran en los cielos.' _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, p. . among the yaquis, 'hay asimismo músicos de violin y arpa, todo por puro ingenio, sin que se pueda decir que se les hayan enseñado las primeras reglas.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, p. . see also _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. ; _combier_, _voy._, p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. . [ ] 'leyes, ni reyes que castigassen tales vicios y pecados, no los tuuieron, ni se hallaua entre ellos genero de autoridad y gouierno politico que los castigasse.' _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. ; _combier_, _voy._, p. ; _ahumada_, _carta_, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. ; _espejo_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] the word _cacique_, which was used by the spaniards to designate the chiefs and rulers of provinces and towns throughout the west indies, central america, mexico, and peru, is originally taken from the cuban language. oviedo, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. , explains it as follows: 'cacique: señor, jefe absoluto ó rey de una comarca ó estado. en nuestros dias suele emplearse esta voz en algunas poblaciones de la parte oriental de cuba, para designar al regidor decano de un ayuntamiento. asi se dice: regidor cacique. metafóricamente tiene aplicacion en nuestra península, para designar á los que en los pueblos pequeños llevan la voz y gobiernan á su antojo y capricho.' [ ] 'juntos grandes y pequeños ponen á los mocetones y mujeres casaderas en dos hileras, y dada una seña emprenden á correr éstas; dada otra siguen la carrera aquellos, y alcanzándolas, ha de cojer cada uno la suya de la tetilla izquierda; y quedan hechos y confirmados los desposorios.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. - . 'unos se casan con una muger sola, y tienen muchas mancebas.... otras se casan con quantas mugeres quieren.... otras naciones tienen las mugeres por comunes.' _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, pp. - . for further account of their family relations and marriage customs, see _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , , , , , ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. , p. ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. , , , ; _hazart_, _kirchen-geschichte_, tom. ii., p. ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _arista_, in _id._, p. ; _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. ; _combier_, _voy._, p. ; _löwenstern_, _mexique_, p. . [ ] les yaquis 'aiment surtout une danse appelée _tutuli gamuchi_ ... dans laquelle ils changent de femmes en se cédant réciproquement tous leurs droits conjugaux.' _zuñiga_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xciii., pp. - . the sisibotaris; 'en las danzas ... fué muy de notar que aunque danzaban juntos hombres y mugeres, ni se hablaban ni se tocaban inmediatamente las manos.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. , and tom. i., pp. - . in the province of pánuco, 'cuando estan en sus borracheras é fiestas, lo que no pueden beber por la boca, se lo hacen echar por bajo con un embudo.' _guzman_, _rel. anón._, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., p. . see further, _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , , , ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, pp. , , ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, pp. , ; _castañeda_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. ; _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, pp. , ; _donnavan's adven._, pp. , ; _las casas_, _hist. indias, ms._, lib. iii., cap. ; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., p. ; _soc. géog._, _bulletin_, série v., no. . p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. ii., p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, p. ; _sevin_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxx., p. . [ ] the Ópatas have 'grande respeto y veneracion que hasta hoy tienen á los hombrecitos pequeños y contrahechos, á quienes temen y franquean su casa y comida.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. . 'angulis atque adytis angues complures reperti, peregrinum in modum conglobati, capitibus supra et infra exsertis, terribili rictu, si quis propuis accessisset, cæterum innocui; quos barbari vel maxime venerabantur, quod diabolus ipsis hac forma apparere consuesset: eosdem tamen et manibus contrectabant et nonnunquam iis vescebantur.' _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . further reference in _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _cabeza de vaca_, _relation_, p. ; _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, pp. - ; _sevin_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxx., p. . [ ] 'quando entre los indios ay algun contagio, que es el de viruelas el mas continuo, de que mueren innumerables, mudan cada dia lugares, y se van á los mas retirados montes, buscando los sitios mas espinosos y enmarañados, para que de miedo de las espinas, no entren (segun juzgan, y como cierto lo afirman) las viruelas.' _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, pp. - , . see also, _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, pp. - ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , - ; _löwenstern_, _mexique_, p. ; _hardy's trav._, p. ; _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . [ ] see _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iii., p. ; _villa_, in _prieto_, _viajes_, p. . [ ] 'las mas de las naciones referidas son totalmente barbaras, y de groseros entendimientos; gente baxa.' _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, p. . the yaquis: 'by far the most industrious and useful of all the other tribes in sonora ... celebrated for the exuberance of their wit.' _hardy's trav._, pp. , . 'los ópatas son tan honrados como valientes ... la nacion ópata es pacífica, dócil, y hasta cierto punto diferente de todas los demas indígenas del continente ... son amantes del trabajo.' _zuñiga_, in _escudero_, _noticias de sonora y sinaloa_, pp. - . 'la tribu ópata fué la que manifestó un carácter franco, dócil, y con simpatías á los blancos ... siempre fué inclinada al órden y la paz.' _velasco_, _noticias de sonora_, pp. , . the Ópatas 'son de génio malicioso, disimulados y en sumo grado vengativos; y en esto sobresalen las mujeres.' _sonora_, _descrip. geog._, in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . see also: _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, pp. , , , , ; _bartlett's pers. nar._, vol. i., pp. - ; _ward's mexico_, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., p. ; _combier_, _voy._, pp. - ; _malte-brun_, _sonora_, pp. - ; _browne's apache country_, p. ; _lachapelle_, _raousset-boulbon_, p. ; _cabeza de vaca_, _relation_, pp. , ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, pp. , ; _alegre+, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., pp. , - , , , and tom. ii., p. ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, pp. , ; _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, pp. - ; _garcía conde_, in _album mex._, tom. i., p. . [illustration: native races of the pacific states mexican group] chapter vi. wild tribes of mexico. territorial aspects--two main divisions; wild tribes of central mexico, and wild tribes of southern mexico--the coras and others in jalisco--descendants of the aztecs--the otomÍs and mazahuas adjacent to the valley of mexico--the pames--the tarascos and matlaltzincas of michoacan--the huaztecs and totonacs of vera cruz and tamaulipas--the chontales, chinantecs, mazatecs, cuicatecs, chatinos, miztecs, zapotecs, mijes, huaves, chiapanecs, zoques, lacandones, choles, mames, tzotziles, tzendales, chochones, and others of southern mexico. the term wild tribes of mexico, which i employ to distinguish this from the other groupal divisions of the native races of the pacific states needs some explanation. the territory embraced under this title extends from latitude ° north, to the eighteenth parallel on the atlantic, and the fifteenth on the pacific; that is to the central american line, including yucatan and excluding guatemala. at the time of the conquest, a large portion of this region as well as part of central america was occupied by those nations that we call civilized, which are fully described in the second volume of this work. these several precincts of civilization may be likened to suns, shining brightly at their respective centres, and radiating into the surrounding darkness with greater or less intensity according to distance and circumstances. the bloody conquest achieved, these suns were dimmed, their light went out; part of this civilization merged into that of the conquerors, and part fell back into the more distant darkness. later many of the advanced aboriginals became more and more identified with the spaniards; the other natives soon came to be regarded as savages, who, once pacified, spread over the seat of their nation's former grandeur, obliterating many of the traces of their peoples' former high advancement;--so that very shortly after the spaniards became masters of the land, any description of its aborigines could but be a description of its savage nations, or of retrograded, or partially obliterated peoples of higher culture. and thus i find it, and thus must treat the subject, going over the whole territory almost as if there had been no civilization at all. for variety and striking contrasts the climate and scenery of central and southern mexico is surpassed by no region of equal extent in the world. it is here that the tierra caliente, or hot border-land of either ocean, the tierra templada, or temperate belt adjacent, and the tierra fria, or cool elevated table-land assume their most definite forms. the interior table-lands have an average elevation above the sea of from , to , feet. the geological formation is on a titanic scale; huge rocks of basalt, granite, and lava rise in fantastic shapes, intersected by deep barrancas or ravines presenting unparalleled scenes of grandeur. prominent among the surrounding mountains tower the snow-clad crests of orizaba and popocatepetl,--volcanic piles whose slumbering fires appear to be taking but a temporary rest. the plateau is variegated with many lakes; the soil, almost everywhere fertile, is overspread with a multitudinous variety of nopal, maguey, and forests of evergreen, among which the graceful fir and umbrageous oak stand conspicuous. seasons come and go and leave no mark behind; or it may be said that spring, satisfied with its abode, there takes up its perpetual rest; the temperature is ever mellow, with resplendent sunshine by day, while at night the stars shine with a brilliancy nowhere excelled. the limits of the tierra templada it is impossible to define, as the term is used in a somewhat arbitrary manner by the inhabitants of different altitudes. on the lowlands along the coast known as the tierra caliente, the features of nature are changed; vegetation assumes a more luxuriant aspect; palms, parasitical plants and trees of a tropical character, take the place of the evergreens of a colder clime; the climate is not salubrious, and the heat is oppressive. on the atlantic side furious storms, called 'northers,' spring up with a suddenness and violence unexampled in other places, often causing much destruction to both life and property. [sidenote: tribes of central mexico.] for the purpose of description, i separate the wild tribes of mexico in two parts,--the _wild tribes of central mexico_, and the _wild tribes of southern mexico_. the first of these divisions extends from ° north latitude to the northern boundary of the state of oajaca, or rather to an imaginary line, taking as its base said boundary and running from the pacific ocean to the gulf of mexico, that is to say from vera cruz to acapulco. to enumerate and locate all the nations and tribes within this territory, to separate the uncivilized from the civilized, the mythical from the real, is not possible. i have therefore deferred to the end of this chapter such authorities as i have on the subject, where they will be found ranged in proper order under the head of tribal boundaries. of the tribes that are known to have possessed no civilization, such as was found among the aztecs and other cultivated nations, i will only mention the people denominated _chichimecs_, under which general name were designated a multitude of tribes inhabiting the mountains north of the valley of mexico, all of which were prominently dependent on the result of the chase for their subsistence; the ancient _otomís_ who mostly occupied the mountains which inclose the valley of mexico; and the _pames_ in querétaro. south of mexico were numerous other nations who were more or less intermixed with those more civilized. finally, i shall describe those people who, since they came in contact with the whites, have retrograded in such a degree, that their manners and customs can only be given in connection with those of the wild tribes, and which comprise a large proportion of all the present aborigines of mexico.[ ] [sidenote: physical features in northern mexico.] the natives of the valley of mexico are represented by some authorities as tall, by others as of short stature; but from what i gather we may conclude that on the whole they are over rather than under the middle height, well made and robust. in vera cruz they are somewhat shorter, say from four feet six inches to five feet at most, and clumsily made, having their knees further apart than europeans and walking with their toes turned in; the women are shorter than the men and become fully developed at a very early age. in jalisco both sexes are tall; they are also well built, and among the women are found many forms of such perfection that they might well serve as models for sculpture. throughout the table-lands, the men are muscular and well proportioned. their skin is very thick and conceals the action of the muscles; they are out-kneed, turn their toes well in, and their carriage is anything but graceful.[ ] various opinions have been advanced by competent persons in regard to the features of the natives of mexico. baron von humboldt describes them as resembling the aborigines of canada, peru, florida, and brazil; having elongated eyes, the corners turned towards the temples, prominent cheek-bones, large lips, and a sweet expression about the mouth, forming a strong contrast with their otherwise gloomy and severe aspect. rossi says that their eyes are oval, and that their physiognomy resembles that of the asiatics. according to prescott, they bear a strong resemblance to the egyptians, and viollet le duc asserts that the malay type predominates. they have generally a very narrow forehead, an oval face, long black eyes set wide apart, large mouth with thick lips, teeth white and regular, the nose small and rather flat. the general expression of the countenance is melancholy, and exhibits a strange combination of moroseness and gentleness. although some very handsome women are to be found among them, the majority of the race, both men and women, are ugly, and in old age, which with the women begins early, their faces are much wrinkled and their features quite harsh. they have acute senses, especially that of sight, which remains unimpaired to a very advanced age. long, straight, black, thick, and glossy hair is common to all; their beard is thin, and most of them, especially in the capital and its vicinity, have a small moustache; but very few, if any, have hair on their legs, thighs, or arms. it is very seldom that a gray-haired native is found. all the people referred to, are remarkable for their strength and endurance, which may be judged of by the heavy burdens they carry on their backs. the inhabitants of the table-lands are of various hues; some are olive, some brown, others of a red copper color. in the sierras some have a bluish tint as if dyed with indigo. the natives of the tierras calientes are of a darker complexion, inclining to black. there are some called _indios pintos_, whose cuticle is of a less deep color, inclining more to yellowish and marked with dark copper-colored spots.[ ] [sidenote: mexican costumes.] [sidenote: dress in michoacan.] in the valley of mexico the natives wear the _ichapilli_, or a sort of shirt without sleeves, made of white and blue striped cotton, which reaches to the knees and is gathered round the waist with a belt. this is frequently the only garment worn by the aborigines of the mexican valley. in lieu of the ancient feather ornaments for the head, they now use large felt or straw hats, the rim of which is about nine inches in width; or they bind round the head a colored handkerchief. most of the men and women go barefooted, and those who have coverings for their feet, use the _cacles_, or _huaraches_, (sandals) made of tanned leather and tied with thongs to the ankles. the dress of the women has undergone even less change than that of the men, since the time of the spanish conquest. many of them wear over the ichapilli a cotton or woolen cloth, bound by a belt just above the hips; this answers the purpose of a petticoat; it is woven in stripes of dark colors or embellished with figures. the ichapilli is white, with figures worked on the breast, and is longer than that worn by the men. in puebla the women wear very narrow petticoats and elegant _quichemels_ covering the breast and back and embroidered all over with silk and worsted. in the state of vera cruz and other parts of the tierra caliente the men's apparel consists of a short white cotton jacket or a dark-colored woolen tunic, with broad open sleeves fastened round the waist with a sash, and short blue or white breeches open at the sides near the knee; these are a spanish innovation, but they continue to wear the square short cloak, _tilma_ or _tilmatli_, with the end tied on one of the shoulders or across the breast. sometimes a pair of shorter breeches made of goat or deer skin are worn over the cotton ones, and also a jacket of the same material. the women wear a coarse cotton shift with large open sleeves, often worked about the neck in bright colored worsted, to suit the wearer's fancy; a blue woolen petticoat is gathered round the waist, very full below, and a blue or brown rebozo is used as a wrapper for the shoulders. sometimes a muffler is used for the head and face.[ ] they bestow great care on their luxuriant hair, which they arrange in two long braids that fall from the back of the head, neatly painted and interwoven with worsted of lively colors, and the ends tied at the waist-band or joined behind; others bind the braids tightly round the head, and occasionally add some wild flowers.[ ] in the tierra fria, a thick dark woolen blanket with a hole in the centre through which passes the head protects the wearer during the day from the cold and rain, and serves at night for a covering and often for the bed itself. this garment has in some places taken the place of the tilmatli. children are kept in a nude state until they are eight or ten years old, and infants are enveloped in a coarse cotton cloth, leaving the head and limbs exposed. the huicholas of jalisco have a peculiar dress; the men wear a short tunic made of coarse brown or blue woolen fabric, tightened at the waist with a girdle hanging down in front and behind, and very short breeches of poorly dressed goat or deer skin without hair, at the lower edges of which are strung a number of leathern thongs. married men and women wear straw hats with high pointed crowns and broad turned-up rims; near the top is a narrow and handsomely woven band of many colors, with long tassels. their long bushy hair is secured tightly round the crown of the head with a bright woolen ribbon. many of the men do up the hair in queues with worsted ribbons, with heavy tassels that hang below the waist.[ ] de laet, describing the natives of jalisco early in the seventeenth century, speaks of square cloths made of cotton and maguey tied on the right or left shoulder, and small pebbles or shells strung together as necklaces. mota padilla, in his history of new galicia, says that the chichimecs at xalostitlan, in , went naked. the inhabitants of alzatlan about that time adorned themselves with feathers. in zacualco, the common dress of the women about the same period, particularly widows, was the _huipil_, made of fine cotton cloth, generally black. the natives of the province of pánuco, for many years after the spanish conquest, continued to go naked; they pulled out the beard, perforated the nose and ears, and, filing their teeth to a sharp point, bored holes in them and dyed them black. the slayer of a human being used to hang a piece of the skin and hair of the slain at the waist, considering such things as very valuable ornaments. their hair they dyed in various colors, and wore it in different forms. their women adorned themselves profusely, and braided their hair with feathers. sahagun, speaking of the matlaltzincas, says that their apparel was of cloth made from the maguey; referring to the tlahuicas, he mentions among their faults that they used to go overdressed; and of the macoaques, he writes: that the oldest women as well as the young ones paint themselves with a varnish called _tecocavitl_, or with some colored stuff, and wear feathers about their arms and legs. the tlascaltecs in wore cotton-cloth mantles painted in various fine colors. the inhabitants of cholula, according to cortés, dressed better than the tlascaltecs; the better class wearing over their other clothes a garment resembling the moorish cloak, yet somewhat different, as that of cholula had pockets, but in the cloth, the cut, and the fringe, there was much resemblance to the cloak worn in africa. old spanish writers tell us that the natives of michoacan made much use of feathers for wearing-apparel and for adorning their bodies and heads. at their later religious festivals, both sexes appear in white, the men with shirt and trowsers, having a band placed slantingly across the breast and back, tied to a belt round the waist, and on the head a small red cloth arranged like a turban, from which are pendent scarlet feathers, similar to those used by the ancient aztec warriors. the man is also adorned with a quantity of showy beads, and three small mirrors, one of which is placed on his breast, another on his back, and the third invariably on his forehead. at his back he carries a quiver, and in his hand a bow, adorned with bright colored artificial flowers, or it may be the aztec axe, so painted and varnished as to resemble flint. at the present time, a native woman, however poor, still wears a necklace of coral or rows of red beads. the unmarried women of chilpanzinco used to daub their faces with a pounded yellow flower. in durango, the natives were accustomed to rub their swarthy bodies with clay of various colors, and paint reptiles and other animals thereon.[ ] the dwellings of the wild tribes of central mexico vary with climate and locality. in the lowlands, sheds consisting of a few poles stuck in the ground, the spaces between filled with rushes, and the roof covered with palm-leaves, afforded sufficient shelter. in the colder highlands they built somewhat more substantial houses of trunks of trees, tied together with creeping plants, the walls plastered with mud or clay, the roof of split boards kept in place with stones. in treeless parts, houses were constructed of adobe or sun-dried bricks and stones, and the interior walls covered with mats; the best houses were only one story high, and the humbler habitations too low to allow a man to stand erect. the entire house constituted but one room, where all the family lived, sleeping on the bare ground. a few stones placed in the middle of the floor, served as a fireplace where food was cooked. in vera cruz there is a separate small hut for cooking purposes. the wild nomadic chichimecs lived in caverns or fissures of rocks situated in secluded valleys, and the pames contented themselves with the shade afforded by the forest-trees.[ ] [sidenote: food and agriculture.] corn, beans, tomatoes, chile, and a variety of fruits and vegetables constitute the chief subsistence of the people, and in those districts where the banana flourishes, it ranks as an important article of food. the natives of vera cruz and tamaulipas gather large quantities of the pitahaya, by means of an osier basket attached to a long pole; round the brim are arranged several forks, for the purpose of detaching the fruit, which then drops into the basket. from the blossoms and buds they make a ragout, and also grind the seeds for bread. from the sea and rivers they obtain a plentiful supply of fish, and they have acquired from childhood a peculiar habit of eating earth, which is said to be injurious to their physical development. it has been stated that in former days they used human flesh as food. the otomís and tribes of jalisco cultivated but little grain, and consumed that little before it ripened, trusting for a further supply of food to the natural productions of the soil and to game, such as rabbits, deer, moles, and birds, and also foxes, rats, snakes and other reptiles. corn-cobs they ground, mixed cacao with the powder, and baked the mixture on the fire. from the lakes in the valley of mexico they gathered flies' eggs, deposited there in large quantities by a species of flies called by the mexicans _axayacatl_, that is to say, 'water-face,' and by mm. meneville and virlet d'aoust _corixa femorata_ and _notonecta unifasciata_. the eggs being pounded, were moulded into lumps and sold in the market-place; they were esteemed a special delicacy, and were eaten fried. these people are also accused by some authors of having eaten human flesh.[ ] other tribes, inhabiting the valley of mexico, puebla, michoacan, and querétaro, show a greater inclination to cultivate the soil, and live almost wholly on the products of their own industry. they plant corn by making a hole in the ground with a sharp-pointed stick, into which the seed is dropped and covered up. honey is plentiful, and when a tree is found where bees are at work, they stop the entrance with clay, cut off the branch and hang it outside their huts; after a short time they remove the clay, and the bees continue their operations in their new locality, as if they had not been disturbed.[ ] gemelli careri thus describes a novel method of catching ducks: "others contrive to deceive ducks, as shy as they are; for when they have us'd 'em to be frequently among calabashes left floating on the lake for that purpose, they make holes in those calabashes, so that putting their heads in them, they can see out of them, and then going up to the neck in the water, they go among the ducks and draw 'em down by the feet." for making tortillas, the corn is prepared by placing it in water, to which a little lime is added, and allowing it to soak all night, or it is put to simmer over a slow fire; the husk is then easily separated and the corn mashed or ground on the metate. from this paste the tortilla is formed by patting it between the hands into a very thin cake, which is cooked on an earthern pan placed over the fire; the tortilla is eaten with boiled beans, and a mixture of chile and lard. the ground corn is also mixed with water and strained through a sieve; of this liquor they make a gruel, to which is added a little cacao or sugar. the sediment which remains in the sieve is used to make tamales, which are a combination of chopped meat, chile, and onions, which ingredients are covered with the corn paste, and the whole enveloped in corn or plantain leaves and boiled or baked. the mexicans are very moderate eaters, but have an insatiable passion for strong liquors.[ ] laziness and filth follow us as we proceed southward in our observations; among the mexicans, the poorer classes especially are filthy in their persons, and have a disgusting appearance, which increases with the infirmities of age. many of them indulge freely in the use of a steam-bath called _temazcalli_, similar to the russian vapor-bath, but it does not appear to have the effect of cleansing their persons.[ ] [sidenote: weapons and shields.] all these tribes use bows and arrows; the latter carried in a quiver slung at the back, a few spare ones being stuck in the belt for immediate use. a heavy club is secured to the arm by a thong, and wielded with terrible effect at close quarters. in battle, the principal warriors are armed with spears and shields. another weapon much in use is the sling, from which they cast stones to a great distance and with considerable accuracy. the natives of the valley of mexico kill birds with small pellets blown through a hollow tube.[ ] the clubs, which are from three to four feet in length, are made of a species of heavy wood, some having a round knob at the end similar to a mace, others broad and flat, and armed with sharp pieces of obsidian, fastened on either side. acosta states that with these weapons they could cut off the head of a horse at one stroke. spears and arrows are pointed with flint or obsidian, the latter having a reed shaft with a piece of hard wood inserted into it to hold the point. their quivers are made of deer-skin, and sometimes of seal or shark-skin. shields are ingeniously constructed of small canes so woven together with thread that they can be folded up and carried tied under the arm. when wanted for use they are loosed, and when opened out they cover the greater part of the body.[ ] [sidenote: war and treatment of captives.] aboriginally, as with most northern nations, warfare was the normal state of these people. the so-called chichimecs attacked all who entered their domain, whether for hunting, collecting fruit, or fighting. war once declared between two tribes, each side endeavors to secure by alliance as many of their neighbors as possible; to which end ambassadors are despatched to the chiefs of adjacent provinces, each bearing in his hand an arrow of the make peculiar to the tribe of the stranger chief. arriving at the village, the messenger seeks out the chief and lays the arrow at his feet; if the proposal of his master be accepted by the stranger chief, the rendezvous is named and the messenger departs. the ambassadors having returned with their report, preparations are at once made for the reception of the allies, a feast is prepared, large quantities of game and intoxicating drink are made ready, and as soon as the guests arrive the viands are placed before them. then follow eating and drinking, concluding with drunken orgies; this finished, a council is held, and the assault planned, care being taken to secure places suitable for an ambuscade and stones for the slingers. a regular organization of forces is observed and every effort made to outflank or surround the enemy. archers and slingers march to an attack in single file, always occupying the van, while warriors armed with clubs and lances are drawn up in the rear; the assault is commenced by the former, accompanied with furious shouts and yells. during the period of their wars against the spaniards, they often expended much time and labor in the fortification of heights by means of tree-trunks, and large rocks, which were so arranged, one on top of another, that at a given signal they might be loosened, and let fall on their assailants. the chiefs of the tepecanos and contiguous tribes carried no weapons during the action, but had rods with which they chastised those who exhibited symptoms of cowardice, or became disorderly in the ranks.[ ] the slain were scalped or their heads cut off, and prisoners were treated with the utmost barbarity, ending invariably in the death of the unfortunates; often were they scalped while yet alive, and the bloody trophy placed upon the heads of their tormentors. the heads of the slain were placed on poles and paraded through their villages in token of victory, the inhabitants meanwhile dancing round them. young children were sometimes spared, and reared to fight in the ranks of their conquerors; and in order to brutalize their youthful minds and eradicate all feelings of affection toward their own kindred, the youthful captives were given to drink the brains and blood of their murdered parents. the chichimecs carried with them a bone, on which, when they killed an enemy, they marked a notch, as a record of the number each had slain. mota padilla states that when nuño de guzman arrived in the valley of coynan, in jalisco, the chiefs came out to meet him, and, as a sign of peace and obedience, dropped on one knee; upon being raised up by the spaniards, they placed round their necks strings of rabbits and quails, in token of respect.[ ] as the wants of the people are few and simple, so is the inventory of their implements and household furniture. every family is supplied with the indispensable metate, an oblong stone, about twelve by eighteen inches, smooth on the surface and resting upon three legs in a slanting position; with this is used a long stone roller, called the _metlapilli_, for rubbing down the maize, and a large earthen pan, called the _comalli_, on which to bake the tortillas. their bottles, bowls, and cups are made from gourds, often prettily painted, and kept hanging round the walls; some unglazed earthenware vessels, ornamented with black figures on a dull red ground, are used for cooking, a block of wood serves for a stool and table, and lastly a few petates (aztec, _petlatl_, 'palm-leaf mat'), are laid upon the ground for beds. these comprise the whole effects of a native's house. for agricultural purposes, they have wooden spades, hoes, and sharp stakes for planting corn. their products are carried home or to market in large wicker-work frames, often five feet high by two and a half feet broad, made from split palm-leaves.[ ] in the state of jalisco, the natives are celebrated for the manufacture of blankets and woolen mantas; in other parts of the country they continue to weave cotton stuffs in the same manner as before the conquest, all on very primitive hand-looms. the common designs are in blue or red and white stripes, but they are sometimes neatly worked with figures, the juice from the murex or purple shell supplying the vermilion color for the patterns. the inhabitants of tonala exhibit much taste and excellence in the production of pottery, making a great variety of toys, masks, figures, and ornaments, besides the vessels for household use. in the vicinity of santa cruz, the fibres of the aloe, crushed upon the metate, are employed for the manufacture of ropes, nets, bags, and flat round pelotas, used in rubbing down the body after a bath. palm-leaf mats and dressed skins also figure largely among the articles of native industry.[ ] in vera cruz, they have canoes dug out of the trunk of a mahogany or cedar tree, which are capable of holding several persons, and are worked with single paddles.[ ] [sidenote: trade and arts.] a considerable trade is carried on in pottery, mats, dressed skins, and manufactures of the aloe-fibre; also fruit, feathers, vegetables, and fish. all such wares are packed in light osier baskets, which, thrown upon their backs, are carried long distances to the several markets. in the province of vera cruz, vanilla, jalap, and other herbs are important articles of native commerce, and all the interior tribes place a high value on salt, for which they readily exchange their products.[ ] the natives display much patience and skill in ornamental work, especially carvings in stone, and in painting; although the figures, their gods bearing witness, are all of grotesque shapes and appearance. with nothing more than a rude knife, they make very ingenious figures, of wax, of the pith of trees, of wood, charcoal, clay, and bone. they are fond of music, and readily imitate any strain they hear. from time immemorial they have retained a passion for flowers, in all seasons of the year tastefully decorating therewith their dwellings and shops. the art of working in gold and silver is well known to the natives of jalisco, who execute well-shaped specimens of cups and vases, beautifully engraved and ornamented.[ ] the wild tribes surrounding, and in places intermixed with, the civilized nations of central mexico, as far as i can learn, do not appear to have had any systematic tribal government; at least, none of the old historians have given any account of such. some of the tribes attach themselves to chiefs of their own choice, to whom they pay a certain tribute from the produce of their labor or hunting expeditions, while others live without any government or laws whatsoever, and only elect a chief on going to war.[ ] [sidenote: marriage customs.] marriage takes place at an early age, and girls are seldom found single after they attain fourteen or fifteen years. gomara, however, says that women in the district of tamaulipas are not married till they reach the age of forty. the otomís marry young, and if, when arrived at the age of puberty, a young girl has not found a mate, her parents or guardians select one for her, so that none shall remain single. among the guachichiles, when a young man has selected a girl, he takes her on trial for an indefinite period; if, afterwards, both parties are satisfied with each other, the ceremony of marriage is performed; should it happen, however, that the man be not pleased, he returns the girl to her parents, which proceeding does not place any obstacle in the way of her obtaining another suitor. the chichimecs cannot marry without the consent of parents; if a young man violates this law and takes a girl without first obtaining the parental sanction, even with the intention of marrying her, the penalty is death; usually, in ancient times, the offender was shot with arrows. when one of this people marries, if the girl proves not to be a virgin, the marriage is null, and the girl is returned to her parents. when a young man desires to marry, his parents make a visit to those of the intended bride, and leave with them a bouquet of flowers bound with red wool; the bride's parents then send round to the houses of their friends a bunch of mariguana, a narcotic herb, which signifies that all are to meet together at the bride's father's on the next night. the meeting is inaugurated by smoking; then they chew mariguana, during which time all preliminaries of the marriage are settled. the following day the resolutions of the conclave are made known to the young man and woman, and if the decision is favorable, the latter sends her husband a few presents, and from that time the parties consider themselves married, and the friends give themselves up to feasting and dancing.[ ] a plurality of wives was found among all the inhabitants of this region at the time of the spanish conquest, the first wife taking precedence of those who came after her. many had concubines who, it may be said, ranked third in the family circle. the missionary fathers, however, soon put an end to the custom of more than one wife, whenever they had the power to do so. herrera says that the chichimecs indulged in one wife only, but that they had the habit of repudiating her for any slight cause, and of taking another. the women are kept under subjection by their husbands, and not only have all the indoor work to do, such as cooking, spinning, and mat-making, but they are also required to carry heavy burdens home from the market, and bring all the wood and water for household use. infants are carried on the mother's back, wrapped in a coarse cotton cloth, leaving the head and legs free. among the chichimecs, when a woman goes out of her house, she places her child in a wicker basket, and there leaves it, usually suspending it from the branch of a tree. a child is suckled by the mother until another comes on and crowds it out. mühlenpfordt relates that he saw a boy of seven or eight years of age demanding suck and receiving it from his mother. a woman near her time of confinement, retires to a dark corner of the house, attended by some aged woman, who sings to her, and pretends to call the baby from afar. this midwife, however, does not in any way assist at the birth, but as soon as the child is born she goes out, meanwhile covering her face with her hands, so that she may not see. having walked once round the house, she opens her eyes, and the name of the first object she sees is chosen as the name of the child. among the otomís, a young woman about to become a mother is the victim of much unnecessary suffering arising from their superstitious practices; loaded with certain amulets and charms, she must carefully avoid meeting certain individuals and animals whose look might produce evil effects--a black dog especially must be avoided. the song of a mocking-bird near the house is held to be a happy omen. at certain hours the mother was to drink water which had been collected in the mountains, and previously presented to the gods; the phases of the moon were carefully watched. she was obliged to undergo an examination from the old crone who attended her, and who performed certain ceremonies, such as burning aromatic herbs mingled with saltpetre. sometimes, amidst her pains, the ancient attendant obliged her charge to jump about, and take powerful medicines, which frequently caused abortion or premature delivery. if the child was a boy, one of the old men took it in his arms and painted on its breast an axe or some implement of husbandry, on its forehead a feather, and on the shoulders a bow and quiver; he then invoked for it the protection of the gods. if the child proved to be a female, the same ceremony was observed, with the exception that an old woman officiated, and the figure of a flower was traced over the region of the heart, while on the palm of the right hand a spinning-wheel was pictured, and on the left a piece of wool, thus indicating the several duties of after life. according to the _apostólicos afanes_, the coras call the child after one of its uncles or aunts. in twelve months' time a feast is prepared in honor of said young, and the mother and child, together with the uncle or aunt, placed in the middle of the circle of relatives. upon these occasions much wine is drunk, and for the first time salt is placed in the child's mouth. as soon as the child's teeth are all cut, a similar meeting takes place, and the child is then given its first meal; and again, at the age of twelve, the ancients come together, when the youth is first given wine to drink. as a rule, young people show great respect and affection for their parents; all their earnings being at once handed over to them.[ ] in early times, immorality and prostitution existed among these nations to an unparalleled extent. gomara says that in the province of tamaulipas there were public brothels, where men enacted the part of women, and where every night were assembled as many as a thousand, more or less, of these worse than beastly beings, according to the size of the village. it is certain that incest and every species of fornication was commonly practiced, especially in the districts of vera cruz, tamaulipas, and querétaro.[ ] [sidenote: children and amusements.] their amusements are stamped with the general melancholy of their character. dancing, accompanied with music and singing, is their favorite pastime, but it is seldom indulged in without the accompanying vice of intoxication. when the totonacs join in their national dances, they attach a kind of rattle called _aiacachtli_ to a band round the head, that produces a peculiar sound during the performance. among some tribes women are not permitted to join in the dances. they make various kinds of drinks and intoxicating liquors. one is made from the fruit of the nopal or prickly pear, which is first peeled and pressed; the juice is then passed through straw sieves, and placed by a fire or in the sun, where in about an hour it ferments. another drink, called chicha, is made from raw sugar-cane, which is mashed with a wooden mallet and passed through a pressing-machine. their principal and national drink is pulque, made from the agave americana, and is thus prepared: when the plant is about to bloom, the heart or stalk is cut out, leaving a hole in the center, which is covered with the outer leaves. every twenty-four hours, or in the hotter climates twice a day, the cavity fills with the sap from the plant, which is taken out and fermented by the addition of some already-fermented pulque, and the process is continued until the plant ceases to yield a further supply. the liquor obtained is at first of a thick white color, and is at all times very intoxicating.[ ] [sidenote: making an alliance.] father joseph arlegui, in his _chrónica de la provincia de zacatecas_, which province then comprised a much larger extent of territory than the present state of zacatecas, describes a singular ceremony nowhere else mentioned. it is employed when one nation wishes to form a close connection, friendship, alliance, family or blood relationship, so to say (tratan de hacerse parientes), with another nation; and the process is as follows: from the tribe with which the alliance is desired, a man is seized, and a feast or drunken carousal commenced. meanwhile the victim destined to form the connecting link between the two bands, and whose blood is to cement their friendship, is kept without food for twenty-four hours. into him is then poured of their execrable beverages until he is filled, and his senses are deadened, when he is stretched before a fire, built in a wide open place, where all the people may have access to him. having warmed well his body, and rubbed his ears, each aspirant to the new friendship, armed with a sharp awl-shaped instrument, made of deer's bone, proceeds to pierce the ears of the prostrate wretch, each in turn forcing his sharpened bone through some new place, which causes the blood to spurt afresh with every incision. with the blood so drawn, the several members of the tribe anoint themselves, and the ceremony is done. on the spot where the relative of a cora is killed in a fight, a piece of cloth is dipped in blood, and kept as a remembrance, until his death be avenged by killing the slayer, or one of the males of his family. when meeting each other on a journey, they make use of many complimentary salutations, and a kind of freemasonry appears to exist among them. major brantz mayer mentions a tribe at cuernavaca that, in the event of a white man arriving at their village, immediately seize and place him under guard for the night in a large hut; he and his animals are carefully provided for until the following day, when he is despatched from the village under an escort, to wait upon him until far beyond the limits of the settlement. the custom, at the present day, of hiding money in the ground is universal; nothing would induce a native to entrust his savings with another. the inhabitants of querétaro spend much of their time basking in the sun, and if the sun does not yield sufficient warmth, they scoop out a hole in the ground, burn in it branches and leaves of the maguey, and when properly heated, lay themselves down in the place, and cover themselves with a mat or the loose earth.[ ] the mexicans are not subject to many diseases. small-pox, brought into the country at the time of the conquest, typhoid fever, and syphilis are those which cause the greatest destruction of life; the two former are aggravated by the filthy condition of the villages. yellow fever, or black vomit, very rarely attacks the aborigines. the measles is a prevalent disease. death is likewise the result of severe wounds, fractures, or bruises, most of which end in mortification, owing to neglect, or to the barbarous remedies applied to combat them. the huastecs of vera cruz suffer from certain worms that breed in their lips, and highly esteem salt for the curative properties they believe it to possess against this disorder. at the village of comalá, in the state of colima, a considerable number of the children are born deaf and dumb, idiots, or deformed; besides which, when they reach a mature age, if we may believe the early chroniclers, the goitres are more or less developed on them, notwithstanding humboldt's assertion that the aborigines never suffer from this disorder. there is another disease, cutaneous in its character, which is quite prevalent in many parts of the country, and is supposed to be contracted under the influence of a warm, humid, and unhealthy climate, and may be described as follows: without pain the skin assumes a variety of colors, the spots produced being white, red, brownish, or blue. the pintos, as south-western coast-dwellers are called, the chief victims to this disorder, experience no physical pain, except when they go into a cold climate; then they feel twitchings in the places where the skin has changed color. the disease is declared to be contagious: and from all accounts no remedy for it has been as yet discovered. formerly, an epidemic called the _matlalzahuatl_ visited the country at long intervals and caused terrible havoc. all the spanish writers who speak of it call it the _peste_, and suppose it to be the same scourge that destroyed nearly the whole population of the toltec empire in the eleventh century. others believe it to have borne a greater similarity to yellow fever. the disease, whatever it is, made its appearance in , , and , since which date i find no mention of it, destroying each time an immense number of people; but upon no occasion did it attack the pure whites or the mestizos. its greatest havoc was in the interior, on the central plateau, and in the coldest and most arid regions, the lowlands of the coast being nearly, if not entirely, free from its effects.[ ] [sidenote: medical treatment.] when small-pox was first introduced, the natives resorted to bathing as a cure, and a very large number succumbed to the disease. an old spanish author, writing in , states that the natives of the kingdom of new spain had an extensive knowledge of medicinal herbs; that they seldom resorted to bleeding or compound purgatives, for they had many simple cathartic herbs. they were in the habit of making pills with the india-rubber gum mixed with other substances, which they swallowed, and rubbed themselves withal, to increase their agility and suppleness of body. cold water baths are commonly resorted to when attacked with fever, and they cannot be prevailed upon to abandon the practice. the _temazcalli_ or sweat-bath, is also very much used for cases of severe illness. the bath-house stands close to a spring of fresh water, and is built and heated not unlike a european bake-oven. when up to the required temperature the fire is taken out, and water thrown in; the patient is then thrust into it naked, feet foremost and head near the aperture, and laid on a mat that covers the hot stones. the hole that affords him air for breathing is about eighteen inches square. when sufficiently steamed, and the body well beaten with rushes, a cold water bath and a brisk rubbing complete the operation.[ ] in michoacan, the natives believe that the leaves of a plant called _cozolmecatl_ or _olcacaran_ applied to a sore part of the body will foretell the result of the disorder; for if the leaves adhere to the spot, it is a sure sign that the sufferer will get well, but if they fall off, the contrary will happen. when prostrated with disease, the nearest relatives and friends surround the patient's couch and hold a confab upon the nature of his ailment and the application of the remedy. old sorceresses and charlatans put in practice their spells; fumigations and meltings of saltpetre abound; and by some jugglery, out of the crystallized saltpetre is brought a monstrous ant, a horrible worm, or some other object, which, as they allege, is the cause of the disorder. as the disease progresses, the friends of the sufferer severally recommend and apply, according to the judgment each may have formed of the matter, oil of scorpions or of worms, water supposed to produce miraculous effects on fevers, or like applications, and these empirical remedies, most of which are entirely useless, and others extremely barbarous, are applied together without weight or measure.[ ] [sidenote: burial and character.] in common with other peoples, it is usual with these nations to place several kinds of edibles in the grave with the deceased. among the coras, when one died, the corpse was dressed and wrapped in a mantle; if a man, with bow and arrows, and if a woman, with her distaff, etc., and in this manner the body was buried in a cave previously selected by the deceased. all his worldly goods were placed at the door of his former house, so that he might come and take them without crossing the threshold, as they believed the dead returned to see about property. if the deceased had cattle, his friends and relatives every now and then placed some meat upon sticks about the fields, for fear he might come for the cattle he formerly owned. five days after death a hired wizard essayed to conjure away the shade of the departed property-holder. these spirit-scarers went smoking their pipes all over the dead man's house, and shook zapote-branches in the corners, till they pretended to have found the fancied shadow, which they hurled headlong to its final resting-place. upon the second of november most of the natives of the mexican valley bring offerings to their dead relatives and friends, consisting of edibles, live animals, and flowers, which are laid on or about the graves. the anniversary or commemoration of the dead among the ancient aztecs occurred almost upon the same day.[ ] the thick-skinned, thoughtful and reserved aboriginals of central mexico are most enigmatical in their character. their peculiar cast of features, their natural reserve, and the thickness of their skin, make it extremely difficult to ascertain by the expression of the face what their real thoughts are. the general characteristics of this people may be summed up as follows: peaceable, gentle and submissive to their superiors, grave even to melancholy, and yet fond of striking exhibitions and noisy revelry; improvident but charitable, sincerely pious, but wallowing in ignorance and superstitions; quick of perception, and possessed of great facility for acquiring knowledge, especially of the arts, very imitative, but with little originality, unambitious, unwilling to learn, and indifferent to the comforts of life. irascibility is by no means foreign to their nature, but it seems to lie dormant until awakened by intoxication or some powerful impulse, when the innate cruelty flames forth, and they pass suddenly from a state of perfect calmness to one of unrestrained fierceness. courage and cowardice are so blended in their character that it is no easy matter to determine which is the predominant trait. a fact worthy of notice is that upon many occasions they have proved themselves capable of facing danger with the greatest resolution, and yet they will tremble at the angry frown of a white man. laziness, and a marked inclination to cheating and stealing are among the other bad qualities attributed to them; but there is abundant evidence to show, that although naturally averse to industry, they work hard from morning till night, in mining, agriculture, and other occupations, and in their inefficient way accomplish no little labor. murder and highway robbery are crimes not generally committed by the pure aboriginal, who steals rarely anything but food to appease his hunger or that of his family. a mexican author says, the indian cuts down a tree to pick its fruit, destroys an oak of ten years growth for a week's firewood; in other words, he produces little, consumes little, and destroys much. another mexican writer affirms that the indian is active, industrious, handy in agricultural labor, a diligent servant, a trusty postman, humble, hospitable to his guests, and shows a sincere gratitude to his benefactors.[ ] [sidenote: character in northern mexico.] the pames, otomís, pintos, and other nations north of the mexican valley were, at the time of the conquest, a barbarous people, fierce and warlike, covetous even of trifles and fond of display. the michoacaques or tarascos are warlike and brave, and for many years after the conquest showed themselves exceedingly hostile to the whites, whom they attacked, plundered, and frequently murdered, when traveling through their country. in they were already quiet, and gave evidences of being intelligent and devoted to work. the men in the vicinity of the city of vera cruz are careless, lazy, and fickle; much given to gambling and drunkenness; but the women are virtuous, frugal, cleanly, and extremely industrious. the natives of jalapa, judging by their countenance, are less intelligent, and lack the sweetness of character that distinguishes the inhabitants of the higher plateau; they are, however, peaceable and inoffensive. the wild tribes of the north are rude, revengeful, dull, irreligious, lazy, and given to robbery, plunder, and murder. such are the characteristics attributed to them under the name of chichimecs by old spanish authors and others. indeed, the only creditable traits they were allowed to possess, were, in certain parts, courage and an independent spirit. of the nations of jalisco, both ancient and modern writers bear testimony to their bravery. they are also sagacious and somewhat industrious, but opposed to hard labor (as what savage is not), and not easily kept under restraint. those who dwell on lake chapala are quiet and mild, devoted to agricultural pursuits. they indeed proved themselves high-spirited and efficient in defending their rights, when long oppression had exhausted their forbearance. the coras were hardy and warlike, averse to any intercourse with the whites and to the christian religion, but by the efforts of the missionaries, and the heavy blows of the spanish soldiers, they were brought under subjection, and became tractable.[ ] [sidenote: the nations of southern mexico.] the southern mexicans, under which name i group the people inhabiting the present states of oajaca, guerrero, chiapas, the southern portion of vera cruz, tabasco, and yucatan, constitute the second and last division of this chapter. much of this territory is situated within the _tierras calientes_, or hot lands, wherein every variety of tropical vegetation abounds in luxuriant profusion. the heat, especially along the coast, to the unacclimated is most oppressive. the great chain of the cordillera in its transit across the tehuantepec isthmus, approaches nearer to the pacific seaboard than to the atlantic, and dropping from the elevated table-land of central mexico, seeks a lower altitude, and breaks into cross-ridges that traverse the country in an east and west direction. upon the northern side of the isthmus are plains of considerable extent, of rich alluvial soil, through which several rivers, after draining the mountain districts, discharge into the mexican gulf. these streams, in their course through the table-lands, are bordered by rich lands of greater or lesser extent. on the southern side, nature puts on a bolder aspect and a narrower belt of lowlands is traversed by several rivers, which discharge the drainage of the southern slope into the pacific ocean, and into the lagoons that border the ocean. one of the most important features of yucatan is the absence of any important river. the coast, which is of great extent, has in general a bleak and arid appearance, and is little broken except on the north-west, where it is indented by the laguna de terminos, and on the eastern side by the bays of ascension, espíritu santo, and chetumel. the central part of the yucatan peninsula is occupied by a low ridge of mountains, of barren aspect. a short distance from the coast the general appearance of the country improves, being well-wooded, and containing many fertile tracts. many of the nations occupying this region at the time of the conquest may be called cultivated, or at least, progressive, and consequently belong to the civilized nations described in the second volume of this work; others falling back into a state of wildness after the central civilization was extinguished, makes it extremely difficult to draw any line separating civilization from savagism. nevertheless we will examine them as best we may; and if it be found that what we learn of them refers more to the present time than has been the case with nations hitherto treated, the cause will be obvious. the _zapotecs_, who were in former times a very powerful nation, still occupy a great portion of oajaca, surrounded by the ruins of their ancient palaces and cities. the whole western part of the state is taken up by the _miztecs_. tributary to the above before the conquest, were the _mijes_ and other smaller tribes now residing in the mountain districts in the centre of the isthmus. the _huaves_, who are said to have come by sea from the south, and to have landed near the present city of tehuantepec, spread out over the lowlands and around the lagoons on the south-western coast of oajaca. in the province of goazacoalco, and in tabasco, are the _ahualulcos_, and _chontales_, who occupy a large portion of the latter state. south of them in chiapas are the _choles_, _tzendales_, _zotziles_, _alames_, and _quelenes_, and in the extreme south-eastern end of the same state, and extending into central america, some tribes of the _lacandones_ are located. the extensive peninsula of yucatan, the ancient name of which was mayapan, formed the independent and powerful kingdom of the mayas, who held undisputed possession of the country until, after a heroic resistance, they were finally compelled to yield to the superior discipline and weapons of the spanish invaders.[ ] [sidenote: physique in oajaca and yucatan.] the zapotecs proper are well-formed and strong; the features of the men are of a peculiar cast and not pleasing; the women, however, are delicately formed, and graceful with handsome features. another tribe of the same nation, the zapotecs of tehuantepec, are rather under the medium height, with a pleasing oval face and present a fine personal appearance. not a few of them have light-colored hair, and a somewhat fair complexion. their senses, especially that of sight, are acute, and the constitution sound and robust, notwithstanding their habits of intoxication. the females have regular and handsome features, and though of small stature and bizarre in their carriage, are truly graceful and seductive. dark lustrous eyes, long eye-lashes, well defined eye-brows, luxuriant and glossy jet-black hair, play havoc with the men. those of acayucan village are particularly noted for their beauty. but not all are thus; instance the chatinos who are remarkably ugly. the natives of oajaca are generally large and well-formed; those of sierra are of a light-yellow complexion, and their women are tolerably white with mild features. some branches of the miztecs and mazatecs carry upon their shoulders very large loads. father burgoa writing of the miztecs, of yangüistlan, in the year , speaks of their beautiful complexion and fine forms. the mijes are of good height, strongly built, hardy, and active; they wear a beard, and altogether their aspect is repulsive. the zoques are very much like the mijes, their features are as prominent and unprepossessing; but they are probably more athletic. the chontales are tall and very robust. in the village of tequisistlan, oajaca, shortly after the spanish conquest, they were all reported as of a gigantic stature. the huaves present a different appearance from any of the other natives of the isthmus of tehuantepec. they are generally well-made, and of strong constitutions. the natives of tabasco who dwell in the country bordering on the river of that name, are of medium height, and with well-developed limbs. both men and women have round flat faces, low foreheads, small eyes, flattish noses, thick lips, small but quite full mouths, white teeth, and tawny complexions. the ahualulcos are rather under the middle height, but of great physical strength. they have a low narrow forehead, salient cheek-bones, full lips, white teeth, small beard, and coarse hair. their features are aquiline, and the expression of their countenance is melancholy, one of gentleness blended with sternness. they strongly resemble the descendants of the aztecs of mexico. the women are more delicately made, and some beautiful ones are seen among them. they move quickly and with much natural grace.[ ] the descendants of the mayas are of medium size, with good limbs, large faces and mouth, the upper lip slightly arched, and a marked tendency to stoutness; the nose is somewhat flat, eyes sleepy-looking and hair black and glossy, which rarely turns gray; complexion of a copper color, and in some instances yellowish. naturally strong, the maya or yucatec can carry heavy loads long distances, and perform a great deal of hard labor without showing signs of fatigue. an old spanish writer mentions that they were generally bow-legged, and many of them squint-eyed. the same author says they had good faces, were not very dark, did not wear a beard, and were long-lived. the women are plump, and generally speaking not ugly.[ ] [sidenote: dress in oajaca and yucatan.] very scanty was the dress of the dwellers on tehuantepec isthmus. in oajaca and chiapas, the men wore a piece of deer or other skin fastened round the waist, and hanging down in front, and the women wore aprons of maguey-fibre. montanus in describing the mijes says they were quite naked, but that some wore round the waist a white deer-skin dressed with human hearts. the lacandones, when going to war, wore on their shoulders the skin of a tiger, lion, or deer. the quelenes wrapped round their head a colored cloth, in the manner of a turban, or garland of flowers. at present, the usual dress of the zapotecs is a pair of wide mexican drawers, and short jacket of cotton, with a broad-brimmed hat, made of felt or straw--yet the huaves and many of the poorer class, still wear nothing but a breech-cloth. the costume of the women is simple, and not without elegance. that of the miztecs, zapotecs, and others dwelling in the city of tehuantepec is a skirt made of cotton,--sometimes of wool--that reaches nearly to the ankles, prettily and often elaborately worked in various designs and colors. the upper part of the body is covered with a kind of chemisette, with short sleeves called the _huipil_, of fine texture, and adorned with lace and gold or silk threads. on the head is a white cotton covering, made like a narrow sack or sleeve, which is drawn on and hangs down over the back. in tabasco, the dress of the men differs little from that of the people of tehuantepec; the tabascan women wear a cotton petticoat or a few yards of calico wrapped round the waist, and reaching below the knees. over the petticoat they wear a frock with sleeves to the wrist, leaving the bosom and neck exposed. children and boys go naked; indeed, whenever clothing to any extent is found in this region, we may be sure that the foreign trader is at the bottom of it.[ ] both sexes usually wear the hair long, parting it in the middle, and either permit it to hang in loose tresses over the shoulders, or, binding it with gay colored ribbons, loop it up on the back of the head, where it is fastened with a large comb. on festive occasions they interweave flowers with the hair, and also mingle with it a species of shining beetle, called _cucullo_, which emits a phosphorescent light, and produces a very pretty effect. among the zoques who reside at san miguel and santa maría chimalapa, the males shave the crown of the head, a custom of possible monkish origin peculiar to themselves. feather tufts and skins of green birds were formerly much used for ornaments; they had also necklaces made of pieces of gold joined together, and amber beads. nose and ears were pierced, and pieces of stone or amber or gold rings or a bit of carved wood inserted. montanus describes a kind of snake called _ibobaca_, which he says the inhabitants of chiapas wore round the neck.[ ] they also painted and stained the face. when fernandez de córdova explored the northern coast of yucatan, he found the people clad in cotton garments, and at the present day this forms the principal material from which their clothing is made. men now wear a cotton shirt or blouse, usually without sleeves, and wide drawers; round the waist is tied a white or colored sash; for protection from the sun, a straw hat is worn, or perhaps a piece of colored calico, and their sandals are made from deer-skin. instead of drawers, they used to wear a broad cotton band passed round the loins, the ends of which were arranged to hang one in front and the other behind; a cloak or mantle of cotton called _zugen_ was thrown over the shoulders. colonel galindo mentions that they used the bark of the india-rubber tree for making garments, and cogolludo says that when the spaniards arrived at aké, in the year , the army of natives were in a state of nudity, with only their privy parts covered, and the whole body besmeared with clay of different colors. the women display considerable taste in the style of their garments; over a petticoat, which reaches to their ankles, and prettily bordered at the bottom, they have a dress with sleeves down to the elbow; the skirt is open at the sides, and does not fall as low as the petticoat, so that the border of the latter may be seen, the bosom of the dress is open, and on each side of the breast and round the neck it is embroidered with coarse silk, as in tehuantepec; the huipil (aztec, _vipilli_) is also worn. in country places women wear the petticoat alone, using the overskirt or huipil only on special occasions. when out of doors, they cover the head and part of the face with a piece of cotton cloth.[ ] all permit the hair to attain to its full length; the men plait theirs and wind it round the head, leaving a short end to hang down behind, while that of the women hangs in dark masses over their shoulders, or is neatly bound up behind and decorated with flowers or feathers. herrera states that it was customary to scorch the faces of young children to prevent the growth of their beards, and the men allowed the hair to grow down over the eyebrows, making their heads and foreheads flat on purpose. they pierced nose and ears, ornamenting them with rings set with pearls and bits of amber, and wore collars and bracelets of gold. some among them filed their teeth. they painted the face and all exposed parts of the body in many colors, using white or yellow with black and red, covering themselves from the waist upward with a variety of designs and figures. when going to battle paint was much used, in order to render their appearance more formidable; men tattooed on the chest, and the women mixed liquid amber with their pigments, which, when rubbed over the body, emitted a perfume.[ ] [sidenote: zapotec buildings.] the better class of zapotecs of the present day build their houses in a substantial manner of adobes; the common people construct a more simple dwelling with branches arranged in a double row, and the space between filled in with earth; they also make them of wattled cane-work plastered with clay. such dwellings are cool and proof against the frequent earthquakes that occur in their territory. roofs are thatched with palmetto-leaves without opening, nor are there any windows in the walls. the interior is divided into several compartments, according to size and necessity.[ ] the mijes thatch their houses with bundles of coarse straw. the chinantecs, chochos, and chontales originally built no houses, but sought out the most shady forests, where they dwelt, or they located themselves in ravines and rocky parts, living in caverns or holes under the rocks; the tzendales of chiapas had many towns and painted their houses; the ahualulcos lived together in communities, and had commodious, well-built houses of interwoven cane, plastered on the inside with mud, the roof thatched with palmetto.[ ] [sidenote: preparation of food.] from the earliest times of which we have any record, the natives of oajaca and the isthmus of tehuantepec cultivated corn and vegetables, and likewise followed the chase; those who dwelt on the borders of the sea or lakes applied themselves to fishing. the zapotecs now raise wheat, and build mills. it is asserted by an old spanish chronicler that this nation exceeded all others in eating and drinking. as early as , they gathered crops of maguey, maize, spanish peas, chile, potatoes, and pumpkins, and bred swine and poultry. of late they cultivate rice, sugar-cane, and other tropical productions, as also do the inhabitants of tehuantepec. primitive agriculture has undergone but little alteration; deer are caught by means of traps and nets. the miztecs, mijes, and cuicatecs have from the earliest times been cultivators of the soil. the mijes make a coarse or impure sugar from sugar-cane; their corn-fields are often many miles distant from their dwellings. the huaves, the greater portion of whom are on the borders of the lagoons on the isthmus of tehuantepec, live mostly on the proceeds of their fisheries, although they raise a small supply of grain and fruit. their fishing is almost exclusively done with sweep-nets in shallow waters, and during one month of the year they catch large schools of shrimps in traps. the zoques produce the small quantity of corn that they need, some _achote_, many very fine oranges, and tobacco. they are fond of iguanas and their eggs, and of parrots, killing the latter with stones. the chontales of tabasco and tehuantepec use maize and cocoa as food. they eat flesh only upon great religious festivals, marriages, or other celebrations, but are fond of fish. in olden times they were cannibals, and antonio de herrera, the chief chronicler of the indies, accused also the natives of chiapas of being eaters of human flesh. since the conquest the natives have lived mostly on corn and other vegetable productions, cultivated by themselves. a large portion of the mayas and of the other aborigines of yucatan are to-day engaged in the cultivation of the soil, they also breed such domestic animals as they need for themselves. they are very simple and frugal in their eating.[ ] all the natives of this section of the mexican republic grind their maize in the same manner; after first soaking it in lye or in lime and water, it is bruised on the metate, or rubbing-stone, being wet occasionally, until it becomes a soft paste. with this they make their tortillas and other compounds, both to eat and drink. to make tortillas the maize paste is shaped into thin cakes with the palms of the hands and cooked upon a flat clay pan. the _totoposte_ is a smaller cake used for journeys in lieu of the tortillas. the difference between them is in the manner of preparation; the totopostes are cooked one side only and laid near the fire which makes them crisp, and require to be moistened in order to render them eatable. tamales are a favorite dish and are made of pork, game, or poultry. the meat is cut up in small pieces and washed; a small quantity of the maize paste seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, pimento, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter, and some lard added to it, is placed on the fire in a pan and as soon as it has acquired the consistency of a thick gruel, it is removed, mixed with the meat, some more lard and salt added, and the mass kneaded for a few moments. it is then divided into small portions, which are enveloped in a thin paste of maize. the tamales thus prepared are covered with a banana-leaf or corn-husk and placed in a pot or pan over which large leaves are laid. they are allowed to boil from one hour and a half to two hours. the _posole_ is a nourishing drink made of sour maize paste mixed with water; sometimes they add a little honey to it. they also prepare a drink by parching corn and grinding it to powder on the metate, and mixing it with water and a little _achote_. this last drink they prefer to the posole, for long journeys.[ ] the natives of tehuantepec and especially those who reside in the goazacoalco district are neat and clean in regard to their personal habits. they observe the custom of bathing daily. in their ablutions they make use of a plant called _chintule_ the root of which they mix with water, thereby imparting to their bodies a strong aromatic odor. the same plant is used when they wash their clothes, the scent from which remains on them for some time. a pleasing feature in the appearance of these people is the spotless whiteness of their cotton dresses and the care they bestow on their luxuriant hair. the other tribes who inhabit this isthmus as well as those of chiapas are not so clean in their persons, and as a consequence are much infested with vermin which the women have a disgusting habit of eating when picked from the heads of their children. the mayas make frequent use of cold water, but this practice appears to be more for pleasure than for cleansing purposes, as neither in their persons nor in their dwellings do they present an appearance of cleanliness.[ ] [sidenote: weapons and war.] the weapons of the southern mexicans were in most respects similar to those used by the central mexicans, namely, bows and arrows, macanas, and lances, the latter of great length and very strong. in tabasco they carried turtle-shell shields highly polished so as to reflect the sun; they also had flint stones for lances and arrow-points, but sometimes weapon-points were made from strong thorns and fish-bones. the hard wooden sword of the maya was a heavy and formidable weapon, and required the use of both hands to wield it; the edge was grooved for the purpose of inserting the sharp flint with which it was armed. slings were commonly used by all these nations. in addition to shields the mayas had for defensive armor garments of thickly quilted cotton called _escaupiles_, which covered the body down to the lower part of the thigh, and were considered impervious to arrows. the flint knife of former days has now been replaced by the machete which serves the purpose of both cutlass and chopping-knife, and without it no native ever goes into the woods.[ ] when the spaniards first arrived at tabasco, they encountered a people well-skilled in the art of war, with a fair knowledge of military tactics, who defended their country with much bravery; their towns and villages were well fortified with intrenchments or palisades, and strong towers and forts were built on such places as presented the most favorable position for resisting attacks. to their forts they retired when invaded by a superior force, and from the walls they hurled large rocks with damaging effect against their foes. cortés found erected on the bank of the tabasco river, in front of one of their towns, a strong wooden stockade, with loopholes through which to discharge arrows; and subsequently, during his march through their country, they frequently set fire to their villages, with the object of harassing his troops. when advancing to battle they maintained a regular formation, and they are described as having met francisco montejo in good order, drawn up in three columns, the centre under the command of their chief, accompanied by their chief priest. the combatants rushed forward to the attack with loud shouts, cheered on by the blowing of horns and beating of small drums called _tunkules_. prisoners taken in battle were sacrificed to their gods.[ ] the furniture of their houses is of the plainest description, and limited to their absolute wants. their tables or benches are made of a few rough boards, and a mat called _petate_, spread on the floor, serves for a bed, while a coarse woolen blanket is used for covering; some few have small cane bedsteads. the natives of tabasco and yucatan more commonly have a network _hamaca_ or hammock, suspended from two posts or trees. their cooking-utensils consist of the metate, pots made of earthenware, and gourds. the universal machete carried by man and boy serves many purposes, such as chopping firewood, killing animals, eating, and building houses. burgoa describes nets of a peculiar make used by the zapotecs for catching game; in the knots of the net were fixed the claws of lions, tigers, bears, and other wild beasts of prey, and at intervals were fastened a certain number of small stones; the object of such construction being probably to wound or disable the animal when caught.[ ] [sidenote: oajacan manufactures.] the zapotecs, miztecs, mayas, and others, since the conquest, have long been justly celebrated for the manufacture of cotton stuffs, a fact that is all the more surprising when we consider the very imperfect implements they possessed with which to perform the work. burgoa speaks of the excellence and rich quality of their manufactures in cotton, silk, and gold thread, in , and thomas gage, writing about the same time, says "it is rare to see what works those indian women will make in silk, such as might serve for patterns and samplers to many schoolmistresses in england." all the spinning and weaving is done by the women; the cotton clothes they make are often interwoven with beautiful patterns or figures of birds and animals, sometimes with gold and silk thread. a species of the agave americana is extensively cultivated through the country, from the fibres of which the natives spin a very strong thread that is used chiefly for making hammocks; the fibre is bleached and then dyed in different rich tints. the materials they have for dyeing are so good that the colors never fade. the zapotecs have also an intimate knowledge of the process of tanning skins, which they use for several domestic purposes.[ ] notwithstanding their proximity to the sea-coast, and although their country is in many parts intersected by rivers and lagoons, they have a surprisingly slight knowledge of navigation, few having any vessels with which to venture into deep water. the inhabitants of tabasco, the yucatan coast, and cozumel island possess some canoes made from the single trunk of a mahogany-tree, which they navigate with small lateen sails and paddles. the huaves and others are in complete ignorance of the management of any description of boats.[ ] the zoques make from the ixtle and pita thread and superior hammocks, in which they have quite a trade. in the neighborhood of santa maría they grow excellent oranges, and sell them throughout all the neighboring towns. the zapotecs have, many of them, a considerable commerce in fruits, vegetables, and seeds. in the city of tehuantepec the business of buying and selling is conducted exclusively by women in the market-place. the ahualulcos are chiefly employed in cutting planks and beams, with which they supply many places on this isthmus; they also trade to some extent in seeds and cotton cloths. different kinds of earthenware vessels for domestic purposes are made by the natives of chiapas, and by them exchanged for salt, hatchets, and glass ornaments. the mayas have an extensive business in logwood, which, besides maize and poultry, they transport to several places along the coast. mr stephens describes a small community of the maya nation, numbering about a hundred men with their families, living at a place called schawill, who hold and work their lands in common. the products of the soil are shared equally by all, and the food for the whole settlement is prepared at one hut. each family contributes its quota of provisions, which, when cooked, are carried off smoking hot to their several dwellings. many of the natives of tabasco earn a livelihood by keeping bee-hives; the bees are captured wild in the woods, and domesticated. the huaves breed cattle and tan hides; cheese and tasajo, or jerked meat, are prepared and exported by them and other tribes on the isthmus of tehuantepec. at the present day cochineal is cultivated to a considerable extent, and forms an important article of commerce among the inhabitants. a rather remarkable propensity to the possession of large numbers of mules is peculiar to the mijes; such property in no way benefits them, as they make no use of them as beasts of burden; indeed, their owners seem to prefer carrying the loads on their own backs.[ ] [sidenote: zapotec government.] formerly the zapotecs were governed by a king, under whom were caciques or governors who ruled over certain districts. their rank and power descended by inheritance, but they were obliged to pay tribute to the king, from whom they held their authority in fief. at the time of the conquest the most powerful among them was the lord of cuicatlan; for the service of his household, ten servants were furnished daily, and he was treated with the greatest respect and homage. in later years a cacique was elected annually by the people, and under him officers were appointed for the different villages. once a week these sub-officers assembled to consult with and receive instructions from the cacique on matters relating to the laws and regulations of their districts. in the towns of the miztecs a municipal form of government was established. certain officials, elected annually, appointed the work which was to be done by the people, and every morning at sunrise the town-criers from the tops of the highest houses called the inhabitants to their allotted tasks. it was also the duty of the town-criers to inflict the punishment imposed on all who from laziness or other neglect failed to perform their share of work. a somewhat similar system appears to have prevailed in chiapas, where the people lived under a species of republican government.[ ] the mayas were at one time governed by a king who reigned supreme over the whole of yucatan. internal dissensions and wars, however, caused their country to be divided up into several provinces, which were ruled over by lords or petty kings, who held complete sway, each in his own territory, owing allegiance to none, and recognizing no authority outside of their own jurisdiction. these lords appointed captains of towns, who had to perform their duties subject to their lord's approval. disputes arising, the captains named umpires to determine differences, whose decisions were final. these people had also a code of criminal laws, and when capital punishment was ordered, public executioners carried the sentence into effect. the crime of adultery in the man was punishable by death, but the injured party could claim the right to have the adulterer delivered to him, and he could kill or pardon him at pleasure; disgrace was the punishment of the woman. the rape of a virgin was punished by stoning the man to death.[ ] [sidenote: slavery and marriage.] slavery existed among the tribes of goazacoalco and tabasco. doña marina was one of twenty female slaves who were presented to cortés by the cacique of the latter place; and when her mother, who lived in the province of goazacoalco, gave her away to some traveling merchants, she, to conceal the act, pretended that the corpse of one of her slaves who died at that time was that of her own daughter.[ ] [sidenote: weddings and fathers-in-law.] among the zapotecs and other nations who inhabit the isthmus of tehuantepec, marriages are contracted at a very early age; it happens not unfrequently that a youth of fourteen marries a girl of eleven or twelve. polygamy is not permissible, and gentleness, affection, and frugality characterize the marital relations. certain superstitious ceremonies formerly attended the birth of children, which, to a modified extent, exist at the present day. when a woman was about to be confined, the relatives assembled in the hut, and commenced to draw on the floor figures of different animals, rubbing each one out as soon as it was completed. this operation continued till the moment of birth, and the figure that then remained sketched upon the ground was called the child's _tona_ or second self. when the child grew old enough, he procured the animal that represented him and took care of it, as it was believed that health and existence were bound up with that of the animals, in fact, that the death of both would occur simultaneously. soon after the child was born, the parents, accompanied by friends and relatives, carried it to the nearest water, where it was immersed, while at the same time they invoked the inhabitants of the water to extend their protection to the child; in like manner they afterwards prayed for the favor of the animals of the land. it is a noticeable trait, much to the credit of the parents, that their children render to them as well as to all aged people the greatest respect and obedience. that the women are strictly moral cannot be asserted. voluptuous, with minds untrained, and their number being greatly in excess of the men, it is not surprising that travelers have noted an absence of chastity among these women; yet few cases of conjugal infidelity occur, and chastity is highly esteemed. illegitimate children are not common, partly the result, perhaps, of early marriages.[ ] among the quelenes, when a contract of marriage was made, the friends and relatives collected at the assembly-house common to every village. the bride and bridegroom were then introduced by the parents, and in the presence of the cacique and priest confessed all the sins of which they were guilty. the bridegroom was obliged to state whether he had had connection with the bride or with other women, and she, on her part, made a full confession of all her shortcomings; this ended, the parents produced the presents, which consisted of wearing-apparel and jewelry, in which they proceeded to array them; they were then lifted up and placed upon the shoulders of two old men and women, who carried them to their future home, where they laid them on a bed, locked them in, and there left them securely married.[ ] among the mayas early marriage was a duty imposed by the spanish fathers, and if a boy or girl at the age of twelve or fourteen had not chosen a mate, the priest selected one of equal rank or fortune and obliged them to marry. the usual presents were dresses; and a banquet was prepared, of which all present partook. during the feast the parents of the parties addressed them in speeches applicable to the occasion, and afterwards the house was perfumed by the priest, who then blessed the company and the ceremony ended. previous to the wedding-day the parents fasted during three days. the young man built a house in front of that of his father-in-law, in which he lived with his wife during the first years of his servitude, for he was obliged to work for his father-in-law four or five years. if he failed to perform faithful service, his father-in-law dismissed him, and gave his daughter to another. widowers were exempt from this servitude, and could choose whom they pleased for a wife without the interference of relatives. it was forbidden a man to marry a woman of the same name as his father. they married but one wife, though the lords were permitted to make concubines of their slaves. mr stephens, in his description of the inhabitants of the village of schawill, says: "every member must marry within the rancho, and no such thing as a marriage out of it had ever occurred. they said it was impossible; it could not happen. they were in the habit of going to the villages to attend the festivals; and when we suggested a supposable case of a young man or woman falling in love with some village indian, they said it might happen; there was no law against it; but none could marry out of the rancho. this was a thing so little apprehended, that the punishment for it was not defined in their penal code; but being questioned, after some consultations, they said that the offender, whether man or woman would be expelled. we remarked that in their small community constant intermarriages must make them all relatives, which they said was the case since the reduction of their numbers by the cholera. they were in fact all kinsfolk, but it was allowable for kinsfolk to marry, except in the relationship of brothers and sisters." in divisions of property women could not inherit; in default of direct male heirs the estate went to the brothers or nearest male relatives. when the heir was a minor, one of his male relatives was appointed guardian, until the days of his minority should have passed, when the property was delivered up to him. the southern mexicans were particular to keep a strict chronology of their lineage. young children underwent a kind of baptismal ceremony. the mayas believed that ablution washed away all evil; and previous to the ceremony the parents fasted three days, and they were particular to select for it what they considered a lucky day. the age at which the rite was performed was between three and twelve years, and no one could marry until he had been baptized. habits of industry as well as respect for parents and aged people was strongly impressed upon the minds of the children.[ ] the southern mexicans are fond of singing and dancing, though there is not much variety either in their melancholy music or monotonous dances. their favorite instrument is the _marimba_, composed of pieces of hard wood of different lengths stretched across a hollowed-out canoe-shaped case. the pieces of wood or keys are played upon with two short sticks, one held in each hand. the sound produced is soft and pleasing, and not unlike that of a piano. another instrument is the _tunkul_ or drum, made of a hollow log with sheep-skin stretched over the end; it is struck with the fingers of the right hand, the performer holding it under his left arm. their movements during their dances are slow and graceful. the men are addicted to intoxication at their feasts, the liquor in common use among them being mescal and aguardiente, a colorless spirit made from the sugar-cane. many of the natives have a small still in their houses.[ ] [sidenote: customs in oajaca.] the zapotecs are exceedingly polite to one another in their common salutations, calling each other brother, and to the descendants of their ancient caciques or lords the utmost reverence is paid. it is related by a mexican writer that in a village not distant from the city of oajaca, whenever an aged man, the son of one of their ancient lords was seen by the natives out walking, with a majesty that well became his fine form, position, and age, they uncovered their heads, kissed his hands, which he held out to them, with much tenderness, calling him _daade_ (father), and remained uncovered until he was lost to sight. they are a theocratic people, much addicted to their ancient religious belief and customs. those who live in the vicinity of mitla entertain a peculiar superstition; they will run to the farthest villages and pick up even the smallest stones that formed a part of the mosaic work of that famous ruin, believing that such stones will in their hands turn into gold. some of them hold the belief that anyone who discovers a buried or hidden treasure has no right to appropriate to his own use any portion of it, and that if he does, death will strike him down within the year, in punishment of the sacrilege committed against the spirit of the person who hid or buried the treasure. one of the first priests that lived among the zapotecs says that after they had entered the pale of the church, they still clung to their old religious practices, and made offerings of aromatic gums, and living animals; and that when the occasion demanded a greater solemnity, the officiating priest drew blood from the under part of his tongue, and from the back part of his ears, with which he sprinkled some thick coarse straw, held as sacred and used at the sacrifices. to warm themselves, the chochos, or chuchones, of oajaca used, in cold weather, towards the evening, to burn logs and dry leaves close to the entrance of their caves, and blow the smoke into their dwellings, which being quite full, all the family, old and young, males and females, rushed in naked and closed the entrance. the natives of goazacoalco and other places practiced some of the jewish rites, including a kind of circumcision, which custom they claimed to have derived from their forefathers; hence have arisen innumerable analogies to prove the jewish origin of these peoples. the huaves still preserve ancient customs at their feasts. it is a remarkable fact that although nearly all these people are fishermen, very few of them can swim. the mijes have a habit of speaking in very loud tones; this is attributed by some to their haughty spirit, and by others to their manner of life in the most rugged portion of the mountains. when bound upon a journey, if they have no other load to carry, they fill their _tonates_, or nets, with stones. this is generally done by them on the return home from the market-place of tehuantepec. these loads rest upon their backs, and hang by a band from their foreheads. in ancient times, when they were in search of a new country to settle in, they subjected the places they had devastated to the fire proof. this was done by putting a firebrand over night into a hole, and if it was found extinguished in the morning, they considered that the sun desired his children (that is themselves) to continue their journey. they are much given, even at the present time, to idolatrous practices, and will make sacrifices in their churches, if permitted, of birds as offerings to the false gods they worshiped before their partial conversion to christianity. the natives attribute eclipses of the moon to an attempt by the sun to destroy their satellite, and to prevent the catastrophe make a frightful uproar, employing therefor everything they can get hold of.[ ] [sidenote: diseases and medical treatment.] the diseases most prevalent among the southern mexicans are fevers, measles, and severe colds. all these people possess an excellent knowledge of medicinal herbs, and make use of them in cases of pains and sickness. they still practice some of their mysterious ceremonies, and are inclined to attribute all complaints to the evil influence of bewitchments. father baeza, in the _registro yucateco_, says they consulted a crystal or transparent stone called _zalzun_, by which they pretended to divine the origin and cause of any sickness. when suffering with fever or other disorders, the disease is often much aggravated and death caused by injudicious bathing in the rivers. in ancient times tobacco was much used as a specific against pains arising from colds, rheumatism, and asthma; the natives found that it soothed the nerves and acted as a narcotic. they also practiced bleeding with a sharp flint or fish-bone. the zapotecs attempted cures by means of a blow-pipe, at the same time invoking the assistance of the gods.[ ] when a death occurs the body is wrapped in a cotton cloth, leaving the head and face uncovered, and in this condition is placed in a grave. very few of the ancient funeral usages remain at the present day, though some traces of superstitious ceremonies may still be observed among them; such as placing food in the grave, or at different spots in its immediate vicinity. sometimes a funeral is conducted with a certain degree of pomp, and the corpse carried to its last resting-place followed by horn-blowers, and tunkul-drummers. as in the case of the central mexicans, a memorial day is observed, when much respect is shown for the memory of the dead, at which times fruits, bread, and cakes are placed upon the graves.[ ] [sidenote: character of southern mexicans.] the character of the inhabitants of the tehuantepec isthmus and yucatan is at the present day one of docility and mildness. with a few exceptions they are kind-hearted, confiding, and generous, and some few of them evince a high degree of intelligence, although the majority are ignorant, superstitious, of loose morality as we esteem it, yet apparently unconscious of wrong. cayetano moro says they are far superior to the average american indian. the zapotecs are a bold and independent people, exhibit many intellectual qualities, and are of an impatient disposition, though cheerful, gentle, and inoffensive; they make good soldiers; they are fanatical and superstitious like their neighbors. the women are full of vivacity, of temperate and industrious habits, their manners are characterized by shyness rather than modesty, and they are full of intrigue. to this nation the mijes present a complete contrast; of all the tribes who inhabit the isthmus, they are the most brutal, degraded, and idolatrous; they are grossly stupid, yet stubborn and ferocious. the chontales and choles are barbarous, fierce, and quarrelsome, and greatly addicted to witchcraft. the cajonos and nexitzas, of oajaca, are of a covetous and malicious nature, dishonest in their dealings, and much inclined to thieving. the zoques are more rational in their behavior; although they are ignorant and intemperate in their habits, they are naturally kind and obliging, as well as patient and enduring. the huaves are deficient in intelligence, arrogant and inhospitable to strangers, and of a reticent and perverse disposition. the miztecs are grave and steady; they exhibit many traits of ingenuity, are industrious, hospitable, and affable in their manners, and retain an ardent love for liberty.[ ] the mayas exhibit many distinguished characteristics. although of limited intelligence, and more governed by their senses than their reason, their good qualities predominate. formerly they were fierce and warlike, but these characteristics have given place to timidity, and they now appear patient, generous, and humane; they are frugal and satisfied with little, being remarkably free from avarice. herrera describes them as fierce and warlike, much given to drunkenness and other sins, but generous and hospitable. doctor young, in his history of mexico, says: "they are not so intelligent or energetic, though far more virtuous and humane than their brethren of the north." the women are industrious, have pleasing manners, and are inclined to shyness. to sum it all up, i may say that the besetting vice of these nations is intemperance, but the habit of drinking to excess is found to be much more common among the mountain tribes than among the inhabitants of the lowlands. quarrels among themselves seldom occur, and there is abundant evidence to show that many of them possess excellent natural qualifications both for common labor, and artistic industry; and that there is no cause to prevent their becoming, under favorable circumstances, useful citizens.[ ] tribal boundaries. under the name wild tribes of mexico, i include all the people inhabiting the mexican territory from ocean to ocean, between latitude ° north and the central american boundary line south, including yucatan and tehuantepec. the southernmost point of this division touches the fifteenth degree of north latitude. a subdivision of this group is made and the parts are called the _central mexicans_, and the _southern mexicans_, respectively. in the former i include the nations north of an imaginary line, drawn from the port of acapulco, on the pacific coast, to vera cruz, on the gulf of mexico, and in the latter all those south of this line. going to the fountain-head of mexican history, i find mentioned certain names, of which it is now impossible to determine whether they are different names applied to the same people or different peoples, or whether they are mythical and apply to no really existing nations. still less is it possible to give these strange names any definite location; instance the toltecs and the chichimecs, and indeed almost all early designations, very common names used to denote very uncommon people. sahagun is the only one of the oldest writers who mentions the name of toltecs, which in later years was used by ixtlilxochitl and boturini, and after them bandied about more freely by modern writers. after the conquest, the name chichimecs was applied to all uncivilized and unsettled people north of the valley of mexico, extending to the farthest discovered region. of still other nations nothing further can be said than that they occupied the cities to which their name was applied; such were the mexicans, or aztecs, the tlascaltecs, the cholultecs, and many others. some general remarks respecting the location of the principal civilized nations, will be found in vol. ii., chap. ii., of this work; and all obtainable details concerning the many tribes that cannot be definitely located here are given in volume v. [sidenote: olmecs and xicalancas.] the _quinames_ or giants are mentioned as the first inhabitants of mexico. 'los quinametin, gigantes que vivian en esta rinconada, que se dice ahora nueva españa.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _id._, _hist. chichimeca_, in _id._, p. . 'los que hasta ahora se sabe, aver morado estas estendidas, y ampliadisimas tierras, y regiones, de la nueva españa, fueron vnas gentes mui crecidas de cuerpo, que llamaron despues otros, qainametin.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'les quinamés, la plus ancienne des races connues de ces contrées, étaient encore en possession de quelques localités de peu d'importance près des villes de huitzilapan, de cuetlaxcohuapan et de totomihuacan.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . 'sa domination s'étendait sur les provinces intérieures du mexique et du guatémala, et, à l'époque du débarquement des olmèques et des xicalancas, les histoires nous la montrent encore en possession du plateau aztèque et des contrées voisines du fleuve tabasco.' _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clviii., p. . 'vivian hácia las riberas del rio atoyac, entre la ciudad de tlaxcala y la de la puebla de los angeles.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. , - . the _olmecs_ and _xicalancas_ were 'los que poseian este nuevo mundo, en esta tercera edad.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chichimeca_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . 'olmecas, vixtoti, y mixtecas. estos tales así llamados, están ácia el nacimiento del sol, y llámanles tambien _tenime_, porque hablan lengua bárbara, y dicen que son tultecas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . 'estos poblaron, donde aora està edificada, y poblada la ciudad de los angeles, y en totomihuacan.... los xicalancas, fueron tambien poblando, ácia cuathazualco (que es ácia la costa del norte) y adelante en la misma costa, está oi dia vn pueblo, que se dice xicalanco.... otro pueblo ai del mismo nombre, en la provincia de maxcaltzinco, cerca del puerto de la vera-cruz, que parece averlo tambien poblado los xicalancas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'atravesando los puertos del bolcan, y sierra-nevada, y otros rodeandolos por la parte de el mediodia, hasta que venieron à salir à vn lugar, que de presente se llama tochmilco. de alli, pasaron á atlixco, calpan, y huexotzinco, hasta llegar al parage, y tierras de la provincia de tlaxcallan; y haciendo asiento en el principio, y entrada de la dicha tierra, hicieron su fundacion en el pueblo, que aora se llama nuestra señora de la natividad (y en lengua mexicana yancuictlalpan.) de alli, pasaron à otro poblado, el referido, llamado huapalcalco, junto à vna hermita, que llaman de santa cruz, al qual llaman los naturales, texoloc, mizco, y xiloxuchitla, donde aora es la hermita de san vicente, y el cerro de la xochitecatl, y tenayacac, donde estàn otras dos hermitas, à poco trecho vna de otra, que las llaman de san miguél, y de san francisco, enmedio de las quales, pasa el rio, que viene de la sierra nevada de huexotzinco. y aqui en este sitio, hicieron los hulmecas, su principal asiento, y poblaçon.' _id._, p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . 'vlmecatlh poblo tambien muchos lugares en aquella parte, a do agora esta la ciudad de los angeles. y nombro los totomiuacan, vicilapan, cuetlaxcoapan, y otros assi. xicalancatlh anduuo mas tierra, llego a la mar del norte, y en la costa hizo muchos pueblos. pero a los dos mas principales llamo de su mesmo nombre. el vn xicalanco esta en la prouincia de maxcalcinco, que es cerca de la vera cruz, y el otro xicalanco esta cerca de tauasco.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'hácia atlisco y itzucan los xicalancas: y en el territorio de la puebla, chollolan y tlaxcallan los ulmecas, cuya primitiva y principal poblacion dicen haber sido la ciudad de chollolan.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. - , ; _id._, _popol vuh_, introd., p. xxx.; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iii., p. . the _coras_ constitute the north-westernmost nation of the central mexicans, inhabiting the district of 'nayarit ó reino de nuevo toledo.... al oeste tiene los pueblos de la antigua provincia de acaponeta; al este los de colotlan, y al sur quieren algunos que se extienda hasta las orillas del rio grande ó tololotlan ... el nayarit se extiende entre los ° ´ y ° de lat., y entre los ° y ° de long. occidental de méxico.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'en la sierra del nayarit.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'los indios que viven en el centro de la sierra, llamados muutzizti.... los llamados teakuaeitzizti viven en las faldas de la sierra que mira al poniente ... los coras que viven á la orilla del rio nayarit ó de jesus maría, conocidos por ateakari.' _id._, p. . the _tecoxines_ 'tenian su principal asiento en el valle de cactlan ... y se extendian à la magdalena, analco, hoxtotipaquillo y barrancas de mochitiltic.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _cocotlanes_ were at the missions of 'apozolco y en comatlan.' _id._, p. . the _maraveres_ reside in tlajomulco. _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. ii., p. . the _thorames_ and _tzayaquecas_ dwell near the town of zentipac. 'dos leguas apartado del mar, la nacion thorama ... diez leguas de zentipac habia otros indios de nacion tzayaqueca.' _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. . 'la gran poblacion y valle de tzenticpac, cuyo pueblo principal está situado punto á la mar del sur, dos leguas antes á orillas del rio grande, y que la gente de esta provincia era de la nacion totorame.' _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. . the _corarus_ 'habitaban ... hacia la parte del norte, diez leguas del dicho pueblo de tzenticpac.' _ib._ the _guicholas_ 'are settled in the village of san sebastian, which lies eighteen leagues to the westward of bolaños.' _lyon's journal_, vol. i., p. ; _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xl., p. . 'en santa catarina, s. sebastian, s. andres coamiat, soledad y tezompan, pertenecientes á colotlan.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _coronados_ 'son los del pueblo de tuito al sur del valle de banderas.' _id._, p. . the _tiaxomultecs_ 'habitaban en tlajomulco.' 'estos tecuexes ... llaman à los indios cocas de toda la provincia de tonalan, que no eran de su lengua, tlaxomultecas.' _id._, p. . the _cocas_ and _tecuexes_ 'eran los de la provincia de tonalan.... los tecuexes pasaban del otro lado de tololotlan hasta ocupar parte de zacatecas, derramándose por los pueblos de tecpatitlan, teocaltiche, mitic, jalostotitlan, mesticatan, yagualica, tlacotlan, teocaltitlan, ixtlahuacan, cuautla, ocotic y acatic.' _id._, pp. - . the _mazapiles_ are 'al n. e. de la zacateca.' _hervas_, in _id._, p. . the _cazcanes_ 'habitan hasta la comarca de zacatecas.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. xiii.; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'ocupaba el terreno desde el rio grande, confinando con los tecuexes y los tepecanos.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , . the _mecos_ live in the pueblo soledad de las canoas, in the state of querétaro. _alcedo_, _dicc._, tom. iv., p. . the _pames_ inhabit the state of querétaro, 'treinta leguas distante de la expresada ciudad de querétaro, y se estiende á cien leguas de largo, y treinta de ancho, en cuyas breñas vivian los indios de la nacion pame.' _paiou_, _vida de junípero serra_, p. . 'en la mision de cerro prieto del estado de méxico, se extiende principalmente por los pueblos de san luis potosí, y tambien se le encuentra en querétaro y en guanajuato.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , , , . 'en san luis de la paz, territorio de la sierra gorda ... en la ciudad del maiz, departamento de san luis potosí ... en la purísima concepcion de arnedo, en la sierra gorda.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . [sidenote: the otomÍs.] the _otomís_ are one of the most widely dispersed nations of mexico. 'todo lo alto de las montañas, ó la mayor parte, á la redonda de méxico, están llenas de ellos. la cabeza de su señorío creo que es xilotepec, que es una gran provincia, y las provincias de tollan y otompa casi todas son de ellos, sin contar que en lo bueno de la nueva españa hay muchas poblaciones de estos otomíes, de los quales proceden los chichimecas.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . the above is copied by torquemada, in his _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'estos teochichimecas son los que aora se llaman otomies.... tlaixpan, es de los que hablan esta lengua otomi.' _id._, p. . 'la grandisima provincia, ò reino de los otomies, que coge à tepexic, tula, xilotepec, cabeça de este reyno, chiapa, xiquipilco, atocpan, y queretaro, en cuio medio de estos pueblos referidos, ai otro inumerables, porque lo eran sus gentes.' _id._, p. . 'xilotepeque provincia otomiis habitata.' _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'la provincia degli otomiti cominciava nella parte settentrionale della valle messicana, e si continuava per quelle montagne verso tramontana sino a novanta miglia dalla capitale. sopra tutti i luoghi abitati, che v'erano ben molti, s'innalzava l'antica e celebre città di tollan [oggidì tula] e quella di xilotepec.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . in ancient times they 'occuparono un tratto di terra di più di trecento miglia dalle montagne d'izmiquilpan verso maestro, confinando verso levante, e verso ponente con altre nazioni parimente selvaggie.' later: 'fondarono nel paese d'anahuac, ed anche nella stessa valle di messico infiniti luoghi; la maggior parte d'essi, e spezialmente i più grandi, come quelli di xilotopec e di huitzapan nelle vicinanze del paese, che innanzi occupavano: altri sparsi fra i matlatzinchi, ed i tlascallesi, ed in altre provincie del regno.' _id._, p. . 'los indios de este pais (querétaro) eran por la mayor parte otomites.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. ii., p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . 'sous le nom d'othomis, on comprenait généralement les restes des nations primitives, répandus dans les hautes vallées qui bornent l'anahuac à l'occident.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . 'les traditions les plus anciennes du mexique nous montrent les othomis en possession des montagnes et de la vallée d'anahuac, ainsi que des vastes contrées qui s'étendent au delà, dans le michoacan, jusqu'aux frontières de xalizco et de tonalàn; ils étaient également les maîtres du plateau de tlaxcallan.' _id._, tom. i., p. . 'ils occupaient la plus grande partie de la vallée d'anahuac, avec ses contours jusqu'aux environs de cholullan, ainsi que les provinces que s'étendent au nord entre la michoacan et tuilantzinco.' _id._, p. . 'otompan, aujourd'hui otumba, fut leur capitale.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, introd., pp. xxx., cx. querétaro 'fue siempre domicilio de los esforzados othomites.... tienen poblado todo lo alto de las montañas, que circundan á mexico, siendo cabecera de toda la provincia othomí xilotepec, que la hacen numerosa los pueblos de tepexic, tula, huichiapan, xiquilpo, atocpan, el mexquital, s. juan del rio, y queretaro.' _espinosa_, _chrón. apostólica_, pp. - . the otomí language 'se le encuentra derramado por el estado de méxico, entra en san luis potosí, abraza todo querétaro y la mayor parte de guanajuato, limitándose al o. por los pueblos de los tarascos; reaparece confundido con el tepehua cerca del totonaco, y salpicado aquí y allá se tropieza con él en puebla y en veracruz.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , - , , - , - , . 'en todo el estado de querétaro y en una parte de los de san luis, guanajuato, michoacan, méxico, puebla, veracruz y tlaxcala.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . concurrent authorities: _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. ii., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. , , - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., p. ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. ; _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, tom. iv., p. . 'habitait les bords du golfe du mexique, depuis la province de panuco jusqu'au nueces.' _domenech_, _jour._, p. . the _mazahuas_ 'furono tempo fa parte della nazione otomita.... i principali luoghi da loro abitati erano sulle montagne occidentali della valle messicana, e componevano la provincia di mazahuacan, appartenente alla corona di tacuba.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - ; copied in _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon de guadalupe_, p. . 'mazahua, mazahui, matzahua, matlazahua mozahui, en mexico y en michoacan. en tiempos del imperio azteca esta tribu pertenecia al reino de tlacopan; sus pueblos marcaban los límites entre su señorío y michoacan.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'parece que solo quedan algunos restos de la nacion mazahua en el distrito ixtlahuaca, perteneciente al departamento de méxico.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'au nord ils étendaient leurs villages jusqu'à peu de distance de l'ancien tollan.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . the _huastecs_, huaxtecs, guastecs, or cuextecas inhabit portions of the states of vera cruz and tamaulipas. 'a los mismos llamaban panteca ó panoteca, que quiere decir hombres del lugar pasadero, los cuales fueron así llamados, y son los que viven en la provincia de panuco, que propiamente se llaman pantlan, ó panotlan.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . 'el huaxtecapan se extendió de veracruz á san luis potosí, y corria á lo largo de la costa del golfo, hácia el norte, prolongándose probablemente muy adentro de tamaulipas, por lugares en donde ahora no se encuentra ni vestigio suyo.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , . 'cuando llegaron los españoles, el lugar que ocupaban era la frontera norte del reino de texcoco, y parte de la del mexicano.... hoy se conoce su pais con el nombre de la huaxteca: comprende la parte norte del estado de veracruz y una fraccion lindante del de san luis, confinando, al oriente, con el golfo de méxico, desde la barra de tuxpan hasta tampico.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . further mention in _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. - ; _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _villa-señor_, _theatro_, tom. i., p. . [sidenote: totonacs and nahuatlacs.] the _totonacs_ occupy the country east of the valley of mexico down to the sea-coast, and particularly the state of veracruz and a portion of puebla. 'estos totonaques estan poblados á la parte del norte, y se dice ser guastemas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - . 'totonachi. questa grande provincia, ch'era per quella parte l'ultima dell' imperio, si stendeva per ben centocinquanta miglia, cominciando dalla frontiera di zacatlan ... e terminando nel golfo messicano. oltre alla capitale mizquihuacan, quindici miglia a levante da zacatlan, v'era la bella città di cempoallan sulla costa del golfo.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . 'raccontavano dunque, que essendosi eglino da principio per qualche tempo stabiliti su le rive del lago tezcucano, quindi si portarono a popolare quelle montagne, che da loro presero il nome di totonacapan.' _id._, tom. iv., p. . 'en puebla y en veracruz. los totonacos ocupan la parte norte del departamento, formando un solo grupo con sus vecinos de veracruz; terminan sobre la costa del golfo, en toda la zona que se extiende entre los rios de chachalacas y de cazones ó s. márcos.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , . 'están estendidos, y derramados por las sierras, que le caen, al norte, à esta ciudad de mexico.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . 'in the districts of zacatlan, state of puebla, and in the state of vera cruz.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. ; _villa-señor_, _theatro_, tom. i., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. . the _meztitlanecs_ inhabited the region north of tezcuco, between the sierra madre and the territory occupied by the huastecs. 'al norte de tetzcoco existia el señorío independiente de meztitlan, que hoy corresponde al estado de méxico.... obedecian á meztitlan, cabecera principal, las provincias de molango, malila, tlanchinolticpac, ilamatlan, atlihuetzian, suchicoatlan, tianguiztengo, guazalingo, yagualica. el señorío, pues, se extendia por toda la sierra, hasta el limite con los huaxtecos: en yahualica estaba la guarnicion contra ellos, por ser la frontera, comenzando desde allí las llanuras de huaxtecapan. xelitla era el punto mas avanzado al oeste y confinaba con los bárbaros chichimecas: el término al sur era zacualtipan y al norte tenia á los chichimecas.' _chavez_, _relacion de meztitlan_, quoted in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _nahuatlacs_ 'se diuiden en siete linajes.... los primeros fueron los suchimilcos, que quiere dezir, gente de sementeras de flores. estos poblaron a la orilla de la gran laguna de mexico hazia el mediodia, y fundaron vna ciudad de su nombre, y otros muchos lugares. mucho despues llegaron los del segundo linage llamados chalcas, que significa gente de las bocas, y tambien fundaron otra ciudad de su nombre, partiendo terminos con los suchimílcos. los terceros fueron los tepanecas, que quiere dezir, gente de la puente. y tambien poblaron en la orilla de la laguna al occidente.... la cabeça de su provincia la llamaron azcapuzàlco.... tras estos vinieron, los que poblaron a tezcùco, que son los de cùlhua, que quiere dezir, gente corua.... y assi quedò la laguna cercada de estas quatro naciones, poblando estos al oriente, y los tepanècas al norte.... despues llegaron los tlatluìcas, que significa gente de la sierra.... y como hallaron ocupados todos los llanos en contorno de la laguna hasta las sierras, passaron de la otra parte de la sierra.... y a la cabeça de su prouincia llamaron quahunahuàc ... que corrompidamente nuestro vulgo llama quernauaca, y aquella prouincia es, la que oy se dize el marquesado. los de la sexta generacion, que son los tlascaltècas, que quiere dezir gente de pan, passaron la serrania hazia el oriente atrauessando la sierra neuada, donde està el famoso bolcan entre mexico y la ciudad de los angeles ... la cabeça de su prouincia llamaron de su nombre tlascàla.... la septima cueua, o linage, que es la nacion mexicana, la qual como las otras, salio de las prouincias de aztlan, y teuculhuàcan.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - . repeated in _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. x. also in _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - , and in _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon de guadalupe_, p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . the _acolhuas_ inhabited the kingdom of acolhuacan. 'su capital era tetzcoco, á la orilla del lago de su nombre.... la extension del reino era: desde el mar del n. á la del sur, con todo lo que se comprende á la banda del poniente hasta el puerto de la veracruz, salvo la cuidad de tlachcala y huexotzinco.' _pomar_, _relacion de texcoco_, quoted in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . 'juan b. pomar fija los límites del reino con toda la exageracion que puede infundir el orgullo de raza. por nuestra parte, hemos leido con cuidado las relaciones que á la monarquía corresponden, y hemos estudiado en el plano los lugares á que se refieren, y ni de las unas ní de los otros llegamos á sacar jamas que los reyes de aculhuacan mandaran sobre las tribus avecindadas en la costa del pacífico, no ya á la misma altura de méxico, sino aun á menores latitudes.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . see further: _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . the _ocuiltecs_ 'viven en el distrito de toluca, en tierras y terminos suyos.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . the _macaoaquez_ 'viven en una comarca de toluca, y están poblados en el pueblo de xocotitlan. _ib._ the _tarascos_ dwell chiefly in the state of michoacan. 'la provincia de estos, es la madre de los pescados, que es michoacan: llámase tambien quaochpanme.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . repeated in _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . their territory is bounded: 'au nord-est, le royaume de tonalan et le territoire maritime de colima eu sont séparés par le rio pantla et le fleuve coahuayana, auquel s'unit cette rivière, dix lieues avant d'aller tomber dans la mer pacifique, dont le rivage continue ensuite à borner le michoacan, au sud-ouest, jusqu'à zacatollan. là les courbes capricieuses du mexcala lui constituent d'autres limites, à l'est et au sud, puis, à l'est encore, les riches provinces de cohuixco et de matlatzinco.... plus au nord, c'étaient les mazahuas, dont les fertiles vallées, ainsi que celles des matlatzincas, s'étendent dans les régions les plus froides de la cordillère; enfin le cour majestueux du tololotlan et les rives pittoresques du lac chapala formaient une barrière naturelle entre les tarasques et les nombreuses populations othomies et chichimèques des états de guanaxuato et de queretaro.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. , . 'el tarasco se habla en el estado de michoacan, exceptuando la parte sur-oeste que linda con el pacífico donde se habla el mexicano, una pequeña parte al nor-este, donde se acostumbra el othomí ó el mazahua, y otra parte donde se usa el matlatzinca. tambien se habla en el estado de guanajuato, en la parte que linda con michoacan y guadalajara, limitada al oriente por una línea que puede comenzar en acámbaro, seguir á irapuato y terminar en san felipe, es decir, en los límites con san luis potosí.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . 'en michoacan, guerrero, guanajuato y jalisco.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , , , - , . concurrent authorities: _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. ; _figuier's hum. race_, p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. ii., p. [sidenote: matlaltzincas and tlapanecs.] the _matlaltzincas_, pirindas, or tolucas inhabited the valley of toluca, situated between the valley of mexico and michoacan. 'la provincia dei matlatzinchi comprendeva, oltre la valle di tolocan, tutto quello spazio, che v'è infino a tlaximaloyan (oggi taximaroa) frontiera del regno di michuacan.... nelle montagne circonvicine v'erano gli stati di xalatlauhco, di tzompahuacan, e di malinalco; in non molta lontananza verso levante dalla valle quello d'ocuillan, e verso ponente quelli di tozantla, e di zoltepec.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - , . 'antiguamente en el valle de toluca; pero hoy solo se usa en charo, lugar perteneciente al estado de michoacan.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . 'in the district of that name, sixty miles south-west of mexico.' _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, tom. i., p. . also in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . the _chumbias_ inhabit the pueblos ciutla, axalo, ihuitlan, vitalata, guaguayutla and coyuquilla in the state of guerrero. _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _tlapanecs_, coviscas, yopes, yopis, jopes, yopimes, tenimes, pinomes, chinquimes, chochontes, pinotl-chochons, chochos, chuchones, popolocas, tecos, tecoxines, or popolucas are one and the same people, who by different writers are described under one or the other of these names. 'estos coviscas y tlapanecas, son unos ... y están poblados en tepecuacuilco y tlachmalacac, y en la provincia de chilapan.' 'estos yopimes y tlapanecas, son de los de la comarca de yopitzinco, llámenles yopes ... son los que llaman propiamente tenimes, pinome, chinquime, chochonti.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; quoted also in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - , , . 'la provincia de los yopes lindaba al oeste con los cuitlateques, al sur con el pacífico, al este con los mixtecos y al norte con los cohuixcas: la division por esta parte la representaria una linea de este à oeste, al sur de xocolmani y de amatlan, y comprendiera à los actuales tlapanecos.' _montufar_, in _id._, pp. - . 'confinava colla costa dei cohuixchi quella dei jopi, e con questa quella dei mixtechi, conosciuta ai nostri tempi col nome di xicayan.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. . 'tecamachalco era su poblacion principal, y se derramaban al sur hasta tocar con los mixtecos. durante el siglo xvi se encontraban aún popolocos en tlacotepec y en san salvador (unidos con los otomíes), pueblo sujeto á quecholac.... por la parte de tehuacan, el límite de esta tribu se hallaba en coxcatlan.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . the chochos dwell in sixteen pueblos in the department of huajuapan in the state of oajaca. _id._, p. . the _cohuixcas_ dwelt in the province of the same name, which 'confinava a settentrione coi matlatzinchi, e coi tlahuichi, a ponente coi cuitlatechi, a levante coi jopi e coi mixtechi, ed a mezzogiornio si stendeva infino al mar pacifico per quella parte, dove presentemente vi sono il porto e la città d'acapulco.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . 'la provincia comenzaba en zacualpa, límite con los matlaltzincas, y que, por último, los confines de esa porcion antigua del imperio mexicano, eran al norte los matlaltzinques; los tlahuiques, al este los mixtecos y los tlapanecos, al sur los yopes, y al oeste los cuitlateques.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . their country lies 'between tesitzlan and chilapan.' _ker's travels_, p. . the _cuitlatecs_ inhabit the country between the cohuixcas and the pacific coast. 'i cuitlatechi abitavano un paese, che si stendeva più di dugento miglia da maestro a scirocco dal regno di michuacan infino al mar pacifico. la loro capitale era la grande e popolosa città di mexcaltepec sulla costa, della quale appena sussistono le rovine.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . 'en ajuchitlan, san cristóbal y poliutla en la municipalidad de ajuchitlan, distrito del mismo nombre, y en atoyac, distrito y municipalidad de tecpan. la provincia de los cuitlateques ó cuitlatecos, sujeta en lo antiguo á los emperadores de méxico, quedaba comprendida entre las de zacatula y de los cohuixques.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . proceeding southward, among the southern mexicans, we first encounter the _miztecs_, whose province, miztecapan, was in the present states of oajaca and guerrero. 'la mixtecapan, o sia provincia dei mixtechi si stendeva da acatlan, luogo lontano cento venti miglia dalla corte verso scirocco, infino al mar pacifico, e conteneva più città e villaggi ben popolati, e di considerabile commercio.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . 'le mixtecapan comprenait les régions occidentales de l'état d'oaxaca, depuis la frontière septentrionale d'acatlan, qui le séparait des principautés des tlahuicas et de mazatlan, jusque sur le rivage de l'océan pacifique. elles se divisaient en haute et basse mixtèque, l'une et l'autre également fertiles, la première resserrèe entre les montagnes qui lui donnaient son nom; la seconde, occupant les riches territoires des bords de la mer, ayant pour capitale la ville de tututepec (à l'embouchure du rio verde).' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . 'les mixtèques donnaient eux-mêmes à leur pays le nom de gnudzavui-gnuhu, terre de pluie, pour le haute mixtèque, et gnuundaa, côte de la mer, à la basse.' _id._, pp. - . 'en la antigua provincia de este nombre, situada sobre la costa del mar pacifico, que comprende actualmente, hácia el norte, una fraccion del estado de puebla; hácia el este, una del de oajaca, y al oeste, parte del estado de guerrero. divídese la mixteca en alta y baja, estando la primera en la serranía, y la segunda en las llanuras contiguas á la costa.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . 'westlich der zapotécos, bei san francisco huizo im norden und bei santa cruz miztepéc im süden des grossen thales von oajáca beginnen die mistéken, welche den ganzen westlichen theil des staats einnehmen, und südlich bis an die küste des austral-oceans bei jamiltepéc und tututepéc hinabreichen.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. , , - , - , - . also in _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . [sidenote: zapotecs and mijes.] the _zapotecs_ occupy the large valley of oajaca. 'fue la zapotecapan señora, y tan apoderada de las demas de su orizonte, que ambiciosos sus reyes, rompieron los terminos de su mando, y se entraron ferozes, y valientes, por chontales, mijes, y tierras maritimas de ambos mares del sur, y del norte ... y venciendo, hasta señorear los fertiles llanos de teguantepeque, y corriendo hasta xoconusco.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. , tom. ii., fol. . 'hasta tepeiac, techamachalco, quecholac y teohuacan, que por aquí dicen que hicieron sus poblaciones los zapotecas.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. . 'a levante de' mixtechi erano i zapotechi, cosí chiamati dalla loro capitale teotzapotlan. nel loro distretto era la valle di huaxyacac, dagli spagnuoli detta oaxaca o guaxaca.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . 'en una parte del estado de oajaca, limitada al sur por el pacífico, exceptuando una pequeña fraccion de terreno ocupada por los chontales.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . see also: _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - ; _murguía y galardi_, in _soc. mex. geog._, _boletin_, tom. vii., pp. - . 'the zapotecs constitute the greater part of the population of the southern division of the isthmus (of tehuantepec).' _barnard's tehuantepec_, p. . 'inhabit the pacific plains and the elevated table-lands from tarifa to petapa.' _shufeldt's explor. tehuantepec_, pp. , - ; _garay's tehuantepec_, p. ; _fossey_, _mexique_, pp. , . 'zapotécos, welche die mitte des staates, das grosse thal von oajáca bewohnen, sich im osten über die gebirge von huixázo, iztlán und tanétze und die thäler los cajónos ausbreiten, und im süden, im partido quíechápa (depart. tehuantepéc) mit den mijes, im partido von pochútla (depart. ejútla) aber mit den chontáles, nachbaren jener, gränzen.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. , , - , - , , , , - ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . 'les zapotèques appelaient leur pays lachea.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _macgregor's progress of america_, p. . the _mijes_ dwell in the mountains of southern oajaca and in a small portion of tehuantepec. 'antérieurement à la ruine de l'empire toltèque ... les mijes occupaient tout le territoire de l'isthme de tehuantepec, d'une mer à l'autre.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _voy. tehuantepec_, pp. - . 'toute cette région, comprenant, à l'est, les cimes de la sierra de macuilapa que domine le village actuel de zanatepec et les montagnes qui s'étendent, du côté opposé, vers lachixila, baignées par la rivière de tehuantepec, au sud, et, au nord, par celle de la villa-alta, jusqu'aux savanes, oú roulent les affluents de l'alvarado et du guazacoalco, appartenait à la même nation des mixi ou mijes ... les mijes vaincus demeurèrent soumis dès lors aux rois de la mixtèque et du zapotecapan, à l'exception d'un petit nombre qui, jusqu'à l'époque espagnole, continuérent dans leur résistance dans les cantons austères qui environnent le cempoaltepec. ce qui reste de cette nation sur l'isthme de tehuantepec est disséminé actuellement en divers villages de la montagne. entre les plus importants est celui de guichicovi que j'avais laissé à ma droite en venant de la plaine de xochiapa au barrio.' _id._, pp. - . 'les mixi avaient possédé anciennement la plus grande partie des royaumes de tehuantepec, de soconusco et du zapotecapan; peut-être même les rivages de tututepec leur devaient-ils leur première civilisation.' _id._, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . 'en algunos lugares del departamento de oajaca como juquila, quezaltepec y atilan.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'les indiens mijes habitent une contrée montagneuse, au sud-ouest du goatzacoalco et au nord-ouest de tehuantepec.... de la chaîne des monts mijes descend la rivière de sarrabia, qui traverse la belle plaine de boca-del-monte.' _fossey_, _mexique_, p. . 'the mijes, once a powerful tribe, inhabit the mountains to the west, in the central division of the isthmus, and are now confined to the town of san juan guichicovi.' _barnard's tehuantepec_, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . 'the mijes constituted formerly a powerful nation, and they still occupy the land from the sierra, north of tehuantepec, to the district of chiapas. in the isthmus they only inhabit the village of guichicovi, and a small portion of the sierra, which is never visited.' _garay's tehuantepec_, p. . also _macgregor's progress of america_, p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . the _huaves_, huavi, huabi, huabes, guavi, wabi, etc., live on the isthmus of tehuantepec. 'les wabi avaient été, dans les siècles passés, possesseurs de la province de tehuantepec.... ils avaient été les maîtres du riche territoire de soconusco (autrefois xoconochco ... espèce de nopal), et avaient étendu leurs conquêtes jusqu'au sein même des montagnes, où ils avaient fondé ou accru la ville de xalapa la grande (xalapa-del-marques).' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . 'the huaves are in all little more than three thousand, and occupy the four villages of the coast called san mateo, santa maria, san dionisio, and san francisco.' _garay's tehuantepec_, p. . 'scattered over the sandy peninsulas formed by the lakes and the pacific. at present they occupy the four villages of san mateo, santa maria, san dionisio, and san francisco.' _barnard's tehuantepec_, p. . 'san francisco istaltepec is the last village, inhabited by the descendants of a tribe called huaves.' _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . 'habitent les villages du bord de la mer au sud de guichicovi.' _fossey_, _mexique_, p. . _shufeldt's explor. tehuantepec_, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. . 'se extienden en tehuantepec, desde las playas del pacífico hasta la cordillera interior.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . the _beni-xonos_ 'composaient une province nombreuse, occupant en partie les routes qui conduisaient au mexique et aux montagnes des mixi.... leur ville principale, depuis la conquête, s'appelait san-francisco, à l. n. o. de la cité d'oaxaca.' 'habitant sur les confins des mixi et des zapotêques.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . 'les beni-xono sont appelés aussi nexicha et cajones.' _ib._ the _mazatecs_ live in the state of oajaca, near the puebla boundary. 'a tramontana dei mixtechi v'era la provincia di mazatlan, e a tramontana, e a levante dei zapotechi quella di chinantla colle loro capitali dello stesso nome, onde furono i loro abitanti mazatechi e chinantechi appellati.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . 'in den partidos teutitlán und teutíla, departement teutitlán del camíno.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. , , . 'en el departamento de teotitlan, formando una pequeña fraccion en el límite con el estado de veracruz.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . [sidenote: tribes of oajaca and chiapas.] the _cuicatecs_ dwell 'en una pequeña fraccion del departamento de oajaca.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'in den partidos teutitlán und teutíla, departement teutitlán del camíno.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. ; repeated in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . the _pabucos_ live in the 'pueblo de elotepec, departamento del centro.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. . the _soltecs_ are in the pueblo de sola. _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the _pintos_ are a people inhabiting small portions of guerrero and tehuantepec. 'a l'ouest, sur le versant des cordillères, une grande partie de la côte baignée par le pacifique, habitée par les indiens pintos.' _kératry_, in _revue des deux mondes_, sept. , , p. . 'on trouve déjà dans la plaine de tehuantepec quelques échantillons de cette race toute particulière au mexique, appelée pinto, qui appartient principalement à l'état de guerrero.' _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, p. . the _chiapanecs_ inhabit the interior of the state of chiapas. 'dans l'intérieur des provinces bordant les rives du chiapan, à sa sortie des gouffres d'où il s'élance, en descendant du plateau de zacatlan.' (guatemalan name for chiapas,) and they extended over the whole province, later on. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . 'À l'ouest de ce plateau, entre les zotziles ou quélènes du sud et les zoqui du nord, habitaient les chiapanèques.' _id._, _popol vuh_, introd., pp. , . also in _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'en acala, distrito del centro, y en la villa de chiapa y en suchiapa, distrito del oeste.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'le principali città dei chiapanechi erano teochiapan, (chiamata dagli spagnuoli chiapa de indios), tochtla, chamolla, e tzinacantla.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . the _tzendales_ are in chiapas. 'de l'etat de chiapas.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, p. . 'the province called zeldales lyeth behind this of the zoques, from the north sea within the continent, running up towards chiapa and reaches in some parts near to the borders of comitlan, north-westward.' _gage's new survey_, p. . also in _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. ; _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . the _zotziles_ inhabit a small district in chiapas. 'la ciudad de tzinacantlan, que en mexicano significa "lugar de murciélagos," fué la capital de los quelenes, y despues de los tzotziles quienes la llamaban zotzilhá, que significa lo mismo; de zotzil, murciélago.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . tzinacantan (quiche zotzilha) 'doit avoir été le berceau de la nation zotzil, l'une des nombreuses populations du chiapas.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . the _chatinos_ live in the 'departamentos del centro y de jamiltepee.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. - . the _chinantecs_, or tenez, are in the 'departamento de teotitlan.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. . 'in the partidos of quiechapa, jalalog, and chuapan.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the _ahualulcos_ inhabit san francisco de ocuapa which 'es la cabeza de partido de los indios ahualulcos.' _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iii., p. . the _quelenes_ occupied a district in chiapas near the guatemala boundary line. 'la nation des quelènes, dont la capitale était comitan, occupait la frontière guatémalienne.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . 'au temps de la conquête, la ville principale des quelènes était copanahuaztlan.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, introd., p. . 'Établies entre le haut plateau de ghovel ou de ciudad-real et les montagnes de soconusco au midi.' _ib._; and _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. . the _zoques_ are scattered over portions of tabasco, chiapas, oajaca, and tehuantepec. 'se encuentran derramados en chiapas, tabasco y oaxaca; tienen al norte el mexicano y el chontal, al este el tzendal, el tzotzil y el chiapaneco, al sur el mexicano, y al oeste el huave, el zapoteco y el mixe.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'occupy the mountain towns of santa maria and san miguel, and number altogether about two thousand souls.' _shufeldt's explor. tehuantepec_, p. . 'les zotziles et les zoqui, confinant, au sud-est, avec les mixi montagnards, au nord avec les nonohualcas, et les xicalancas, qui habitaient les territoires fertiles de tabasco.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . 'quorum præcipuum tecpatlan.' _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'the soques, who came originally from chiapas, inhabit in the isthmus only the villages of san miguel and santa maría chimalapa.' _garay's tehuantepec_, p. . 'la mayor de ellas está situada á tres leguas de tacotalpa, aguas arriba del rio de la sierra. ocupa un pequeño valle causado por el descenso de varios cerros y colinas que la circuyen.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. - ; _macgregor's progress of america_, pp. - . 'the zoques inhabit the mountainous region to the east, from the valley of the chiapa on the south, to the rio del corte on the north. originally occupying a small province lying on the confines of tabasco, they were subjugated by the expedition to chiapas under luis marin. at present they are confined to the villages of san miguel and santa maria chimalapa.' _barnard's tehuantepec_, p. . 'near the arroyo de otates, on the road from tarifa to santa maria, stands a new settlement, composed of a few shanties, inhabited by zoques, which is called tierra blanca.' _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . the _choles_, _manches_, and _mopanes_ are scattered through small portions of chiapas and vera paz in guatemala. ' leagues from cahbón, in the midst of inaccessible mountains and morasses, dwell the chóls and manchés.' _escobar_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., pp. - . residen en la 'provincia del manché.' _alcedo_, _dicc._, tom. iii., p. . also in _boyle's ride_, vol. i., preface, p. ; _dunlop's cent. amer._, p. ; _gavarrete_, in _panamá star and herald_, _dec. , _. 'los choles forman una tribu establecida desde tiempos remotos en guatemala; dividos en dos fracciones ... la una se encuentra al este de chiapas, y la otra muy retirada en la verapaz.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'tenia por el sur la provincia del chòl: por la parte del oriente, y de el norte, de igual modo, las naciones de los itzaex petenes: y por el poniente, las de los lacandones, y xoquinoès.' _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. - . 'the nation of the chol indians is settled in a country about or leagues distant from cahabon, the last village in verapaz, and far removed from the manchés.' _juarros' hist. guat._, p. . [sidenote: mayas and itzas.] the _mayas_ inhabit the peninsula of yucatan. 'avant la conquête des espagnols, les mayas occupaient toute la presque'île d'yucatan, y compris les districts de peten, le honduras anglais, et la partie orientale de tabasco.... la seule portion de pure race restant de cette grande nation, se réduit à quelques tribus èparses, habitant principalement les bords des rivières usumasinta, san pedro et pacaitun; la totalitè de leur territoire fait, politiquement parlant, partie du peten.' _galindo_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. lxiii., pp. - , and in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, tom. iii., p. . 'en todo el estado de yucatan, isla del cármen, pueblo de montecristo en tabasco, y del palenque en chiapas.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. ; _crowe's cent. america_, pp. - ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. - . the _itzas_ occupy a like-named district in the centre of yucatan. 'los que poblaron a chicheniza, se llaman los yzaes.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. 'tienen por la parte del mediodia, la provincia de la vera-paz, y reyno de guatimala; por el norte, las provincias de yucatán; por la parte del oriente, el mar; por la de el occidente, la provincia de chiapa; y al sueste, la tierra, y provincia de honduras.' _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. . footnotes: [ ] otomí;--'_otho_ en la misma lengua othomí quiere decir _nada_, y _mi_, quieto, ó sentado, de manera que traducida literalmente la palabra, significa nada-quieto, cuya idea pudiéramos expresar diciendo _peregrino ó errante_.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . chichimecs;--'los demas indios les llamaban chichimecos (que hoy lo mismo es chichi que perros altaneros) por la ninguna residencia.' _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. . speaking of chichimecs, 'debaxo deste nombre estan muchas naciones con dierencias de lenguas como son pamies, capuzes, samues, zancas, maiolias, guamares, guachichiles, y otros, todos diferentes aunque semejantes en las costumbres.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xiv. for further etymology of tribes, see _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_. [ ] 'hanno d'altezza più di cinque piedi parigini.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. iv., p. . 'de pequeña estatura [cuatro piés seis pulgadas, á cinco piés cuando mas.]' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. . in yalisco 'casi en todo este reyno, son grandes, y hermosas.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . 'son de estatura alta, bien hechos y fornidos.' _ulloa_, _noticias americanas_, p. ; _tylor's anahuac_, p. ; _burkart_, _mexico_, tom. i., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. . [ ] 'in complexion, feature, hair and eyes, i could trace a very great resemblance between these indians and the esquimaux.' _lyon's journal_, vol. i., p. , see also vol. ii., pp. , . 'son de la frente ancha, y las cabezas chatas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , . see further, _prichard's nat. hist. man_, vol. ii., p. ; _calderon de la barca's life in mex._, vol. i., p. ; _almaraz_, _memoria_, p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., pp. , ; _rossi_, _souvenirs_, p. ; _viollet-le-duc._, in _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, p. ; _poinsett's notes on mex._, pp. - ; _ottavio_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. lix., pp. - ; _fossey_, _mexique_, p. ; _vigneaux_, _souv. mex._, p. ; _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. ; _bonnycastle's span. am._, vol. i., pp. - ; _figuier's hum. race_, p. ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. - ; _bullock's mexico_, vol. i., pp. , ; _mayer's mex. as it was_, pp. , , . [ ] in mexico in the costume was a 'short doublet and wide breeches. on their shoulders they wear a cloak of several colours, which they call _tilma_.... the women all wear the _guaipil_, (which is like a sack) under the _cobixa_, which is a fine white cotton cloth; to which they add another upon their back.... their coats are narrow with figures of lions, birds, and other creatures, adorning them with curious ducks' feathers, which they call _xilotepec_.' _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. . dress of a native girl of mexico, 'enaguas blanquísimas, el _quisquemel_ que graciosamente cubre su pecho y espalda ... dos largas trenzas color de ébano caen á los lados del cuello.' _prieto_, _viajes_, pp. , - , - . 'leur costume varie selon le terrain et le climat.' _löwenstern_, _mexique_, pp. , . [ ] see _calderon de la barca's life in mex._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'usan de una especie de gran paño cuadrado, que tiene en el centro una abertura por donde pasa la cabeza.' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. . [ ] 'yuan muy galanes, y empenachados.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. i. 'señores ó principales, traían en el labio un bezote de chalchivite ó esmeralda, ó de caracol, ó de oro, ó de cobre.... las mugeres cuando niñas, tambien se rapaban la cabeza, y cuando ya mosas dejaban criar los cabellos ... cuando alguna era ya muger hecha y habia parido, tocabase el cabello. tambien traían sarcillos ó orejeras, y se pintaban los pechos y los brazos, con una labor que quedaba de azul muy fino, pintada en la misma carne cortándola con una navajuela.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - , - . 'en el pueblo de juito salieron muchos yndios de paz con escapularios blancos al pecho, cortado el cabello en modo de cerquillo como religiosos, todos con unas cruces en las manos que eran de carrizos, y un yndio que parecia el principal ó cacique con un vestuario de tunica talan.' _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. , also, pp. , , , , , . for further description of dress and ornaments see _nebel_, _viaje_, plates, nos. xxvi., xxxi., xxxvi., xli., xlvi.; _thompson's recollections mexico_, p. ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, pp. , , ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., pp. , ; _lyon's journal_, vol. ii., pp. , ; _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, p. ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. ; _apostólicos afanes_, pp. , ; _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iii., p. ; _vigneaux_, _souv. mex._, pp. , ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. - ; _biart_, in _revue française_, dec. , pp. - ; _ottavio_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. lix., p. ; _tylor's anahuac_, p. ; _burkart_, _mexico_, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] 'les cabanes sont de véritables cages en bambous.' _vigneaux_, _souv. mex._, p. ; _mayer's mex. as it was_, p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. ii., pp. , ; _bustamante_, in _prieto_, _viajes_, pp. , , , , ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., pp. - ; _beaufoy's mex. illustr._, p. ; _pagés travels_, vol. i., p. ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, p. . [ ] _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; and _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. . 'estos otomies comian los zorrillos que hieden, culebras y lirones, y todo género de ratones, comadrejas, y otras sabandijas del campo y del monte, lagartijas de todas suertes, y abejones y langostas de todas maneras.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - , - . in jalisco 'los indios de aquellas provincias son caribes, que comen carne humana todas las veçes que la pueden aver.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] in puebla 'los indios se han aplicado mas al cultivo de la tierra y plantío de frutas y legumbres.' in michoacan 'cultivan mucho maiz, frixoles y ulgodon.' _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. i., pp. , . in querétaro 'viven del cultivo de las sementeras.' _id._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'they boil the indian wheat with lime, and when it has stood a-while grind it, as they do the cacao.' _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. v., pp. , , ; _walton's span. col._, p. . for further account of food see _tylor's anahuac_, pp. - , ; _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, pp. , , , , ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., pp. , ; _larenaudière_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xxiii., p. ; _prieto_, _viajes_, pp. - , ; _mex. in _, pp. , , ; _mayer's mex., aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. ; _albornoz_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., pp. , - ; _armin_, _das heutige mexiko_, p. , with plate; _mendoza_, _hist. de las cosas_, p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. . [ ] _ward's mexico_, vol. ii., pp. - . 'one would think the bath would make the indians cleanly in their persons, but it hardly seems so, for they look rather dirtier after they have been in the _temazcalli_ than before.' _tylor's anahuac_, p. . [ ] _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, pp. , - ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. . 'el arco y la flecha eran sus armas en la guerra, aunque para la caza los caciques y señores usaban tambien de cervatanas.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . 'i saw some indians that kill'd the least birds upon the highest trees with pellets shot out of trunks.' _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. , and in _berenger_, _col. de voy._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _west und ost indischer lustgart_, pt. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , with plate; _cartas al abate de pradt_, p. ; _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., p. ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. , ; _lyon's journal_, vol. i., pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii.; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. . 'una macana, á manera de porra, llena de puntas de piedras pedernales.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . 'en schilden uit stijve stokjens gevlochten, van welke sick verwonderens-waerdig dienen in den oorlog.' _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - , and _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. . [ ] 'siempre procuran de acometer en malos pasos, en tierras dobladas y pedregosas.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. vii., lib. ii., cap. xii. 'tres mil yndios formaban en solo una fila haciendo frente á nuestro campo.' _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. ; see further, _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, p. . [ ] the chichimecs 'flea their heads, and fit that skin upon their own heads with all the hair, and so wear it as a token of valour, till it rots off in bits.' _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. , and _berenger_, _col. de voy._, tom. ii., p. . 'quitandoles los cascos con el pelo, se los llevan á su pueblo, para baylar el mitote en compañia de sus parientes con las cabezas de sus enemigos en señal del triunfo.' _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, pp. , - . further reference in _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . [ ] _cassel_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xlv., p. ; _vigneaux_, _souv. mex._, p. ; _prieto_, _viajes_, p. ; _tylor's anahuac_, pp. - ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., pp. - , ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; and _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. . [ ] 'the indians of this countrie doe make great store of woollen cloth and silkes.' _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., lib. vii., p. . the otomís 'sabian hacer lindas labores en las mantas, enaguas, y vipiles que tejian muy curiosamente; pero todas ellas labraban lo dicho de hilo de maguéy que sacaban y beneficiaban de las pencas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; see also, _tylor's anahuac_, p. ; _bustamante_, in _prieto_, _viajes_, p. ; _carpenter's trav. mex._, p. ; _mex. in _, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _lyon's journal_, vol. ii., p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. . [ ] _dale's notes_, p. . [ ] 'in those countreys they take neither golde nor silver for exchange of any thing, but onley salt.' _chilton_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; compare _lyon's journal_, vol. i., p. , and vol. ii., p. ; and _tylor's anahuac_, p. . [ ] _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _tylor's anahuac_, p. ; _ward's mexico_, vol. ii., p. ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. ; _mill's hist. mex._, p. ; _carpenter's trav. mex._, p. . 'les mexicains ont conservé un goût particulier pour la peinture et pour l'art de sculpter en pierre et en bois.' _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. . 'lo particular de michoacan era el arte de pintar con las plumas de diversos colores.' _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . 'son muy buenos cantores y tañedores de toda suerte de instrumentos.' _mendoza_, _hist. de las cosas_, p. . [ ] _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xv.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, pp. , ; _ottavio_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. lix., p. . [ ] _mayer's mex., aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. ; _villa_, in _prieto_, _viajes_, pp. - . 'tenian uso y costumbre los otomíes, de que los varones siendo muy muchachos y tiernos se casasen, y lo mismo las mugeres.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . chichimecs 'casanse con las parientas mas cercanas, pero no con las hermanas.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xv. [ ] _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., pp. - ; _bullock's mexico_, vol. i., p. ; _apostólicos afanes_, pp. - ; _rittner_, _guatimozin_, p. . 'el amancebamiento no es deshonra entre ellos.' _zarfate_, in _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., pp. , . 'zlingerden de kinderen in gevlochte korven aen boomtakken.' _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; and _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. . [ ] 'la mancebía, el incesto, y cuanto tiene de mas asquerosamente repugnante el desarreglo de la concupiscencia, se ha convertido en hábito.' _prieto_, _viajes_, p. ; _fossey_, _mexique_, p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . [ ] _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; _apostólicos afanes_, p. ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia_, pp. , ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. ; _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. ii., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. ; _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. . [ ] _arlegui_, _chrón. de zacatecas_, pp. - ; _mayer's mex. as it was_, pp. - ; _mendoza_, _hist. de las cosas_, p. ; _prieto_, _viajes_, p. ; _apostólicos afanes_, p. . 'los indios, si no todos en su mayor parte, viven ligados por una especie de masonería.' _bustamante_, in _prieto_, _viajes_, p. . 'wenn mehrere in gesellschaft gehen, nie neben, sondern immer hinter einander und selten ruhig schreitend, sondern fast immer kurz trabend.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . 'l'indien enterre son argent, et au moment de sa mort il ne dit pas à son plus proche parent oú il a déposé son trésor, afin qu'il ne lui fasse pas faute quand il ressuscitera.' _cassel_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xlv., p. . [ ] 'la petite vérole et la rougeole sont deux maladies très communes.' _chappe d'auteroche_, _voyage_, p. . the pintos 'marked with great daubs of deep blue ... the decoration is natural and cannot be effaced.' _tylor's anahuac_, p. . see further: _fossey_, _mexique_, pp. - , - . compare _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., pp. , - , ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; _cassel_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xlv., p. ; _löwenstern_, _mexique_, p. ; _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, pp. - ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . [ ] 'los indios son grandes herbolarios, y curan siempre con ellas.' _mendoza_, _hist. de las cosas_, p. . 'for fevers, for bad colds, for the bite of a poisonous animal, this (the temazcalli) is said to be a certain cure; also for acute rheumatism.' _calderon de la barca's life in mex._, vol. i., p. ; _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., p. ; _menonville_, _reise_, p. ; _murr_, _nachrichten_, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'notant barbari, folia parti affectæ aut dolenti applicata, de eventu morbi præjudicare: nam si firmiter ad hæreant, certum signum esse ægrum convaliturum, sin decidant, contra.' _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _villa_, in _prieto_, _viajes_, pp. - . [ ] the remains of one of their ancient kings found in a cave is thus described; 'estaba cubierto de pedreria texida segun su costumbre en la manta con que se cubria desde los hombros hasta los pies, sentado en la misma silla que la fingieron el solio, con tahalí, brazaletes, collares, y apretadores de plata; y en la frente una corona de hermosas plumas, de varios colores mezcladas, la mano izquierda puesta en el brazo de la silla, y en la derecha un alfange con guarnicion de plata.' _alcedo_, _diccionario_, tom. iii., p. . see also: _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., pp. - ; _apostólicos afanes_, p. ; _armin_, _das heutige mexiko_, p. . [ ] _d'orbigny_, _voy._, p. ; _calderon de la barca's life in mex._, vol. i., p. ; _mayer's mex. as it was_, pp. , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _voy. tehuantepec_, pp. , ; _larenaudière_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xxiii., p. ; _ottavio_, in _id._, , tom. lix., p. ; _rittner_, _guatimozin_, pp. - ; _villa_, in _prieto_, _viajes_, pp. - ; _arizcorreta_, _respuesta á_, pp. , ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. , ; _rossi_, _souvenirs_, p. ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., p. ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. - ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia, ms._, p. ; _poinsett's notes mex._, pp. , ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. ; _berenger_, _col. de voy._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _bonnycastle's span. am._, vol. i., pp. - . 'l'indigène mexicain est grave, mélancolique, silencieux, aussi long-temps que les liqueurs enivrantes n'ont pas agi sur lui.' _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., pp. , . 'the most violent passions are never painted in their features.' _mill's hist. mex._, pp. - , . 'of a sharpe wit, and good vnderstanding, for what soeuer it be, sciences or other arts, these people are very apt to learne it with small instructing.' _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. . [ ] the pintos of guerrero are 'most ferocious savages.' _tylor's anahuac_, p. . the chichimecs are 'los peores de todos y los mayores homicidas y salteadores de toda la tierra.' _zarfate_, in _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. . see further, _almaraz_, _memoria_, p. ; _kératry_, in _revue des deux mondes_, sept., , p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, pp. , ; _combier_, _voy._, p. ; _biart_, in _revue française_, dec., , pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; _ribas_, _hist. de los triumphos_, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan, ms._, pp. , ; _pagés' travels_, vol. i., p. . [ ] the mayas, 'sie selbst nennen sich heute noch _macegual_, d. h. eingeborene vom maya-lande, nie yucatanos oder yucatecos, was spanischer ausdruck für die bewohner des staates ist.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. - . see also _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , , , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, preface, p. clvii.; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. ; tom. ii., pt. i., pp. - ; _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. , - ; _remesal_, _hist. de chyapa_, pp. - ; _juarros' hist. guat._, p. . [ ] _barnard's tehuantepec_, pp. , , ; _moro_, in _garay_, _reconocimiento_, pp. - ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., p. ; _macgregor's progress of america_, pp. , ; _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. ; _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, pp. , - ; _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. ii., p. . zapotecs 'bien tallados,' mijes 'arrogantes, altiuos de condicion, y cuerpo,' miztecs 'linda tez en el rostro, y buena disposicion en el talle.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. , , , , tom. i., pt. ii., p. . 'tehuantepec women: jet-black hair, silky and luxuriant, enframes their light-brown faces, on which, in youth, a warm blush on the cheek heightens the lustre of their dark eyes, with long horizontal lashes and sharply-marked eyebrows.' _tempsky's mitla_, p. . the soques, 'short, with large chests and powerful muscles.... both men and women have very repulsive countenances.' _shufeldt's explor. tehuantepec_, p. . [ ] 'es gente la de yucatan de buenos cuerpos, bien hechos, y rezios'.... the women 'bien hechas, y no feas ... no son blancas, sino de color baço.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iv. see further: _dampier's voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; _tylor's anahuac_, p. . [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _voy. de tehuantepec_, p. ; _palacios_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _leon_, in _id._, p. ; _museo mex._, tom. ii., p. . 'muchachos ya mayorcillos. todos desnudos en carnes, como nacieron de sus madres.... tras ellos venian muchos indios mayores, casi tan desnudos como sus hijos, con muchos sartales de flores ... en la cabeza, rebuxada una toca de colores, como tocado de armenio.' _remesal_, _hist. chyapa_, p. . [ ] 'with their hair ty'd up in a knot behind, they think themselves extream fine.' _dampier's voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. . 'muy empenachados y pintados.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; _barnard's tehuantepec_, pp. - , . [ ] 'their apparell was of cotton in manifold fashions and colours.' _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. . the maya woman's dress 'se reduce al hipil que cubre la parte superior del cuerpo, y al fustan ó enagua, de manta de algodon.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . of the men 'un calzoncillo ancho y largo hasta media pierna, y tal vez hasta cerca del tobillo, de la misma manta, un ceñidor blanco ó de colores, un pañuelo, y un sombrero de paja, y á veces una alpargata de suela, con sus cordones de mecate.' _registro yucateco_, tom. i., pp. - . see further: _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _galindo_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. iii., p. ; _wilson's amer. hist._, pp. , ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., pp. , . [ ] 'tous portaient les cheveux longs, et les espagnols ont eu beaucoup de peine à les leur faire couper; la chevelure longue est encore aujourd'hui le signe distinctif des indiens insoumis.' _waldeck_, _voy. pitt._, p. . 'las caras de blanco, negro, y colorado pintadas, que llaman embijarse, y cierto parecen demonios pintados.' _cogolludo_, _hist. de yucathan_, p. . compare above with _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. ; _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'the buildings of the lower class are thatched with palm-leaves, and form but one piece, without window or chimney.' _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . 'cubrense las casas de vna cuchilla que los indios hazen de pajas muy espessas y bien assentadas, que llaman en esta tierra jacales.' _dávila padilla_, _hist. fund. mex._, p. . see also: _museo mex._, tom. ii., p. ; _barnard's tehuantepec_, pp. , , with cut; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. . [ ] the chochos and chontales 'no tenian pueblo fundado, si no cobachuelas estrechas en lo mas escondido de los montes.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. . the chinantecs lived 'en rancherias entre barrancas, y espessuras de arboles.' _burgoa_, _palestra_, _hist._, pt. i., fol. ; _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, p. . [ ] zapotecs; 'se dan con gran vicio sus sementeras.' miztecs, 'labradores de mayz, y frizol.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. , and , - , , tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. - , , , , , , . zapotecs, 'grande inclinacion, y exercicio á la caza, y monteria de animales campesinos en especial de venados.' _burgoa_, _palestra hist._, pt. i., fol. . see further: _barnard's tehuantepec_, pp. - , - ; _moro_, in _garay_, _reconocimiento_, pp. , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _voy. tehuantepec_, p. ; _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. , ; _galindo_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] tabasco: 'comen a sus horas concertadas, carnes de vaca, puerco, y aues, y beué vna beuida muy sana, hecha de cacao, mayz, y especia de la tierra, la qual llaman zocolate.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. tortillas, 'when they are baked brown, they are called "totoposti," and taste like parched corn.' _shufeldt's explor. tehuantepec_, p. . the chontales, 'su alimento frecuente es el posole ... rara vez comen la carne de res.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. - ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. - ; _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. - . [ ] sr moro, speaking of the chintule, says: 'una infusion de estas raices comunica su fragancia al agua que los tehuantepecanos emplean como un objeto de lujo sumamente apreciado, tanto para labar la ropa de uso, como para las abluciones personales.' _moro_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'toutes les parties de leur vêtement sont toujours nouvellement blanchies. les femmes se baignent au moins une fois par jour.' _fossey_, _mexique_, p. . at chiapas, 'tous ces indiens, nus ou en chemise, répandaient dans l'atmosphère une odeur sui _generis_ qui soulevait le coeur.' _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, p. . the women are 'not very clean in their habits, eating the insects from the bushy heads of their children.' _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . 'no son muy limpias en sus personas, ni en sus casas, con quanto se laban.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'peleauan con lanças, armadas las puntas con espinas y huessos muy agudos de pescados.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi. 'usaban de lanzas de desmesurado tamaño para combatir.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . see also: _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. de yucathan_, pp. - , , ; _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. - ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'tienen enfrente deste pueblo vn cerro altissimo, con vna punta que descuella soberviamente, casi entre la region de las nubes, y coronase con vna muy dilatada muralla de lossas de mas de vn estado de alto, y quentan de las pinturas de sus characteres historiales, que se retiraban alli, para defenderse de sus enemigos.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. . 'començaron luego á tocar las bozinas, pitos, trompetillas, y atabalejos de gente de guerra.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and lib. iv., cap. xi. also see _cogolludo_, _hist. de yucathan_, pp. , - ; _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. - ; _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _dampier's voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _burgoa_, _palestra hist._, pt. i., fol. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _voy. tehuantepec_, p. ; _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, p. . 'sobre vna estera si la tiene, que son muy pocos los que duermen en alto, en tapescos de caña ... ollas, ó hornillos de tierra ... casolones, ò xicaras.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. , . [ ] 'los zoques cultivan ... dos plantas pertenecientes á la familia de las _bromelias_, de las cuales sacan el _ixtle_ y la _pita_ cuyas hebras saben blanquear, hilar y teñir de varios colores. sus hilados y las hamacas que tejen con estas materias, constituyen la parte principal de su industria y de su comercio'.... the zapotecs, 'los tejidos de seda silvestre y de algodon que labran las mugeres, son verdaderamente admirables.' _moro_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , . of the miztecs it is said that 'las mugeres se han dado á texer con primor paños, y huepiles, assi de algodon como de seda, y hilo de oro, muy costosos.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. , and tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. . further reference in _barnard's tehuantepec_, pp. - ; _chilton_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. ii., p. ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. ; _waldeck_, _voy. pitt._, p. ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. , . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; _cogolludo_, _hist. de yucathan_, p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., pp. , ; _shufeldt's explor. tehuantepec_, p. . 'their canoes are formed out of the trunk of a single mahogany or cedar tree.' _dale's notes_, p. . when grijalva was at cozumel 'vino una canoa.' _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. . the huaves 'no poseyendo embarcaciones propias para arriesgarse en aguas de algun fondo, y desconociendo hasta el uso de los remos, no frecuentan mas que los puntos que por su poca profundidad no ofrecen mayor peligro.' _moro_, in _garay_, _reconocimiento_, p. . [ ] _mill's hist. mex._, p. ; _palacios_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _voy. tehuantepec_, p. ; _hutchings' cal. mag._, vol. ii., p. ; _macgregor's progress of america_, vol. i., p. ; _moro_, in _garay_, _reconocimiento_, p. ; _stephens' yucatan_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'les seigneurs de cuicatlan étaient, au temps de la conquête très-riches et très-puissants, et leurs descendants en ligne directe, décorés encore du titre de caciques.' _fossey_, _mexique_, pp. - . at etla 'herren des ortes waren caziken, welche ihn als eine art von mannlehen besassen, und dem könige einen gewissen tribut bezahlen mussten.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. . the miztecs 'tenian señalados como pregoneros, officiales que elegian por año, para que todas las mañanas al despuntar el sol, subidos en lo mas alto de la casa de su republica, con grandes vozes, llamasen, y exitasen á todos, diziendo salid, salid á trabajar, á trabajar, y con rigor executivo castigaban al que faltaba de su tarea.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. , also _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi. [ ] 'estava sujeta á diuersos señores, que como reyezuelos dominaban diuersos territorios ... pero antes auia sido toda sujeta á vn señor, y rey supremo, y asi gouernada con gouierno monarquico.' _cogolludo_, _hist. de yucathan_, p. . 'en cada pueblo tenian señalados capitanes a quienes obedecian.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii-iv. for old customs and new, compare above with _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. , and _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. . [ ] 'with other presents which they brought to the conqueror were twenty female slaves.' _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'vbo en esta juridicion grandes errores, y ritos con las paridas, y niños recien nacidos, lleuandolos á los rios, y sumergiendolos en el agua, hazian deprecacion á todos los animales aquatiles, y luego á los de tierra le fueran fauorables, y no le ofendieran.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. . 'consérvase entre ellos la creencia de que su vida está unida á la de un animal, y que es forzoso que mueran ellos cuando éste muere.' _museo mex._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'between husband and wife cases of infidelity are rare.... to the credit of the indians be it also said, that their progeny is legitimate, and that the vows of marriage are as faithfully cherished as in the most enlightened and favored lands. youthful marriages are nevertheless of frequent occurrence.' _barnard's tehuantepec_, p. . women of the japateco race: 'their manners in regard to morals are most blameable.' _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . moro, referring to the women of jaltipan, says: 'son de costumbres sumamente libres: suele decirse ademas que los jaltipanos no solo no las celan, sino que llevan las ideas de hospitalidad á un raro exceso.' _garay_, _reconocimiento_, p. ; _ferry_, _costal l'indien_, pp. - ; _registro yucateco_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'iuntauanse en el capul, que es vna casa del comun, en cada barrio, para hazer casamientos, el cazique, el papa, los desposados, los parientes: estando sentados el señor, y el papa, llegauan los contrayentes, y el papa les amonestaua que dixessen las cosas que auian hecho hasta aquella hora.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi. [ ] _dampier's voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. ; _stephens' yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. - ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _dicc. univ._, tom. iv., p. ; _baeza_, in _registro yucateco_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'their amusements are scarcely worthy of note ... their liveliest songs are sad, and their merriest music melancholy.' _barnard's tehuantepec_, p. . 'afectos á las bebidas embriagantes, conocen dos particulares, el _chorote_, y el _balché ó guarapo_, compuesto de agua, caña de azúcar, palo-guarapo y maiz quemado.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . see also: _fossey_, _mexique_, pp. , ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. ; _stephens' yucatan_, vol. i., pp. - ; _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, pp. - . [ ] 'provinciæ guazacualco atque ylutæ nec non et cueztxatlæ indiginæ, multas ceremonias iudæorum usurpabant, nam et circumcidebantur, more à majoribus (ut ferebant) accepto, quod alibi in hisce regionibus ab hispanis hactenus non fuit observatum.' _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'they appear to regard with horror and avoid with superstitious fear all those places reputed to contain remains or evidences of their former religion.' _shufeldt's explor. tehuantepec_, p. . see further: _museo mex._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, pp. , ; _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. - , , , , - , ; _id._, _palestra hist._, fol. ; _moro_, in _garay_, _reconocimiento_, pp. , ; _dicc. univ._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. ; _baeza_, in _registro yucateco_, tom. i., p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. ; _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . 'ay en esta tierra mucha diuersidad de yeruas medicinales, con que se curan los naturales.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. the maya 'sabe las virtudes de todas las plantas como si hubiese estudiado botánica, conoce los venenos, los antídotos, y no se lo ocultan los calmantes.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. , , . [ ] _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. ; _museo mex._, tom. ii., p. . 'en tamiltepec, los indios usan de ceremonias supersticiosas en sus sepulturas. se les ve hacer en los cementerios pequeños montones de tierra, en los que mezclan víveres cada vez que entierran alguno de ellos.' _berlandier y thovel_, _diario_, p. . [ ] the miztecs 'siempre de mayor reputacion, y mas políticos.' zapotecs 'naturalmente apazibles, limpios, lucidos, y liberales.' nexitzas 'astutos, maliciosos, inclinados á robos, y desacatos, con otros cerranos supersticiosos, acostumbrados á aleuosias, y hechizeros.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. , tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. , , also fol. , , , , , , , . choles, 'nacion ... feroz, guerrera é independiente.' _balbi_, in _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'siendo los indios mixes de natural feroz, barbaro, y duro, que quieren ser tratados con aspereza, y rigor.' _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. . see further: _burgoa_, _palestra hist._, pt. i., fol. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - , - ; _torres_, in _id._, p. ; _museo mex._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _tempsky's mitla_, p. ; _hermesdorf_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. ; _barnard's tehuantepec_, pp. - ; _charnay_, _ruines américaines_, pp. - , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. - ; _dávila padilla_, _hist. fund. mex._, p. ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . [ ] 'es el indio yucateco un monstruoso conjunto de religion é impiedad, de virtudes y vicios, de sagacidad y estupidez ... tiene ideas exactas precisas de lo bueno y de lo malo.... es incapaz de robar un peso, y roba cuatro veces dos reales.... siendo honrado en casi todas sus acciones ... se puede decir que el único vicie que le domina es el de la embriaguez.' _registro yucateco_, tom. i., pp. - ; _baeza_, in _id._, tom. i., pp. - , ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _mill's hist. mex._, p. ; _moro_, in _garay_, _reconocimiento_, pp. - ; _müller_, _reisen_, tom. ii., p. . [illustration: native races of the pacific states central american group] chapter vii. wild tribes of central america. physical geography and climate--three groupal divisions; first, the nations of yucatan, guatemala, salvador, western honduras, and nicaragua; second, the mosquitos of honduras; third, the nations of costa rica and the isthmus of panamÁ--the popolucas, pipiles, and chontales--the descendants of the maya-quichÉ races--the natives of nicaragua--the mosquitos, poyas, ramas, lencas, towkas, woolwas, and xicaques of honduras--the guatusos of the rio frio--the caimanes, bayamos, dorachos, goajiros, mandingos, savanerics, sayrones, viscitas, and others living in costa rica and on the isthmus. of the wild tribes of central america, which territorial group completes the line of our pacific states seaboard, i make three divisions following modern geographical boundaries, namely, the aborigines of guatemala, salvador, and nicaragua, which i call _guatemalans_; the people of the mosquito coast and honduras, _mosquitos_; and the nations of costa rica and the isthmus of darien, or panamá, _isthmians_. [sidenote: physical geography of central america.] the territory occupied by this group of nations lies between the eighteenth and the seventh parallels of north latitude, that is to say, between the northern boundary of the central american states, and the river atrato, which stream nearly severs the isthmus from the south american continent. this continental tract is a narrow, irregular, indented coast-country of volcanic character, in which guatemala and honduras alone present any considerable breadth. the two cordilleras, running through mexico and meeting on the isthmus of tehuantepec, continue their course through guatemala, where they form a broken table-land studded with elevations, of less height than the plateaux of mexico. after sinking considerably at the isthmus formed by the gulf of honduras, this mountain range takes a fresh start and offers a formidable barrier along the pacific coast, which sends a number of transverse ranges into the interior of honduras, and gives rise to countless rivers, chiefly emptying into the atlantic. the chain passes at a diminished altitude through nicaragua, where it forms a large basin, which holds the lakes of nicaragua and managua; but on reaching costa rica it again becomes a bold, rugged range, capped by the volcano of cartago. seemingly exhausted by its wild contortions, it dwindles into a series of low ridges on entering veragua, and passes in this form through the isthmus of panamá, until it unites with the south american andes. the scenery of this region is extremely varied, uniting that of most countries of the globe; lakes, rivers, plains, valleys, and bays abound in all forms and sizes. the north-east trade winds blow the greater part of the year, and, meeting the high ranges, deposit their superabundant moisture upon the eastern side, which is damp, overgrown with rank vegetation, filled with marshes, and unhealthful. the summer here, is hot and fever-breeding. relieved of their moisture, and cooled by the mountains, the trade winds continue their course through the gaps left here and there, and tend materially to refresh the atmosphere of the pacific slope for a part of the year; while the south-west winds, blowing from may to october, for a few hours at a time, bring short rains to temper what would otherwise be the hot season on this coast. dew falls everywhere, except in the more elevated regions, and keeps vegetation fresh. palms, plantains, mahogany, and dye-woods abound in the hot district; maize flourishes best in the temperate parts, while cedars, pines, and hardier growths find a home in the tierra fria. the animal kingdom is best represented on the atlantic side, for here the puma, the tiger-cat, and the deer, startled only by the climbing opossum or the chattering monkey, find a more secure retreat. birds of brilliant plumage fill the forests with their songs, while the buzz of insects everywhere is heard as they swarm over sweltering alligators, lizards, and snakes. the manifold productions, and varied features of the country have had, no doubt, a great influence in shaping the destiny of the inhabitants. the fine climate, good soil, and scarcity of game on the pacific side must have contributed to the allurements of a settled life and assisted in the progress of nations who had for centuries before the conquest lived in the enjoyment of a high culture. it is hard to say what might have been the present condition of a people so happily situated, but the advent of the white race, bent only upon the acquirement of present riches by means of oppression, checked the advancement of a civilization which struck even the invaders with admiration. crossing to the atlantic side we find an over-abundant vegetation, whose dark recesses serve as a fitting shelter for the wild beast. here man, imbibing the wildness of his surroundings, and oppressed by a feverish climate, seems content to remain in a savage state depending upon natural fruits, the chase, and fishing for his subsistence. of a roaming disposition, he objects to the restraint imposed by government and forms. the natives of costa rica and the isthmus of darien escaped the civilizing influence of foreign intercourse,--thanks to their geographical isolation,--and remain on about the same level of culture as in their primitive days. [sidenote: central american nations.] under the name of guatemalans, i include the natives of guatemala, salvador, and nicaragua. i have already pointed out the favorable features of the region inhabited by them. the only sultry portion of guatemala is a narrow strip along the pacific; it is occupied by a few planters and fishermen, who find most of their requirements supplied by the palms that grow here in the greatest luxuriance. the chief part of the population is concentrated round the various lakes and rivers of the table-land above, where maize, indigo, cochineal, and sugar-cane are staple products. in the altos, the banana is displaced by hardier fruits sheltered under the lofty cedar, and here we find a thrifty and less humble people who pay some attention to manufactures. salvador presents less abrupt variation in its features. although outside of the higher range of mountains, it still possesses a considerable elevation running through its entire length, which breaks out at frequent intervals into volcanic peaks, and gives rise to an abundant and well-spread water system. such favorable conditions have not failed to gather a population which is not only the most numerous comparatively, but also the most industrious in central america. northern nicaragua is a continuation of salvador in its features and inhabitants; but the central and southern parts are low and have more the character of the guatemalan coast, the climate being hot, yet not unhealthful. its atlantic coast region, however, partakes of the generally unfavorable condition described above. the spanish rulers naturally exercised a great influence upon the natives, and their ancient civilization was lost in the stream of caucasian progress, a stream which, in this region, itself flowed but slowly in later times. oppressed and despised, a sullen indifference has settled upon the race, and caused it to neglect even its traditions. the greater portion still endeavor to keep up tribal distinctions and certain customs; certain tribes of lesser culture, as the cognate _manches_ and _lacandones_, retired before the spaniards to the north and north-east, where they still live in a certain isolation and independence. the name lacandones has been applied to a number of tribes, of which the eastern are described to be quite harmless as compared with the western. the _quichés_, a people living in the altos, have also surrounded themselves with a certain reserve, and are truer to their ancient customs than the _zutugils_, _cakchiquels_, and many others related by language to the quichés surrounding them. the _pipiles_, meaning children, according to molina, are the chief people in salvador, where their villages are scattered over a large extent of territory. in nicaragua we find several distinct peoples. the aboriginal inhabitants seem to have been the different peoples known as _chorotegans_, who occupy the country lying between the bay of fonseca and lake nicaragua. the _chontales_ (strangers, or barbarians) live to the north-east of the lakes, and assimilate more to the barbarous tribes of the mosquito country adjoining them. the _cholutecs_ inhabit the north from the gulf of fonseca towards honduras. the _orotiñans_ occupy the country south of the lake of nicaragua and around the gulf of nicoya. further information about the location of the different nations and tribes of this family will be found at the end of this chapter.[ ] [sidenote: physique and dress.] the guatemalans, that is to say the aborigines of guatemala, salvador, and nicaragua, are rather below the middle size, square and tough, with a finely developed physique. their hue is yellow-brown, in some parts coppery, varying in shade according to locality, but lighter than that of the standard american type. the full round face has a mild expression; the forehead is low and retiring, the cheek-bones protruding, chin and nose short, the latter thick and flat, lips full, eyes black and small, turned upwards at the temples, with a stoical, distrustful look. the cranium is slightly conical; hair long, smooth, and black, fine but strong, retaining its color well as old age approaches, though sometimes turning white. although the beard is scanty, natives may be seen who have quite a respectable moustache. the limbs are muscular, the calf of the leg being especially large; hands and feet small; a high instep, which, no doubt, partly accounts for their great endurance in walking. the women are not devoid of good looks, especially in nicaragua, where, in some districts, they are said to be stronger and better formed than the men. the custom of carrying pitchers of water upon the head, gives to the women an erect carriage and a firm step. the constitution of the males is good, and, as a rule, they reach a ripe old age; the females are less long-lived. deformed persons are extremely rare. guatemala, with its varied geographical aspects, presents striking differences in physique; the highlanders being lighter in complexion, and finer in form and features than the inhabitants of the lowlands.[ ] [sidenote: guatemalan dress and ornaments.] intercourse with spaniards seems to have produced little change in the dress of the guatemalans, which is pretty much the same as that of the mexicans. the poorer class wear a waist-cloth of white cotton, or of _pita_, which is a kind of white hemp, or a long shirt of the same material, with short sleeves, partly open at the sides, the ends of which are passed between the legs, and fastened at the waist; a strip of cotton round the head, surmounted by a dark-colored hat of straw or palm-leaves, with a very wide brim, completes the attire. this cotton cap or turban is an indispensable article of dress to the highlander, who passes suddenly from the cold air of the hilly country, to the burning plains below. sumptuary regulations here obtain, as aboriginally the lower classes were not allowed to wear anything better than pita clothing, cotton being reserved for the nobles. the primitive dress of the nobility is a colored waist-cloth, and a mantle ornamented and embroidered with figures of birds, tigers, and other designs, and, although they have adopted much of the spanish dress, the rich and fanciful stitchings on the shirt, still distinguish them from their inferiors. on feast-days, and when traveling, a kind of blanket, commonly known as _serape_, _manga_, or _poncho_, is added to the ordinary dress. the serape, which differs in style according to locality, is closer in texture than the ordinary blanket and colored, checked, figured, or fringed, to suit the taste. it has an opening in the centre, through which the head is passed, and hanging in loose folds over the body it forms a very picturesque attire. some fasten it with a knot on one shoulder, leaving it to fall over the side from the other. the serape also serves for rain-coat and wrapper, and, at night, it is wound round the head and body, serving for bed as well as covering, the other portion of the dress being made into a pillow. the carriers of guatemala use a rain-proof palm-leaf called _suyacal_. shepherds are distinguished by a black and white checked apron, somewhat resembling the scotch kilt. the hair, which, before the conquest of guatemala, was worn long, and hung in braids down the back, is now cut short, except in the remote mountain districts, where long loose hair is still the fashion. in salvador and nicaragua, on the other hand, the front part of the hair used to be shaved off, the brave often appearing perfectly bald. most natives go bare-footed, except when traveling; they then put on sandals, which consist of a piece of hide fastened by thongs. the women, when at home, content themselves with a waist-cloth, generally blue-checked, secured by a twisted knot; but, on going abroad, they put on the huipil, which is a piece of white cotton, having an opening in the middle for the head, and covering the breast and back, as far as the waist. some huipils are sewed together at the sides and have short sleeves. on this part of their dress the women--who, for that matter, attend to the manufacture and dyeing of all the clothing--expend their best efforts. they embroider, or dye, the neck and shoulders with various designs, whose outlines and coloring often do great credit to their taste. in guatemala, the colors and designs are distinct for different villages, so that it may at once be seen to which tribe the wearer belongs. the hair is plaited into one or two braids, interlaced with bright-colored ribbons, and usually wreathed turban-fashion round the head. the quichés, whose red turban-dress is more pronounced than others, sometimes vary it by adding yellow bands and tassels to the braids, which are permitted to hang down to the heels. thomas gage, who lived in guatemala from about to , relates that on gala-days the fair natives were arrayed in cotton veils reaching to the ground. the ancient custom of painting, and of piercing the ears and lip, to hold pendants, is now restricted to the remote hill country, and ornaments are limited to a few strings of beads, shells, and metal for the arms and neck, with an occasional pair of ear-rings; the women add flowers and garlands to their head-dress, especially on feast-days. some mountain tribes of guatemala wear red feathers in their cotton turbans--the nobles and chiefs using green ones--and paint the body black: the paint being, no doubt, intended for a protection against mosquitos. the apron worn by the women is made of bark, which, after being soaked and beaten, assumes the appearance of chamois leather. the lacandones also wore cotton sacks adorned with tassels, and the women had bracelets of cords with tassels. in nicaragua, tattooing seems to have been practiced, for oviedo says that the natives cut their faces and arms with flint knives, and rubbed a black powder obtained from pine gum into the scars. children wear no other dress than that provided by nature: here and there, however, the girls are furnished with a strip of cotton for the waist.[ ] [sidenote: guatemalan dwellings.] the conquerors have left numerous records of large cities with splendid palaces and temples of stone, but these exist now only in their ruins. the masses had, doubtless, no better houses than those we see at present. their huts are made of wooden posts and rafters supporting a thatched roof of straw or palm-leaves, the side being stockaded with cane, bamboo, or rush, so as to allow a free passage to the air. generally they have but one room; two or three stones in the centre of the hut compose the fireplace, and the only egress for the smoke is through the door. the room is scantily furnished with a few mats, a hammock, and some earthenware. their villages are generally situated upon rising ground, and, owing to the houses being so scattered, they often extend over a league, which gives some foundation to the statements of the conquerors reporting the existence of towns of enormous size. the better kind of villages have regular streets, a thing not to be seen in the ordinary hamlets; and the houses, which are often of _adobes_ (sun-burnt bricks), or of cane plastered over, containing two or three rooms and a loft, are surrounded by neatly kept gardens, enclosed within hedges. when a guatemalan wishes to build a hut, or repair one, he notifies the chief, who summons the tribe to bring straw and other needful materials, and the work is finished in a few hours; after which the owner supplies the company with chocolate. some of the vera paz tribes are of a roaming disposition. they will take great trouble in clearing and preparing a piece of ground for sowing, and, after one or two harvests, will leave for another locality. their dwellings, which are often grouped in hamlets, are therefore of a more temporary character, the walls being of maize-stalks and sugar-cane, surmounted by a slight palm-leaf roof. during an expedition into the country of the lacandones, the spaniards found a town of over one hundred houses, better constructed than the villages on the guatemalan plateau. in the centre of the place stood three large buildings, one a temple, and the other two assembly houses, for men and women respectively. all were enclosed with fences excellently varnished. the nicaraguan villages seem to be the neatest; the houses are chiefly of plaited cane or bamboo frame-work, raised a few feet from the ground, and standing in the midst of well-arranged flowers and shrubbery. dollfus describes a simple but ingenious method used by the guatemalans to cross deep rivers. a stout cable of aloe-fibres is passed over the stream, and fixed to the banks at a sufficient height from the surface of the water. to this rope bridge, called _garucha_, is attached a running strap, which the traveler passes round his body, and is pulled across by men stationed on the opposite side.[ ] these natives are essentially agricultural, but, like all who inhabit the warm zone, desire to live with the least possible labor. most of them are content with a small patch of ground round their huts, on which they cultivate, in the same manner as did their forefathers, the little maize, beans, and the banana and plantain trees necessary for their subsistence. there are, however, a number of small farmers, who raise cochineal, cacao, indigo, and cotton, thereby adding to their own and their country's prosperity. in the more thinly settled districts, hunting enables them to increase the variety of their food with the flesh of wild hogs, deer, and other game, which are generally brought down with stone-headed arrows. when hunting the wild hog, they stretch a strong net, with large meshes, in some part of the woods, and drive the animals towards it. these rush headlong into the meshes, and are entangled, enabling their pursuers to dispatch them with ease. [sidenote: food of the guatemalans.] beans, and tortillas of maize, with the inevitable chile for seasoning, and plantains or bananas are their chief food. to these may be added meat in small quantities, fish, eggs, honey, turtle, fowl, and a variety of fruit and roots. salt is obtained by boiling the soil gathered on the sea-shore. maize is prepared in several ways. when young and tender, the ears are boiled, and eaten with salt and pepper; or a portion of them are pressed, and the remainder boiled with the juice thus extracted. when ripe, the fruit is soaked and then dried between the hands, previous to being crushed to flour between two stones. it is usually made into tortillas, which are eaten hot, with a strong sprinkling of pepper and occasionally a slight addition of fat. _tamales_ is the name for balls of cooked maize mixed with beef and chile, and rolled in leaves. a favorite dish is a dumpling made of maize and frijoles. the frijoles, or beans, of which a stock is always kept, are boiled a short time with chile; they are then mixed with maize, and again put into the pot until thoroughly cooked, when they are eaten with a sauce made of salt, chile, and water. there are a number of fluid and solid preparations made chiefly from maize, and known as _atole_, to which name various prefixes are added to denote the other ingredients used. meat, which is usually kept jerked, is a feast-day food. gage describes the jerking process as follows: fresh meat is cut into long strips, salted, and hung between posts to dry in the sun for a week. the strips are then smoked for another week, rolled up in bundles, which become quite hard, and are called _tassajo_ or _cesina_. another mode of preparing meat is described by the same author: when a deer has been shot, the body is left until decay and maggots render it appetizing; it is then brought home and parboiled with a certain herb until the flesh becomes sweet and white. the joint is afterwards again boiled, and eaten with chile. the lacandones preserve meat as follows: a large hole is made in the ground, and lined with stones. after the hole has been heated, the meat is thrown in, and the top covered with leaves and earth, upon which a fire is kept burning. the meat takes four hours to cook, and can be preserved for eight or ten days. cacao forms an important article of food, both as a drink and as bread. the kernel is picked when ripe, dried on a mat, and roasted in an earthen pan, previous to being ground to flour. formerly, cacao was reserved for the higher classes, and even now the poor endeavor to economize it by adding _sapuyal_, the kernel of the _sapote_. they observe no regularity in their meals, but eat and drink at pleasure. when traveling, some roasted maize paste called _totoposte_, crumbled in boiling water with an addition of salt and pepper, and a cup of warm water, suffice for a repast. fire is obtained in the usual primitive manner, by rubbing two sticks together.[ ] most authorities agree that they are clean in their habits, and that frequent bathing is the rule, yet it is hinted that leprosy is caused partially by uncleanliness.[ ] [sidenote: war, weapons, and implements.] since the spaniards assumed control of the country, weapons, as applied to war, have fallen into disuse, and it is only in the mountain districts that we meet the hunter armed with bow and spear, and slung over his shoulder a quiver full of reed arrows, pointed with stone. in salvador and nicaragua, the natives are still very expert in the use of the sling, game often being brought down by it.[ ] i find no record of any wars among the aborigines since the conquest, and the only information relating to their war customs, gathered from the account of skirmishes which the spaniards have had with some of the tribes in eastern guatemala, is, that the natives kept in the back-ground, hidden by rocks or trees, waiting for the enemy to approach. as soon as the soldiers came close enough, a cloud of arrows came whizzing among them, and the warriors appeared, shouting with all their might. the lacandones occasionally retaliate upon the planters on their borders for ill-treatment received at their hands. a number of warriors set out at night with faggots of dry sticks and grass, which are lighted as they approach the plantation, and thrown into the enemy's camp; during the confusion that ensues, the proposed reprisal is made. one writer gives a brief description of the ceremonies preceding and following their expeditions. in front of the temple are burning braziers filled with odoriferous resin; round this the warriors assemble in full dress, their arms being placed behind them. a smaller brazier of incense blazes in front of each warrior, before which he prostrates himself, imploring the aid of the great spirit in his enterprise. on their return, they again assemble, disguised in the heads of various animals, and go through a war dance before the chief and his council. sentinels are always pacing the summit of the hills, and give notice to one another, by trumpet blast, of the approach of any stranger. if it is an enemy, they speedily form ambuscades to entrap him.[ ] i have already referred to the bare interior of their dwellings: a few mats, a hammock, and some earthenware being the only apology for furniture. the mats are plaited of bark or other fibres, and serve, among other purposes, as a bed for the children, the grown persons generally sleeping in hammocks attached to the rafters. scattered over the floor may be seen the earthen jar which the women so gracefully balance on their head when bringing it full of water from the well; the earthen pot for boiling plantains, with its folded banana-leaf cover; cups made from clay, calabash, cocoa-nut, or wacal shells, with their stands, often polished and bearing the marks of native sculpture; the metate for grinding the family flour; the _comal_, a clay plate upon which the tortilla is baked. a banana-leaf serves for a plate, and a fir-stick does the duty of a candle. their hunting or bag nets are made of pita or bark-fibres. the steel machete and the knife have entirely displaced their ancient silex tools, of which some relics may still be found among the lacandones. valenzuela mentions that in the meeting-house of this tribe, the conquerors found two hundred hanging seats.[ ] these natives still excel in the manufacture of pottery, and produce, without the aid of tools, specimens that are as remarkable for their fanciful forms, as for their elegance and coloring. water-jars are made sufficiently porous to allow the water to percolate and keep the contents cool; other earthenware is glazed by rubbing the heated vessel with a resinous gum. nor are they behind-hand in the art of weaving, for most of the fabrics used in the country are of native make. the aboriginal spinning machine is not yet wholly displaced, and consists, according to squier, of a thin spindle of wood, fifteen or sixteen inches in length, which is passed through a wheel of hard, heavy wood, six inches in diameter, and resembles a gigantic top. when used, it is placed in a hollowed piece of wood, to prevent it from toppling over. a thread is attached to the spindle just above the wheel, and it is then twirled rapidly between the thumb and forefinger. the momentum of the wheel keeps it in motion for half a minute, and meantime the thread is drawn out by the operator from the pile of prepared cotton in her lap. their mode of weaving is the same as that of the mexicans, and the fabrics are not only durable, but tastefully designed and colored to suit the quality and price. the dyes used are, indigo for blue, cochineal for red, and indigo mixed with lemon juice for black. the nicaraguans obtain a highly prized purple by pressing the valve of a shell-fish found on the sea-shore. baily says that they take the material to the seaside, and, after procuring a quantity of fresh coloring matter, dip each thread singly into it, and lay it aside to dry. from the aloe, and pita, or silk-grass, which are very strong and can easily be bleached, they obtain a very fine thread, suitable for the finest weaving. reeds and bark give material for coarser stuff, such as ropes and nets. mats and hammocks, which are made from any of the last-mentioned fibres, are often interwoven with gray colors and rich designs. some idea may be formed of the patient industry of the native when we learn that he will work for months upon one of the highly prized hats made from the fibre of the half-formed _carludovica palmata_ leaf. they drill holes in stones, for pipes and other objects, by twirling a stick rapidly between the hands in some sand and water placed upon the stone.[ ] [sidenote: guatemalan canoes.] canoes are the usual 'dug-outs,' made from a single cedar or mahogany log, cedar being liked for its lightness, mahogany for its durability. they are frequent enough on the coast, and even the north-eastern guatemalans used to muster fleets of several hundred canoes on their lakes and rivers, using them for trade as well as war. pim, when at greytown, particularly observed the hollowed-out boats, some upwards of fifty feet in length, and straight as an arrow. he says that they are very skillfully handled, and may be seen off the harbor in any weather. the paddles, which are used both for steering and propelling, are of light mahogany, four feet long, with very broad blades, and a cross at the handle.[ ] their wealth, which, since the conquest, mostly consists of household goods, is the product of their farms and industry mentioned under food, implements, and manufactures. the coast tribes, in salvador, have a source of wealth not yet referred to--balsam--and they are very jealous of their knowledge of obtaining it. the process, as described by dollfus, is to make several deep incisions in the trunk of the balsam-tree, and stuff the holes with cotton rags. when these have absorbed sufficient balm, they are placed in jars of water, and submitted to a moderate heat. the heat separates the substance from the rags, and the balsam rises to the surface to be skimmed and placed in well-closed jars for shipment. these people possess no written records to establish ownership to their property, but hold it by ancient rights transmitted from father to son, which are transferable. the right of first discovery, as applied to fruit-trees and the like, is respected, and can be transmitted. goods and lands are equally divided among the sons. there is a general interchange of products on a small scale, and as soon as the farm yield is ready, or a sufficient quantity of hammocks, mats, hats, and cups have been prepared, the native will start on a short trading-tour, with the load on his back--for they use no other mode of transport. the ancient custom of holding frequent markets in all towns of any importance has not quite disappeared, for masaya, among other places, continues to keep a daily _tianguez_. cacao-beans, which were formerly the chief currency, are still used for that purpose to a certain extent, and make up a large item in their wealth. the lacandones at one time drove a brisk trade on the rio de la pasion, employing several hundred canoes, but this has now greatly diminished, and they seem to grow less and less inclined to intercourse. hardcastle relates that two shy mountain tribes of guatemala "exchange dogs and a species of very sharp red pepper, by leaving them on the top of the mountain, and going to the spot in turn."[ ] [sidenote: art and government.] the native's aptitude for art is well illustrated by the various products of his industry, decorated as they are with fanciful designs, carvings, and coloring. the calabash cups are widely circulated, and the artistic carving of leaves, curious lines, and figures of all descriptions, in relief, with which the outside is ornamented, has been much admired. no less esteemed are the small guatemalan earthen figures, painted in natural colors, representing the various trades and occupations of the people, which may be said to rival european productions of the same character. the ornaments on their pottery bear some resemblance to the etruscan. they are equally advanced in painting, for many of the altar-pieces in central america are from the native brush, and their dishes are often richly colored in various designs. original lyric poetry seems to flourish among them, and is not wanting in grace, although the rendering of it may not be exactly operatic. the subject generally refers to victorious encounters with monsters, but contains also sarcasms on government and society.[ ] a reverential respect for authority is innate with these people, and the chief, usually a descendant of the ancient caciques, who is also the head of the municipal government introduced among them by the spaniards, receives the homage paid him with imperturbable gravity. these chiefs form a proud and powerful noblesse, who rule with an iron hand over their submissive followers. although governed to all appearance by the code of the country, they have their own laws based on custom and common sense, which are applied to civil as well as criminal cases. among the lacandones, the chief is elected by a council of old men, when death, misconduct, or the superior abilities of some one else call for such a step. pontelli adds that the new chief is invested with lion-skins and a collar of human teeth to represent his victories; a crown of feathers or a lion-skin is his usual distinctive head-dress. the wife of the chief is required to possess some rare qualities. these people are very strict in executing the law; the offender is brought before the old men, and if the crime is serious his relatives have often to share in his punishment. the people of salvador, according to dollfus, have frequent reunions in their council-house at night. the hall is then lighted up by a large fire, and the people sit with uncovered heads, listening respectfully to the observations and decisions of the _ahuales_--men over forty years of age, who have occupied public positions, or distinguished themselves in some way. gage makes a curious statement concerning the rio lempa that may be based upon some ancient law. any man who committed a heinous crime on the one side of the river, and succeeded in escaping to the other, was allowed to go unmolested, provided he did not return.[ ] [sidenote: marriage and childbirth.] marriages take place at an early age, often before puberty, and usually within the tribe. when the boy, in guatemala and salvador, has attained the age of nine, his parents begin to look around for a bride for him, the mother having a good deal to say in this matter. presents are made to the parents of the girl chosen, and she is transferred to the house of her future father-in-law, where she is treated as a daughter, and assists in the household duties, until she is old enough to marry. it sometimes happens that she has by this time become distasteful to the affianced husband, and is returned to her parents. the presents given for her are then demanded back, a refusal naturally follows, and feuds result, lasting for generations. gage states that when the parties to the betrothal are of different tribes, the chiefs are notified, and meet in solemn conclave to consult about the expediency of the alliance. the consultations often extend over a period of several months, during which the parents of the boy supply the council with refreshments, and make presents to the girl's family for her purchase. if the council disagree, the presents are returned, and the matter drops. when the youth has reached his sixteenth or eighteenth year, and the maid her fourteenth, they are considered able to take care of themselves; a house is accordingly built, and the father gives his son a start in life. the cacique and relations are summoned to witness the marriage ceremony, now performed by the priest, after which the pair are carried upon the shoulders of their friends to the new house, placed in a room, and shut in. the bride brings no dowry, but presents are made by the friends of the families. several tribes in guatemala are strictly opposed to marriages outside of the tribe, and destroy the progeny left by a stranger. the lacandones still practice polygamy, each wife having a separate house and field for her support. in nicaragua, where women are more independent, and fewer of the ancient marriage customs have been retained than elsewhere, the ceremony is often quickly disposed of, the husband and wife returning to their avocations immediately after. the life of the woman is one of drudgery; household duties, weaving, and the care of children keeping her constantly busy, while the husband is occupied in dolce far niente; yet their married life is not unhappy. although the female dresses scantily and is not over shy when bathing, she is by no means immodest or unchaste, but bears rather a better character than women of the superior race. childbirth is not attended with any difficulties, for it sometimes happens that the woman, after being delivered on the road, will wash the child and herself in the nearest stream, and proceed on her journey, as if nothing had occurred. the quichés, among others, still call in the sorcerer to take the horoscope of the new-born, and to appeal to the gods in its behalf. he also gives the infant the name of some animal, which becomes its guardian spirit for life. belly states that more boys are born to the natives, while the whites have more girls. the mother invariably nurses the child herself until its third year, and, when at work, carries it on her back in a cloth passed round her body; the movements of the mother in washing or kneading tending to rock the infant to sleep. otherwise the child is little cared for, and has to lie on the bare ground, or, at most, with a mat under it. as the boy grows older the father will take him into the field and forest, suiting the work to his strength, and instructing him in the use of tools, while the mother takes charge of the girl, teaching her to cook, spin, and weave. respect for parents and older people is inculcated, and children never presume to speak before a grown person unless first addressed. they remain under the parents' roof until married, and frequently after, several generations often living together in one house under the rule of the eldest. the native is fond of home, for here he escapes from the contempt of the other races, and reigns supreme over a family which is taught to respect him: patriotism has been replaced by love of home among this oppressed people.[ ] [sidenote: guatemalan music.] their amusements are less common and varied than among the whites, and are generally reserved for special occasions, when they are indulged in to excess. still, they have orderly gatherings round the hearth, at which wondrous and amusing stories form the chief part of the entertainment. songs follow in natural order, and are loudly applauded by the listeners, who join in repeating the last words of the verse. the subject, as given by some local poet, or transmitted from an ancient bard, is pleasing enough, but the rendering is in a plaintive, disagreeable monotone. their instrumental music is an improvement on the vocal, in some respects, and practice has enabled the player to execute pieces from memory with precision and accord. the _marimba_, a favorite instrument, consists of a series of vertical tubes of different length but equal diameter, fastened together in a line by bark fibre, and held firm between two pieces of wood. the tubes have a lateral opening at the base covered with a membrane, and the upper end is closed by a small, movable elastic plate, upon which the performer strikes with light drumsticks. the play of the plates causes a compression of air in the tube, and a consequent vibration of the membrane, which produces a sound differing in character according to the length of the tube. all the parts are of wood, the tube being, however, occasionally of terra-cotta, or replaced by calabash-shells. the marimba of usual size is over a yard in length, and consists of twenty-two tubes ranging from four to sixteen inches in length, forming three complete octaves. the pitch is regulated by a coating of wax on the key-plates. some drumsticks are forked to strike two plates at once. occasionally, several persons join in executing an air upon the instrument, or two marimbas are played in perfect accord with some song. their usual drum is called _tepanabaz_, described by gage as a smooth hollow trunk with two or three clefts on the upper side and holes at the ends. it is beaten with two sticks, and produces a dull heavy sound. other drums covered with wild goat skin, tortoise-shells, pipes, small bells, and rattles, are chiefly used at dances. the lacandones possess a kind of mandolin, a double-necked, truncated cone, with one string, made to pass four times over the bridge; also a clarionet-like instrument named _chirimiya_; their drum is called _tepanahuaste_. a dance is generally a grand affair with the native, combining as it does dress with dramatic and saltatory exhibitions. at the _tocontin_ dance, in guatemala, from twenty to forty persons dressed in white clothes richly embroidered, and bedecked with gaudy bands, colored feathers in gilt frames fastened on the back, fanciful helmets topped with feathers, and feathers, again, on their legs, in form of wings. the conductor stands in the centre beating time on the tepanabaz, while the dancers circle round him, one following the other, sometimes straight, sometimes turning half-way, at other times fully round, and bending the body to the ground, all the time shouting the fame of some hero. this continues for several hours, and is often repeated in one house after another. in another dance they disguise themselves with skins of different animals, acting up to the character assumed, and running in and out of the circle formed round the musicians, striking, shrieking, and hotly pursuing some particular performer. there are also several dances like those of the mexicans, in which men dress in women's clothes and other disguises. the nicaraguan dances vary but little from the above. several hundred people will gather in some well-cleared spot, their arms and legs ornamented with strings of shells, their heads with feathers, and with fans in their hands. the leader, walking backwards, commences some movements to be imitated by the dancers, who follow in threes and fours, turning round, intermingling, and again uniting. the musicians beat drums and sing songs to which the leader responds, the dancers taking up the refrain in their turn, and shaking their calabash rattles. after a while they pass round each other and perform the most curious antics and grimaces, crying, laughing, posturing, acting lame, blind, and so on. drinking is inseparable from these reunions, and they do not usually break up until all have attained the climax of their wishes--becoming helplessly drunk. the principal drinks are, atole made from maize, but which assumes different prefixes, according to the additional ingredients used, as _istatole_, _jocoatole_, etc.; pulque, chiefly used in the highlands; and, not least, _chicha_, made from maize and various fruits and roots, fermented with honey or sugar-cane juice. gage states that tobacco-leaves and toads were added to increase the flavor. the nicaraguans make their favorite drink from a wild red cherry. it takes several weeks to prepare these liquors, but by the generous aid of friends the stock is often consumed at one carousal.[ ] [sidenote: customs in guatemala and nicaragua.] ignorant and oppressed as they are, superstition is naturally strong among them, the evil eye, ominous import of animals and the like being firmly believed in. nicaraguans gave as a reason for speaking in whispers at night, that loud talking attracts mosquitos. the quichés, of istlávacan, among others, believe in certain evil and certain good days, and arrange their undertakings accordingly. when meeting a stranger, they present the forehead to be touched, thinking that a beneficial power is imparted to them by this means. they still adhere to their sorcerers, who are called in upon all important occasions, to predict the future, exorcise evil spirits and the like, with the aid of various decoctions and incantations. the chontales have diviners who, with the aid of drugs, taken after a fast, fall into a trance, during which they prophesy. they form a sort of guild, and live alone in the mountains with a few pupils, who support them in return for the instruction received. although idolatry proper is abolished, some ancient practices still live, blended with their christian worship, and it is said that tribes inhabiting the remote mountain regions still keep up their old rites in secret. dollfus is apparently inclined to believe that the songs he heard the natives chant every morning and evening may be the relic of some ancient religious ceremony. the itzas hold deer sacred, and these animals were consequently quite familiar with man, before the conquerors subdued the country. the lacandones are said to have been the last who publicly worshiped in their temple, and whose priests sacrificed animals to idols. by the side of the temple stood two other large buildings used as meeting-houses, one for men, the other for women. dogs and tame parrots formed part of their domestic establishment. the native is very taciturn before strangers, but on paying a visit to friends he will deliver long harangues full of repetition. it is almost impossible to obtain a direct answer from him to any question. another peculiarity with many is to hoard money at the expense of bodily comfort. it is buried in some secret place, and the owner dies without even caring to inform his kin of the whereabouts of his treasures. the favorite occupation of the people is to act as porters, and guatemala certainly possesses the most excellent carriers, who are trained for the business from an early age. they usually go in files, headed by a chief, all armed with long staffs and water-proof palm-leaf mats, and travel from twenty to thirty miles a day, for days in succession, without suffering any inconvenience. the weight varies from one hundred to two hundred and fifty pounds, according to road and distance, and is carried on the back, supported by straps passed over the forehead and shoulders. they are very moderate in eating, and never drink cold water if they can avoid it; when tired, they stretch themselves at full length on the ground, and are speedily refreshed. women are also accustomed to carry burdens, and may frequently be seen taking several filled pitchers to market in nets suspended from their forehead and shoulders. water they usually bring in jars balanced on the head.[ ] [sidenote: medical practice.] the ruling diseases are small-pox, which makes yearly havoc; dysentery, which is also not uncommon in the highlands during the summer; and leprosy, manifested by wounds and eruptions, and caused by filth, immoral habits, and bad food. in some parts of nicaragua, the latter disease breaks out in horny excrescences, similar in appearance to the tips of cow-horns. rheumatism and chest diseases are rare, in spite of their rough life. superstitious practices and empirical recipes transmitted from their ancestors are the remedies resorted to. hot bathing is the favorite treatment. they are skillful at blood-letting, making very small punctures, and applying a pinch of salt to them after the operation is ended. cauterizing wounds to prevent inflammation is not uncommon, and does not affect the patient much. the principal remedy of the chorotegans consists of a decoction from various herbs injected by means of a tube. some tribes of the highlands call in sorcerers to knead and suck the suffering part. after performing a variety of antics and grimaces, the wise man produces a black substance from the mouth, which he announces as the cause of the sickness; the friends of the patient take this matter and trample it to pieces amidst noisy demonstrations.[ ] their dead are washed, and dressed in a fresh suit; friends then assemble to express their regard and sorrow by burning copal and performing a wild dance round the corpse, which is buried with all its belongings, as well as food for sustenance on the long journey. the itzas, inhabiting the islands in the lake peten, are said to have thrown their dead into the lake, for want of room.[ ] the character of the guatemalans exhibits a number of excellent traits. they have always been a gentle race, and easily led by kindness, but centuries of oppression have thrown over them a timid, brooding spirit. far from warlike, they have nevertheless proved themselves efficient soldiers during the late civil wars. their honesty and faithfulness to a trust or engagement is universally admitted, and every traveler bears witness to their hospitality and obliging disposition. although taciturn before strangers, whom they naturally distrust, they are quite voluble and merry among themselves, especially the women; their mirth, however, wants the ring of true happiness. looking at the darker side, it is found that drunkenness stands preëminent, and if the native is not oftener drunk, it is because the means for carousing are wanting. surrounded by a bountiful nature, he is naturally lazy and improvident, whole days being passed in dreamy inaction, without a symptom of ennui. he is obstinate, and clings to ancient customs, yet he will not dispute with you, but tacitly forms his own opinion. taught to be humble, he does not possess much manliness, has a certain cunning, will weep at trifles, and is apt to be vindictive, especially if his jealousy is aroused. the highlanders form an exception to these general characteristics in many respects. the purer air of the mountain has infused in them a certain independent energy, and industry. nor are the women to be classed as lazy, for their position is rather that of slaves than of wives, yet they are vivacious and not devoid of coquetry, but of undisputed modesty. many of the remoter tribes are brave, and the manches, for instance, behaved lately in so spirited a manner as to compel the government to treat with them. the itzas are said to have been warlike and cruel, but their neighbors the lacandones are not so ferocious as supposed. the quichés bear a high character for industry, and intelligence, while those of rabinal excel in truthfulness, honesty, and morality. the vera paz tribes are less active and industrious than those of the plateau; this applies especially to the eastern nations who are also more stupid than the western. the salvador people are noted for their phlegmatic temperament, and the provoked stranger who seeks to hurry them, is merely laughed at; otherwise they, as well as the nicaraguans, are more docile and industrious than the guatemalans, but also more superstitious. scherzer thinks that they have all the inclination for becoming robbers, but want the energy. the aztec remnants in nicaragua are particularly patient and thrifty, but extremely shy and brooding. the chontales, on the other hand, are said to have been a savage and debased race, while the cholutecs were brave and cruel but subject to petticoat rule. opinions concerning the intelligence of the natives and their prospect of advancement are varied, some affirming that they are dull and spiritless, incapable of making any progress, while others assign them a high character and intelligence, which, properly directed, would give them a prominent position.[ ] [sidenote: the mosquitos.] [sidenote: mosquito nations.] the mosquitos, the second division of the central american group, are at the present day composed in part of an incongruous mixture of carib colonists and negro importations, and in part of a pure native element. owing to the independent spirit of the tribes along the central chain of mountains, which successfully resisted the attempts of spaniards to penetrate the territory, and to the unhealthy climate of the coast, this country, with the exception of the northern part of honduras, has as yet escaped subjection to the white race. the country, aside from the sea-shore, possesses many attractive features. the transverse ranges, radiating from the principal chain, form a series of terraces which gradually lessen in elevation, until they disappear in a low coast region. between them innumerable rivers, fed by the moisture-laden sea-winds, now rushing boisterously from heavily wooded heights, now sluggishly wending their way through luxuriant prairie-land, flow through a region of most pleasing variety, and at last empty into vast lagoons bordering the ocean. the aborigines still form the greater part of the population, and are composed of a large number of tribes which, while practicing agriculture to a limited extent, subsist chiefly on natural fruits and on the products of the chase. excepting the small tribes of the eastern mosquito country, mr squier, who has given much patient research to their languages, includes the natives of this sub-division among the lenca family, at the head of which stand the _guajiqueros_ in western honduras, essentially an agricultural people. east of these are the _xicaques_, and _poyas_, names given to a collection of closely related tribes, some of which have been brought under the subjugating influences of the missionary fathers, while others still keep their ancient customs intact. the _secos_ on black river are included by some writers with the poyas. south and west of these are the _moscos_, and in the western part of the mosquito coast, the _woolwas_, who still cherish a tradition of their emigration from the north-west. east of the latter live the _towkas_ and _cookras_, who extend to blewfields, and speak dialects varying little from the woolwa tongue, but stand lower in the scale of humanity. bell states that the towkas are merely a branch of the _smoos_, who have many points in common with the poyas, though differing from them in language. among other aborigines may be mentioned the _albatuinas_, _tahuas_, _panamekas_, _jaras_, _taos_, _gaulas_, _itziles_, _motucas_, and the _ramas_ on the blewfields lagoon; of several others the names are either lost or unknown. following the coast southward we meet the _caribs_, a strong, hardy, but crude race at present, of varied negro admixture, chiefly descended from the turbulent natives of san vicente island, whom the english transported in to the island of roatan, whence they were brought over to honduras. the caribs, who have within a few decades spread from a small colony over the whole northern coast, driving other nations into the interior and southward, appear to be superseding the aborigines, now fast disappearing under the annihilating effect of drink and disease. south of the caribs round cape gracias á dios are the _sambos_, or _mosquitos_ proper, said to have sprung from the union of native women with negro slaves wrecked on the coast during the seventeenth century. owing to their geographical position they were brought in contact with the buccaneers, and placed in a position to gain ascendancy over other tribes from the poyas southward, but were at the same time inoculated with the degrading vices and disorders which are now so rapidly bringing about their extinction. elated by their position as masters of the coast, they assumed the proud title of _waiknas_, or men, in which conceit they have been imitated by the subjected tribes, which are gradually adopting the sambo tongue. adjacent to them are the _toonglas_, a not very numerous offshoot of smoos and sambos.[ ] race-mixtures in certain localities have almost obliterated aboriginal types, which are portrayed as of medium stature, regular form, and varying in color from light brown to dark coppery. the people about cape gracias á dios are represented by the first voyagers to have been nearly as dark as negroes. the face is rather flat and oval, the head smaller than among europeans; forehead high and cheek-bones not very prominent; hair long, straight, coarse, and black; beard scanty; nose very small, thin, and usually aquiline among the coast people, but larger and broader toward the interior. the iris of the eye is generally black, but often verges toward brown; mouth broad, with thin lips and regular teeth. the women present a full bust and abdomen; they are called pretty, but early marriages soon make them old. it is suspected that infant murder has something to do with the rarity of deformed people. the towkas and ramas present the finest pure-blooded type, the former being very fair, while the latter are large, athletic, and stern-looking. the poyas are copper-colored, short, but muscular, broad-faced, with large forehead, bent nose, and small, mild eyes. the toonglas are duskier; the smoos approach the fair towkas in hue, though they have a flatter head, accompanied by a stolid look. the darkest of all are the woolwas, whose color seems a mixture of yellow ochre and india ink. proceeding to honduras, we meet the caribs, whose varied admixture of negro blood separates them into yellow and black caribs. the former are distinguished by a somewhat ruddy hue, with a hooked nose; while his duskier brother is taller, hardier, and longer-lived; with a nose inclining to aquiline. children are prettier as they approach the negro type. the hair varies in curl and gloss according to purity of blood. the mosquitos proper are more uniform in appearance, and buccaneers have no doubt assisted in bringing out many of the characteristics that have obtained for the sambo race the leading position on the coast. they are all well-built, raw-boned, nimble, and of a dull, dark, copper color. the face is oval, with a coarse, lustful expression, the hair rough, wavy, and black, eyes bright and remarkably strong; women pretty, with large eyes, and small feet and ankles.[ ] [sidenote: mosquito physique and dress.] [sidenote: mosquito head-flattening.] a piece of cloth fastened at the waist in a twist or by a cord, and reaching to the knee, constitutes the native male costume in these parts, that of the women being somewhat shorter. this cloth is either of cotton, sometimes woven with down, or of fibres from the inner bark of the caoutchouc tree, beaten on stones till they become soft, and is often large enough to serve for a covering at night. some are quite fanciful in color and design, and formerly they were painted. those of the woolwas are usually six feet long by three broad, striped blue and yellow; they are passed between the legs and fastened at the waist by a thong. the xicaques, on the contrary, wear the cloth serape-fashion, by passing the head through a slit in the centre, and tying the folds round the waist. even this scanty covering is often reduced to the smallest apron, and is dispensed with altogether in some parts, for modern travelers speak of natives in a naked state. women occasionally wear a small square cloth, having an opening for the head, one part of which covers the breast, the other the back. in some parts chiefs are distinguished by a cotton cap, and a long sleeveless robe, open in front and often nicely ornamented; in other places men of rank wear turbans decorated with plumes and feathers, and dress in skins of eagles, tigers, and other animals; these are also used by the common people on festive occasions. the smoos' head-dress is especially pretty, with its embroidery and feather-work. ordinarily the long loose hair is deemed sufficient to protect the head, and is kept sleek and shining by palm-oil, which they say furthers its growth. the women have longer hair than the men, and often dress it in ringlets, seldom in a knot or wreath. the people of northern honduras wear a lock hanging over the forehead; some highland chieftains, on the contrary, shave the front of the head, but allow the back hair to grow long, while the poyas part theirs in the middle, keeping it in position with a band. that of the religious men reaches to the waist, and generally falls in braids behind. in mourning, both sides of the head are shaved, a bushy comb being left along the middle. formerly all hair except that on the head, even eyebrows and lashes, was pulled out, because it was thought fit for animals only to have hair on the body. all go barefooted, and it is only where the native has to travel over a rough road that he puts on _alparagats_, or sandals of bark, wood, or skin, which are fastened by thongs round the foot. whatever is wanting in actual dress, however, is made up by paint and ornaments, of which both sexes are equally fond. the face and upper part of the body are either uniformly daubed over or tattooed with rays, fanciful lines, and designs representing animals and the like, chiefly in red and black. taste is not wanting in this adornment, for the tint is often delicate, and the black circles round the eyes indicate that they understand effect, increasing as they do the lustre of the orbs. esquemelin states that when visitors were expected, the men combed the hair, and smeared the face with an ointment of oil and black powder, the women using a red admixture. tattooing figures on the body by cauterization, as seen by columbus on the mosquito coast, is still practiced in certain parts of the interior. aboriginal mosquitos also perforated ears, lips, and cheeks, to hold pendants of fish-bones and green stones; the holes in the ears being as large as eggs. the natives of corn island not only carried large pieces of wood in the ears, but gradually enlarged the hole in the lower lip; at fifteen years of age the wood was removed and a tortoise-shell inserted. women wore a tight bandage round the ankle to increase the size of their calves. strings of tastefully arranged beads, bones, shells, and stones, and gaily colored bandages, were worn round the neck and wrist; the women adorning the legs and ankles in a similar manner, and also using feathers and flowers. certain interior tribes, as the smoos, esteem a round forehead as a reproach, and hence the head is flattened, the effect of which would be more noticeable, were it not for the thick bushy hair. this head-flattening fashion here appears for the first time since we left the columbian group; we shall see it once again further south, and that is all. the process here is essentially similar to that of the columbians. when the infant is a month old, it is tied to a board, and a flat piece of wood, kept firm by bands, is placed upon the forehead. the child remains in this painful position for several months, the pressure increasing as the head grows.[ ] towns there are none, except in certain parts; seldom do more than four or five houses stand in a group; the locality being changed at intervals for sanitary or superstitious purposes. a few upright posts planted in parallel lines, or in a circle, and occasionally interwoven with cane or leaves, support what may be called the hut proper, which is a sharply sloping, well-thatched palm-leaf roof with projecting eaves, reaching to within three or four feet of the ground. there is usually but one apartment, the floor of which is often coated with clay, and raised a little to avoid dampness. in the center is the fireplace, surrounded by household ware and cackling hens, and all round may be seen hammocks and nets suspended from the bamboo rafters. some sleep on a frame-work of bamboo placed upon posts. the better class of houses contain partitions for the several families occupying it, and stand in fields enclosed by stalk fences. a village with many of the interior tribes consists of one large building, often one hundred feet long by thirty feet wide. the front and end of these structures are open, but the back is partitioned off into small closets with the bark of the cabbage-palms, each serving as a bedroom for a married couple, or for unmarried women. a platform immediately under the roof is used as a sleeping-place for the boys, and an apartment at the end of the hut is set apart for women about to be confined. some of the guajiquero villages contain over a hundred substantial huts of mud, or of cane plastered over and whitewashed. the toonglas and cookras, erect temporary sheds near the streams, during the summer, but seek more secure huts in the winter. carib dwellings are the neatest of all; some are of cane, others of frame-work filled with mud. cockburn relates that, during his journey through honduras, he came across a bridge made of a net-work of cane, which was suspended between trees so that the centre hung forty feet above the surface of the stream. he found it very old and shaky, and concluded that it belonged to the remote past.[ ] [sidenote: food in honduras.] [sidenote: mosquito cookery.] redundant nature here leaves man so little to do, as scarcely to afford an opportunity for development. the people of northern honduras, according to herrera, cleared the ground with stone axes, and turned the sod by main strength with a forked pole or with sharp wooden spades, and by this means secured two or three yields every year; but the present occupants scarcely take so much trouble. on marrying, the men prepare a small field for a few beds of yams, beans, cassava, and squash, some pepper, and pine-apples, besides twenty to thirty plantain and cocoa-nut trees, leaving their wives to give it such further care as may be required. where maize is cultivated it is either sown two or three grains in holes two feet apart, or broadcast over freshly cleared woodland a little before the rainy season. the poyas are the only people who cultivate respectable farms. fishing is the favorite occupation of the coast tribes, and their dexterity with the spear and harpoon is quite remarkable. the proper time for catching the larger species of fish, such as the tarpom and palpa, is at night, when a fleet of pitpans, each with a pitch-pine torch in the bow, may be seen on the lagoon intermingling in picturesque confusion. one or two paddlers propel the boat, another holds the torch, while the harpooneer stands at the bow with a _waisko-dusa_, or staff, having a loosely fitting, barbed harpoon at one end, and a piece of light wood at the other. a short line attached to the harpoon, passes along the staff, and is rolled round this float for convenience. the glare of the torch attracts the fish and enables the bowman to spy his prey, which is immediately transfixed by the harpoon. away it darts, but the float retards its progress, and points out its whereabouts to the boatmen, who again seize the line, and drag it to the shore. occasionally the tarpom is taken in strong nets, the meshes of which require to be six inches square in order to entangle it. manatees or sea-cows are caught in the early morning, and to get within striking distance of the wary animal, it is necessary to deck the canoe with bushes and leaves, giving it the appearance of a floating tree. the line attached to the harpoon is in this case payed out from the canoe, which is often trailed by the manatee in a lively manner. it generally takes several harpoons as well as lances to kill it. smaller harpoons, without barb, with merely quadrangular points an inch and a half long and nearly as wide, are used for catching turtles so that the shell may not be damaged. as the canoe approaches, the turtle slides under the water; the bowman signalizes the oarsman how to steer, and when the turtle rises to breathe, it is speared, dragged into the canoes, and placed on its back. some fishermen will jump into the water after the animal, and bring it up in their hands, but this feat is attended with danger, from bites and sharp coral. the hawk-bill turtle is set free after the shell has been stripped of its scales, but the green species is eaten, and its eggs, which are esteemed a dainty, are sought for in the sand by poking suspected places with a stick. smaller fish are speared with the _sinnock_, a long pole with a fixed point. the river people take less pleasure in fishing, and resort thereto only as driven by necessity. weirs of branches and clay are constructed, with a small outlet in the middle, where men are stationed to catch the passing fish with nets and spears. the poyas employ a still surer method. the water is beaten with sticks for some distance above the weir, so as to drive the fish together; a quantity of juice extracted from a wild vine called _pequine_, which has a stupefying effect, is thrown into the water, and the men have merely to select the best looking, the smaller ones being allowed to float away and recover in the unadulterated waters below. the preserving of fish is the work of women, who cut them in slices,--sometimes rubbing them with salt,--and place the pieces on a framework of cane over the fire to be smoke-dried; after which they are exposed to the sun for a day or two. part of the fish is cooked, or baked in oil, and eaten at once. if we except the smoos and xicaques, who follow game with true precision and patience, the usual mode of hunting is as primitive as weir-fishing. a number of men assemble and set fire to the grass, which drives the terrified animals into a corner, where they are shot or struck down, or the game is entrapped in holes partly filled with water. the wild hog, the tapir, and deer supply most of the meat, which is cured in the same way as fish: some cutting the meat in strips, and curing it on the _buccan_, or grate of sticks, while others prefer the barbecue method which is to smoke-dry the whole animal. certain old writers state that human flesh was eaten, but this is discredited by others, who think that the error arose from seeing the natives feast on monkeys, which, skinned, have much the appearance of humans. the statement of their eating raw fish may also be wrong, for the natives of the present day are very careful about thoroughly cooking their food, and even avoid fruit not fully ripened. a well-known article of food is the carib bread, a sort of white hard biscuit made from cassava or mandioc roots, which are skinned, washed, and grated on a board set with sharp stones. the pulp is rinsed in water to extract the poisonous juice, and when it is sufficiently whitened by this means, the water is carefully pressed out, and the substance set to dry in the sun. the sifted flour is made into large round thin cakes, which, after being exposed to the sun for a while, are slowly baked over the fire. the poyas make large rolls, which are wrapped in leaves and baked in the ashes. these soon become sour, and are then eaten with a relish. others grind cassava or maize on the metate, and bake tortillas. a gruel is also made of the flour, and eaten with salt and chile, or syrup. one of their dainties is _bisbire_, the name given to plantains kept in leaves till putrid, and eaten boiled. scalding hot cacao mixed with chile is the favorite stimulant, of which large quantities are imbibed, until the perspiration starts from every pore. cacao-fruit is also eaten roasted. notwithstanding the richness of the soil and the variety of its productions, the natives are accused of resorting to insects for food, and of eating their own vermin. the coast people have the greater selection, but trust mostly to fishing, while the interior tribes after natural products depend upon the chase. the cookras subsist chiefly on the cabbage-palm. sambo girls have a peculiar fancy for eating charcoal and sand, believing that their charms are improved thereby. no regularity is observed in eating, but food is taken at any hour, and with voracity; nor will they take the trouble to procure more, until the whole stock is consumed, and hunger drives them from their hammocks. the poyas and guajiqueros seem to be the only tribes who have any idea of providing for the future; the latter laying up a common reserve.[ ] frequent bathing is the rule, yet the sambos, who have a better opportunity for this, perhaps, than other tribes, are described as dirty in their surroundings, and, when warmed by motion, emit a disagreeable odor, arising from the use of ointments and powders. the poyas, xicaques, secos, and especially the caribs are, on the contrary, very cleanly in their habits.[ ] [sidenote: mosquito weapons and war.] the bow and arrow figures as the chief weapon of the mosquitos, the former being usually of iron-wood, spanned with twisted mahoe-bark, and often six feet in length; the latter of reed or wood, hardened in fire, and pointed with hard wood, flint, fish-bones, or teeth. they not only handle the bow well, but some are expert in the art of defense. to attain this dexterity, children are taught to turn aside, with a stick, the blunt darts thrown at them, and in time they become sufficiently expert to ward off arrows in the same manner. they also fight with cane lances about nine feet long, with oblong diamond points, javelins, clubs, and heavy sharp-pointed swords made of a poisonous wood, a splinter from which causes first madness and then death. the milky juice of the manzanilla-tree is used to poison arrows and darts. blowpipes, whose light arrows surely and silently bring down birds at a hundred feet and over, are in great favor with the youth. armor is made of plaited reeds covered with tiger-skins, and ornamented with feathers; besides which, the northern mosquitos employ a breastplate of twisted cotton, like that of the mexicans. mosquito women are said to be as good archers as the men.[ ] aboriginal wars were continually waged in honduras without any other object than to avenge the death of an ancestor, or to retaliate on those who had carried away friends into slavery. neighboring tribes, however, agreed to a truce at certain times, to allow the interchange of goods. previous to starting on an expedition, turkeys, dogs, and even human beings were sacrificed to influence the gods; blood was drawn from tongue and ears, and dreams carefully noted, and their import determined. ambassadors were sent to challenge the enemy to a pitched battle, and, if they were not responded to, the country was ravaged. when prisoners were taken they were usually held as slaves, after having the nose cut off. forty thousand men sometimes composed an expedition, operating without chief or order, devising ambushes and stratagems as it suited them, and accompanied by women to act as porters. mosquito warriors blacken the face, and place themselves under the temporary command of the bravest and most experienced. the coast people are bold and unyielding, and usually kill their prisoners. when the sambos confederate with their neighbors, they expect their allies to pay for friends lost in battle.[ ] domestic utensils in the homes of the mosquitos consist of stones for grinding grain and roots, clay pots and plates for cooking purposes, and gourds, calabashes, and nets for holding food and liquids. the stone hatchet, which is fast becoming a relic, is ten inches long, four broad, and three thick, sharp at both ends, with a groove to hold the handle which is firmly twisted round its centre. besides the implements already referred to under fishing and weapons, may be mentioned the lasso, in the use of which they are very expert, and the _patapee_, a pretty water-tight basket that the caribs plait of reeds. the men usually sleep in hammocks, or on mats spread on the ground near the fire, with a stick for a pillow, while the women prefer a platform of cane raised a few feet from the ground, and covered with a mat or a skin.[ ] fibres of mahoe and ule bark, pisang-leaves and silk-grass furnish material for ropes, nets, mats, and coarse fabrics. most of the mosquitos grow a little cotton, which the women spin on a rude wheel, like that of the guatemalans, and weave on a frame loom into strong and neat cloths. the favorite blue color for dyeing is obtained from the _jiquilite_ plant; the yellow from the _achiolt_ tree. pottery is a very ancient art among them, as may be seen from the fine specimens discovered in the graves and ruins of honduras. their red cooking-pots are very light but strong, and the water-jars, which are only slightly burnt to permit percolation, show considerable taste in design.[ ] [sidenote: boats and fisheries.] nowhere do we find more daring and expert boatmen than the mosquitos, who will venture out upon the roughest sea in a boat barely large enough to hold a man and a boy. if the boat capsize it is at once righted, bailed out, and the voyage resumed, and seldom is any part of the cargo lost. the _dory_, or ordinary sea-boat is a hollowed-out tree, often twenty-five to fifty feet long, four to six wide, and four to five deep, round-bottomed, buoyant, and with good handling safe. the best are made by the up-river tribes, especially the towkas, who prepare them roughly with axe and fire, and sell them to the coast people to be finished according to fancy. after the dug-out has been trimmed, it is often soaked in water for a time, so that the sides may be stretched and secured with knees. the _pitpan_, which is used on rivers and lagoons, differs from the dory in being flat-bottomed, with broad and gradually rounded ends, and of less depth and width. cedar is chiefly used for pitpans on account of its lightness, and the stronger mahogany for dories; but the latter are, however, soon injured by worms if kept in the water. small boats are propelled by a single broad-bladed paddle; sails also are employed with the _crean_ or keeled canoe.[ ] harpoon and canoe are the basis of the mosquito's wealth, for with them he obtains his food and the tortoise-shell, the principal article of traffic. the season for catching hawk-bill turtles is from april to august, when fleets of canoes, each manned by about twelve men, proceed to different parts of the coast, as far south as chiriquí, and bring home ten thousand pounds of shell on an average. green turtles, which are caught near reefs, also find a good market in blewfields and elsewhere. all keep hogs, the caribs more than others; many possess cattle and horses, which are allowed to run wild over the prairies, the horses being lassoed whenever required for riding. their manner of breaking them is unique. one man leads the horse with the lasso into water, to a depth of three or four feet, when another jumps upon his back, and responds to buckings and skittishness with blows on the head, until in about half an hour the exhausted animal surrenders. a line of bark-fibre serves for reins, and a few plaited palm-leaves for saddle. preservation of wealth is little thought of, for cattle are most recklessly slaughtered at feasts and for offences, and fruit-trees, as well as other property are, as a rule, destroyed on the death of the owner. quite a trade is carried on in these parts, the inland tribes bringing rough canoes, calabashes, skins, cloth, honey, and cacao to the coast people, and receiving therefor turtles, salt, english fancy and useful articles; while many of the latter undertake lengthy coast trips to dispose of the bartered produce, as well as their own. the wankees deal heavily in _bisbire_, or decomposed plantains, while sarsaparilla and honey are the staple articles of the secos and poyas. a mixture of shrewdness and simplicity characterizes their dealings. a party wishing to dispose of hides, for instance, first produces the worst ones, which are thrown aside by the buyer until those of the standard quality are brought out; a sum is then offered for the whole, which is often unhesitatingly accepted by the native who is too dazzled by the apparently high price to consider the amount of produce given for it. very little value is placed upon labor, for canoes, which have taken a considerable time to prepare, are often bartered for a mere trifle. the people of honduras have always a stock of cloth and honey to pay taxes with, and set a high value on colored feathers obtained from yucatec coast traders, who take cacao for return cargoes.[ ] [sidenote: mosquito calendar and art.] although versatile enough in handicrafts, their mental faculties are exceedingly crude. with the aid of fingers and toes the sambo is able to count to twenty, but anything beyond that confuses him. time is reckoned by _kates_, or moons, thirteen of which make a _mani_, or year. when asked to fix the date of an event, he will say that it occurred so many sleeps or moons ago; but when the time exceeds a year or two, the answer is given in the rather indefinite term of "many, many years;" consequently he is unable to tell his age. his ideas of cosmology are equally vague; thus, stars are held to be glowing stones. the people of honduras call the year _iolar_, and divide it in the same manner as the mexicans, by whom the system has, no doubt, been introduced. they reckon time by so many nights or twilights, not by days, and determine the hour by the height of the sun. the song-language of the mosquitos differs greatly from that employed in conversation, a quaint old-time style being apparently preserved in their lyrics.[ ] the art of extracting and melting gold has long been known to them, but, although they wear a few ornaments of this metal, they do not seem to prize it very highly. at the time of cockburn's visit to honduras, dams were used in mining, and instruments of cane to sift the gold. the mode employed by the poyas to separate gold from sand is the one known in california as panning, and is thus described by squier: "scooping up some of the sand in his bowl, and then filling it with water, he whirled it rapidly, so that a feathery stream of mingled sand and water flew constantly over its edge. he continued this operation until the sand was nearly exhausted, and then filled the bowl again. after repeating this process several times, he grew more careful, balancing the bowl skillfully, and stopping occasionally to pick out the pebbles ... after the process was complete, the poyer showed me a little deposit of gold, in grains, at the bottom of the calabash." the gold dust passes into the hands of the white trader.[ ] [sidenote: government, slavery, polygamy.] the mosquitos proper are ruled by a hereditary king, who claims sovereignty over the interior tribes of the mosquito coast, which, in many cases, is merely nominal. before the english made their influence felt, this monarch, who, in these latter degenerate days, does not possess many prerogatives, seems to have had but a small extent of territory, for among the earlier travelers some assert that the inhabitants of this coast lived under a republican rule, while others observed no form of government. each village or community has a principal man, or judge, selected from the eldest and ablest, who settles minor grievances, referring weightier matters to the king, and superintends the contribution of canoes, tortoise-shells, and produce for the support of the monarch and chiefs--for regular taxes are not collected. among the poyas, the old men, who are highly respected by their juniors, assemble every evening to deliberate upon the duties of the following day; all members of the tribe take part in the work, and share alike in the results. according to young, the mosquitos had an officer, in whom was vested certain authority. the caribs are also ruled by elders, dignified by the title of captains. their laws are in some respects harsh: for instance, a woman who has had intercourse with a man of another race is whipped slowly to death. sambos are less particular in this matter, the adulterer being merely mulcted in a cow. if the decision of a chief be not satisfactory, the contestants resort to trial by combat. the xicaques live in communities of from seventy to one hundred persons ruled by chiefs elected for life. the insignia of a judge or ruler in honduras are a white staff, often elaborately ornamented with a golden head and tassels. formerly each town or province was ruled by an hereditary cacique, who administered justice with four nobles as counselors. theft was punished by confiscation of property, and in graver cases the ears and hands of the culprit were cut off; the adulterer caught in the act had his ear-rings forcibly torn out; then he was whipped by the relatives of the injured, and deprived of his possessions. the woman went free on the supposition that she, as the weaker party, was not responsible.[ ] one principal object of war among the ancient nations of honduras was to make slaves, but the mosquito coast was free from this scourge, according to all accounts.[ ] [sidenote: mosquito marriage customs.] [sidenote: mosquito courtship.] polygamy obtains, some men having six wives each, and the king yet more. the first wife, who as a rule, is betrothed from early infancy, is mistress commanding; her marriage is attended with festivities, and later additions to the harem are subject to her. the custom is to marry early, often before puberty, and it is not unusual to see a girl of thirteen with an offspring in her arms; but the marriage tie is not very binding, for the wife may be discarded or sold at will, on the slightest pretence, especially if children do not follow the union. the interior tribes, which are less given to plurality of wives, bear a pretty good character for female chastity. the cacique of ancient honduras married among his own class. on behalf of a suitor not previously engaged, an old man was dispatched with presents to the father of the chosen girl, before whom he made a long harangue on the ancestry and qualities of the youth. if this proved satisfactory, the presents were accepted, and bacchanalia followed. next morning the bride was closely wrapped in a gorgeously painted cloth, and, seated upon the shoulder of a man, was conveyed to the bridegroom, a number of friends accompanying her, dancing and singing along the road, drinking out of every rivulet, and feasting at every stopping-place. on arrival, she was received by the female friends of the groom, and subjected to a cleaning and perfuming process, lasting three days, during which the friends of the two families held a grand feast to celebrate the approaching union. she was then delivered to the husband, who kept her three nights at his home, and then proceeded to the house of his father-in-law, where the couple remained three other nights, after which they returned to their own house and renewed festivities. these were the ceremonies attending the marriage of nobles only. an old woman acted as messenger for common swains, and brought a present of cacao to the bride's parents, which was consumed at the preliminary feast. the girl was then delivered to the old woman, together with a return present of cacao to serve for two feasts, one taking place at the house of the bridegroom, the other at the bride's. relationship was no impediment to marriage, and widows were received among the wives of the late husband's brother. immorality ruled, and the most lascivious performances prevailed at their festivals. on the islands in the gulf of honduras and on the belize coast, the suitor had to undergo a preliminary examination by the proposed father-in-law as to his ability to perform the duties of husband; if satisfactory, a bow and arrow were handed him, and he at once presented himself before the object of his affection with a garland of leaves and flowers, which she placed upon her head instead of the wreath always worn by a virgin. friends thereupon met at the home of the bride to discuss the prospects of the couple, and to witness the act of giving her to the bridegroom, partaking, meanwhile, of some cheering liquid. the next day the bride appeared before the mother, and tore off her garland with much lamentation. among the sambos the betrothed suitor must give presents of food and other articles to the parents of his intended, as payment for their care of her until she attains the marriageable age, when he comes to claim her. should the parents then refuse to give up the girl, they are bound to refund the value of the presents twice or thrice told. the usual price paid for a wife is a cow or its equivalent, which is also exacted from any man infringing on the marital right, while the female for such offence is merely beaten. esquemelin adds that when the young man came to claim his bride, he was questioned as to his ability to make nets and arrows, and if all went well, the daughter was summoned to bring a calabash of wine, which the three drained between them in token of the new relationship. the widow was bound to supply the grave of her husband with provisions for a year, after which she took up the bones and carried them with her for another year, at last placing them upon the roof of her house, and then only was she allowed to marry again. the carib must provide a separate house and field for each of his wives, where she not only supports herself, her children, and her husband, but can, if she pleases, accumulate property. the husband is expected to spend his time equally between his wives, but not to assist in providing necessities after the marriage day; should his help be required, the wife must pay him the customary rate of wages. the several wives compete jealously with each other to provide the best for their husband, and are comparatively well-behaved, owing, perhaps, to the severe punishment of infidelity. among the smoos, wives of one husband generally live together, each wife bringing her share to make up her lord's dinner. widows are the property of the relatives of the husband, to whom 'widow-money' must be paid before they are allowed to marry again. the method of courtship among the woolwas is to place a deer's carcass and some firewood at the door of the intended; if accepted, marriage ensues. each wife has usually a separate establishment. the towkas, who are more inclined to monogamy, have an interesting marriage ceremony, of which squier gives a long account. on the betrothal of children a corresponding cotton band is fastened above the elbow or below the knee of each. these bands are selected by the old men so as to be distinct from others in color, and are renewed when worn out. they also wear necklaces to which a shell or bead is added every year, and when the boy has ten added to his string, he is called _muhasal_, or ten, signifying half a man; when the twentieth and final shell is added, he is considered a full man, and is called _all_, meaning twenty. if his intended has by this time attained her fifteenth year, preparations are at once made for the marriage. a general holiday is taken by the villagers, who clear from grass a circular piece of ground, which is defined by a ring of stones, and trampled smooth; a little hut is then erected in the centre having a small opening at the top, and another at the side facing the east. within the hut, the entrance of which is covered with a mat, is a heap of copal-twigs, and without, at the edge of the circle, a canoe filled with palm-wine is placed, having a large pile of white calabashes by its side. at noon the villagers proceed to the home of the bridegroom, who is addressed in turn by the old men; they then start with the youth for the house of the bride where the young man seats himself before the closed entrance on a bundle of presents intended for the bride. the father raps at the door which is partly opened by an old woman who asks his business, but the reply does not seem satisfactory, for the door is slammed in his face. the old men try their power of persuasion with the same result, and at last determine to call orpheus to their aid. music hath charms! the door is seen to open, and a female peeps timidly out: louder swells the music, and the bridegroom hastens to unroll his bundle containing beads and other articles. the door opens wider and wider as each present is handed in by the father, until it is entirely thrown back, revealing the bride arrayed in her prettiest, seated on a crickery, in the remotest corner. while all are absorbed in examining the presents, the bridegroom dashes in, shoulders the girl like a sack, and trots off for the mystic circle, which, urged on by the frantic cries of the women, he reaches before the crowd can rescue her. the females, who cannot pass the ring, stand outside giving vent to their despairing shrieks, while the men squat within the circle in rows, facing outward. the old men alone remain standing, and one of them hands a lighted stick to the couple inside the hut, with a short speech. soon an aromatic smoke curls up from the copal pile, whereat the women grow silent, but when it subsides, a sudden gayety takes possession of them, and the music is again heard. the reason for this is that the bridegroom, if he has any objections to the girl, may expel her while the gum is burning, but if it burns out quietly, the groom is supposed to be satisfied and the marriage complete. the women now pass filled calabashes to the men, who soon become excited and start a dance which increases in wildness with each additional cup, and does not end till most of them have bitten the dust. after dark the crowd proceeds with lighted torches to the hut, which is torn down, disclosing the married pair sitting demurely side by side. the husband shoulders his new baggage and is escorted to his home. the following day everybody presents a gift of some kind, so as to place the couple on an equal footing with the rest of the villagers.[ ] the position of a wife is not an enviable one, as the care of the household, the farm, and all hard and degrading work fall to her share, while her liege lord spends most of his time in idling. when about to be confined, she proceeds to a hut erected for this purpose in the forest, a short distance from the village, where she remains from a week to two months, according to the custom of the tribe, attended by female friends who supply all her wants, since she is not allowed to handle food herself. no one must pass to the windward of the hut, because an obstruction of the air might cause the death of the mother and child, and for thus offending the guilty party must pay the damages. in such seclusion it is easy to dispose of deformed children, and it is believed that this is done to avoid the disgrace of a nickname, which might otherwise attach to the family. at the expiration of the period of purification, the mother returns to the village carrying the infant tied to her back in a cloth. the village witch has in the meantime fastened round its neck, a _pew_ or charm, consisting of a bag of small seeds with which to pay old charon for ferriage across the river, in case of an early death. the child is suckled for about two years; yucca-root pap also forms a great part of its food in some parts, but otherwise it receives little care. the mother delivers herself, cutting the navel-string with her own hand; she also washes the infant's clothes, for it is believed that the child will die if this is done by another; after washing herself and suckling the child she returns to the village. formerly all children born within the year were taken to the temple by the parents, wrapped in a net and painted cloth, and laid to sleep under a cake made of honey and iguana-flesh. notice was taken of dreams, and if the child appeared well and happy, they augured riches and long life for it, if weak and sorrowful, it would be poor and unfortunate; if no dreams occurred, it betokened an early death. acting on this superstition, parents often became careless about the future of their children, and suffered them to grow up without attention. priests were not allowed to marry, and the care and education of the sons of prominent men were entrusted to them.[ ] [sidenote: mosquito diversions.] drinking is the chief amusement, and to become helplessly drunk is the sum of all enjoyment. frequent _sihkrans_ or feasts are held, lasting for days, at which large numbers assist to drain the canoeful of liquor prepared for the occasion. occasionally surrounding villagers are invited, and a drinking-bout is held, first in one house and then in another, until the climax is reached in a debauch by both sexes of the most revolting character. quarrels are generally put off for these occasions, but, as the wives have carefully hidden all weapons, recourse is had to the fist, with which the combatants exchange blows in turn until one has had enough. these trials of endurance are also held in sport; the smoo or woolwa, for instance, who wishes to be held most worthy of the fair sex, engages in a _lowta_ or striking-match with a rival, each one presenting his bent back to the other in turn, until the bravest stands declared. death is not unfrequently the result of such trials. even boys, carried away by emulation, hold lighted sticks to each other's skin. in early times the people of honduras held regular festivals at the beginning of each month, at the time of electing officers, at harvest time, and three other grand celebrations during the year, for which much food and drink were prepared. as the wine took effect, the participants were seized with a desire to move to the exhilarating sound of drum, flute, and rattle, and a simple dance was organized. that of the carib is merely a forward and backward movement of hands and feet, accompanied by a peculiar intonation of voice, and at their _seekroes_, or festivals in commemoration of the departed, they stalk in a circle, one following the other, and singing in a loud and uncouth tone. their pas seul is livelier, however, the performer skipping up and down, bending the body in different ways, and making the most grotesque movements. they are not satisfied with a mere drinking-bout at their reunions, but spread a good table, to which guests often bring their own liquor. the towkas and others prefer the circle dance, walking at a slow, swinging pace, beating their knuckles against emptied calabashes, and joining in a refrain, at the end of which they strike their cups one against another's. at each additional potation, the walk is increased in speed, until it assumes a trot and ends in a gallop, the calabashes rattling in accordance. the sambo dance is like a minuet, in which the performers advance and recede, making strange gesticulations. the women have also a dance among themselves,--for they are not allowed to join with the men,--in which they form a ring, holding each other round the waist with the left hand, bending, wriggling, shaking calabash rattles, and singing until exhausted. dramatic representations usually accompany these saltatory exhibitions, wherein the various phases of a lover's trials, comical sketches, or battles are depicted. the people of honduras are fond of disguising themselves with feather tufts, and skins of animals, whose actions and cries they imitate. the favorite entertainment of the sambos is to put on a head-dress of thin strips of wood painted in various colors to represent the beak of a sword-fish, fasten a collar of wood round the neck, from which a number of palm-leaves are suspended, and to daub the face red, black, and yellow. two men thus adorned advance toward one another and bend the fish-head in salute, keeping time with a rattle and singing, "shovel-nosed sharks, grandmother!" after which they slide off crab-like, making the most ludicrous gestures imaginable. this fun exhausted, fresh men appear, introducing new movements, and then the spectators join in a 'walk around,' flourishing white sticks in their hands, and repeating the above-mentioned refrain in a peculiar buzzing tone produced by placing in the mouth a small tube covered with the membrane of a nut.[ ] [sidenote: guajiquero dance.] the guajiqueros in an interesting performance described by squier, depict incidents from their history. a square piece of ground having a tree in the centre is marked off, and two poles adorned with feathers are erected in opposite corners, one bearing the head of a deer, the other that of a tiger. a dull, monotonous music is heard, and two parties of youth, fantastically dressed up and painted, move up to the square in a slow, but not ungraceful dance, and station themselves round the poles that bear their respective insignia. a man, stooping as if bent with age, starts out from the deers, dances round the ground, trying to arouse the mirth of the spectators with his grotesque movements. the tigers also dispatch a man, who does his best to excel the other one in contortions and grimaces. after a while they meet, and commence a discussion which ends in open rupture, the rising passions being well delineated. the two men who represent ambassadors then return to their party with an account of the mission, the result of which is a general excitement, both factions starting out, dancing backwards and forwards, up and down the square, until they meet under the tree, in the centre. the leader of each then steps out and recites the glories and prowess of his tribe, amidst the applause of his own men, and the disapproval of the others. as soon as they are worked up to the requisite pitch of irritation, the dialogue ceases, the music strikes up, and a mimic combat ensues, in which the armies advance and retreat, close and separate, using short canes for weapons. at last the tigers lose their standard and take to flight, whereat the victors execute a dance of triumph; but finding how dearly the victory has been bought, their joy is turned into sorrow, and they bend their head upon the knees, breaking out in loud lament. in a few moments one of them starts up and begins a panegyric on the fallen brave, which is followed by a mimic sacrifice and other ceremonies. the vanquished are now seen to approach with downcast eyes, bringing tribute, which they lay at the feet of the victors, who receive it with imperious bearing. the music at these entertainments is not of a very inspiring nature; drums, consisting of a section of hollow tree covered with skin, which are generally beaten with the hand, and flutes of bamboo with four stops on which eight notes are played with different degrees of speed for variety, being the usual instruments. the guajiqueros also use the _chirimaya_, two flutes joined in one mouthpiece; the _syrinx_, or pan's pipe; a long calabash with a narrow opening at the small end, into which the performer blows suddenly, at intervals, to mark time; and a sort of drum consisting of a large earthen jar, over the mouth of which a dressed skin is tightly stretched. to the centre of the skin, and passing through an opening in the bottom, is attached a string which the performer pulls, the rebound of the membrane producing a very lugubrious sound. in western honduras the so-called strum-strum is much used. this is a large gourd cut in the middle, and covered with a thin board having strings attached. the _marimba_, and the jews-harp which has been introduced by the trader, are, however, the favorite instruments for a quiet reunion, and the few tunes known to them are played thereon with admirable skill and taste. songs always accompany their dances and are usually impromptu compositions on suitable subjects, gotten up for the occasion by the favorite singers of the village, and rendered in a soft, but monotonous and plaintive tone. they have no national melodies, but on the receipt of any good or bad message, their feelings generally find vent in a ditty embodying the news. talking is a passion with them, and as soon as a piece of news is received at a village, two or three younger men will start with their women and children for the next hamlet, where it is discussed for hours by the assembled population, who in their turn dispatch a messenger to the next village, and thus spread the news over the whole country in a very short time. in story-telling, those who concoct the biggest lies receive the most applause. of course, the pipe must be smoked on these occasions, but as their own tobacco has become too mild for them, recourse is had to the vilest description of american leaf. when this is wanting, the smoke-dried leaves of the trumpet and papah-tree are used by men as well as women. the favorite drink is _mishla_, prepared chiefly from cassava-roots; but others from bananas, pine-apples, and other fruits are also used. a number of young women provided with good teeth, untiring jaws, and a large supply of saliva, are employed to chew about half of the boiled and peeled roots requisite to make a canoeful of liquor, the remainder being crushed in a mortar. this delectable compound is stirred with cold water, and allowed to ferment for a day or two, when it assumes a creamy appearance, and tastes very strong and sour. plantains are kneaded in warm water, and then allowed to stand for a few days till the mixture ferments, or the fruit is left in the water in small pieces, and the kneading performed in the cup previous to drinking. a fermented drink from powdered cacao and indigenous sugar-cane juice is called _ulung_, and _pesso_ is the name given to another made from crushed lime-rinds, maize and honey; in early times mead was a favorite drink in honduras. the cocoa-nut palm yields monthly a large quantity of liquor known as _caraca_. the tip of the undeveloped shoots are cut off, and the branch bent down so as to allow the fluid to drip into a calabash placed beneath. its seeds, when crushed and steeped in hot water give the _acchioc_.[ ] [sidenote: beverages of honduras.] [sidenote: mosquito customs.] no name for a supreme good spirit is found in the vocabulary of the mosquitos; all their appeals are addressed to wulasha, the devil, the cause of all misfortunes and contrarieties that happen. the intercessors with this dread being are the _sukias_, or sorceresses, generally dirty, malicious old hags, who are approached with gifts by the trembling applicant, and besought to use their power to avert impending evils. they are supposed to be in partnership with their devil, for whom they always exact the half of the fee before entering upon any exorcising or divination. these witches exercise a greater power over the people than the chief--a power which is sustained by the exhibition of certain tricks, such as allowing poisonous snakes to bite them, and handling fire, which they have learned from predecessors during their long preparation for the office, passed amidst exposure and fasts in the solitude of the wilderness. the people of honduras had also evil sorcerers who possessed the power of transforming men into wild beasts, and were much feared and hated accordingly; but their priests or hermits who live in communion with materialized gods, in small, elevated huts, apart from the villages, enjoyed the respect of all, and their advice was applied for on every matter of importance. none but the principal men could approach them without the necessary offering of maize and fowl, and they humbly knelt before them to receive their oracular answer. preparatory to important undertakings, dogs, cocks, and even men were sacrificed to obtain the favor of their idols, and blood was drawn from tongue, ears, and other members of the body. they thought it likewise necessary to their welfare to have _naguals_, or guardian spirits, whose life became so bound up with their own that the death of one involved that of the other. the manner of obtaining this guardian was to proceed to some secluded spot and offer up a sacrifice: with the beast or bird which thereupon appeared, in dream or in reality, a compact for life was made, by drawing blood from various parts of the body. caribs and woolwas assemble at certain periods every year, to propitiate controlling spirits with ceremonies transmitted from their forefathers. a variety of ghosts, as lewire, the spirit of the water, are supposed to play their pranks at night, and it is difficult to induce anyone to leave the hut after dark, unless in company. the belief in dreams is so firmly rooted that their very course of life is influenced by it. every dream has a direct or indirect meaning; thus, a broken calabash betokens loss of wife; a broken dish, the death of a mother. among other superstitions, it was believed that the lighting of an owl upon the house-top would be followed by the death of an inmate; when thunder roared, cotton-seed was burned; broken egg-shells and deer-bones were carefully preserved lest the chickens or the deer should die or disappear. aware of the peculiar influence of the moon on man and matter, they are careful not to sleep in its glare, nor to fish when it is up, and mahogany-cutters abstain from felling trees at certain periods for fear the wood may spoil. they are wonderfully good pathfinders, and will pass through the densest forest without guiding marks; as swimmers they are not to be surpassed. their mode of greeting a friend is very effusive, according to dampier. one will throw himself at the feet of another, who helps him up, embraces him, and falls down in his turn to be assisted up and comforted with a pressure. cockburn says that the honduras people bend one knee to the ground and clap their hands in token of farewell.[ ] [sidenote: mosquito medical treatment.] their licentious life, and fruit and fish diet, with limited use of salt, have left their constitution very susceptible to epidemics as well as other diseases. the most common disorders are affections of the bowels, such as dysentery and diarrhoea, but chills, rheumatism, consumption, and measles are not unfrequent. children suffer much from worms, and their abdomen is sometimes enormously swollen. a very painful, though not dangerous eye-disease termed _unkribikun_ is prevalent; and the burrowing of the tick in the skin causes wounds and inflammation if the fly be not speedily removed; the _chegoe_, or sand-flea, attacks the feet in the same manner. but small-pox and leprosy are the greatest scourges of this country, the former having here as elsewhere in america committed enormous ravages among the population. leprosy--that living death reflecting the sins of former generations, so capricious in the selection of its victims, taking the parent, yet leaving the child intact, or seizing upon the offspring without touching its mother--may certainly be less destructive, but it is nevertheless fearful in its effect; half of the natives of the mosquito country being more or less marked by it, either in the shape of white or livid spots, or red, white, and scabbed _bulpis_. all sickness and affliction is supposed to be the work of the evil spirit who has taken possession of the affected part; sukias must, therefore, be called in to use their incantations and herbs against the enemy. the witch appears with her face painted in hideous devices, and begins operations by placing some herbs beneath the pillow of the patient, blowing smoke over him, rubbing the body with the hands, and muttering strange words. if this is not effective, a decoction is made from the herbs, to be used as a drink or fomentation, and the patient is fenced in with painted sticks, with strict orders to let no one approach; the witch herself bringing the food to the patient, whistling a plaintive strain and muttering over the invalid for some time to chase away the evil. no pregnant woman, or person who has lately buried a friend, must come near the house during the illness, nor must any one pass to the windward of it, lest the sick be deprived of breath; any presumed breach of these injunctions leaving a safe loophole for the sorceress, in case her remedies fail. during epidemics, the sukias consult together and note their dreams, to ascertain the nature and disposition of the spirit. after muttering incantations all night, and invoking all sorts of terrible monsters, they plant small painted sticks, mounted by grotesque figures, to the windward of the village, and announce the expulsion of the evil. should the scourge continue, it is supposed that the spirits are obstinate, and the people remove to other parts, burning the village. the instructions of the sukia are always scrupulously followed, and the credulous native may be seen lying on the beach for days, exposed to all weathers, smeared with blood and waiting for restoration from ills. scarifications are much resorted to, and fever patients throw themselves into cold water, where they remain until dead or until the fever leaves them. in honduras, on the other hand, the patient is taken out of the water after a short immersion, and rolled to and fro before a fire, until half dead with fatigue, when he was left to be restored by sleep; blood is let from the thighs, legs, and shoulders; vomiting is promoted by certain herbs; vermin are administered for jaundice. in sickness a rigid diet is observed, the patient subsisting chiefly on iguana broth. snake-bites are cured by chewing the guaco-root, and poulticing the wound therewith; the caribs apply an oil obtained from the head of the tommy-goff as an antidote for its bite. herrera states that the comfort of a sick person was but little regarded; bread and drink were placed near the patient's head, and if strong enough to partake thereof, well and good, but if not he might die; nobody took any notice of him after this. the mosquitos are not entirely devoid of affection; but their grief seems to be reserved for the dead, not the dying.[ ] the corpse is wrapped in a cloth and placed in one half of a pitpan which has been cut in two; friends assemble for the funeral and drown their grief in mushla, the women giving vent to their sorrow by dashing themselves on the ground until covered with blood, and inflicting other tortures, occasionally even committing suicide. as it is supposed that the evil spirit seeks to obtain possession of the body, musicians are called in to lull it to sleep, while preparations are made for its removal; all at once four naked men, who have disguised themselves with paint, so as not to be recognized and punished by wulasha, rush out from a neighboring hut, and, seizing the rope attached to the canoe, drag it into the woods, followed by the music and the crowd. here the pitpan is lowered into the grave with bow, arrow, spear, paddle, and other implements to serve the departed in the land beyond; then the other half of the boat is placed over the body. a rude hut is constructed over the grave, serving as a receptacle for the choice food, drink, and other articles placed there from time to time by relatives. the water that disappears from the porous jars is thought to have been drunk by the deceased, and if the food is nibbled by birds it is held to be a good sign. on returning from the grave the property of the deceased is destroyed, the cocoa-palms being cut down, and all who have taken part in the funeral undergo a lustration in the river. relatives cut off the hair, the men leaving a ridge along the middle from the nape of the neck to the forehead; widows, according to some old writers, after supplying the grave with food for a year, take up the bones, and carry them on the back in the daytime, sleeping with them at night, for another year, after which they are placed at the door, or upon the house-top. on the anniversary of death, friends of the deceased hold a feast called _seekroe_, at which large quantities of liquor are drained to his memory. squier, who witnessed the ceremonies on an occasion of this kind, says that males and females were dressed in _ule_ cloaks fantastically painted black and white, while their faces were correspondingly streaked with red and yellow, and they performed a slow walk-around, the immediate relatives prostrating themselves at intervals, calling loudly upon the dead, and tearing the ground with their hands. at no other time is the departed referred to, the very mention of his name being superstitiously avoided. some tribes extend a thread from the house of death to the grave, carrying it in a straight line over every obstacle. froebel states that among the woolwas all property of the deceased is buried with him, and that both husband and wife cut the hair and burn the hut on the death of either, placing a gruel of maize upon the grave for a certain time.[ ] [sidenote: character of the mosquitos.] hospitality, a gentle and obliging disposition, faithfulness in the fulfilling of engagements, honesty and docility, balanced by an inaptness to make any avail of natural benefits, and a supineness in matters of veracity and judgment, by reason of which they fall into many excesses, especially in drink, characterize both mosquitos and caribs. the apathy and slowness of the unadulterated aboriginal are, however, in striking contrast to the vivacious and impressible nature of the caribs, whose versatility evidences a rather higher intelligence, which is again overshadowed by an inordinate vanity, based chiefly upon their greater strength and stature. both possess a certain industry, the one being more plodding, the other more energetic though less patient; this trait is also noticeable in their pastimes, where the native is far less exuberant and noisy than his darker neighbor. with regard to the effect of negro admixture on character, comparisons may be made among the caribs themselves, when it will be found that the black race is much more mercurial and vehement than the purer type, and possesses greater volubility. the severe discipline kept up, and the disposition, among the women at least, to provide for the morrow, augurs well for their future. the bravery and love of freedom which so long kept the spanish invaders at bay both on the western and northern borders and on the coast was subsequently subdued, instance the mild disposition of the independent xicaques, poyas, and secos, who are now inclined rather to peaceful diplomacy than to warlike demonstrations; yet the caribs manifested considerable spirit during a late conflict with the honduras government, and proved themselves efficient soldiers. the character given to the nations of this subdivision by ancient writers, contains many unenviable qualities, for not only are they described as lazy, vicious, lying, inconstant, but as cruel, void of affection, and of less intelligence than the mexicans; nevertheless they are obedient, peaceable, and quiet. the only characteristic we have concerning the albatuins is that they were savage, and until of late the ramas bore the same character. among the industrious towkas we find that gentle melancholy which characterizes some of the guatemalans; while their brothers, the smoos, have the reputation of being a very simple people whom the neighbors take delight in imposing upon, yet their women are said to be more ingenious than the sambo women. proceeding to the toonglas and sambos, we observe a preponderance of bad qualities, attributable, no doubt, to their intercourse with buccaneers and traders. by most writers they are characterized as a lazy, drunken, debauched, audacious race, given to thieving; capricious, quarrelsome, treacherous and exacting among themselves, though obliging to strangers, their only redeeming traits being hospitality, and a certain impulsiveness which is chiefly exhibited in grief, and indicates something good at heart. their want of energy, which deters them alike from household work and the commission of great crimes, will not prevent them from undertaking wearisome voyages to dispose of mere trifles; and their superstitious fears and puerility under affliction, are entirely lost when facing the raging surf or hungry shark. other writers take advantage of this trait to show that they are high-spirited enough to carry anything through when once aroused, and add that they have proved themselves faithful to their masters, are docile and intelligent, abhorring to appear mean and cowardly.[ ] [sidenote: the isthmians.] the isthmians, by which name i designate all the nations occupying the territory lying between the san juan river and the southern shore of lake nicaragua on the north, and the gulf of urabá, or darien, and the river atrato on the south, present several peculiarities when compared with the other nations of central america. the inhabitants of these regions are a hardy and active race, jealous of their independence and ever hostile to those who attempt to penetrate their country. their resoluteness in excluding all foreigners is materially strengthened by the rugged and malarious nature of the country, by its deep ravines, its miasmatic swamps, its abrupt heights, its rapid streams, its tangled undergrowth, and densely wooded districts. the air of the table-lands and valleys is hot and moist, the soil exceedingly fertile, but the interior and mountainous localities have a milder and more temperate climate with but little variation except that of the dry and wet seasons. in the lowlands of panamá, the swampy nature of the surface, with the great humidity of the atmosphere, produces a luxuriant vegetation, and the consequent quantity of decomposed vegetable matter under the influence of a vertical sun, engenders a miasma deadly to the unacclimated. the rich and marshy nature of the soil, however, sends forth immense palm-trees, in the branches of which the natives build their houses, thus obtaining a purer air and greater safety from the numerous wild animals and dangerous reptiles that infest that region. a great portion of the territory is rich in minerals which were once produced by the natives in great quantities, but which, unfortunately, were the loadstone that drew upon them the ruthless spanish plunderers. [sidenote: isthmian nations.] in the northern part of costa rica along the head waters of the rio frio the _guatusos_, or _pranzas_, are located. mr squier is inclined to think they are of the same stock as the nahuas. some striking physical peculiarities observed among them have given rise to various surmises and startling conclusions regarding their origin. dwelling in the western part of the state are the _terrabas_ and the _changuenes_, fierce and barbarous nations, at constant enmity with their neighbors. in the south-east and extending to the borders of chiriquí dwell the _talamancas_ composed of a number of different tribes and declared by some to be allied in race with the guatusos. besides these are the _buricas_, _torresques_, _toxas_, and others.[ ] in the mountains of chiriquí are the _valientes_, so called by the spaniards from their heroic resistance to the invaders. many of the warlike nations who occupied the country at the time of the discovery derived their names from the caciques that governed them. the people who dwell along the shore of the caribbean sea, between portobello and urabá, and occupy the limones, sasardi, and pinos islands are supposed to be a branch of the once powerful darien nations who to the present day remain unconquered. their province is situated on the western shore of the gulf of urabá, and their town was originally near the mouth of the river atrato. the town and the river as well as the province were called by the natives darien. this town was conquered in by a little band of shipwrecked spaniards under the bachiller enciso. vasco nuñez de balboa, francisco pizarro, and men of like metal were there, and this was the first successful conquest and settlement on tierra firme. whence, as the conquests of the spaniards widened, the name darien was at length applied to the greater part of the isthmus. still further westward were the once powerful province of _cueva_, and the site of the ancient city of panamá, discovered in by tello de guzman. this was a famous fishing-station, the word panamá signifying in the native tongue a place where many fish are taken. along the western shore of the bay of panamá dwelt several independent and warlike nations, those of _cutara_, _paris_, _escoria_, besides many others who waged continual war against each other with the object of increasing their territories and adding lustre to their names.[ ] slight differences only are observable in the isthmian physique. the people are generally well-built, muscular, and of average height, although old authorities, such as herrera, andagoya, and gomara, describe a tribe, whom they locate near escoria and quarecas, as being very tall--veritable giants. women, as a rule, are small and of delicate proportions, but after attaining a certain age, incline to obesity. the mountain tribes are generally shorter in stature, with more pleasing features than the coast-dwellers. a notable difference between the isthmians and the other aborigines of the pacific states, is the short, rather flat nose, in contradistinction to the almost universal aquiline cast. in color they are of a medium bronze tint, varying according to localities, the mountain tribes being the darker. black, straight, and very abundant coarse hair, black or dark eyes, and excellent teeth predominate.[ ] in costa rica, on the rio frio, is the frequently spoken of but never accurately described nation--the _guatusos_--whom somewhat mythical accounts describe as of fair complexions, with light hair and blue eyes. likewise albinos are spoken of by wafer, who relates having seen people "milk white, lighter than the colour of any europeans, and much like that of a white horse." furthermore, it is said that their bodies were covered with a milk-white down, which added to the whiteness of their skin; hair and eyebrows white, and eyes oblong, with the corners pointing downwards. during daylight they were weak-sighted, restive, and lacking energy, but after sundown, their cheerfulness, activity, and eyesight returned--the latter being apparently as good as that of other people.[ ] [sidenote: dress of the isthmians.] cotton textures and the bark of a certain tree, beaten in a wet state until soft and pliant, were the materials used by the isthmians to cover their nakedness, if, indeed, they covered it at all. where cotton was used, as in parts of costa rica, the costume was simply a small strip of cloth which both men and women wound round the loins or, as on the islands in the gulf of nicoya, the women passed it between the legs, and fastened it to a string round the waist. these latter ornamented their scanty raiment prettily with various designs painted in colors, and also with seeds and shells. near the bay of herradura the men wore a kind of mantle covering the whole front and back of the wearer, made of the above-mentioned bark, in the centre of which was a hole through which the head passed. the women of this locality only wrap themselves in a piece of bark, without taking the trouble to fashion a mantle of it. yet more simple was the dress of the men near cartago; a few cotton strings wound round the foreskin of their virile member, sufficed them.[ ] near panamá and darien, the caciques only wore long cotton mantles thrown over the shoulder and reaching nearly to the feet, the common people going naked, only encasing their privy parts in a kind of funnel made of gold, silver, shell, or bamboo, according to the wealth of the wearer, and which was held in place by a string fastened to two holes in the sides which was passed round the waist. women in the same localities wore cotton petticoats reaching to the knees, or, if ladies of quality, to the ankles. near the gulf of nicoya, women wore the long hair parted in the middle from the front to the back of the head, and plaited into two braids which hung down on either side over the ears. the men tied the hair up in a stiff queue with a cotton band, which was at times arranged so as to rise straight over the crown of the head. necklaces of colored beads or of tiger's teeth were worn as ornaments. like many nations of the hyperborean group, the chorotegans of nicoya pierced the lower lip and inserted a round piece of bone. their arms they painted with a mixture of their own blood and charcoal. in portions of veragua and behetrias even the funnel or cotton strings were omitted, and the gugures, mandingos, and many others on the pacific seaboard, like the people of veragua, went entirely naked, the chiefs only wearing long mantles. all of the isthmians were fond of ornaments; among those which deserve special notice is the nose-pendant. this was a crescent-shaped piece of gold or silver, of various sizes for different occasions, those used on holidays hanging down so as to cover the mouth, while those for ordinary use only reached the upper lip. besides the nose-pendant were ear-rings and a number of heavy necklaces of gold, silver, tiger's teeth, colored seeds, shells, and coral, according to the wealth of the wearer. under their breasts the richer women also wore gold bars as a support, which were held up by strings passed over the shoulders. _guanines_, or figures of animals made of gold, were worn around the neck by the men on the coast of veragua, chiriquí, and urabá; others again wore on their heads fillets or crowns of gold or of the claws of wild beasts, or of feathers. thus did these naked savages decorate themselves, often to the extent of several pounds weight. women considered it a mark of beauty to have thick legs, and to that end wore bandages round them. another hyperborean custom is here met with--the anointing of the body with oil--which in these tropics is extracted from the _bixa_ or seed of the _arnotto_, and over which they sprinkled down and feathers. painting the body was everywhere practiced, and was carried to a great extent, the different colors and figures employed each having its peculiar significance. [sidenote: isthmian body-painting.] on going to war, paint was used more freely than at other times, and the greater the warrior the thicker the paint. among the men of cueba painting had a double object; it served as an ornament to the person, and also as a mark of distinction of rank. the chief, when he inherited or attained his title, made choice of a certain device, which became that of all his house. freemen were painted from the mouth downward, and on the arms and chest, while slaves were only painted or tattooed from the mouth upward. all the lords, servitors, and vassals who were freemen, were painted in exactly the same manner. if the son of a chief adopted the ancestral totem, he could not afterward change it on coming into his inheritance, but if during his father's life-time he declined to use the distinctive badge of his house, he could, when he became chief, choose any new device he might fancy. a son who did not adopt his father's totem was always hateful to him during his lifetime. the natives on the northern coast of chiriquí painted the body in wavy lines, from the shoulders to the heels; through the cartilage of the nose they stuck a porcupine-quill, and in the chin the tooth of a wild beast. the women had holes made in their cheeks through which they stuck little bunches of feathers; they also wore tiger's claws in their ears. at san blas, some of the men painted themselves in black streaks, and the women in red. at porto belo, the king was painted black and all his subjects red. the natives of escoria tattooed breast and arms; the women of darien across the bridge of the nose from one cheek to the other; they also blacken their teeth. others have figures of birds, animals, or trees painted all over the body, according to fancy; their favorite colors being black, red, and yellow, which are laid on with pencils made of wood, chewed at the end till they become soft.[ ] all the isthmians pull out the hair from every part of the body except the head, and rub themselves with herbs, which prevent its further growth. both sexes pride themselves on the length of the hair, and most of them allow it to grow to its full length and hang loose over their shoulders, but keep it cut on the forehead as low as the eyebrows. the men of cariai and some parts of chiriquí, bind it with fillets and wind it in rolls round the head, fastening it with a comb made of the heart of the palm-tree; others wear round their head a band made of bark or certain fibres of plants, and at festivals they often wear high caps, made from the gaudy feathers of parrots. at tanela married women cut their hair short. it appears that head-flattening again crops out in these parts. las casas states that infants had their heads placed between two pads, one in front and another behind, in order to increase the length of the head and width of the forehead.[ ] [sidenote: dwellings on the isthmus.] in costa rica many of the natives live in small huts built of plaited rushes. in the year , diego gutierrez, governor of nueva cartago, in costa rica, attempted to explore that territory. arriving at the province of suere upon a river of that name at a point some twelve leagues distant from the north sea, he came to a village, and there occupied a house belonging to the chief of the district. the old milanese chronicler, girolamo benzoni, who accompanied the expedition, describing the dwelling of the cacique, says it was shaped like an egg and was forty-five paces in length and nine in breath. the sides were of reeds and the roof of palm-leaves all interlaced and well executed. there were but few other houses in the village and those of inferior character. padre zepeda, a jesuit, who in lived among the guatusos for several months, speaking of their towns and gardens, says that when the rains commence, they construct small huts in the trees, where they live safe from the danger of floods.[ ] unlike most other nations, the isthmians do not build their villages in squares, but generally form long streets, keeping the houses well apart from each other, probably as a precaution against conflagrations. on many parts of the coast of darien and on the gulf of urabá, the villages are built in the water. others are on the banks of rivers, and many of them are spacious and constructed with great skill and attention to details. the supporting posts of the roof are large bamboos or palm-trees. three or four of these are driven into the ground at equal distances, proportioned according to the intended length of the house, and across the top is laid the ridge-pole; on each side a number of shorter posts are sunk, from which long rafters are laid to the ridge-pole; the whole is then covered with palm-leaves, both roof and sides. other houses are plastered inside and outside with mud, and these have a flooring of open bamboo work, raised six or eight feet from the ground. the dwellings are divided into two or more rooms, having no doors to the entrances, which are reached by ladders. sometimes the house is built without walls, in which case the roof descends to below the level of the floor, and the structure is left open at both ends, having the appearance of an elevated platform. the savanerics and some others on the coast of veragua build circular or pyramidal dwellings, by driving strong posts into the ground sloping toward each other, so as to unite in a point where they are strongly bound with withes or vines, across which are tied small sticks, some peeled, others with the bark on, or blackened, thereby producing a pleasing effect. the walls inside are lined with reeds beautifully interwoven. the upper portion of the structure is thatched on the outside with straw and on the apex is placed an ornament of baked clay. in the centre of the dwelling is a spacious apartment, and round the walls are small rooms in which different families reside.[ ] each village has a public, town, or council house, or fort, one hundred or more feet in length, constructed in the same manner as the dwellings, but with no interior partitions; in the walls are loop-holes for the discharge of arrows. there is an entrance at each end, and thick doors, made of split palm-tree and bamboo strongly bound together with withes, are kept in readiness to shut out the enemy. the doors are kept in position by strong posts set in the ground behind them. in the province of veragua they build strong wooden fences or palisades round some of the villages, to protect them from attacks of enemies and wild beasts. during the expedition of gaspar de espinosa in , diego de albitez, who invaded the province of a cacique named tabraba, some distance south-west from panamá, found the inhabitants protected by strong fortifications. their forts are built with much skill. the ground is first enclosed by a deep trench, upon the inner bank of which trees are planted, and the interstices filled up with logs and rocks. in many parts of the country the inhabitants were found living in the tops of trees like birds, laying sticks across from one branch to another, and building their houses upon them. in , vasco nuñez de balboa surveyed several channels at the mouth of the river atrato in quest of gold and plunder. the surrounding country was low and marshy, but the soil sent forth immense palm-trees, in the branches of which the natives built their houses. vasco nuñez, entering an affluent of the rio negro, discovered a large tree-top village, the name of whose ruler was abieiba. the houses were divided into several apartments, each of a size sufficient to accommodate several families. they were built of wood and willows, and were so pliable and yet so strong, that the swaying to and fro of the branches, to which the elastic tenement yielded, did not in the least interfere with the safety of the occupants. ladders, made of a single large bamboo split in two, were used in making the ascent and descent. these were drawn up at night, or in case of the invasion of an enemy. on the coast of veragua columbus discovered similar dwellings, and he says that he could not account for the custom, unless it was through fear of griffins which abound in that country, or of enemies, each tribe being at war with every other tribe along the coast. the true cause, however, of their taking to trees for places of residence, is to place themselves beyond the reach of sudden and violent floods, which are caused by the swelling of streams after storms in the mountains, and also in order to be out of the reach of reptiles and wild beasts in which that country abounds.[ ] some of the isthmians built large enclosures for the chiefs, which early contemporary writers call the king's palace. vasco nuñez de balboa, on his march through the province of comagre, situated on the northern coast of darien about thirty leagues from the gulf of urabá, relates that he visited the dwelling or palace of the cacique comagre, which he describes as follows: it was one hundred and fifty by eighty paces in dimension, constructed upon heavy posts, which stood within a stone wall. the upper part of the building was beautifully finished with timbers, interlaced in such a manner as to strike the beholder with amazement. the building contained various apartments--chambers, pantry, and wine-cellar. in one very large apartment were sacredly kept the remains of the king's ancestors arranged round the walls.[ ] [sidenote: food of the isthmians.] the costa ricans live chiefly by hunting and fishing, and many of them cultivate maize, beans, and bananas; the talamancas, especially, are agriculturists. according to father zepeda, and others who penetrated some distance into the country of the guatusos, they had large fields under cultivation. salt is seldom used by any of these tribes, and none of them ever eat dogs, as they keep them for hunting purposes. their chief game is wild hogs and deer, but they are not very particular as to their animal diet, for they eat whatever they can catch, including reptiles. their mode of cooking fish renders them exceedingly palatable, which is by roasting them wrapped in plantain-leaves. bananas are usually pulled when green, and buried in sand to ripen.[ ] many of the other isthmians are agriculturists, and grow considerable quantities of maize, plantains, cacao, pimiento, and cocoa-nuts; their means of subsistence are further largely supplemented by game and fish. a staple article of food among the coast tribes is turtle, of which they capture large numbers. monkeys afford them a favorite meal, and they are especially fond of iguanas, young alligators, and their eggs. from the yucca as well as corn they make a good quality of bread. the doraches and guaimies of veragua subsist mainly on wild roots and a fruit called _pixbaex_, somewhat resembling dates, which toasted, makes an agreeable and wholesome food. most of their dishes are highly seasoned with pimiento, a kind of pepper produced by a small shrub which is very abundant on tierra firme. the toocan bird lives chiefly on the berry, which it discharges from the stomach almost immediately after swallowing it; the natives prefer it thus, as its bitterness is partly absorbed by the bird. it is said that the caribs ate human flesh whenever they had an opportunity. herrera says that some of the isthmians purchased slaves, whom they sold to the caribs for food, and the inhabitants of paria supplied boys to the natives of tubrabá for the same purpose. they cooked the flesh of their enemies, and ate it seasoned with salt and _ají_ (chile).[ ] when a piece of ground is to be planted, a number of the villagers collect and cut down the brushwood on a selected spot; the seed is then scattered among the wood as it lies. in due time the grain, which is well sheltered from the sun by the branches, springs up and overtops them, and when fit for harvesting the ears are gathered. after this, the underwood and corn-stalks are set on fire, and the ground continues to be used for agricultural purposes. in hunting deer and wild swine, dogs are used to drive them out of the dense forest; at other times they set fire to a part of the woods, and as the animals try to escape, they kill them with spears and arrows. birds are killed with a blow-pipe. when fishing they use nets made of mahoe-bark or silk-grass, and in places where rocks prevent their using a net, they catch them with their hands or shoot them with arrows. fishing by torchlight with spears is frequently practiced. the savanerics poison pools with pounded leaves of the barbasco, and thus obtain fish without much labor. for duck-hunting they also employ the often-described trick of placing a calabash on the head, and in this manner approach the game. the men of cueba are celebrated for making pure white salt from sea water--an article much used in this locality. in the same province a kind of communism obtained; all provisions were delivered to the chief, who distributed to each his share. part of the community were employed as agriculturists, and part as hunters and fishermen. at his meals the cacique was served by women, some of his principal men eating with him.[ ] in their personal habits the isthmians are cleanly; they bathe generally twice a day and sometimes oftener; but commonly at sunrise and sunset. the interior of their dwellings has a neat appearance, and order and cleanliness prevail in all their domestic arrangements.[ ] [sidenote: weapons of the isthmians.] bows and arrows, long spears, javelins, flint-edged clubs, and blow-pipes, are the weapons used in these parts. the bows are beautifully made, those of the costa ricans being about seven feet long, of a dark-colored, very hard wood, with the string of well-twisted silk-grass. arrows are of the same wood, very long, and pointed with a porcupine-quill or fish-bone. the bows and arrows of those farther south are much shorter, and of black palm-wood, as are also their lances and javelins. the arrows are pointed with flint or fish-bone, or are hardened in the fire and barbed; the shaft is of reed having a piece of hard wood eight or ten inches in length inserted in the end. the inhabitants of coiba and some of the tribes on the western shore of the gulf of urabá, do not use bows and arrows. in this respect, so far as i have observed, they form an exception; as among the almost innumerable tribes situated between the gulf of urabá and the arctic ocean i know of none others where bows and arrows are not used. these people in battle employ a long wooden sword, and wooden spears, the ends of which are hardened in the fire and tipped with bone; they also make use of slings and darts. their javelins are thrown with much force and dexterity by means of a stick slightly grooved to hold the projectile. it is called _estorica_ and is held between the thumb and two fingers, there being a small loop on the side, near the centre, in which the forefinger is placed; the dart is cast straight from the shoulder, while the projector is retained in the hand. i have noticed a somewhat similar contrivance employed by the aleutian islanders.[ ] the blow-pipe which is used with much effect, is about six or seven feet long, and the darts shot from it are made of mucaw-wood, very thin with an exceedingly sharp point, notched, so that when an object is struck it breaks off and it is almost impossible to extract the broken point; others are poisoned so that a slight wound causes death in a short time. one end is wrapped with a little cotton, until it fits the tube which is placed to the mouth and the dart blown out. it is quite effective for a distance of one hundred yards. different varieties of poison have been described by writers and travelers. herrera speaks of one which he says was made with certain grey roots found along the coast, which were burnt in earthen pipkins and mixed with a species of poisonous black ant; to this composition were added large spiders, some hairy caterpillars, the wings of a bat, and the head and tail of sea-fish called _tavorino_, very venomous, besides toads, the tails of snakes, and manzanillas. all these ingredients were set over a fire in an open field and well boiled in pots by a slave till they were reduced to a proper consistency. the unfortunate slave who attends to the boiling almost invariably dies from the fumes. another poisonous composition is spoken of as having been made of fourteen different ingredients and another of twenty-four, one that kills in three days, another in five, and another later, and when one was employed it was stated that sometimes the wounded lived as many days as the poison had been made. the natives said that fire, sea water, and continency were the antidotes against the venom, others affirmed that the dung of the wounded person taken in pills or otherwise was a cure. peter martyr writes that the poison was made by old women skilled in the art, who were shut up for two days in a house where they boiled the ingredients; if at the expiration of the time, the women were found in good health instead of being half dead, they were punished and the ointment was thrown away. captain cochrane in his _journal in colombia_, says that they obtain the poison from a small frog called the _rana de veneno_. these frogs are kept in a hollow cane and regularly fed. when required for use, they take one and pass a pointed stick down its throat and out at one of its legs. the pain brings to the back of the toad a white froth, which is a deadly poison and in it the darts are rubbed; below the froth a yellow oily matter is found which is carefully scraped off, as it is also a powerful poison, but not so lasting as the first substance, which will retain its deadly properties for a year while the yellow matter looses its strength after five or six months.[ ] the javelins used by the caribs were not made pointed but square at the end, they also have very long pikes and heavy clubs. when bartolomé hurtado in visited the island of caubaco he relates that the cacique presented him with a golden armor valued at one thousand castellanos. at the island of cabo seven leagues distant, the warriors wore a thick matted armor of cotton impervious to arrows; they were armed with pikes and in their march were accompanied with drums, conchs, and fifes.[ ] [sidenote: weapons, armor, and wars.] wars arise chiefly from the jealousies and ambition of rival chieftains. battles are frequent and sanguinary, often lasting for many days, and are fought with tenacious courage. throughout darien it is customary to place sentinels at night in the highest houses of the towns, to keep watch and give warning of the approach of an enemy. at the commencement of a campaign, chiefs and captains experienced in war are nominated by the head of the tribe, to lead the men in battle and conduct the operations; they wear certain insignia, so as to be distinguished from the rest of the men, lofty plumes on the head, and a quantity of golden ornaments and jewels, besides which they are painted in a different style. all, however, adorn themselves when going to battle, with a profusion of necklaces, bracelets, and golden corselets. the men are cheered on to battle and encouraged during the fight by the blowing of large shells and the beating of drums. in the province of cueba, women accompany the men, fighting by their side and sometimes even leading the van. the action is commenced with the slings and estoricas, but they soon meet at close quarters, when the heavy wooden swords and javelins are brought into use. certain rules and military regulations are observed whereby the brave are rewarded, and offenders against military discipline punished. nobility is conferred on him who is wounded in war, and he is further rewarded with lands, with some distinguished woman, and with military command; he is deemed more illustrious than others, and the son of such a father, following the profession of arms, may inherit all the father's honors. he who disobeys the orders of his chief in battle is deprived of his arms, struck with them, and driven from the settlement. all booty is the property of him who captured it. the prisoner is the slave of the captor; he is branded on the face and one of his front teeth knocked out. the caribs, however, used to kill and eat their prisoners. wafer mentions that upon some occasions, he who had killed an enemy cut off his own hair as a distinguishing mark of triumph, and painted himself black, continuing so painted until the first new moon.[ ] [sidenote: isthmian dishes and implements.] the isthmians sleep in hammocks, often beautifully made, and suspended between two trees or upright posts. owing to the material of which they are composed they are exceedingly cool and well adapted to the climate. gourds, calabashes, and cocoa-nut shells are employed for water-bowls and drinking-cups. their other household utensils consist of earthen jars, flint knives, stone hatchets and boxes ingeniously made of palm-leaves, and covered with deer or other skins. drums of different sizes, some very large, others small, are made of the hollow trunk of a tree covered at the ends with deer's hide. those of the largest size are kept at the chief's residence or at the town-house. hammocks are made of finely woven cloth, or more frequently of plaited grass of various colors and curiously ornamented. wooden mortars, made from the knotty part of a tree, are used to pound yucca, from which they make their cassava. the metate or rubbing-stone is also in use among them. they have nets of different kinds for both fishing and hunting. at night, as a light for their dwellings they use torches made from palm-wood dipped in oil and beeswax. the lords and principal men of the provinces of darien and urabá are reputed to have drunk from golden cups of rich and beautiful workmanship. peter martyr gives an account of golden trumpets and a great number of bells found by the spaniards in a town situated on the river dabaiba (atrato). the bells were used at ceremonies and festivals, giving forth a sweet and pleasant sound; the tongues or clappers were beautifully made, of fish-bones. in another part of the country, on the gulf of urabá, says peter martyr, as rendered by the ancient translator: "they founde also a great multitude of shetes, made of the silke or cotton of the gossampine tree; likewise diuers kindes of vessels and tooles made of wood, and many of earth; also many brest plates of gold, and ouches wrought after their manner."[ ] they manufacture strong cords from the bark of the mahoe-tree, which is taken off in long strips, beaten with sticks, cleaned, and then twisted. a finer description of thread is made from a species of pita, of which the leaves undergo a somewhat similar process in preparation as flax, being steeped in water for several days, then dried in the sun and afterwards beaten, producing fine silky threads, from which their hammocks and finer kinds of nets for catching small fish are made. from the same plant they make excellent baskets and matting; the materials are first dyed in different colors, prettily mixed and woven together so closely as to hold water. they are of a soft texture and exceedingly durable. the dorachos are famed for the manufacture of pottery, water-bottles, and other household utensils, elegantly shaped and prettily painted. cotton cloths are woven by women, and considering the rude and simple implements they work with, the fineness of texture and blending of colors present a marvel of skill and patience. the process of weaving is thus described by wafer: "the women make a roller of wood, about three foot long, turning easily about between two posts. about this they place strings of cotton, of or yards long, at most, but oftner less, according to the use the cloth is to be put to, whether for a hammock, or to tie about their waists, or for gowns, or for blankets to cover them in their hammocks, as they lie in them in their houses; which are all the uses they have for cloth: and they never weave a piece of cotton with a design to cut it, but of a size that shall just serve for the particular use. the threads thus coming from the roller are the warp; and for the woof, they twist cotton-yarn about a small piece of _macaw_-wood, notch'd at each end; and taking up every other thread of the warp with the fingers of one hand, they put the woof through with the other hand, and receive it out on the other side: and to make the threads of the woof lie close in the cloth, they strike them at every turn with a long and thin piece of _macaw_-wood like a ruler, which lies across between the threads of the warp for that purpose."[ ] [sidenote: isthmian boats and navigation.] the canoes and rafts of the isthmians are admirably adapted to the navigation of their rivers and gulfs, and the men who manage them are skillful boatmen. the canoes vary in size; some are dug out from the single trunk of a tree, others are constructed of bark. the largest are thirty-five feet in length by three in breadth, and are capable of carrying many persons, besides a considerable amount of cargo. they are so lightly built that little difficulty is experienced in passing them over obstructions, and those of smaller size are often carried on the head. they draw very little water, and are propelled with paddles by two persons, one in the stern, the other in the bow. when passing over rapids, palancas, or poles, are used, with crotchets attached, which answer the purpose of a boat-hook in laying hold of the bank or overhanging branches of trees, where the depth of water prevents the pole reaching the bottom. the rafts are made from an exceedingly light and soft timber similar to cork-wood. three or four logs are bound together with ropes and across them are laid smaller timbers of the same wood, fastened down with hard wooden pegs that are easily driven through. the rafts are chiefly employed for fishing or crossing large rivers. canoes are, however, quite as frequently used for fishing purposes.[ ] the native products are gold, pearls, tortoise-shell, ivory-nuts, cacao, caoutchouc, corozo-nuts, cocoa-nuts, dried venison, lard, and deer-skins; these are offered in considerable quantities to foreigners, and in exchange they receive salt and ironware, besides various trinkets and such domestic utensils as they are in need of. the value of the pearls was lessened on account of their practice of throwing oysters into the fire in order to open them, which partially destroyed their lustre. the natives of the coast carry into the interior dried fish and salt, which they barter for gold dust and other products. at pueblo nuevo sarsaparilla forms a principal article of trade. the native traders are very shrewd, and as a rule practice fair dealing. on his march through the country, vasco nuñez de balboa found the people in possession of large quantities of gold, jewelry, and pearls. everywhere along his route he received presents of gold; indeed, in some places he found this metal in greater abundance than food.[ ] the streams of this region are subject to frequent swellings, caused by heavy rains. after the subsiding of these floods, the natives procure gold from the river-beds; they also burn the grass in the mountains and pick up the metal left exposed on the surface in large quantities. in the district of veragua and in darien they have workers in gold, crucibles for melting metals, and implements of silversmiths. they understand the alloying of gold, from which they make vases and many kinds of ornaments in the shape of birds and different varieties of animals. the relics which from time to time have been exhumed in chiriquí and other parts of the isthmus, prove that the natives had an excellent knowledge of the art of working and also of sculpturing in gold and stone. painting and glazing on jars and other descriptions of pottery was an art in which the men of chiriquí were famous.[ ] the isthmians possessed only a very slight knowledge of the computation of time. they calculate the hour of the day by the height of the sun in the heavens, and have no division of time into years, months, or weeks. their enumeration is limited to twenty, and beyond that they count by twenties to one hundred; their knowledge of numbers does not go further.[ ] [sidenote: arts and government.] in the provinces of cueba, comagre, and other parts of darien the eldest son succeeded to the government upon the death of his father. as soon as the funeral ceremonies were over, the heir received the congratulations of the attendant nobles, the highest and most aged of whom conducted him to a chamber and laid him in a hammock. his subjects then came to offer their submission accompanied with presents, which consisted of large stores of edibles and fruits of every kind. they greeted him with triumphal songs in which they recounted the deeds of his ancestors, as well as those of other lords of the land, telling him who were his friends and who his enemies. much wine was consumed and the rejoicing lasted several days. afterwards ambassadors were dispatched to inform all the neighboring caciques of the new accession, desiring their good will and friendship for the future. in the province of panamá upon the death of the lord, the eldest brother succeeded him, and if there were no brothers the succession went to a nephew by the sister's side. the chiefs held undisputed authority over their people and were implicitly obeyed. they received no tribute but required personal service for house-building, hunting, fishing, or tilling the ground; men so employed were fed and maintained by the chief. in cueba the reigning lord was called _quebi_, in other parts he was called _tiba_. the highest in rank after the _tiba_ had the title of _sacos_, who commanded certain districts of the country. _piraraylos_ were nobles who had become famous in war. subject to the sacos were the _cabras_ who enjoyed certain lands and privileges not accorded to the common people. any one wounded in battle, when fighting in presence of the _tiba_, was made a cabra and his wife became an _espave_ or principal woman. a constable could not arrest or kill a cabra; this could be done only by the tiba; once struck by the tiba, however, any person might kill him, for no sooner was he wounded by his chief than his title and rank dropped from him. constables were appointed whose duty it was to arrest offenders and execute judgment on the guilty. justice was administered without form by the chief in person who decided all controversies. the cases must be stated truthfully, as the penalty for false testimony was death. there was no appeal from the decision of the chief. theft was punishable with death and anyone catching a thief in flagrante delicto, might cut off the offender's hands and hang them to his neck. murder was also punished by death; the penalty for adultery was death to both parties. in darien, he who defloured a virgin had a brier thrust up his virile member, which generally caused death. the facts had to be proved on oath, the form of taking which was to swear by their tooth. as i have said, a constable could not arrest or kill a noble; consequently if one committed a crime punishable with death, the chief must kill him with his own hand, and notice was given to all the people by beating the large war drum so that they should assemble and witness the execution. the chief then in presence of the multitude recited the offence, and the culprit acknowledged the justice of the sentence. this duty fulfilled, the chief struck the culprit two or three blows on the head with a macana until he fell, and if he was not killed, any one of the spectators gave him the finishing stroke. criminals who were executed were denied the right of burial. the caribs had no chiefs, every man obeyed the dictates of his own passions, unrestrained by either government or laws.[ ] [sidenote: punishments and slavery.] slavery was in force among the various nations inhabiting the isthmus, and every principal man retained a number of prisoners as bondsmen; they were called _pacos_, and, as i have already mentioned, were branded or tattooed with the particular mark of the owner on the face or arm, or had one of their front teeth extracted. when traveling, the slaves had to carry their lord's effects, and a dozen or more were detailed to carry his litter or hammock, which was slung on a pole and borne on the shoulders of two men at a time, who were relieved at intervals by two others, the change being made without stopping. on his march across the isthmus in , vasco nuñez found some negro slaves belonging to the cacique of quarecas, but the owner could give no information relative to them, except that there were more of that color near the place, with whom they were continually at war.[ ] [sidenote: family relations of the isthmians.] caciques and lords married as many wives as they pleased. the marriage of the first wife was celebrated with a great banquet, at the close of which the bride was handed over to her husband. subsequent wives were not married with ceremonies or rejoicings, but took the place of concubines, and were subject to the orders of the first wife. the number of wives was limited only by the wealth of the lord. vasco nuñez took prisoner the cacique tumanamá with all his family, among which were eighty wives. the children of the first wife were legitimate, while those of others were bastards and could not inherit. marriage was not contracted with strangers or people speaking a different language, and the tiba and lords only married with the daughters of noble blood. divorces were brought about by mutual consent and for slight causes, and sometimes wives were exchanged. if a woman was barren, they promptly agreed upon a separation, which took place when the woman had her menstrual period, in order that there might be no suspicion of pregnancy. when a maiden reached the age of puberty, she was kept shut up, sometimes for a period of two years. in some parts of darien, when a contract of marriage was made, all the neighbors brought presents of maize or fruits, and laid them at the door of the bride's father; when the offerings were all made, each one of the company was given a calabash of liquor; then followed speeches and dancing, and the bridegroom's father presented his son to the bride, and joined their hands; after which the bride was returned to her father, who kept her shut up in a house with him for seven days. during that time all the friends assisted in clearing a plantation and building a house for the couple, while the women and children planted the ground. the seven days having elapsed, another merrymaking took place, at which much liquor was drunk. the bridegroom took the precaution to put away all weapons which were hung to the ridge-pole of his house, in order to prevent any serious fighting during their drunken orgies, which lasted several days, or until all the liquor was consumed. if a man had several wives, he often kept each one in a separate house, though sometimes they all lived together; a woman who was pregnant always occupied a house to herself.[ ] women are easily delivered, and the young infant is tied to a board on its back or between two pillows, and is kept so confined until able to walk, the board being removed only to wash the child. male children are early accustomed to the use of weapons, and when able to carry a few provisions for themselves, they accompany their fathers on hunting expeditions. girls are brought up to household duties, cooking, weaving, and spinning. prostitution was not infamous; noble ladies held as a maxim, that it was plebeian to deny anything asked of them, and they gave themselves up to any person that wooed them, willingly, especially to principal men. this tendency to licentiousness carried with it extremes in the use of abortives whereby to avoid the consequence of illicit pleasures, as well that they might not be deprived of them, as to keep their breasts from softening; for, said they, old women should bear children, not young ones, who have to amuse themselves. sodomy was practiced by the nations of cueba, careta, and other places. the caciques and some of the head men kept harems of youths, who, as soon as destined to the unclean office, were dressed as women, did women's work about the house, and were exempt from war and its fatigues. they went by the name of _camayoas_, and were hated and detested by the women.[ ] [sidenote: intoxicating liquors.] their public amusements were called _areitos_, a species of dance very nearly resembling some in the northern provinces of spain. they took place upon occasions of a marriage or birth, or when they were about to go forth on a hunting expedition, or at the time of harvest. one led the singing, stepping to the measure, and the rest followed, imitating the leader. others again engaged in feats of arms and sham battles, while singers and improvisatori related the deeds of their ancestors and historical events of the nation. the men indulged freely in fermented liquors and wines, the drinking and dancing lasting many hours and sometimes whole days, until drunk and exhausted they fell to the ground. actors in appropriate costumes counterfeited the various pursuits of fishing, hunting, and agriculture, while others, in the guise of jesters and fools, assisted in enlivening the scene. their principal musical instruments were drums and small whistles made of reeds; they had also javelins with holes pierced in them near the end, so that when cast into the air a loud whistling noise was produced.[ ] they have various kinds of wines and liquors both sweet and sour. one is obtained from a species of palm-tree, by tapping the trunk near the top, and inserting a leaf into the cut. the liquor drawn off soon ferments, and in two or three days is fit to drink; or it is boiled with water and mixed with spices. another kind called _chicha_ is made from maize; a quantity of the grain is soaked in water, then taken out and left to sprout, when it is bruised and placed in a large vessel filled with water, where it is allowed to remain until it begins to turn sour. a number of old women then collect and chew some of the grain, which they spit out into large gourds until they have a sufficient quantity; this, as soon as it ferments, is added to the water in the vessel, and in a short time the whole undergoes fermentation. when the liquor is done working it is drawn off from the sediment, and a strongly intoxicating liquor is thus produced, which is their favorite beverage. they have another method of making chicha, by boiling the sprouted grain in water till the quantity is considerably reduced; it is then removed from the fire and left to settle and cool. in two days it becomes clear and fit to drink, but after five or six days it begins to acidify so that only a moderate quantity is made at a time. different varieties of wines and liquors are made from dates, bananas, pineapples, and other fruits, and we are told that the first spanish explorers of the country found large quantities of fermented liquors buried beneath the ground under their house-tree, because if stored in their houses the liquor became turbid from constant agitation. the cellar of the king comagre is described as being filled with great vessels of earth and wood, containing wine and cider. peter martyr, in his account of the visit of vasco nuñez and his company to the king, says "they drunke wines of sundry tastes both white and black." tobacco is much used by the isthmians; the natives of costa rica roll the leaf up in the form of a cigar, and tie it with grass threads; they inhale the smoke, and, retaining it for a short time, pass it out through the mouth and nostrils. the cigar used by the natives of the isthmus of panamá is much larger. mr wafer thus describes their manner of making and smoking it: "laying two or three leaves upon one another, they roll up all together side-ways into a long roll, yet leaving a little hollow. round this they roll other leaves one after another, in the same manner but close and hard, till the roll be as big as ones wrist, and two or three feet in length. their way of smoaking when they are in company together is thus: a boy lights one end of a roll and burns it to a coal, wetting the part next it to keep it from wasting too fast. the end so lighted he puts into his mouth, and blows the smoak through the whole length of the roll into the face of every one of the company or council, tho' there be or of them. then they, sitting in their usual posture upon forms, make, with their hands held hollow together, a kind of funnel round their mouths and noses. into this they receive the smoak as 'tis blown upon them, snuffing it up greedily and strongly as long as ever they are able to hold their breath, and seeming to bless themselves, as it were, with the refreshment it gives them." after eating heartily, more especially after supper, they burn certain gums and herbs and fumigate themselves to produce sleep.[ ] the isthmians are good walkers, their tread firm, but light and soft as a cat, and they are exceedingly active in all their movements. when traveling they are guided by the sun, or ascertain their course by observing the bark of the trees; the bark on the south side being always the thickest. when fatigued by travel they scarify their legs with a sharpened reed or snakes' teeth. they are very expert swimmers and the dwellers on the coast pass much of their time in the water. in salutation they turn their backs to each other. no one will accept a gift from a stranger unless with the especial permission of the chief.[ ] [sidenote: isthmian sorcerers.] they believe largely in spirits and divinations, and have sorcerers called _piaces_ who are held in much respect and awe. the piaces profess to have the power of foretelling the future and raising spirits. when putting in practice their arts they retire to a solitary place, or shut themselves up in a house, where, with loud cries and unearthly sounds they pretend to consult the oracle. boys destined to be piaces are taken at the age of ten or twelve years to be instructed in the office; they are selected for the natural inclination or the peculiar aptitude and intelligence which they display for the service. those so chosen are confined in a solitary place where they dwell in company with their instructors. for two years they are subjected to severe discipline, they must not eat flesh nor anything having life, but live solely on vegetables, drink only water, and not indulge in sexual intercourse. during the probationary term neither parents nor friends are permitted to see them; at night only are they visited by professional masters, who instruct them in the mysteries of the necromantic arts. in the province of cueba masters in these arts are called _tequinas_. it is asserted of the piaces that they could foretell an eclipse of the moon three months before the time. the people were much troubled with witches, who were supposed to hold converse with evil spirits, and inflicted many ills especially upon children.[ ] [sidenote: medical practice.] the isthmians are a healthful and long-lived race. the ills most common to them are fevers and venereal disease. the latter, as oviedo affirms, was introduced into europe from hayti, or española, where it was prevalent as well as throughout tierra firme. this is a subject that has given rise to much contention among authors, but the balance of testimony seems to indicate that the venereal disease in europe was not of american origin, although the disease probably existed in america before the coming of europeans. the remedies employed by the isthmians for the complaint were _guayacan_ wood, and other medicinal herbs known to them. they are much troubled with a minute species of tick-lice that cover their limbs in great numbers, from which they endeavor to free themselves by applying burning straw. another insect, more serious in its consequences and penetrating in its attacks, is the _chegoe_, or _pulex penetrans_; it burrows under the skin, where it lays its eggs, and if not extracted will in time increase to such an extent as to endanger the loss of the limb. the natives remove it with any sharp-pointed instrument. they are liable to be bitten by venomous snakes, which are numerous in the country and frequently cause death. whenever one is bitten by such a reptile, the sufferer immediately ties above the wounded part a ligature made from plants well known to the natives, and which they usually carry with them; this enables him to reach a village, where he procures assistance, and by means of herbal applications is often cured. some of them are subject to a skin disease somewhat similar in its appearance to ringworm; it spreads over the whole body until eventually the skin peels off. those who are thus afflicted are called _carates_. these people are generally very hardy and strong, with great powers of endurance. the piaces, as medicine-men, consult their oracles for the benefit of all those who require their services. the sucking cure obtains in these parts as well as northward. when summoned to attend a patient, if the pain or disease is slight, the medicine-man takes some herbs in his mouth, and applying his lips to the part affected, pretends to suck out the disorder; suddenly he rushes outside with cheeks extended, and feigns to spit out something, cursing and imprecating at the same time; he then assures his patient that he has effected a cure by extracting the cause of the pain. when the sickness is of a more serious nature, more elaborate enchantments are enacted, ending in the practitioner sucking it out from the sick person's body, not, however, without undergoing infinite trouble, labor, and contortions, till at last the piace thrusts a small stick down his own throat, which causes him to vomit, and so he casts up that which he pretends to have drawn out from the sufferer. should his conjurations and tricks not prove effectual, the physician brings to his aid certain herbs and decoctions, with which he is well acquainted; their knowledge of medicine is, however, more extensive in the treatment of external than of internal diseases. the compensation given to the piace is in proportion to the gravity of the case, and the ability of the individual to reward him. in cases of fever, bleeding is resorted to; their mode of practicing phlebotomy is peculiar and attended with much unnecessary suffering. the operator shoots a small arrow from a bow into various parts of the patient's body until a vein be accidentally opened; the arrow is gauged a short distance from the point to prevent its penetrating too far.[ ] oviedo tells us that in the province of cueba the practice of sucking was carried on to a fearful extent, and with dire consequences. the persons, men and women, who indulged in the habit were called by the spaniards _chupadores_. they belonged to a class of sorcerers, and the historian says they went about at night visiting certain of the inhabitants, whom they sucked for hours, continuing the practice from day to day, until finally the unfortunate recipients of their attentions became so thin and emaciated that they often died from exhaustion.[ ] [sidenote: isthmian graves and mourning.] [sidenote: funeral rites on the isthmus.] among certain nations of costa rica when a death occurs the body is deposited in a small hut constructed of plaited palm-leaves; food, drink, as well as the weapons and implements that served the defunct during life are placed in the same hut. here the body is preserved for three years, and upon each anniversary of the death it is redressed and attended to amidst certain ceremonies. at the end of the third year it is taken out and interred. among other tribes in the same district, the corpse after death is covered with leaves and surrounded with a large pile of wood which is set on fire, the friends dancing and singing round the flames until all is consumed, when the ashes are collected and buried in the ground. in veragua the dorachos had two kinds of tombs, one for the principal men constructed with flat stones laid together with much care, and in which were placed costly jars and urns filled with food and wines for the dead; those for plebeians were merely trenches, in which were deposited with the occupant some gourds of maize and wine and the place filled with stones. in some parts of panamá and darien only the chiefs and lords received funeral rites. among the common people a person feeling his end approaching either went himself or was led to the woods by his wife, family, and friends, who, supplying him with some cake or ears of corn and a gourd of water, there left him to die alone, or to be assisted by wild beasts. others with more respect for their dead, buried them in sepulchres made with niches where they placed maize and wine and renewed the same annually. with some, a mother dying while suckling her infant, the living child was placed at her breast and buried with her in order that in her future state she might continue to nourish it with her milk. in some provinces when the cacique became sick, the priests consulted their oracles as to his condition and if they received for answer that the illness was mortal, one half of his jewelry and gold was cast into the river as a sacrifice to the god they reverenced, in the belief that he would guide him to his final rest; the other half was buried in the grave. the relatives of the deceased shaved the head as a sign of mourning and all his weapons and other property were consumed by fire in order that nothing should remain as a remembrance of him. in panamá, nata, and some other districts, when a cacique died, those of his concubines that loved him enough, those that he loved ardently and so appointed, as well as certain servants, killed themselves and were interred with him. this they did in order that they might wait upon him in the land of spirits. they held the belief that those who did not accompany him then, would, when they died a natural death, lose the privilege of being with him afterwards, and in fact that their souls would die with them. the privilege of attending on the cacique in his future state was believed to be only granted to those who were in his service during his lifetime, hence such service was eagerly sought after by natives of both sexes, who made every exertion to be admitted as servants in his house. at the time of the interment, those who planted corn for him during his lifetime had some maize and an implement of husbandry buried with them in order that they might commence planting immediately on arrival in the other world. in comagre and other provinces the bodies of the caciques were embalmed by placing them on a cane hurdle, hanging them up by cords, or placing them on a stone, or log; and round or below the body they made a slow fire of herbs at such a distance as to dry it gradually until only skin and bone remained. during the process of embalming, twelve of the principal men sat round the body, dressed in black mantles which covered their heads, letting them hang down to their feet; at intervals one of them beat a drum and when he ceased he chanted in monotonous tones, the others responding. day and night the twelve kept watch and never left the body. when sufficiently dried it was dressed and adorned with many ornaments of gold, jewels, and feathers, and set up in an apartment of the palace where were kept ranged round the walls the remains of his ancestors, each one in his place and in regular succession. in case a cacique fell in battle and his body could not be recovered, or was otherwise lost, the place he would have occupied in the row was always left vacant. among other tribes the body after being dried by fire was wrapped in several folds of cloth, put in a hammock, and placed upon a platform in the air or in a room. the manner in which the wives, attendants, and servants put themselves to death was, with some, by poison; in such case, the multitude assembled to chant the praises of their dead lord, when those who were to follow drank poison from gourds, and dropped dead instantly. in some cases they first killed their children. with others the funeral obsequies of a principal chief were conducted differently. they prepared a large grave twelve or fifteen feet square and nine or ten feet deep; round the sides they built a stone bench and covered it with painted cloth; in the middle of the grave they placed jars and gourds filled with maize, fruit, and wines, and a quantity of flowers. on the bench was laid the dead chief dressed, ornamented, and jeweled, while around him sat his wives gaily attired with ear-rings and bracelets. all being prepared the assembled multitude raised their voices in songs declaring the bravery and prowess of the deceased; they recounted his liberality and many virtues and highly extolled the affection of his faithful wives who desired to accompany him. the singing and dancing usually lasted two days and during its continuance wine was freely served to the performers and also to the women who were awaiting their fate. at the expiration of such time they became entirely inebriated and in a senseless condition, when the final act was consummated by throwing dead and doomed into the grave, and filling it with logs, branches, and earth. the spot was afterwards held in sacred remembrance and a grove of trees planted round it. at the end of a year funeral honors were celebrated in memory of the dead. a host of friends and relatives of equal rank with the deceased were invited to participate, who upon the day appointed brought quantities of food and wine such as he whose memory they honored delighted in, also weapons with which he used to fight, all of which were placed in a canoe prepared for the purpose; in it was also deposited an effigy of the deceased. the canoe was then carried on men's shoulders round the court of the palace or house, in presence of the deceased, if he was embalmed, and afterwards brought out to the centre of the town where it was burned with all it contained,--the people believing that the fumes and smoke ascended to the soul of the dead and was pleasing and acceptable to him.[ ] if the body had been interred they opened the sepulchre; all the people with hair disheveled uttering loud lamenting cries while the bones were being collected, and these they burned all except the hinder part of the skull, which was taken home by one of the principal women and preserved by her as a sacred relic. [sidenote: isthmian character.] the character of the costa ricans has ever been that of a fierce and savage people, prominent in which qualities are the guatusos and buricas, who have shown themselves strongly averse to intercourse with civilization. the talamancas are a little less untameable, which is the best, or perhaps the worst, that can be said. the terrabas, also a cruel and warlike nation, are nevertheless spoken of by fray juan domingo arricivita as endowed with natural docility. the natives of boca del toro are barbarous and averse to change. in chiriquí they are brave and intelligent, their exceeding courage having obtained for them the name of _valientes_ or _indios bravos_ from the early discoverers; they are also noted for honesty and fair dealing. the same warlike and independent spirit and fearlessness of death prevails among the nations of veragua, panamá, and darien. the inhabitants of panamá and cueba are given to lechery, theft, and lying; with some these qualities are fashionable; others hold them to be crimes. the mandingos and natives of san blas are an independent and industrious people, possessing considerable intelligence, and are of a docile and hospitable disposition. the inhabitants of darien are kind, open-hearted, and peaceable, yet have always been resolute in opposing all interference from foreigners; they are fond of amusements and inclined to indolence; the latter trait is not, however, applicable to all, a noticeable exception being the cunas and chocos of the atrato valley, who are of a gentle nature, kind, hospitable, and open-hearted when once their confidence is gained; they are likewise industrious and patient, and m. lucien de puydt says of the former: "theft is altogether unknown amongst the cunas." colonel alcedo, speaking of their neighbors, the idibaes, calls them treacherous, inconstant, and false. in the interior and mountain districts the inhabitants are more fierce than those from the coast; the former are shy and retiring, yet given to hospitality. on the gulf of urabá the people are warlike, vainglorious, and revengeful.[ ] thus from the icy regions of the north to the hot and humid shores of darien i have followed these wild tribes of the pacific states, with no other object in view than faithfully to picture them according to the information i have been able to glean. and thus i leave them, yet not without regret: for notwithstanding all that has been said i cannot but feel how little we know of them. of their mighty unrecorded past, their interminable intermixtures, their ages of wars and convulsions, their inner life, their aspirations, hopes, and fears, how little do we know of all this! and now as the eye rests upon the fair domain from which they have been so ignobly hurried, questions like these arise: how long have these backings and battlings been going on? what purpose did these peoples serve? whence did they come and whither have they gone?--questions unanswerable until omniscience be fathomed and the beginning and end made one. tribal boundaries. the wild tribes of central america, the last groupal division of this work, extend from the western boundary of guatemala, south and eastward, to the rio atrato. i have divided the group into three subdivisions, namely: the _guatemalans_, the _mosquitos_, and the _isthmians_. the guatemalans, for the purposes of this delineation, embrace those nations occupying the present states of guatemala, salvador, and portions of nicaragua. the _lacandones_ are a wild nation inhabiting the chammá mountains on the boundary of guatemala and chiapas. 'mountains of chammá, inhabited by the wild indians of lacandón ... a distinction ought to be drawn between the western and eastern lacandónes. all the country lying on the w., between the bishopric of ciudad real and the province of vera paz, was once occupied by the western lacandónes.... the country of the eastern lacandónes may be considered as extending from the mountains of chammá, a day and a half from cobán, along the borders of the river de la pasion to petén, or even further.' _escobar_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., pp. - . upon the margin of the rio de la passion. _juarros' hist. guat._, p. . 'un tribu de mayas sauvages appelés lacandons, qui habitent un district immense dans le centre du continent, embrasse toute la partie occidentale du peten; erre sur les bords supérieurs de l'usumasinta et le pays qui se trouve au sud de l'endroit d'où j'écris.' _galindo_, in _antiq. mex._, tom. i., div. ii., p. . 'the vast region lying between chiapa, tabasco, yucatan, and the republic of guatemala ... is still occupied by a considerable body of indians, the lacandones and others.' _squier_, in _hist. mag._, vol. iv., p. , 'the vast region embracing not less than from to , square miles, surrounding the upper waters of the river usumasinta, in which exist the indomitable lacandones.' _id._, p. . 'mais la contrée qui s'étendait au nord de cahabon, siége provisoire des dominicains, et qui comprenait le pays de dolores et celui des itzas, était encore à peu près inconnue. là vivaient les choles, les belliqueux et féroces mopans, les lacandons et quelques tribus plus obscures, dont l'histoire a négligé les noms.' _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., p. , tom. i., p. . 'they are reduced to-day to a very insignificant number, living on and near passion river and its tributaries.' _berendt_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. . 'in the north of vera paz, to the west of peten, and all along the usumacinta, dwell numerous and warlike tribes, called generally lacandones.' _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pref., p. xvi.; _fossey_, _mexique_, p. ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. . [sidenote: the mames of guatemala.] the _mames_ 'occupied the existing district of güegüetenango, a part of quezaltenango, and the province of soconusco, and in all these places the mam or pocoman language is vernacular. it is a circumstance not a little remarkable, that this idiom is also peculiar to places very distant from the country of the mams: viz. in amatitan, mixco, and petapa, in the province of sacatepeques; chalchuapa, in st. salvador; mita, jalapa, and xilotepeque, in chiquimula.' _juarros' hist. guat._, p. . 'el mame ó pocoman le usan los mames ó pocomanes, que parecen no ser mas que dos tribus de una misma nacion, la cual formaba un estado poderoso en guatemala. se extendió por el distritó de huehuetenango, en la provincia de este nombre, y por parte de la de quetzaltenango, así como por el distrito de soconusco en chiapas. en todos estos lugares se hablaba mame ó pocoman, lo mismo que en amatitlan, mixco y petapa, de la provincia de zacatepec ó guatemala; en chalchuapa, perteneciente á la de san salvador; y en mita, jalapa y jiloltepec, de la de chiquimula.' _balbi_, in _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . 'leur capitale était gueguetenango, au nord-est de la ville actuelle de guatemala, et les villes de masacatan, cuilco, chiantla et istaguacan étaient enclavées dans leur territoire.' _squier_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cliii., p. . 'a l'ouest, jusqu'aux frontières de chiapas, s'étendaient les mams, proprement dits mam-yoc, dans leurs histoires, partagés en plusieurs familles également puissantes qui gouvernaient souverainement cette contrée, alors désignée sous le nom commun d'otzoya (de otzoy, sortes d'écrevisses d'or): c'étaient d'un côté les chun-zak-yoc, qui avaient pour capitale qulaha, que son opulence et son étendue avaient fait surnommer nima-amag ou la grande-ville, dite depuis xelahun-quieh, ou xelahuh, et quezaltenango; les tzitzol, dont la capitale était peut-être chinabahul ou huehuetenango, les ganchebi (see note below under ganchebis) et les bamaq. ceux-ci, dont nous avons connu les descendants, étaient seigneurs d'iztlahuacan (san-miguel-iztlahuacan), dont le plateau est encore aujourd'hui parsemé de ruines au milieu desquelles s'élève l'humble bourgade de ce nom: au dessus domine, à une hauteur formidable, xubiltenam (ville du souffle).... ganchebi, écrit alternativement canchebiz, canchevez et ganchebirse. rien n'indique d'une manière précise où régnait cette famille: mais il se pourrait que ce fût à zipacapan ou à chivun, dont les ruines existent à trois lieues au sud de cette dernière localité; là était l'ancien oztoncalco.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, introd., pp. - . 'habitaban el soconusco, desde tiempos remotos, y era un pueblo autócton; los olmecas que llegaron de la parto de méxico, les redujeron á la servidumbre, y una fraccion de los vencidos emigró hasta guatemala.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . the mamey, achi, cuaahtemalteca, hutateca, and chirichota 'en la de los suchitepeques y cuaahtemala.' _palacio_, in _pacheco_, _col. doc. inéd._, tom. vi., p. . mame 'parlé dans les localités voisines de huehuetenango.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _ms. troano_, tom. ii., p. viii. 'on retrouve encore aujourd'hui leurs restes parmi les indiens de la province de totonicapan, aux frontières de chiapas et des lacandons, an nord-ouest de l'état de guatémala. la place forte de zakuléu (c'est-à-dire, terre blanche, mal à propos orthographié socoléo), dont on admire les vastes débris auprès de la ville de huéhuétenango, resta, jusqu'au temps de la conquête espagnole, la capitale des mems. cette race avait été antérieurement la maîtresse de la plus grande partie de l'état de guatémala.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . the _pokomams_, or pokonchis, lived in the district of vera paz in guatemala, 'sous le nom d'uxab et de pokomam, une partie des treize tribus de tecpan, dont la capitale était la grande cité de nimpokom, était maîtresse de la verapaz et des provinces situées au sud du motagua jusqu'à palin' ( leagues n. w. of rabinal). _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, introd., p. . ils 'paraissent avoir occupé une grande partie des provinces guatémaliennes.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. , . 'toute la rive droite du chixoy (lacandon ou haut uzumacinta), depuis coban (écrit quelquefois coboan) jusqu'au fleuve motagua, les montagnes et les vallées de gagcoh (san-cristoval), de taltic, de rabinal et d'urran, une partie des départements actuels de zacatépec, de guatémala et de chiquimulà, jusqu'au pied des volcans de hunahpu (volcans d'eau et de feu), devinrent leur proie.' _id._, pp. - . 'le pocomchi, le pokoman, le cakchi, semés d'amatitan à coban.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _ms. troano_, tom. ii., introd., p. viii. in 'la verapaz, la poponchi, caechi y colchi.' _palacio_, in _pacheco_, _col. doc. inéd._, tom. vi., p. . 'la lengua pocomana se habla en amatitán, petapa, san chrisobal, pinula, y hermita ó llano de la culebra de guatemala.' _hervás_, _catálogo_, tom. i., p. . 'a la nacion poconchi pertenecen los lugares ó misiones ... llamadas santa cruz, san christobal, taktik, tucurú, y tomasiú.' _ib._ the _quichés_ inhabit the centre of the state of guatemala. 'quiché then comprehended the present districts of quiché, totonicapan, part of quezaltenango, and the village of rabinal; in all these places the quiché language is spoken. for this reason, it may be inferred with much probability, that the greater part of the province of sapotitlan, or suchiltepeques, was a colony of the quichées, as the same idiom is made use of nearly throughout the whole of it.' _juarros' hist. guat._, p. . 'les quichés, or utletecas, habitaient la frontière du sud, les chefs de sacapulus et uspatan à l'est, et les lacandones indépendants au nord. ils occupaient probablement la plus grande partie du district actuel de totonicapan et une portion de celui de quesaltenango.' _squier_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cliii., p. . 'leurs postes principaux furent établis sur les deux côtés du chixoy, depuis zacapulas jusqu'à zactzuy.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. , , . the _cakchiquels_ are south of the quichés. 'the territory of the kachiqueles was composed of that which now forms the provinces of chimaltenango and sacatepeques, and the district of sololá; and as the kachiquel language is also spoken in the villages of patulul, cotzumalguapan, and others along the same coast, it is a plausible supposition that they were colonies settled by the kachiquels, for the purpose of cultivating the desirable productions of a warmer climate than their own.' _juarros' hist. guat._, p. . 'la capitale fut, en dernier lieu, iximché ou tecpan-guatemala, lors de la déclaration de l'indépendence de cette nation.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, introd., p. . 'der westliche theil der provinz [atitan] mit dörfern in kirchspielen, von nachkommen der kachiquelen und zutugilen bewohnt.' _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. . 'los paises de la nacion cakchiquila son chimaltenango, zumpango, tejar, santo domingo, san pedro las huertas, san gaspar, san luis de las carretas, y otros diez lugares, todos pertenecientes á las misiones de los pp. dominicos; y á las de los pp. observantes de san francisco pertenecen isapa, pason, tepan-guatemalan comalapa, san antonio, san juan del obispo, y otros quince lugares á lo menos de la misma nacion cakchiquila, cuyas poblaciones estan al rededor de guatemala.' _hervás_, _catálogo_, tom. i., p. . the _zutugils_ dwelt near the lake of atitlan. 'the dominion of the zutugiles extended over the modern district of atitan, and the village of san antonio, suchiltepeques.' _juarros' hist. guat._, p. . 'la capital de los cachiqueles era patinamit ó tecpanguatemala, ciudad grande y fuerte; y la de los zutuhiles, atitan, cerca de la laguna de este nombre y que se tenia por inexpugnable.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. - . the _chortis_ live on the banks of the motagua river. the chiquimula 'indians belong to the chorti nation.' _gavarrete_, in _panamá star and herald_, dec. , ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . [sidenote: guatemalans.] brasseur de bourbourg describes quite a number of very ancient nations, of some of which he endeavors to fix the localities, and which i insert here. dan or tamub founded a monarchy on the guatemalan plateau. their 'capitale, amag-dan, existait, suivant toute apparence, entre les monts tohil et mamah, à trois lieues à peine au nord d'utlatlan.' _popol vuh_, introd., pp. , . 'ilocab étendait sa domination à l'ouest et au sud de tamub, et la cité d'uquincat, siége principale de cette maison, occupait un plateau étroit, situé entre les mêmes ravins qui ceignent un peu plus bas les ruines d'utlatlan.' 'la ville d'uquincat (forme antique). avec le filet (à mettre le maïs), était sur un plateau au nord-ouest de ceux d'utlatlan, dont elle n'était séparée que par ses ravins; on en voit encore les ruines connues aujourd'hui sous le nom de p'-ilocab, en ilocab.' _id._, p. . agaab, 'dont les possessions s'étendaient sur les deux rives du chixoy ou lacandon.' 'c'était une nation, puissante dont les principales villes existaient à peu de distance de la rive gauche du fleuve chixoy ou lacandon (rio grande de sacapulas). l'une d'elles était carinal, dont j'ai visité le premier, en , les belles ruines, situées sur les bords du pacalag, rivière qui se jette dans le lacandon, presque vis-à-vis l'embouchure de celle de rabinal, dans la vérapaz.' _ib._ cabinal, 'la capitale était à zameneb, dans les montagnes de xoyabah ou xolabah, [entre les rochers].' _id._, p. . ah-actulul, 'sept tribus de la nation ah-actulul, qui s'étaient établies sur des territoires dépendants de la souveraineté d'atitlan.' 'ces sept tribus sont: ah-tzuque, ah-oanem, manacot, manazaquepet, vancoh, yabacoh et ah-tzakol-quet ou queh.--ac-tulul peut-être pour ah-tulul.' _id._, p. . 'ah-txiquinaha, ceux ou les habitants de tziquinaha (nid d'oiseau), dont la capitale fut atitlan, sur le lac du même nom.' _id._, p. . acutee, 'nom aussi d'une ancienne tribu dont on retrouve le souvenir dans chuvi-acutec, au-dessus d'acutec, sur le territoire de chalcitan, près de malacatan et de huehuetenango.' _id._, pp. - . cohah, 'nom d'une tribu antique dans l'orient des quichés.' _id._, p. . the _chontales_ dwell in the mountain districts n.e. of lake nicaragua, besides having miscellaneous villages in guerrero, oajaca, tabasco, guatemala, and honduras. 'en el departamento de tlacolula ... y se encuentran chontales en guerrero, en tabasco y en guatemala.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . in san salvador, choluteca, honduras, nicaragua. _palacio_, in _pacheco_, _col. doc. inéd._, tom. vi., pp. , , . 'quiéchápa leguas südöstlich von oajáca und leguas südwestlich von nejápa.... an den gränzen des landes der chontáles.' ... 'tlapalcatepéc. hauptort im lande der chontáles.' _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. - , , . 'les chontáles s'étaient vus en possession de toute la contrée qui s'étend entre la mer et la chaîne de quyecolani ... étaient en possession non seulement de nexapa, mais encore de la portion la plus importante de la montagne de quiyecolani.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. , . 'au nord-ouest du grand lac, les chondals occupaient le district montagneux appelé encore aujourd'hui chontales, d'après eux.' _holinski_, _la californie_, p. . 'inhabitants of the mountainous regions to the north-east of the lake of nicaragua.' _froebel's cent. amer._, p. . 'au nord des lacs, les chontales barbares habitaient la cordillère.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . 'the chontals covered chontales, northward of lake nicaragua, and lying between the tribes already given, and those on the caribbean sea.' _stout's nicaragua_, p. . 'bewohner der gebirgsgegenden nordöstlich vom see von nicaragua.' _froebel_, _aus amer._, tom. i., p. . 'in nicaragua die chontales im hochlande im n. des managua-sees.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . 'deste lugar [yztepeque] comiençan los chontales.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. 'the chondals or chontals, the third great division mentioned by oviedo, occupied the wide, mountainous region, still bearing the name of chontales, situated to the northward of lake nicaragua, and midway between the nations already named and the savage hordes bordering the caribbean sea.' _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . 'on the northern shores of the lake of nicaragua.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'the lencas ... under the various names of chontals, and perhaps xicaques and payas, occupying what is now the department of san miguel in san salvador, of comayagua, choluteca, tegucigalpa, and parts of olancho and yoro in honduras, including the islands of roatan, guanaja, and their dependencies.' _squier's cent. amer._, p. . the _pipiles_ 'n'y occupaient guère quelques cantons sur les côtes de l'océan pacifique, dans la province d'itzcuintlan et ne s'internaient que vers les frontières de l'état de san-salvador, le long des rives du rio paxa.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . 'welche den ganzen westlichen theil des heutigen staates von s. salvador südlich vom rio lampa, das sogen. reich cozcotlan bewohnten.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. , . 'are settled along the coasts of the pacific, from the province of escuintla to that of st. salvador.... in a short time these pipiles multiplied immensely, and spread over the provinces of zonzonate, st. salvador, and st. miguel.' _juarros' hist. guat._, pp. , . among 'los izalcos y costa de guazacapan ... san salvador ... honduras ... nicaragua.' _palacio_, in _pacheco_, _col. doc. inéd._, tom. vi., p. . _nonohualcas._ 'Á la falda de un alto volcan (san vicente) están cuatro lugares de indios, que llaman los nunualcos.' _id._, p. . _tlascaltecs._ 'in mehreren puncten san salvadors, wie z. b. in isalco, mexicanos, nahuisalco leben noch jetzt indianer vom stamme der tlaskalteken.' _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, p. . [sidenote: nations of nicaragua.] the _cholutecs_ 'occupied the districts north of the nagrandans, extending along the gulf of fonseca into what is now honduras territory.' _stout's nicaragua_, p. . 'the cholutecans, speaking the cholutecan dialect, situated to the northward of the nagrandans, and extending along the gulf of fonseca, into what is now the territory of honduras. a town and river in the territory here indicated, still bear the name of choluteca, which however is a mexican name.' _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . these soconusco exiles settled 'dans les terres qui s'étendent au nord et à l'ouest du golfe de conchagua, aux frontières de honduras et de nicaragua.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . 'beyond them (nagrandans) on the gulf of fonseca, a nation called the cholutecans had their seats.' _froebel's cent. amer._, p. . _maribios_, a tribe formerly inhabiting the mountain region about leon. 'ihre wohnsitze bildeten die provinz maribichoa.' _froebel_, _aus amer._, tom. i., p. . 'ay en nicaragua cinco leguajes ... coribici ... chorotega ... chondal ... orotiña ... mexicano.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . 'hablauan en nicaragua, cinco lenguas diferentes, coribizi, que lo hablan mucho en chuloteca ... los de chontal, ... la quarta es orotina, mexicana es la quinta.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. 'in nicaragua there were fiue linages, and different languages: the coribici, ciocotoga, ciondale, oretigua, and the mexican.' _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . the _chorotegans_ 'occupied the entire country north of the niquirans, extending along the pacific ocean, between it and lake managua, to the borders, and probably for a distance along the shores of the gulf of fonseca. they also occupied the country south of the niquirans, and around the gulf of nicoya, then called orotina.' _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . 'welche die gegenden zwischen der südsee und dem managua-see von der fonseca-bai südwärts bis zu den aztekisch sprechenden indianern bewohnen und auch südlich von den niquirians bis zur bai von nicoya sich ausbreiten.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . 'north of the mexican inhabitants of nicaragua (the niquirans), between the pacific ocean, lake managua, and the gulf of fonseca.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . before the conquest they occupied 'les régions aujourd'hui à peu près désertes qui s'étendent entre le territoire de tehuantepec et celui de soconusco, sur les bords de l'océan pacifique.' ... to escape the olmec tyranny they emigrated to 'golfe de nicoya; de là, ils retournèrent ensuite, en passant les monts, jusqu'au lac de nicaragua et se fixèrent sur ses bords.' driven off by the nahuas 'les uns, se dirigeant au nord-ouest, vont fonder nagarando, au bord du lac de managua, tandis que les autres contournaient les rivages du golfe de nicoya, que l'on trouve encore aujourd'hui habités par leurs descendants.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, introd., pp. cc., ccii. 'als die spanier nach nicaragua kamen, war diess volk an der küste verbreitet ... wohnten längs der küste des austroloceans.' _hassel_, _mex. guat._, pp. - . the _dirians_ 'occupied the territory lying between the upper extremity of lake nicaragua, the river tipitapa, and the southern half of lake managua and the pacific, whose principal towns were situated where now stand the cities of granada, (then called salteba,) masaya, and managua, and the villages of tipitapa, diriomo and diriamba.' _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . 'groupés dans les localités encore connues de liria, de diriomé, de diriamba, de monbacho et de lenderi, sur les hauteurs qui forment la base du volcan de mazaya.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . 'occupied masaya, managua, tipitapa, diriomo, and diriamba.' _stout's nicaragua_, p. ; _froebel_, _aus amer._, tom. i., p. . the _nagrandans_. 'entre les dirias et la choluteca était située la province des mangnés ou nagarandas (torquemada dit que nagarando est un mot de leur langue. oviedo les appelle nagrandas), dont les fertiles campagnes s'étendaient, au nord et à l'ouest du lac de managua, jusqu'à la mer; on y admirait les cités florissantes de chinandéga, de chichigalpa, de pozoltega, de telica, de subtiaba, de nagarando, appelée aussi xolotlan, de matiares et une foule d'autres, réduites maintenant, pour la plupart, à de misérables bourgades.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'the nagrandans occupied the plain of leon between the northern extreme of lake managua and the pacific.' _stout's nicaragua_, p. . 'an welche sich weiter nordwestwärts (the last mention was dirians) die bewohner der gegend von leon, welche squier nagrander nennt ... anschlossen.' _froebel_, _aus amer._, tom. i., p. . 'chorotega tribe of the plains of leon, nicaragua.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . the _niquirans_ 'settled in the district of nicaragua, between the lake of nicaragua and the pacific ocean.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'au centre du pays, sur le lac nicaragua, appelé cocibolca par les indigènes, vivaient les niquirans.' _holinski_, _la californie_, p. . ometepec. 'this island was occupied by the niquirans.' _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. . the _orotiñans_ occupied 'the country around the gulf of nicoya, and to the southward of lake nicaragua.' _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . 'am golfe von orotina oder nicoya.... unter den geographischen namen im lande der orotiner stösst man auf den vulkan orosi, im jetzigen costa rica, während einer der vulkane in der kette der maribios, bei leon, also im lande der nagrander, orota heisst.' _froebel_, _aus amer._, tom. i., p. . 'les orotinas, voisins du golfe de nicoya, dont les villes principales étaient nicoya, orotina, cantren et choroté.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. . 'settled the country south of lake nicaragua around the gulf of nicoya.' _stout's nicaragua_, p. . [sidenote: mosquito nations.] the mosquitos, as a subdivision of this group, inhabit the whole of honduras, the eastern portion of nicaragua, and all that part of the coast on the caribbean sea known as the mosquito coast. the _xicaques_ 'exist in the district lying between the rio ulua and rio tinto.... it seems probable that the xicaques were once much more widely diffused, extending over the plains of olancho, and into the department of nueva segovia, in nicaragua.' _squier's cent. amer._, p. . 'se rencontrent principalement dans le département de yoro ... (some) à l'embouchure de la rivière choloma, et le reste est dispersé dans les montagnes à l'ouest de la plaine de sula. dans le département de yoro, ils sont répandus dans le pays depuis la rivière sulaco jusqu'à la baie de honduras.' _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clx., pp. - . yoro department; 'welche am oberen lauf der flüsse und in dem berg- und hügellande zwischen der küste und dem thale von olancho wohnen.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . the _poyas_. 'in the triangle between the tinto, the sea, and the rio wanks, or segovia.' _squier's cent. amer._, p. . 'inhabit the poyer mountains, beyond the embarcadero on the polyer river.' _young's narrative_, p. . 'den westlichen theil des distrikts taguzgalpa, zwischen den flüssen aguan und barbo.' _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. . 'inhabit the heads of the black and patook rivers.' _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . the _towkas_, 'bewohnen die südlichen gegenden des distrikts (taguzgalpa) und das gebirge.' _hassel_, _mex. guat._, pp. - . 'their principal residence is at the head of patook river.' _young's narrative_, p. . 'they dwell along the twaka river which is a branch of the prinz awala.' _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . the '_toonglas_ inhabit along the other branch of the same river.' _ib._ the _smoos_ 'inhabit the heads of all the rivers from blewfields to patook.' _id._, p. . the _cookras_ 'reside about one hundred and thirty miles from its mouth' (the rio escondido). _strangeways' mosquito shore_, p. . the _caribs_ 'now occupy the coast from the neighborhood of the port of truxillo to carataska lagoon.... their original seat was san vincent, one of what are called the leeward islands, whence they were deported in a body, by the english, in , and landed upon the then unoccupied island of roatan, in the bay of honduras.' they afterwards removed to the main land 'in the vicinity of truxillo, whence they have spread rapidly to the eastward. all along the coast, generally near the mouths of the various rivers with which it is fringed, they have their establishments or towns.' _bard's waikna_, p. . 'now settled along the whole extent of coast from cape gracias à dios to belize.' _froebel's cent. amer._, p. . 'dwell on the sea coast, their first town, cape town, being a few miles to the westward of black river.' _young's narrative_, pp. , , . in roatan: 'die volksmenge besteht aus caraiben und sambos, deren etwa , auf der insel seyn sollen.' _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. . 'unter den caraibendörfern sind zu nennen: stanu creek ... unfern im s. von belize und von da bis zur südgrenze settee, lower stanu creek, silver creek, seven hills und punta gorda.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . see also: _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, pp. , ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., p. . the _ramas_ extend from greytown to blewfields, a region 'uninhabited except by the scanty remnant of a tribe called ramas.' 'inhabit a small island at the southern extremity of blewfields lagoon; they are only a miserable remnant of a numerous tribe that formerly lived on the st. john's and other rivers in that neighbourhood. a great number of them still live at the head of the rio frio, which runs into the st. john's river at san carlos fort.' _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. , . 'rama cay, in blewfiels lagoon. this small island is the refuge of a feeble remnant of the once powerful rama tribe.' _pim and seemann's dottings_, p. . the _mosquitos_ inhabit 'the whole coast from pearl key lagoon to black river, and along the banks of the wawa and wanx, or wanks rivers for a great distance inland.' _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. . 'l'intérieur du pays est occupé par la nation sauvage et indomptable des mosquitos-sombos. les côtes, surtout près le cap gracias à dios, sont habitées par une autre tribu d'indiens que les navigateurs anglais ont appelés mosquitos de la côte.' _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. . 'an dem ende dieser provinz (honduras), nahe bey dem cap, gratias-a-dios, findet man die berühmte nation der mosquiten.' _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. . 'nearly the whole coast of honduras; and their most numerous tribe exists near the cape gracios á dios.' _bonnycastle's span. amer._, vol. i., p. . 'ocupan el terreno de mas de sesenta leguas, que corren desde la jurisdiccion de comaniagua, hasta la de costa-rica.' _revista mex._, tom. i., p. . 'die sambo, oder eigentlichen mosquitoindianer welche den grössten theil der seeküste bis zum black river hinauf und die an derselben gelegenen savannen bewohnen.' _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, p. . 'inhabiting on the main, on the north side, near cape gratia dios; between cape honduras and nicaragua.' _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., p. . 'inhabit a considerable space of country on the continent of america, nearly extending from point castile, or cape honduras, the southern point of the bay of truxillo, to the northern branch of the river nicaragua, called usually st. juan's; and comprehending within these limits nearly leagues of land on the sea coast, from latitude to deg.' _henderson's honduras_, pp. - . the sambos 'inhabit the country from sandy bay to potook.' _strangeways' mosquito shore_, p. . 'the sambos, or mosquitians, inhabit the sea coast, and the savannas inland, as far west as black river.' _young's narrative_, p. . 'the increase and expansion of the caribs has already driven most of the sambos, who were established to the northward and westward of cape gracias á dios, into the territory of nicaragua, southward of the cape.' _squier's honduras_ [lond., ,] p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, p. . [sidenote: isthmian nations.] the isthmians, the last sub-division of this group, embrace the people of costa rica, together with the nations dwelling on the isthmus of panamá, or darien, as far as the gulf of urabá, and along the river atrato to the mouth of the napipi, thence up the last-named river to the pacific ocean. 'the indian tribes within the territory of costarrica, distinguished by the name of parcialidades, are the valientes, or most eastern people of the state; the tiribees, who occupy the coast from bocatoro to the banana; the talamancas and blancos, who inhabit the interior, but frequent the coast between the banana and salt creek; the montaños and cabecares, who are settled in the neighbourhood of the high lands bounding veragua, and the guatusos, inhabiting the mountains and forest between esparsa and bagases, and towards the north of these places.' _galindo_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. vi., p. . from boca del toro towards the west coast dwell the viceitas, blancos, valientes, guatusos, tiribis, and talamancas. _wagner and scherzer_, _costa rica_, p. . blancos, valientes, and talamancas 'entlang der ostküste zwischen dem rio zent und boca del toro, im staate costa rica.' _id._, p. . the _guatusos_ 'vom nicaragua-see an den rio frio aufwärts und zwischen diesem und dem san carlos bis zum hochlande.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. . 'inhabit a territory lying between the merivales mountains on the west, the lake of nicaragua and the san juan river on the north, the atlantic shore on the east, and the table land of san josé upon the south.' ... the rio frio 'head-waters are the favorite haunt or habitation of the guatusos ... occupy the north-east corner of costa rica.' _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pref., pp. xii., xix., p. . they inhabit 'the basin of the rio frio.' _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cli., p. ; _id._, in _hist. mag._, vol. iv., p. ; _vigne's travels_, vol. i., p. . the _guetares_ 'viven ençima de las sierras del puerto de la herradora é se extienden por la costa deste golpho al poniente de la banda del norte hasta el confin de los chorotegas.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . the _blancos_ 'welche ungefähr tagereisen südöstlich von angostura in den bergen hausen.' _wagner and scherzer_, _costa rica_, pp. , . the _valientes_ and _ramas_, 'zwischen dem punta gorda und der lagune von chiriqui.' _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, p. . inhabiting the isthmus were numerous tribes speaking different languages, mentioned by early writers only by the name of the chief, which was usually identical with that of both town and province. in the province of panamá there were 'quatro señores de lenguas diferentes.... de alli se baxaua a la prouincia de natá ... treynta leguas de panamá ... otro llamado escoria, ocho leguas de natá.... ocho leguas mas adelante, la buelta de panamá, auia otro cazique dicho chirú, de lengua diferente: y otras siete leguas mas adelante, házia panamá, estaua el de chamé, que era el remate de la lengua de coyba: y la prouincia de paris se hallaua doze leguas de natá, les hueste.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi. westward from the gulf of urabá 'hay una provincia que se dice careta ... yendo mas la costa abajo, fasta cuarenta leguas desta villa, entrando la tierra adentro fasta doce leguas, está un cacique que se dice comogre y otro que se dice poborosa.' _balboa_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. . 'en la primera provincia de los darieles hay las poblaciones siguientes: seraque, surugunti, queno, moreri, agrazenuqua, occabayanti y uraba.' _hervás_, _catálogo_, tom. i., p. . 'treinta y tantas leguas del darien habia una provincia que se decia careta, y otra cinco leguas de ella que se dice acla.... la primera provincia desde acla hácia el ueste es comogre.... en esta tierra está una provincia que se llama peruqueta, de una mar á otra, y la isla de las perlas, y golfo de s. miguel, y otra provincia, que llamamos las behetrías por no haber en ella ningun señor, se llama cueva: es toda una gente y de una lengua.... desde esta provincia da peruqueta hasta adechame que son cerca de leguas todavía al ueste, se llama la provincia de coiba, y la lengua es la de cueva ... desde burica hasta esta provincia, que se dice tobreytrota, casi que cada señor es diferente de lengua uno de otro.... desde aquí tornando á bajar cerca de la mar, venimos á la provincia de nata ... está leguas de panamá ... tenia por contrario á un señor que se decia escoria, que tenia sus poblaciones en un rio grande ocho leguas de meta.... esta es lengua por sí. y ocho leguas de allí hácia panamá está otro señor que se dice chiru, lengua diferente. siete leguas de chiru, hácia panamá, está la provincia de chame: es el remate de la lengua de coiba ... chiman ... dos leguas de comogre ... desde esto chiman ... la provincia de pocorosa, y de allí dos leguas la vuelta del ueste ... la de paruraca, donde comienza la de coiba, y de allí la misma via cuatro leguas ... la de tubanamá, y de allí á ocho leguas todo á esta via ... la de chepo, y seis leguas de allí ... la de chepobar, y dos leguas delante ... la de pacora, y cuatro de allí ... la de panamá, y de allí otras cuatro ... la de periquete, y otras cuatro adelante ... la de tabore, y otras cuatro adelante ... la de chame, que es remate de la lengua y provincia de coiba ... de chame á la provincia del chiru hay ocho leguas ... y este chiru es otra lengua por sí.' _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. - , - , . the _guaimies_. 'en la provincia de veraguas, situada á grados de latitud boreal, está la nacion de los guaimies ó huamies.' _hervás_, _catálogo_, tom. i., pp. - . 'los quales indios, segun decian, no eran naturales de aquella comarca: ántes era en antigua patria la tierra que está junto al rio grande de darien.' _cieza de leon_, in _id._, p. . 'the indians who at present inhabit the isthmus are scattered over bocas del toro, the northern portions of veraguas, the north-eastern shores of panamá, and almost the whole of darien, and consist principally of four tribes, the savanerics, the san blas indians, the bayanos, and the cholos. each tribe speaks a different language.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., p. . 'les goajiros, les motilones, les guainetas et les cocinas, dans les provinces de rio-hacha, de upar et de santa-marta; et les dariens, les cunas et les chocoes, sur les rives et les affluents de l'atrato et les côtes du darien.' _roquette_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxlvii., pp. - . 'the _savanerics_ occupy the northern portion of veraguas.' _ib._ the _dorachos_ occupied western veragua. _id._, p. . the _manzanillo_, or san blas indians, 'inhabit the north-eastern portion of the province of panama.' _id._, p. . 'the chief settlement is about san blas, the rest of the coast being dotted over with small villages.' _gisborne's darien_, p. . 'their principal settlements are on the upper branches of the chepo, chiman, and congo, on the tuquesa, ucurganti, jubuganti, and chueti, branches of the chuquanaqua, and on the pucro and paya.' _cullen's darien_, p. . 'the whole of the isthmus of darien, except a small portion of the valley of the tuyra, comprising the towns of chipogana, pinogana, yavisa, and santa maria, and a few scattering inhabitants on the bayamo near its mouth, is uninhabited except by the san blas or darien indians.... they inhabit the whole atlantic coast from san blas to the tarena, mouth of the atrato, and in the interior from the sucubti to the upper parts of the bayamo.' _selfridge's darien surveys_, p. . the _mandingos_ 'occupy the coast as far as the bay of caledonia.' _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. ; _reichardt_, _cent. amer._, p. ; _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . the _bayanos_, 'about the river chepo.' _id._, p. ; _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., p. . the _cholos_, 'extending from the gulf of san miguel to the bay of choco, and thence with a few interruptions to the northern parts of the republic of ecuador.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., p. . 'inhabiting part of the isthmus of darien, east of the river chuquanaqua, which is watered by the river paya and its branches in and about lat. ° ´ n., and long. ° ´ w.' _latham_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xx., p. . 'the _cunas_ have established themselves on the shores of the gulf of urabá, near the outlets of the atrato.' _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. . the _cunacunas_, 'on the south-easterly side of the isthmus.' _ludewig's ab. lang._, p. . 'the remnants of the chucunaquese who in dwelt on the banks of the river which bears their name ... have gone up towards the north.' _ib._ the _chocos_, 'on the leon and the different tributaries of the atrato.' _michler's darien_, p. . the _caimanes_, 'between punta arenas and turbo.' _ib._ the _urabás_, 'en las selvas y bosques de la provincia de urabá.' _alcedo_, _dicc._, tom. v., p. . the _idibas_ 'del reyno de tierra-firme y gobierno de panamá, son confinantes con los chocoes y los tatabes.' _id._, tom. ii., p. . the _payas_ 'on the river of that name.' _selfridge's darien surveys_, p. . footnotes: [ ] the lacandones are of one stock with the manches, and very numerous. they were highly civilized only one hundred and fifty years ago. _boyle's ride_, vol. i., preface, pp. - . 'the old chontals were certainly in a condition more civilised.' _id._, pp. - , - . 'die chontales werden auch caraiben genannt.' _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. - , , - , , , , , . it seems there existed in nicaragua: chorotegans, comprising dirians, nagrandans, and orotiñans; cholutecans and niquirans, mexican colonies; and chondals. _squier's nicaragua_, vol. ii., pp. - . examine further: _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. i., pp. - ; _puydt_, _rapport_, in _amérique centrale_, p. ; _benzoni_, _hist. del mondo nuovo_, fol. ; _malte-brun_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clviii., p. ; _berendt_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _crowe's cent. amer._, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, pp. - , ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. - ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., pp. , , , tom. ii., pp. , , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. , - ; _valois_, _mexique_, pp. , - ; _escobar_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., pp. - . [ ] _crowe's cent. amer._, pp. - ; _squier's nicaragua_, pp. , - ; _froebel's cent. amer._, pp. - ; _dunn's guatemala_, pp. - ; _reichardt_, _nicaragua_, pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. , ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. ; _belly_, _nicaragua_, tom. i., pp. - ; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, pp. - ; _foote's cent. amer._, p. . round leon 'hay más indios tuertos ... y es la causa el contínuo polvo.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . in guatemala, 'los hombres muy gruessos.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., caps. xi., xii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv. 'ceux de la tierra fria sont petits, trapus, bien membrés, susceptibles de grandes fatigues ... ceux de la tierra caliente sont grands, maigres, paresseux.' _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. , . 'kurze schenkel, langen oberleib, kurze stirne und langes struppiges haar.' _bülow_, _nicaragua_, p. . 'the disproportionate size of the head, the coarse harsh hair, and the dwarfish stature,' of the masayas. _boyle's ride_, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. , . in salvador, the women's 'only garment being a long straight piece of cotton cloth without a seam.' _foote's cent. amer._, pp. - . the nicaraguans 'se rasent la barbe, les cheueux, et tout le poil du corps, et ne laissent que quelques cheueux sur le sommet de la teste.... ils portent des gabans, et des chemises sans manches.' _d'avity_, _l'amérique_, tom. ii., p. . 'the custom of tattooing, it seems, was practiced to a certain extent, at least so far as to designate, by peculiarities in the marks, the several tribes or caziques ... they flattened their heads.' _squier's nicaragua_, vol. ii., pp. , ; _id._, _nicaragua_, pp. - ; _valenzuela_, in _id._, _cent. amer._, p. ; _tempsky's mitla_, pp. - , ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. - , - , - ; _juarros' hist. guat._, pp. - ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, pp. - ; _valois_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _gage's new survey_, pp. - ; _montgomery's guatemala_, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. , , , , , , ; _galindo_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. lxiii., p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . [ ] the lacandones have 'floating gardens which can navigate the lagoons like bolsas,' and are often inhabited. they have stone sepulchres highly sculptured. _pontelli_, in _cal. farmer_, _nov. , _. 'in these ancient chontales villages the houses were in the centre, and the tombs, placed in a circle around.... the indians who before the spanish conquest inhabited nicaragua did not construct any large temples or other stone buildings.' _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. - . they live like their forefathers 'in buildings precisely similar ... some huts of a single room will monopolise an acre of land.' _boyle's ride_, vol. ii., pp. - ; _gage's new survey_, pp. - ; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, pp. , , ; _puydt_, _rapport_, in _amérique centrale_, pp. - ; _valois_, _mexique_, p. ; _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_., fol. , ; _froebel's cent. amer._, pp. , ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _berendt_, in _smithsonian rept._, , p. ; _west und ost indischer lustgart_, pt. ii., pp. , ; _valenzuela_, in _squier's cent. amer._, p. . [ ] they 'vivent le plus souvent de fruits et de racines.' _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. , - , . 'tout en faisant maigre chère, ils mangent et boivent continuellement, comme les animaux.' _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. , , , , , , , tom. i., pp. - . nicaraguans 'essen auch menschenfleisch ... alle tag machet nur ein nachbar ein fewer an, dabei sie alle kochen, vnd dann ein anderer.' _west und ost indischer lustgart_, pt. i., p. . 'perritos pequeños que tambien los comian, y muchos venados y pesquerías.' _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. - , . hunting alligators: a man dives under, and fastens a noose round the leg of the sleeping monster; his companions then haul it on shore and kill it. _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, pp. , . compare further: _findlay's directory_, vol. i., p. ; _gage's new survey_, pp. - ; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, pp. - , ; _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. - ; _juarros' hist. guat._, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii.-ix., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _escobar_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _waldeck_, _voy. pitt._, pp. - . [ ] _dunlop's cent. amer._, p. ; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, p. . [ ] the lacandones 'emploient des flèches de canne ayant des têtes de cailloux.' _galindo_, in _antiq. mex._, tom. i., div. ii., p. . see also, _bülow_, _nicaragua_, pp. - ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _juarros' hist. guat._, pp. , ; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, pp. , ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. i., p. . [ ] _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., p. ; _pontelli_, in _cal. farmer_, _nov. , , _. [ ] _valois_, _mexique_, pp. , ; _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, p. ; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, pp. - ; _valenzuela_, in _id._, _cent. amer._, p. . the lacandon hut contained 'des métiers à tisser, des sarbacanes, des haches et d'autres outils en silex.' _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. , , , . 'duermen en vna red, que se les entra por las costillas, o en vn cañizo, y por cabecera vn madero: ya se alumbran con teas.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi. at masaya, 'leur mobilier se compose de nattes par terre, de hamacs suspendus, d'un lit de cuir et d'une caisse en cèdre, quelquefois ornée d'incrustations de cuivre.' _belly_, _nicaragua_, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] 'le principe colorant est fixé an moyen d'une substance grasse que l'on obtient par l'ébullition d'un insecte nommé age.' _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. , . consult further, _squier's nicaragua_, pp. - ; _baily's cent. amer._, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii., ix., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _crowe's cent. amer._, pp. ; _squier_, in _hist. mag._, vol. v., p. ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, p. ; _dunlop's cent. amer._, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. . [ ] _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. - ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., p. ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. - . in their trade, the lacandones 'are said to have employed not less than canoes.' _juarros' hist. guat._, p. . [ ] the quichés 'portent jusqu'au nicaragua des hamacs en fil d'agave.' _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. , , - , , tom. i., pp. , , ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii.; _juarros' hist. guat._, pp. , , ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. , ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _hardcastle_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vi., p. ; _gage's new survey_, p. . [ ] among the nahuatls 'mechanical arts are little understood, and, of course, the fine arts still less practiced.' _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _id._, _nicaragua_, pp. - . the masayans have 'une caisse en cèdre, quelquefois ornée d'incrustations de cuivre.' _belly_, _nicaragua_, pp. - . see also, _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., p. ; _puydt_, _rapport_, in _amérique centrale_, p. ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _valois_, _mexique_, pp. , - ; _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, pp. , ; _funnell's voy._, p. ; _dunn's guatemala_, p. ; _pontelli_, in _cal. farmer_, _nov. , _. [ ] _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. , - ; _puydt_, _rapport_, in _amérique centrale_, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _gage's new survey_, pp. - , ; _pontelli_, in _cal. farmer_, _nov. , _. 'chacun d'eux vint ensuite baiser la main du chef, hommage qu'il reçut avec une dignité imperturbable.' _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. - , . [ ] 'leur dernier-né suspendu à leurs flancs.' _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. , , tom. i., pp. - , . in salvador, the 'bridegroom makes his wife's trousseau himself, the women, strange to say, being entirely ignorant of needlework.' _foote's cent. amer._, p. . further reference in _valois_, _mexique_, pp. , ; _belly_, _nicaragua_, pp. - , ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, pp. - ; _revue brit._, , in _amérique centrale_, p. ; _bülow_, _nicaragua_, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _juarros' hist. guat._, pp. - ; _tempsky's mitla_, p. ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. , ; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, p. ; _id._, _die indianer von istlávacan_, p. . [ ] _gage's new survey_, pp. , - ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. ; _valois_, _mexique_, pp. - , - ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, p. ; _froebel's cent. amer._, pp. - ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, pp. , ; _valenzuela_, in _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _juarros' hist. guat._, pp. - ; _coreal_, _voyages_, tom. i., pp. - ; _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. - ; _pontelli_, in _cal. farmer_, _nov. , _. 'les indiens ne fument pas.' _belly_, _nicaragua_, p. . 'ihr gewöhnliches getränke ist wasser.' _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. . 'je n'ai entendu qu'à flores, pendant le cours de mon voyage, des choeurs exécutés avec justesse.' _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. - , , tom. i., p. . [ ] the lacandon chief received me with 'the emblem of friendship (which is a leaf of the fan-palm).' _pontelli_, in _cal. farmer_, _nov. , _. see _tempsky's mitla_, pp. - ; _valois_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _escobar_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _thümmel_, _mexiko_, p. ; _juarros' hist. guat._, p. ; _foote's cent. amer._, p. ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. - ; _scherzer_, _die indianer von istlávacan_, pp. - ; _reichardt_, _nicaragua_, pp. , ; _valenzuela_, in _squier's cent. amer._, pp. - ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. , - , , ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pp. - , vol. ii., pp. - , . [ ] at masaya, 'the death-rate among children is said to be excessive.' _boyle's ride_, vol. ii., p. . 'alle glieder der familie hatten ein äusserst ungesundes aussehen und namentlich die kinder, im gesicht bleich und mager, hatten dicke, aufgeschwollene bäuche,' caused by yucca-roots. _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, pp. , - ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. - , ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _puydt_, _rapport_, in _amérique centrale_, p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. i., pp. - ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, pp. , ; _escobar_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xi., p. ; _scherzer_, _die indianer von istlávacan_, pp. - . [ ] _scherzer_, _die indianer von istlávacan_, pp. - ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., p. ; _valois_, _mexique_, p. . [ ] 'la somme des peines est donc limitée comme celle des jouissances; ils ne ressentent ni les unes ni les autres avec beaucoup de vivacité.' _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., pp. - , , tom. ii., pp. , , , , . 'when aroused, however, they are fierce, cruel, and implacable ... shrewd ... cringing servility and low cunning ... extreme teachableness.' _crowe's cent. amer._, pp. - . 'melancholy ... silent ... pusillanimous ... timid.' _dunn's guatemala_, p. . 'imperturbability of the north american indian, but are a gentler and less warlike race.' _foote's cent. amer._, pp. - . nicaraguans 'are singularly docile and industrious ... not warlike but brave.' _squier's nicaragua_, p. . for further reference concerning these people see _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _bülow_, _nicaragua_, pp. - ; _juarros' hist. guat._, pp. - ; _belly_, _nicaragua_, pp. , ; _puydt_, _rapport_, in _amérique centrale_, pp. , - ; _t' kint_, in _id._, pp. - ; _fossey_, _mexique_, p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pref., p. xiv., and p. ; _gage's new survey_, pp. - , ; _valois_, _mexique_, pp. - , , , , ; _dollfus and mont-serrat_, _voy. géologique_, pp. - , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, pp. , , , - ; _dunlop's cent. amer._, pp. , - . the lacandones are very laconic, sober, temperate and strict. _pontelli_, in _cal. farmer_, _nov. , _. [ ] the name mosquito is generally supposed to have arisen from the numerous mosquito insects to be found in the country; others think that the small islands off the coast, "which lie as thick as mosquitoes," may have caused the appellation; while a third opinion is that the name is a corruption of an aboriginal term, and to substantiate this opinion it is said that the natives call themselves distinctly misskitos. _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , - . the carib name is pronounced "kharibees" on the coast. _macgregor's progress of america_, vol. i., pp. , . 'il existe chez eux des langues très différentes, et nous avons remarqué qu'à cent lieues de distance ils ne se comprennent plus les uns les autres.' _varnhagen_, _prem. voy. de amerigo vespucci_, p. . see further: _stout's nicaragua_, p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, vol. ii., p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, pp. , - ; - ; _bülow_, _nicaragua_, p. ; _juarros' hist. guat._, p. ; _galindo_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. iii., p. ; _bell_, in _id._, vol. xxxii., pp. - ; _bard's waikna_, pp. , - , ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. - ; _young's narrative_, pp. , ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. - , , - ; _henderson's honduras_, p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pp. xii-xiii., , ; _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, pp. - , - . [ ] 'die backenknochen treten nicht, wie bei andern amerikanischen stämmen, auffallend hervor ... starke oberlippe.' _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. - , , , . consult also: _squier's cent. amer._, pp. , , - ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, pp. - ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. i., pp. - ; _varnhagen_, _prem. voy. de amerigo vespucci_, pp. - . the pure type has 'schlichte, gröbere, schwarze haare und feinere lippen.' _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, pp. , , , - ; _young's narrative_, pp. , - , , , , , , ; _uring's hist. voy._, p. ; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. - ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. , , ; _colon_, _hist. almirante_, in _barcia_, _historiadores_, tom. i., p. ; _bard's waikna_, pp. , , ; _strangeways' mosquito shore_, p. . the natives of corn island are 'of a dark copper-colour, black hair, full round faces, small black eyes, their eye-brows hanging over their eyes, low foreheads, short thick noses, not high, but flattish; full lips, and short chins.' _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., pp. - , - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; _esquemelin_, _zee-roovers_, pp. - ; _squier_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xix., p. ; _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clx., p. ; _martin's brit. col._, vol. ii., p. ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. - , , , , ; _macgregor's progress of amer._, vol. i., p. ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., pp. , ; _bard's waikna_, pp. , - , ; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. - , - ; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. - ; _young's narrative_, pp. , , , , , , , , . 'alcuni vsano certe camiciuole com'quelle, che vsiamo noi, lunghe sino al belico, e senza manche. portano le braccia, e il corpo lauorati di lauori moreschi, fatti col fuoco.' _colombo_, _hist. del ammiraglio_, pp. - . [ ] _strangeways' mosquito shore_, p. ; _froebel's cent. amer._, p. ; _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _id._, in _harper's mag._, vol. xix., p. ; _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clx., p. ; _young's narrative_, pp. , , - , ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. , , - ; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. - ; _bard's waikna_, pp. - , - ; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , - ; _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, pp. , ; _cockburn's journey_, pp. , - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.-v.; _macgregor's progress of amer._, vol. i., pp. - ; _squier_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xix., p. ; _young's narrative_, pp. , , , , - , , , ; _bard's waikna_, pp. - , - , - , ; _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, pp. - , , - . the woolwas had fish 'which had been shot with arrows.' _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. , - , - , , - ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., pp. - , - . [ ] _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pref., p. ; _young's narrative_, pp. , , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] of the people of las perlas islands it is said; 'aen't endt van haer geweer een hay-tandt, schieten met geen boogh.' _esquemelin_, _zee-roovers_, pp. , . also see: _colon_, _hist. almirante_, in _barcia_, _historiadores_, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ix., cap. x., and dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., pp. - ; _bard's waikna_, pp. , . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; _esquemelin_, _zee-roovers_, p. ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. ; _strangeways' mosquito shore_, p. . [ ] 'hammocks, made of a sort of rushes.' _cockburn's journey_, pp. , . 'el almohada vn palo, o vna piedra: los cofres son cestillos, aforrados en cueros de venados.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v. consult also: _young's narrative_, pp. - ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., p. ; _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , , , , . [ ] _sivers, mittelamerika_, p. ; _bard's waikna_, pp. , - . 'auf irgend eine zubereitung (of skins) verstehen sich die indianer nicht.' _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , . 'they make large jars here, one of which will hold ten gallons, and not weigh one pound.' _cockburn's journey_, p. . [ ] _young's narrative_, pp. , , , - ; _martin's west indies_, vol. i., pp. - ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., pp. , . 'der tuberose tree der engländer liefert die stärksten baumstämme, deren die indianer sich zur anfertigung ihrer grössten wasserfahrzeuge bedienen.' _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , , . [ ] the mosquitos have 'little trade except in tortoise-shells and sarsaparilla.' _squier's cent. amer._, p. . compare _bard's waikna_, p. ; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. ; _strangeways' mosquito shore_, p. ; _young's narrative_, pp. , , - , , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , - , . [ ] the mosquitos 'divisaient l'année en mois de jours, et ils appellaient les mois _ioalar_.' _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. . 'dit konense reeckenen by de maen, daer van sy vyftien voor een jaer reeckenen.' _esquemelin_, _zee-roovers_, p. . 'für die berechnung der jahre existirt keine aera. daher weiss niemand sein alter.' _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , - . see also _bard's waikna_, pp. - ; _young's narrative_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vi. [ ] _bard's waikna_, pp. - ; _cockburn's journey_, p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . the natives of honduras had 'pedaços de tierra, llamada _calcide_, con la qual se funde el metal.' _colon_, _hist. almirante_, in _barcia_, _historiadores_, tom. i., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.; _cockburn's journey_, p. ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., pp. - ; _esquemelin_, _zee-roovers_, p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. ; _froebel's cent. amer._, p. ; _crowe's cent. amer._, p. ; _winterfeldt_, _mosquito-staat_, p. ; _bard's waikna_, pp. , - ; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, pp. - ; _squier_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xix., p. ; _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clx., p. ; _young's narrative_, pp. , ; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. - . 'sie stehen unter eignen kaziken, die ihre anführer im kriege machen und welchen sie unbedingt gehorchen.' poyas, 'ihre regierungsform ist aristokratisch.' _hassel_, _mex. guat._, pp. , . mosquito 'conjurers are in fact the priests, the lawyers and the judges ... the king is a despotic monarch.' _bonnycastle's span. amer._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _bard's waikna_, pp. , - , - , , , - , - ; _strangeways' mosquito shore_, pp. , ; _froebel's cent. amer._, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . 'they marry but one wife, with whom they live till death separates them.' _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., p. . 'doch besitzen in der that die meisten männer nur ein weib.' _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. - , - ; _salazar y olarte_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] esquemelin relates that the natives on the belize coast and adjacent islands carried the new-born infant to the temple, where it was placed naked in a hole filled with ashes, exposed to the wild beasts, and left there until the track of some animal was noticed in the ashes. this became patron to the child who was taught to offer it incense and to invoke it for protection. _zee-roovers_, pp. - , . the genitals are pierced as a proof of constancy and affection for a woman. _id._, pp. - . compare _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii.-vi.; _young's narrative_, pp. , , , ; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. , - , - ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. , - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. ; _crowe's cent. amer._, pp. , - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., vi.; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. - . the woolwas 'haben gewisse jahresfeste bei welchen weder ein fremder noch weiber und kinder des eignen stammes zugelassen werden. bei diesen festen führen sie mit lautem geschrei ihre tänze auf, "wobei ihnen ihr gott gesellschaft leistet."' _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _squier_, in _harper's mag._, vol. xix., pp. - , ; _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, pp. - , - ; _martin's west indies_, vol. i., p. ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _uring's hist. voy._, pp. - ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., pp. , ; _bard's waikna_, pp. - , - , - , ; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , - , - , , - , ; _crowe's cent. amer._, p. ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. , ; _young's narrative_, pp. - , , - , , - ; _esquemelin_, _zee-roovers_, pp. - . the natives of honduras kept small birds which 'could talk intelligibly, and whistle and sing admirably.' _cockburn's journey_, pp. - , , - , - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv.-vi.; _cockburn's journey_, pp. , - ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., pp. - , ; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. - ; _martin's brit. col._, vol. ii., p. ; _bard's waikna_, pp. - , - , - , - . sivers was thought possessed of the devil, and carefully shunned, because he imitated the crowing of a cock. _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v., dec. v., lib. i., cap. x.; _crowe's cent. amer._, pp. - ; _young's narrative_, pp. , , , , ; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. , - ; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , - ; _bard's waikna_, pp. - . [ ] the dead 'are sewed up in a mat, and not laid in their grave length-ways, but upright on their feet, with their faces directly to the east.' _amer. span. settl._, p. . 'ein anderer religionsgebrauch der alten mosquiten war, dass sie bey dem tode eines hausvaters alle seine bedienten mit ihm begruben.' _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. . _bard's waikna_, pp. - , - ; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , - ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. - ; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., p. ; _froebel_, _aus amerika_, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.-vi.; _esquemelin_, _zee-roovers_, pp. - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. viii., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; _young's narrative_, pp. - , , , , ; _bell_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. - , - ; _bard's waikna_, pp. , , ; _mosquitoland_, _bericht_, pp. , - , - , ; _strangeways' mosquito shore_, p. ; _puydt_, _rapport_, in _amérique centrale_, p. ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. - , , - ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pref., pp. , ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. ii., pp. , , ; _crowe's cent. amer._, pp. , . [ ] the guatusos 'are said to be of very fair complexion, a statement which has caused the appellation of _indios blancos_, or _guatusos_--the latter name being that of an animal of reddish-brown colour, and intended to designate the colour of their hair.' _froebel's cent. amer._, p. ; _id._, _aus amer._, tom. i., p. . speaking of sir francis drake's mutineers and their escape from esparsa northward, he says: 'it is believed by many in costa rica that the white indians of the rio frio, called pranzos, or guatusos ... are the descendants of these englishmen.' _boyle's ride_, vol. ii., pp. , , and vol. i., pref., pp. xx-xxii. 'talamanca contains different tribes of indians; besides which there are several neighbouring nations, as the changuenes, divided into thirteen tribes; the terrabas, the torresques, urinamas, and cavecaras.' _juarros' hist. guat._, p. ; _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] 'the indians who at present inhabit the isthmus are scattered over bocas del toro, the northern portions of veraguas, the north-eastern shores of panama and almost the whole of darien, and consist principally of four tribes, the savanerics, the san blas indians, the bayanos, and the cholos.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., p. . 'at the time of the conquest of darien, the country was covered with numerous and well-peopled villages. the inhabitants belonged to the carribbee race, divided into tribes, the principal being the maudinghese, chucunaquese, dariens, cunas, anachacunas, &c. on the eastern shore of the gulf of uraba dwelt the immense but now nearly exterminated tribe of the caimans,--only a few remnants of the persecutions of the spaniards, having taken refuge in the choco mountains, where they are still found.... the dariens, as well as the anachacunas, have either totally disappeared or been absorbed in other tribes.' _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., pp. - ; _fitz-roy_, in _id._, vol. xx., pp. - ; _roquette_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cxlvii., p. ; _bateman_, in _n. y. century_, _ th decem., _; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. ; _macgregor's progress of amer._, vol. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, introd., p. ccii. see tribal boundaries. [ ] savanerics, 'a fine athletic race.' _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., p. . 'tienen los cascos de la cabeça gruessos.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . 'the chocós are not tall nor remarkable in appearance, but always look well conditioned.' _michler's darien_, p. . 'son apersonados.' _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. ii., fol. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. , ; _selfridge's darien surveys_, pp. , ; _colon_, _hist. almirante_, in _barcia_, _historiadores_, tom. i., p. ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. viii., lib. vi; _gisborne's darien_, p. ; _cockburn's journey_, p. ; _d'avity_, _l'amérique_, tom. ii., p. ; _winthrop's canoe and saddle_, p. ; _macgregor's progress of amer._, vol. i., p. ; _fransham's world in miniature_, p. . 'afirmaua pasqual de andagoya, auer visto algunos tan grandes, que los otros hombres eran enanos con ellos, y que tenian buenas caras, y cuerpos.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi.; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _darien_, _defence of the scots' settlement_, pp. - ; _cullen's darien_, pp. , . [ ] golfo dulce. 'modicæ sunt staturæ, bene compositis membris, moribus blandis et non invenustis.' _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'it is a universal belief along the atlantic coast, from belize to aspinwall, that the frio tribe have white complexions, fair hair, and grey eyes.' _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pp. , , and pref., pp. xxi-xxii.; _squier_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cli., pp. , ; _id._, in _hist. mag._, vol. iv., p. ; _wafer's new voy._, pp. - . [ ] 'el miembro generativo traen atado por el capullo, haçiéndole entrar tanto adentro, que á algunos no se les paresçe de tal arma sino la atadura, que es unos hilos de algodon allí revueltos.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , . see also: _cockburn's journey_, pp. - , ; _wagner and scherzer_, _costa rica_, pp. - ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. . referring to vasco nuñez de balboa, 'la gente que hallo andaua en cueros, sino eran señores, cortesanos, y mugeres.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. , , . urabá; 'ex gentibus ijs mares nudos penitus, foeminas uero ab umbilico gossampina contectas multitia repererunt.' _peter martyr_, dec. ii., lib. i., also dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. vi., viii.; _quintana_, _vidas de españoles_ (_balboa_), p. ; _wafer's new voy._, pp. , , , plate, - , - , plate; _wallace_, in _miscellanea curiosa_, vol. iii., p. ; _warburton's darien_, p. ; _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. ; _andagoya_, in _id._, pp. - , , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., vi., and dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x.; _michler's darien_, pp. , - , . [ ] _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., pp. , ; _porras_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. i., p. ; _colon_, in _id._, p. ; _cockburn's journey_, pp. - ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , ; and _dapper_, _neue welt_, pp. , ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., pp. - ; _selfridge's darien surveys_, p. ; _cullen's darien_, pp. - ; _esquemelin_, _zee-roovers_, p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética, ms._, cap. ccxlii.-ccxliv. the women of cueba 'se ponian una barra de oro atravessada en los pechos, debaxo de las tetas, que se las levanta, y en ella algunos páxaros é otras figuras de relieve, todo de oro fino: que por lo menos pessaba çiento é çinqüenta é aun dosiçentos pessos una barreta destas.... destos caracoles grandes se haçen unas conteçicas blancas de muchas maneras, é otras coloradas, é otras negras, é otras moradas, é cañuticos de lo mesmo: é haçen braçaletes en que con estas qüentas mezclan otras, é olivetas de oro que se ponen en las muñecas y ençima de los tobillos é debaxo de las rodillas por gentileça: en espeçial las mugeres.... traen assimesmo çarçillos de oro en las orejas, é horádanse las nariçes hecho un agugero entre las ventanas, é cuelgan de allí sobre el labio alto otro çarçillo.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , . [ ] their hair 'they wear usually down to the middle of the back, or lower, hanging loose at its full length.... all other hair, except that of their eye-brows and eye-lids, they eradicate.' _wafer's new voy._, pp. - ; _gisborne's darien_, p. ; _macgregor's progress of amer._, p. ; _d'avity_, _l'amérique_, tom. i., p. . [ ] _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. ; _squier_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cli., p. ; _froebel_, _aus amer._, tom. i., p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, p. ; _wagner and scherzer_, _costa rica_, p. . [ ] _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. ; _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., pp. , - ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, p. ; _michler's darien_, p. ; _wafer's new voy._, pp. - ; _cockburn's journey_, pp. - . on the banks of the rio grande, the spaniards under johan de tavira found 'muchas poblaçiones en barbacoas ó casas muy altas, fechas é armadas sobre postes de palmas negras fortíssimas é quassi inexpugnables'.... 'hay otra manera de buhíos ó casas en nata redondos, como unos chapiteles muy altos.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , , , . 'en otras muchas partes hacian sus casas de madera y de paja de la forma de una campana. estas eran muy altas y muy capaces que moraban en cada una de ellas diez y mas vecinos.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética, ms._, cap. . [ ] 'hallaron muchos pueblos cercados, con palenques de madera.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. ix., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii., vi. 'tengano le lor case in cima de gli alberi.' _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. . see also: _irving's columbus_, vol. iii., p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _colon_, _hist. almirante_, in _barcia_, _historiadores_, tom. i., p. . [ ] of comagre's palace it is said, 'longitudinem dimensi passuum centum quinquaginta, latitudinem uero pedum octoginta, in uacuo dinumerarunt: laquearibus et pauimentis arte eximia laboratis.' _peter martyr_, dec. ii., lib. iii. compare further: _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - , ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, pp. - , ; _darien_, _defence of the scots' settlement_, p. . [ ] _squier_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. cli., p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pref., pp. xii., xxiii.; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _cockburn's journey_, pp. , - ; _wagner and scherzer_, _costa rica_, pp. - . on the chara islands, 'comen los indios en estas islas muchos venados é puercos, que los hay en grandissima cantidad, é mahiz, é fésoles muchos é de diversas maneras, é muchos é buenos pescados, é tambien sapo ... é ninguna cosa viva dexan de comer por suçia que sea.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'hanno la maggior parte di questa costiera per costume di mangiar carne humana e quando mangiauano de gli spagnuoli, v'erano di coloro che ricusauano di cibarsene, temendo ancora che nel lor corpo, non gli facessero quelle carni qualche danno.' _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. . on the coast 'they live principally upon fish, plantains, and bananas, with indian corn and a kind of cassava.' _selfridge's darien surveys_, pp. , . compare _colon_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. i., p. ; _balboa_, in _id._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _alcedo_, _dicc._, tom. v., p. ; _cullen's darien_, pp. , - ; _colombo_, _hist. ammiraglio_, p. ; _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, pp. - . [ ] 'cogen dos y tres vezes al año maiz, y por esto no lo engraneran.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. , . 'seguian mucho la caça de venados, y de aquellos puercos con el ombligo al espinazo.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., xv. for further details see _michler's darien_, pp. , , ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. , ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; and _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., pp. , ; _peter martyr_, dec. viii., lib. vii.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , , ; _wafer's new voy._, pp. , , - , - , - , - . [ ] _michler's darien_, p. ; _cockburn's journey_, p. . 'tienen por costumbre, assi los indios como las indias, de se bañar tres ó quatro veçes al dia, por estar limpios é porque diçen que descansan en lavarse.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] in cueva, 'no son flecheros, é pelean con macanas é con lanças luengas y con varas que arrojan, como dardos con estóricas (que son cierta manera de avientos) de unos bastones bien labrados.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , . 'sunt autem ipsorum arma, non arcus, non sagittæ uenenatæ, uti habere indígenas illos trans sinum orientales diximus. cominus hi certant ut plurimum, ensibus oblongis, quos macanas ipsi appellant, ligneis tamen, quia ferrum non assequuntur: et præustis sudibus aut osseis cuspidibus, missilibus etiam ad præluim utuntur.' _peter martyr_, dec. ii., lib. iii., also, dec. iv., lib. x., dec. v., lib. ix. compare further, _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. ix., cap. vi., lib. x., cap. i.; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. ; _parras_, in _id._, tom. i., p. ; _cockburn's journey_, p. ; _d'avity_, _l'amérique._, p. ; _otis' panamá_, pp. - ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., pp. , . [ ] 'the pipe was made of two pieces of reed, each forming a half circle; these being placed together left a small hole, just large enough for the admission of the arrow.... the arrows are about eight inches long ... the point very sharp, and cut like a corkscrew for an inch up.... this is rolled in the poison.... the arrow will fly one hundred yards, and is certain death to man or animal wounded by it; no cure as yet having been discovered. a tiger, when hit, runs ten or a dozen yards, staggers, becomes sick, and dies in four or five minutes. a bird is killed as with a bullet, and the arrow and wounded part of the flesh being cut out, the remainder is eaten without danger.' _cochrane's journal in colombia_, vol. ii., pp. - . 'that poyson killeth him that is wounded, but not suddenly.... whoso is wounded, liues a miserable and strict life after that, for he must abstaine from many things.' _peter martyr_, dec. viii., lib. viii. 'some woorali (corova) and poisoned arrows that i obtained from the indians of the interior were procured by them from choco ... their deadly effect is almost instantaneous.' _cullen's darien_, p. . 'we inquired of all the indians, both men and boys, at caledonia bay and at san blas for the "curari" or "urari" poison ... they brought us what they represented to be the _bona-fide_ poison.... it turned out to be nothing but the juice of the manzanillo del playa. so, if this is their chief poison, and is the same as the "curari", it is not so much to be dreaded.' _selfridge's darien surveys_, pp. - . see further, _fitz-roy_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xx., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi.; _michler's darien_, p. ; _dampier's voyages_, vol. i., p. . [ ] _acosta_, _n. granada_, p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _carli_, _cartas_, pt. i., p. . 'traian suscoseletes fechos de algodon, que les llegaban é abaxaban de las espaldas dellos, é les llegaban á las rodillas é dende abaxo, é las mangas fasta los codos, é tan gruesos como un colchon de cama, son tan fuertes, que una ballesta no los pasa.' _pacheco_, _col. doc. inéd._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'cuando iban á la guerra llevaban coronas de oro en las cabezas y unas patenas grandes en los pechos y braceletes y otras joyas en otros lugares del cuerpo.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética, ms._, cap. lxv., ccxliv. 'el herido en la guerra es hidalgo, y goza de grandes franquezas.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . 'a los que pueden matar matan, é á los que prenden los hierran é se sirven dellos por esclavos.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , . see further: _quintana_, _vidas españoles_ (_balboa_), p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. , , ; _peter martyr_, dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. viii., lib. viii.; _wafer's new voy._, p. . [ ] 'la manta de la hamaca no es hecha red, sino entera é muy gentil tela delgada é ancha.... hay otras, que la manta es de paja texida é de colores é labores.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , , , , . 'muy buenas redes con anzuelos de hueso que hacen de concha de tortuga.' _vega_, _hist. descub. amer._, p. . 'tenian los reyes y señores ricos y señalados vasos con que bebian.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética, ms._, cap. lxv. compare further: _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. ix., cap. i., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. i.; _peter martyr_, dec. ii., lib. i., dec. vii., lib. x.; _michler's darien_, pp. , ; _meyer_, _nach dem sacramento_, pp. - . [ ] _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., p. ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, p. ; _cockburn's journey_, pp. - , - ; _wafer's new voy._, pp. - , - . referring to chiriquí earthen relics; 'the vessels ... are neatly and sometimes very gracefully formed of clay.... several bear resemblance to roman, grecian, and etruscan jars.... dr. merritt mentioned that the natives of the isthmus now make their rude earthen utensils of a peculiar black earth, which gives them the appearance of iron.' _hist. mag._, vol. iv., p. . in veragua 'vide sábanas grandes de algodon, labradas de muy sotiles labores; otras pintadas muy sútilmente a colores con pinceles.' _colon_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'en estas islas de chara é pocosi no tienen canoas, sino balsas'.... in the province of cueba 'tienen canoas pequeñas, tambien las usan grandes ... hay canoa que lleva çinquenta ó sessenta hombres é mas.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , . see also: _michler's darien_, pp. , - ; _wafer's new voy._, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; and _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. ; _acosta_, _n. granada_, p. . [ ] _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. , ; _balboa_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. viii., lib. vi.; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. x., cap. iii.; _belcher's voyage_, vol. i., p. ; _selfridge's darien surveys_, pp. - ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. ; _gisborne's darien_, p. ; _otis' panamá_, p. ; _cullen's darien_, pp. - . 'quando los indios no tienen guerra, todo su exerciçio es tractar é trocar quanto tienen unos con otros ... unos llevan sal, otros mahiz, otros mantas, otros hamacas, otros algodon hilado ó por hilar, otros pescados salados; otros llevan oro.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. , tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'este cacique davaive tiene grand fundicion de oro en su casa; tiene cient hombres á la contina que labran oro.' _balboa_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. - . 'hay grandes mineros de cobre: hachas de ello, otras cosas labradas, fundidas, soldadas hube, y fraguas con todo su aparejo de platero y los crisoles.' _colon_, in _id._, tom. i., p. . in panamá, 'grandes entalladores, y pintores.' _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. ii., fol. . compare further: _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x.; _pim and seemann's dottings_, pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. iii., lib. iv.; _bidwell's isthmus_, p. . [ ] _wafer's new voy._, pp. - ; _lussan_, _jour. du voy._, p. ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. . [ ] 'besan los pies al hijo, o sobrino, que hereda, estando en la cama: que vale tanto como juramento, y coronacion.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. - , . 'todos tenian sus reies, y señores, á quien obedecian.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'los hijos heredauan a los padres, siendo auidos en la principal muger.... los caziques y señores eran muy tenidos y obedecidos.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. see also, _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , , - ; _quintana_, _vidas de españoles_, (_balboa_), p. ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. ; _wafer's new voy._, p. ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; _wallace_, in _miscellanea curiosa_, vol. iii., p. ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. ; _funnell's voyage_, pp. - ; _selfridge's darien surveys_, p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , , ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. . [ ] _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. ; _macgregor's process of amer._, pp. - , ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética, ms._, cap. ccxliv. 'casauanse con hijas de sus hermanas: y los señores tenian muchas mugeres.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. 'de las mugeres principales de sus padres, y hermanas ó hijas guardan que no las tomen por mugeres, porque lo tienen por malo.' _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. - . of wives: 'they may haue as many as they please, (excepting their kindred, and allies) vnlesse they be widdowes ... in some place a widdow marryeth the brother of her former husband, or his kinsman, especially if hee left any children.' _peter martyr_, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii. [ ] the women 'observe their husbands with a profound respect and duty upon all occasions; and on the other side their husbands are very kind and loving to them. i never knew an indian beat his wife, or give her any hard words.... they seem very fond of their children, both fathers and mothers.' _wafer's new voy._, pp. - . 'tienen mancebias publicas de mugeres, y aun de hombres en muchos cabos.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . see also: _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , , - ; _quintana_, _vidas de españoles_, (_balboa_), pp. - . [ ] 'pipes, or fluites of sundry pieces, of the bones of deere, and canes of the riuer. they make also little drummes or tabers beautified with diuers pictures, they forme and frame them also of gourdes, and of an hollowe piece of timber greater than a mannes arme.' _peter martyr_, dec. viii., lib. viii. see also: _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , , , ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _darien_, _defence of the scots' settlement_, pp. - ; _macgregor's progress of amer._, pp. , ; _warburton's darien_, p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética, ms._, cap. ccxliii. [ ] in comagre, 'vinos blancos y tintos, hechos de mayz, y rayzes de frutas, y de cierta especie de palma, y de otras cosas: los quales vinos loauan los castellanos quando los beuian.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii. 'tenia vna bodega con muchas cubas y tinajas llenas de vino, hecho de grano, y fruta, blanco, tinto, dulce, y agrete de datiles, y arrope.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . 'hacian de maiz vino blanco i tinto.... es de mui buen sabor aunque como unos vinos bruscos ó de gascuña.' _las casas_, _hist. ind., ms._, tom. ii., cap. xxvi. see also: _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , - ; tom. iv., pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, pp. , ; _wafer's new voy._, pp. , - , - , , - ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. . [ ] 'quando hablan vno con otro, se ponen do espaldas.' _colon_, _hist. almirante_, in _barcia_, _historiadores_, tom. i., p. ; _wafer's new voy._, pp. - . [ ] _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _peter martyr_, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii.; _wafer's new voy._, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; _selfridge's darien surveys_, pp. - ; _vega_, _hist. descub. amer._, p. . 'deste nombre tequina se haçe mucha diferençia; porque á qualquiera ques mas hábil y experto en algun arte, ... le llaman tequina, que quiere deçir lo mesmo que maestro: por manera que al ques maestro de las responsiones é inteligencias con el diablo, llámenle tequina en aquel arte, porque aqueste tal es el que administra sus ydolatrías é çerimonias é sacrifiçios, y el que habla con el diablo.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . 'tenian ó habia entre estas gentes unos sacerdotes que llamaban en su lengua "piachas" muy espertos en el arte mágica, tanto que se revestia en ellos el diabolo y hablaba por boca de ellos muchas falsedades, conque los tenia cautivos.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética, ms._, cap. ccxlv. [ ] the priests 'comunmente eran sus médicos, é conosçian muchas hiervas, de que usaban, y eran apropriadas á diversas enfermedades.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , - , , tom. i., pp. - . 'according to the diuers nature, or qualitie of the disease, they cure them by diuers superstitions, and they are diuersly rewarded.' _peter martyr_, dec. viii., cap. viii. compare further; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética, ms._, cap. ccxlv.; _wafer's new voy._, p. ; _selfridge's darien surveys_, p. ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. . [ ] 'quédame de deçir que en aquesta lengua de cueva hay muchos indios hechiçeros é en espeçial un çierto género de malos, que los chripstianos en aquella tierra llaman chupadores.... estos chupan á otros hasta que los secan é matan, é sin calentura alguna de dia en dia poco á poco se enflaquesçen tanto, que se les pueden contar los huesos, que se les paresçen solamente cubiertos con el cuero; y el vientre se les resuelve de manera quel ombligo traen pegado á los lomos y espinaço, é se tornan de aquella forma que pintan á la muerte, sin pulpa ni carne. estos chupadores, de noche, sin ser sentidos, van á haçer mal por las casas agenas: é ponen la boca en el ombligo de aquel que chupan, y están en aquel exerçiçio una ó dos horas ó lo que les paresçe, teniendo en aquel trabaxo al paçiente, sin que sea poderoso de se valer ni defender, no dexando de sufrir su daño con silençio. É conosçe el assi ofendido, é vee al malhechor, y aun les hablan: lo qual, assi los que haçen este mal como los que le padesçen, han confessado algunos dellos; é diçen questos chupadores son criados é naborias del tuyra, y quél se los manda assi haçer, y el tuyra es, como está dicho, el diablo.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] 'ay muchos, que piensan, que no ay mas de nacer, y morir: y aquellos tales no se entierran con pan, y vino, ni con mugeres, ni moços. los que creen la immortalidad del alma, se entierra: si son señores, con oro, armas, plumas, si no lo son, con mayz, vino, y mantas.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. , . 'huius reguli penetrale ingressi cameram reperiunt pensilibus repletam cadaueribus, gossampinis funibus appensis. interrogati quid sibi uellet ea superstitio: parentum esse et auorum atauorumque comogri regulea cadauera, inquiunt. de quibus seruandis maximam esse apud eos curami et pro religione eam pietatem haberi recensent: pro cuiusque gradu indu, menta cuique cadaueri imposita, auro gemmisque superintexta.' _peter martyr_, dec. ii., lib. iii., dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. ix. 'viendo la cantidad é número de los muertos, se conosçe qué tantos señores ha avido en aquel estado, é quál fué hijo del otro ó le subçedió en el señorio segund la órden subçesiva en que están puestos.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , . for further accounts see _wagner and scherzer_, _costa rica_, pp. , ; _cockburn's journey_, p. ; _seemann's voy. herald_, vol. i., pp. , , ; _pim and seemann's dottings_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. ix., cap. ii., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. xi.; _quintana_, _vidas de españoles_, (_balboa_), p. ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., pp. - ; _carli_, _cartas_, pt. i., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética, ms._, cap. ccxlii., ccxlvii.; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. . [ ] the terrabas 'naciones ... las mas braves é indómitas de todas ... indios dotados de natural docilidad y dulzura de genio.' _arricivita_, _crónica seráfica_, p. . speaking of the natives of panamá; 'muy deuotos del trabajo, y enemigos de la ociosidad.' _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. ii., p. . darien: 'son inclinados a juegos y hurtos, son muy haraganes.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . san blas tribes: 'they are very peaceable in their natures'.... chucunas and navigandis: 'the most warlike' ... coast tribes, 'from contact with foreigners, are very docile and tractable'.... the sassardis: 'as a whole, this tribe are cowardly, but treacherous.' _selfridge's darien surveys_, pp. - , . compare further, _froebel's cent. amer._, p. ; _squier_, in _nouvelles annales voy._, , tom. cli., p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pref., p. xii.; _wagner and scherzer_, _costa rica_, p. ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _michler's darien_, p. ; _alcedo_, _dicc._, tom. ii., p. ; _puydt_, in _lond. geog. soc., jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. ; _macgregor's progress of amer._, p. ; _otis' panamá_, p. ; _cullen's darien_, pp. - , - . end of the first volume. ( st-hand-history.org) transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. italic text is denoted by _underscores_. the character e-breve (e with a small curved line over) is represented in the text by [)e]. the character m-macron is represented in the text by [|m]. italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied by the typesetter. on page , a word is possibly missing in the phrase "we will pass over third force, 'la race';" in footnote , the citation for herrera is missing a book name. on the fold-out chart between pages and , clavigero, month may be "xocohuetzl". in footnote , a reference to leon y gama, dos piedras, is incomplete. the works of hubert howe bancroft. volume ii. the native races. vol. ii. civilized nations. san francisco: a. l. bancroft & company, publishers. . entered according to act of congress in the year , by hubert h. bancroft, in the office of the librarian of congress, at washington. _all rights reserved._ contents of this volume. chapter i. savagism and civilization. page. definition of the terms -- the universal soul of progress -- man the instrument and not the element of progress -- origin of progressional phenomena -- the agency of evil -- is civilization conducive to happiness? -- objective and subjective humanity -- conditions essential to progress -- continental configurations -- food and climate -- wealth and leisure -- association -- war, slavery, religion, and government -- the development of progressional law chapter ii. general view of the civilized nations. the american civilization of the sixteenth century -- its disappearance -- the past, a new element -- dividing line between savage and civilized tribes -- bounds of american civilization -- physical features of the country -- maya and nahua branches of aboriginal culture -- the nahua civilization -- the aztecs its representatives -- limits of the aztec empire -- ancient history of anáhuac in outline -- the toltec era -- the chichimec era -- the aztec era -- extent of the aztec language -- civilized peoples outside of anáhuac -- central american nations -- the maya culture -- the primitive maya empire -- nahua influence in the south -- yucatan and the mayas -- the nations of chiapas -- the quiché empire in guatemala -- the nahuas in nicaragua and salvador -- etymology of names chapter iii. government of the nahua nations. system of government -- the aztec confederacy -- order of succession -- election of kings among the mexicans -- royal prerogatives -- government and laws of succession among the toltecs, and in michoacan, tlascala, cholula, huexotzinco, and oajaca -- magnificence of the nahua monarchs -- ceremony of anointment -- ascent to the temple -- the holy unction -- address of the high-priest to the king -- penance and fasting in the house called tlacatecco -- homage of the nobles -- general rejoicing throughout the kingdom -- ceremony of coronation -- the procuring of sacrifices -- description of the crown -- coronation feasts and entertainments -- hospitality extended to enemies -- coronation speech of nezahualpilli, king of tezcuco, to montezuma ii. of mexico -- oration of a noble to a newly elected king chapter iv. palaces and households of the nahua kings. extent and interior of the great palace in mexico -- the palace of nezahualcoyotl, king of tezcuco -- the zoölogical collections of the nahua monarchs -- montezuma's oratory -- royal gardens and pleasure-grounds -- the hill of chapultepec -- nezahualcoyotl's country residence at tezcozinco -- toltec palaces -- the royal guard -- the king's meals -- an aztec cuisine -- the audience chamber -- after-dinner amusements -- the royal wardrobe -- the king among his people -- meeting of montezuma ii. and cortés -- the king's harem -- revenues of the royal household -- policy of aztec kings chapter v. the privileged classes among the nahuas. titles of the nobility and gentry -- the power of the nobles -- the aristocracy of tezcuco -- the policy of king techotlalatzin -- privileges of the nobles -- montezuma's policy -- rivalry between nobles and commons -- the knightly order of tecuhtli -- ceremony of initiation -- origin of the order -- the nahua priesthood -- the priests of mexico -- dedication of children -- priestesses -- priesthood of miztecapan -- the pontiff of yopaa -- tradition of wixipecocha -- the cave of yopaa -- the zapotec priests -- toltec priests -- totonac priests -- priests of michoacan, puebla, and tlascala chapter vi. plebeians, slaves, tenure of lands, and taxation. influence of the commoners -- oppression by nobles -- deprived of office by montezuma ii. -- classes of slaves -- penal slaves -- voluntary slavery -- slave market at azcapuzalco -- punishment and privileges of slaves -- division of lands -- crown lands -- lands of the nobles -- municipal property -- property of the temples -- tenure of lands in zapotecapan, miztecapan, michoacan, tlascala, cholula, and huexotzinco -- similarity to feudal system of europe -- system of taxation -- municipal taxes -- lice tribute -- tribute from conquered provinces -- revenue officers -- injustice of montezuma ii. chapter vii. education, marriage, concubinage, childbirth, and baptism. education of the nahua youth -- manner of punishment -- marriage preliminaries -- nuptial ceremony -- observance after marriage -- mazatec, otomí, chichimec, and toltec marriages -- divorce -- concubinage -- ceremonies preliminary to childbirth -- treatment of pregnant women -- proceedings of midwife -- superstitions with regard to women who died in childbed -- abortion -- baptism -- speeches of midwife -- naming of children -- baptism among the tlascaltecs, mixtecs, and zapotecs -- circumcision and scarification of infants chapter viii. nahua feasts and amusements. excessive fondness for feasts -- manner of giving feasts -- serving the meal -- professional jesters -- parting presents to guests -- royal banquets -- tobacco smoking -- public dances -- manner of singing and dancing -- the neteteliztli -- the drama among the nahuas -- music and musical instruments -- nahua poetry -- acrobatic feats -- the netololiztli, or 'bird dance' -- professional runners -- the game of tlactli -- games of chance -- the patoliztli, or 'bean game' -- totoloque, montezuma's favorite game chapter ix. public festivals. frequent occurrence of religious feasts -- human sacrifices -- feasts of the fourth year -- monthly festivals -- sacrifice of children -- feast of xipe -- manner of sacrifice -- feasts of camaxtli, of the flower dealers, of centeotl, of tezcatlipoca, and of huitzilopochtli -- festival of the salt makers -- the sacrifice by fire -- feast of the dead -- the coming of the gods -- the footprints on the mat -- hunting feast -- the month of love -- hard times -- nahua lupercalia -- feasts of the sun, of the winter solstice -- harvest and eight-year festivals -- the binding of the sheaf chapter x. food of the nahua nations. origin of agriculture -- floating gardens -- agricultural products -- manner of preparing the soil -- description of agricultural implements -- irrigation -- granaries -- gardens -- the harvest feast -- manner of hunting -- fishing -- methods of procuring salt -- nahua cookery -- various kinds of bread -- beans -- pepper -- fruit -- tamales -- miscellaneous articles of food -- eating of human flesh -- manufacture of pulque -- preparation of chocolatl -- other beverages -- intoxicating drinks -- drunkenness -- time and manner of taking meals chapter xi. dress of the nahua nations. progress in dress -- dress of the pre-aztec nations -- garments of the chichimecs and toltecs -- introduction of cotton -- the maxtli -- the tilmatli -- dress of the acolhuas -- origin of the tarascan costume -- dress of the zapotecs and tabascans -- dress of women -- the huipil and cueitl -- sandals -- manner of wearing the hair -- painting and tattooing -- ornaments used by the nahuas -- gorgeous dress of the nobles -- dress of the royal attendants -- names of the various mantles -- the royal diadem -- the royal wardrobe -- costly decorations chapter xii. commerce of the nahua nations. the main features of nahua commerce -- commerce in pre-aztec times -- outrages committed by aztec merchants -- privileges of the merchants of tlatelulco -- jealousy between merchants and nobles -- articles used as currency -- the markets of anáhuac -- arrangement and regulations of the market-places -- number of buyers and sellers -- transportation of wares -- traveling merchants -- commercial routes -- setting out on a journey -- caravans of traders -- the return -- customs and feasts of the merchants -- nahua boats and navigation chapter xiii. war-customs of the nahuas. importance of the military profession -- indications of rank -- education of warriors -- rewards for valor -- military orders and their dress -- gorgeous war-dresses of montezuma and the aztec nobility -- dress of the common soldiers -- armor and defensive weapons -- offensive weapons -- standards -- ambassadors and couriers -- fortifications -- the military council -- articles of war -- declaration of war -- spies -- order of march and battle -- war customs of the tlascaltecs and tarascos -- return of the conquering army -- celebration of feats of arms chapter xiv. nahua laws and law courts. general remarks -- the cihuacoatl, or supreme judge -- the court of the tlacatecatl -- jurisdiction of the tecuhtlis -- the centectlapixques and topillis -- law courts and judges of tezcuco -- eighty-day council -- tribunal of the king -- court proceedings -- lawyers -- witnesses -- remuneration of judges -- justice of king nezahualpilli -- he orders his son's execution -- montezuma and the farmer -- jails -- laws against theft, murder, treason, kidnapping, drunkenness, witchcraft, adultery, incest, sodomy, fornication, and other crimes -- story of nezahualcoyotl and the boy chapter xv. nahua arts and manufactures. metals used and manner of obtaining them -- working of gold and silver -- wonderful skill in imitating gilding and plating -- working in stone -- lapidary work -- wood carving -- manufacture of pottery -- various kinds of cloth -- manufacture of paper and leather -- preparation of dyes and paints -- the art of painting -- feather mosaic work -- leaf-mats -- manner of kindling fire -- torches -- soap -- council of arts in tezcuco -- oratory and poetry -- nezahualcoyotl's odes on the mutability of life, and the tyrant tezozomoc -- aztec arithmetical system chapter xvi. the aztec calendar. astronomical knowledge of the aztecs -- contradictions of authors respecting the calendar -- value of the researches of various writers -- the first regular calendar -- the mexican cycle -- the civil year -- the aztec months -- names of the days and their signification -- the commencement of the aztec year -- the ritual calendar -- gama's arrangement of the months -- the calendar-stone -- the four destructions of the world -- the calendar of michoacan -- reckoning of the zapotecs chapter xvii. the aztec picture-writing. hieroglyphic records -- the native books -- authorities -- destruction of the native archives by zumárraga and his confrères -- picture-writings used after the conquest for confession and law-suits -- value of the records -- documents sent to spain in the sixteenth century -- european collections -- lord kingsborough's work -- picture-writings retained in mexico -- collections of ixtlilxochitl, sigüenza, gemelli careri, boturini, veytia, leon y gama, pichardo, aubin, and the national museum of mexico -- process of hieroglyphic development -- representative, symbolic, and phonetic picture-writing -- origin of modern alphabets -- the aztec system -- specimen from the codex mendoza -- specimen from gemelli careri -- specimen from the boturini collection -- probable future success of interpreters -- the nepohualtzitzin chapter xviii. architecture and dwellings of the nahuas. architecture of the ancient nations -- general features of nahua architecture -- the arch -- exterior and interior decorations -- method of building -- inclined planes -- scaffolds -- the use of the plummet -- building materials -- position and fortification of towns -- mexico tenochtitlan -- the great causeways -- quarters and wards of mexico -- the market place -- fountains and aqueducts -- light-houses and street-work -- city of tezcuco -- dwellings -- aztec gardens -- temple of huitzilopochtli -- temple of mexico -- other temples -- teocalli at cholula and tezcuco chapter xix. medicine and funeral rites among the nahuas. mexican contributions to medical science -- the botanical gardens -- longevity -- prevalent diseases -- introduction of small-pox and syphilis -- medical treatment -- the temazcalli -- aboriginal physicians -- the aztec faculty -- standard remedies -- surgery -- superstitious ceremonies in healing -- funeral rites of aztecs -- cremation -- royal obsequies -- embalming -- the funeral pyre -- human sacrifice -- disposal of the ashes and ornaments -- mourners -- funeral ceremonies of the people -- certain classes buried -- rites for the slain in battle -- burial among the teo-chichimecs and tabascans -- cremation ceremonies in michoacan -- burial by the miztecs in oajaca chapter xx. government, social classes, property, and laws of the maya nations. introductory remarks -- votan's empire -- zamná's reign -- the royal families of yucatan, cocomes, tutul xius, itzas, and cheles -- titles and order of succession -- classes of nobles -- the quiché-cakchiquel empire in guatemala -- the ahau ahpop and succession to the throne -- privileged classes -- government of the provinces -- the royal council -- the chiapanecs -- the pipiles -- nations of nicaragua -- the maya priesthood -- plebeian classes -- slaves -- tenure of lands -- inheritance of property -- taxation -- debtors and creditor -- laws and the administration of justice chapter xxi. education and family matters among the mayas. education of youth -- public schools of guatemala -- branches of study in yucatan -- marrying-age -- degrees of consanguinity allowed in marriage -- preliminaries of marriage -- marriage ceremonies -- the custom of the droit du seigneur in nicaragua -- widows -- monogamy -- concubinage -- divorce -- laws concerning adultery -- fornication -- rape -- prostitution -- unnatural crimes -- desire for children -- childbirth ceremonies -- rite of circumcision -- manner of naming children -- baptismal ceremonies chapter xxii. feasts and amusements of the mayas. special observances -- fixed feasts -- sacrifice of slaves -- monthly feasts of the yucatecs -- renewal of the idols -- feast of the chacs -- hunting festival -- the tuppkak -- feast of the cacao-planters -- war feast -- the maya new year's day -- feasts of the hunters, fishers, and apiarists -- ceremonies in honor of cukulcan -- feast of the month of mol -- feasts of the years kan, muluc, ix, and cauac -- yucatec sacrifices -- the pit of chichen -- sacrifices of the pipiles -- feast of victory -- feasts and sacrifices in nicaragua -- banquets -- dances -- musical instruments -- games chapter xxiii. food, dress, commerce, and war customs of the mayas. introduction of agriculture -- quiché tradition of the discovery of maize -- maize culture -- superstitions of farmers -- hunting and fishing -- domestic animals, fowl, and bees -- preservation and cooking of food -- meals -- drinks and drinking -- habits -- cannibalism -- dress of the mayas -- maxtlis, mantles, and sandals -- dress of kings and priests -- women's dress -- hair and beard -- personal decoration -- head-flattening, perforation, tattooing, and painting -- personal habits -- commerce -- currency -- markets -- superstitions of travelers -- canoes and balsas -- war -- military leaders -- insignia -- armor -- weapons -- fortifications -- battles -- treatment of captives chapter xxiv. maya arts, calendar, and hieroglyphics. scarcity of information -- use of metals -- gold and precious stones -- implements of stone -- sculpture -- pottery -- manufacture of cloth -- dyeing -- system of numeration -- maya calendar in yucatan -- days, weeks, months, and years -- indictions and katunes -- perez' system of ahau katunes -- statements of landa and cogolludo -- intercalary days and years -- days and months in guatemala, chiapas, and soconusco -- maya hieroglyphic system -- testimony of early writers on the use of picture-writing -- destruction of documents -- specimens which have survived -- the dresden codex -- manuscript troano -- tablets of palenque, copan, and yucatan -- bishop landa's key -- brasseur de bourbourg's interpretation chapter xxv. buildings, medicine, burial, physical peculiarities, and character of the mayas. scanty information given by the early voyagers -- private houses of the mayas -- interior arrangement, decoration, and furniture -- maya cities -- description of utatlan -- patinamit, the cakchiquel capital -- cities of nicaragua -- maya roads -- temples at chichen itza and cozumel -- temples of nicaragua and guatemala -- diseases of the mayas -- medicines used -- treatment of the sick -- propitiatory offerings and vows -- superstitions -- dreams -- omens -- witchcraft -- snake-charmers -- funeral rites and ceremonies -- physical peculiarities -- character [illustration: native races of the pacific states showing the location of the civilized nations] the native races of the pacific states. civilized nations. chapter i. savagism and civilization. definition of the terms -- force and nature -- the universal soul of progress -- man the instrument and not the element of progress -- origin of progressional phenomena -- the agency of evil -- is civilization conducive to happiness? -- objective and subjective humanity -- conditions essential to progress -- continental configurations -- food and climate -- wealth and leisure -- association -- war, slavery, religion, and government -- morality and fashion -- the development of progressional law. the terms savage and civilized, as applied to races of men, are relative and not absolute terms. at best these words mark only broad shifting stages in human progress; the one near the point of departure, the other farther on toward the unattainable end. this progress is one and universal, though of varying rapidity and extent; there are degrees in savagism and there are degrees in civilization; indeed, though placed in opposition, the one is but a degree of the other. the haidah, whom we call savage, is as much superior to the shoshone, the lowest of americans, as the aztec is superior to the haidah, or the european to the aztec. looking back some thousands of ages, we of to-day are civilized; looking forward through the same duration of time, we are savages. nor is it, in the absence of fixed conditions, and amidst the many shades of difference presented by the nations along our western seaboard, an easy matter to tell where even comparative savagism ends and civilization begins. in the common acceptation of these terms, we may safely call the central californians savage, and the quichés of guatemala civilized; but between these two extremes are hundreds of peoples, each of which presents some claim for both distinctions. thus, if the domestication of ruminants, or some knowledge of arts and metals, constitute civilization, then are the ingenious but half-torpid hyperboreans civilized, for the eskimos tame reindeer, and the thlinkeets are skillful carvers and make use of copper; if the cultivation of the soil, the building of substantial houses of adobe, wood, and stone, with the manufacture of cloth and pottery, denote an exodus from savagism, then are the pueblos of new mexico no longer savages; yet in both these instances enough may be seen, either of stupidity or brutishness, to forbid our ranking them with the more advanced aztecs, mayas, and quichés. we know what savages are; how, like wild animals, they depend for food and raiment upon the spontaneous products of nature, migrating with the beasts and birds and fishes, burrowing beneath the ground, hiding in caves, or throwing over themselves a shelter of bark or skins or branches or boards, eating or starving as food is abundant or scarce; nevertheless, all of them have made some advancement from their original naked, helpless condition, and have acquired some aids in the procurement of their poor necessities. primeval man, the only real point of departure, and hence the only true savage, nowhere exists on the globe to-day. be the animal man never so low--lower in skill and wisdom than the brute, less active in obtaining food, less ingenious in building his den--the first step out of his houseless, comfortless condition, the first fashioning of a tool, the first attempt to cover nakedness and wall out the wind, if this endeavor spring from intellect and not from instinct, is the first step toward civilization. hence the modern savage is not the pre-historic or primitive man; nor is it among the barbarous nations of to-day that we must look for the rudest barbarism. [sidenote: definition of the terms.] often is the question asked, what is civilization? and the answer comes, the act of civilizing; the state of being civilized. what is the act of civilizing? to reclaim from a savage or barbarous state; to educate; to refine. what is a savage or barbarous state? a wild uncultivated state; a state of nature. thus far the dictionaries. the term civilization, then, popularly implies both the transition from a natural to an artificial state, and the artificial condition attained. the derivation of the word civilization, from _civis_, citizen, _civitas_, city, and originally from _coetus_, union, seems to indicate that culture which, in feudal times, distinguished the occupants of cities from the ill-mannered boors of the country. the word savage, on the other hand, from _silva_, a wood, points to man primeval; _silvestres homines_, men of the forest, not necessarily ferocious or brutal, but children of nature. from these simple beginnings both words have gradually acquired a broader significance, until by one is understood a state of comfort, intelligence, and refinement; and by the other, humanity wild and bestial. guizot defines civilization as an "improved condition of man resulting from the establishment of social order in place of the individual independence and lawlessness of the savage or barbarous life;" buckle as "the triumph of mind over external agents;" virey as "the development more or less absolute of the moral and intellectual faculties of man united in society;" burke as the exponent of two principles, "the spirit of a gentleman and the spirit of religion." "whatever be the characteristics of what we call savage life," says john stuart mill, "the contrary of these, or the qualities which society puts on as it throws off these, constitute civilization;" and, remarks emerson, "a nation that has no clothing, no iron, no alphabet, no marriage, no arts of peace, no abstract thought, we call barbarous." men talk of civilization and call it liberty, religion, government, morality. now liberty is no more a sign of civilization than tyranny; for the lowest savages are the least governed of all people. civilized liberty, it is true, marks a more advanced stage than savage liberty, but between these two extremes of liberty there is a necessary age of tyranny, no less significant of an advance on primitive liberty than is constitutional liberty an advance on tyranny. nor is religion civilization, except in so far as the form and machinery of sacerdotal rites, and the abandonment of fetichism for monotheism become significant of intenser thought and expansion of intellect. no nation ever practiced grosser immorality, or what we of the present day hold to be immorality, than greece during the height of her intellectual refinement. peace is no more civilization than war, virtue than vice, good than evil. all these are the incidents, not the essence, of civilization. that which we commonly call civilization is not an adjunct nor an acquirement of man; it is neither a creed nor a polity, neither science nor philosophy nor industry; it is rather the measure of progressional force implanted in man, the general fund of the nation's wealth, learning, and refinement, the storehouse of accumulated results, the essence of all best worth preserving from the distillations of good and the distillations of evil. it is a something between men, no less than a something within them; for neither an isolated man nor an association of brutes can by any possibility become civilized. [sidenote: civilization a working principle.] further than this, civilization is not only the measure of aggregated human experiences, but it is a living working principle. it is a social transition; a moving forward rather than an end attained; a developing vitality rather than a fixed entity; it is the effort or aim at refinement rather than refinement itself; it is labor with a view to improvement and not improvement consummated, although it may be and is the metre of such improvement. and this accords with latter-day teachings. although in its infancy, and, moreover, unable to explain things unexplainable, the science of evolution thus far has proved that the normal condition of the human race, as well as that of physical nature, is progressional; that the plant in a congenial soil is not more sure to grow than is humanity with favorable surroundings certain to advance. nay, more, we speak of the progress of civilization as of something that moves on of its own accord; we may, if we will, recognize in this onward movement, the same principle of life manifest in nature and in the individual man. to things we do not understand we give names, with which by frequent use we become familiar, when we fancy that we know all about the things themselves. at the first glance civilization appears to be a simple matter; to be well clad, well housed, and well fed, to be intelligent and cultured are better than nakedness and ignorance; therefore it is a good thing, a thing that men do well to strive for,--and that is all. but once attempt to go below this placid surface, and investigate the nature of progressional phenomena, and we find ourselves launched upon an eternity of ocean, and in pursuit of the same occult cause, which has been sought alike by philosophic and barbaric of every age and nation; we find ourselves face to face with a great mystery, to which we stand in the same relation as to other great mysteries, such as the origin of things, the principle of life, the soul-nature. when such questions are answered as what is attraction, heat, electricity; what instinct, intellect, soul? why are plants forced to grow and molecules to conglomerate and go whirling in huge masses through space?--then we may know why society moves ever onward like a river in channels predetermined. at present, these phenomena we may understand in their action partially, in their essence not at all; we may mark effects, we may recognize the same principle under widely different conditions though we may not be able to discover what that principle is. science tells us that these things are so; that certain combinations of certain elements are inevitably followed by certain results, but science does not attempt to explain why they are so. nevertheless, a summary of such few simple thoughts as i have been able to gather upon the subject, may be not wholly valueless. * * * * * [sidenote: force and matter.] and first, to assist our reflections, let us look for a moment at some of the primal principles in nature, not with a view to instruct in that direction, but rather to compare some of the energies of the material world with the intellectual or progressional energy in man; and of these i will mention such only as are currently accepted by latter-day science. within the confines of the conceivable universe one element alone is all-potential, all-pervading,--force. throughout the realms of space, in and round all forms of matter, binding minutest atoms, balancing systems of worlds, rioting in life, rotting in death, under its various aspects mechanical and chemical, attractive and repulsive, this mighty power is manifest; a unifying, coalescing, and flowing power, older than time, quicker than thought, saturating all suns and planets and filling to repletion all molecules and masses. worlds and systems of worlds are sent whirling, worlds round worlds and systems round systems, in a mazy planetary dance, wherein the slightest tripping, the least excess of momentum or inertia, of tension or traction, in any part, and chaos were come again. every conceivable entity, ponderable and imponderable, material and immaterial, is replete with force. by it all moving bodies are set in motion, all motionless bodies held at rest; by it the infinitesimal atom is held an atom and the mass is held concrete, vapory moisture overspreads the land, light and heat animate senseless substance; by it forms of matter change, rocks grow and dissolve, mountains are made and unmade, the ocean heaves and swells, the eternal hills pulsate, the foundations of the deep rise up, and seas displace continents. one other thing we know, which with the first comprises all our knowledge,--matter. now force and matter are interdependent, one cannot exist without the other; as for example, all substance, unless held together--which term obviously implies force--would speedily dissolve into inconceivable nothingness. but no less force is required to annihilate substance than to create it; force, therefore, is alike necessary to the existence or non-existence of matter, which reduces the idea of a possible absence of either force or matter to an absurdity; or, in other words, it is impossible for the human mind to conceive of a state of things wherein there is no matter, and consequently no force. force has been called the soul of nature, and matter the body, for by force matter lives and moves and has its being. force like matter, is divisible, infinitely so, as far as human experience goes; for, though ultimates may exist, they have never yet been reached; and it would seem that all physical phenomena, endlessly varied and bewildering as they may appear, spring from a few simple incomprehensible forces, the bases of which are attraction and repulsion; which may yet, indeed, derive their origin from one only source. in the morphological and geometrical displays of matter these phenomena assume a multitude of phases; all are interactive and interdependent, few are original or primary,--for example, heat and electricity are the offspring of motion which is the result of attractive and repulsive force. what is force and what matter, whether the one is the essence of a self-conscious creator and the other his handiwork, or whether both are the offspring of a blind chance or fate--which latter hypothesis is simply unthinkable--it is not my purpose here to consider. i propose in this analysis to take things as i find them, to study the operations rather than the origin of phenomena, to determine what man does rather than what he ought to do, and to drop the subject at the confines of transcendentalism. when, therefore, i speak of force as the life of matter, it no more implies a self-existant materialism in man, than the soul of man implies a pantheistic self-existant soul in nature. omnipotence can as easily create and sustain a universe through the media of antagonistic and interdependent forces as through any other means, can as easily place nature and man under the governance of fixed laws as to hold all under varying arbitrary dispensations, and can reconcile these laws with man's volition. wells of bitterness are dug by disputants under meaningless words; scientists are charged with materialism and religionists with fanaticism, in their vain attempts to fathom the ways of the almighty and restrict his powers to the limits of our weak understanding. it has been said that, in the beginning, the sixty and odd supposed several elements of matter were in a chaotic state; that matter and force were poised in equilibrium or rioted at random throughout space, that out of this condition of things sprang form and development; regular motion and time began; matter condensed into revolving masses and marked off the days, and months, and years; organization and organisms were initiated and intellectual design became manifest. the infinitesimal molecules, balanced by universal equilibrium of forces, which before motion and time were but chaotic matter and force, were finally supposed to have been each endowed with an innate individuality. however this may be, we now see every atom in the universe athrill with force, and possessed of chemical virtues, and, under conditions, with the faculty of activity. as to the force behind force, or how or by what means this innate energy was or is implanted in molecules, we have here nothing to do. it is sufficient for our purpose that we find it there; yet, the teachings of philosophy imply that this innate force is neither self-implanted nor self-operative; that whether, in pre-stellar times, infinitesimal particles of matter floated in space as nebulous fluid or objectless vapor without form or consistence, or whether all matter was united in one mass which was set revolving, and became broken into fragments, which were sent whirling as suns and planets in every direction; that in either case, or in any other conceivable case, matter, whether as molecules or masses, was primordially, and is, endowed and actuated by a creative intelligence, which implanting force, vitality, intellect, soul, progress, is ever acting, moving, mixing, unfolding, and this in every part and in all the multitudinous combinations of matter; and that all forces and vitalities must have co-existed in the mass, innate in and around every atom. [sidenote: theories of newton and laplace.] thus, in his great theory of the projectile impulse given to heavenly bodies in counteraction of the attractive impulse, sir isaac newton assumes that both impulses were given from without; that some power foreign to themselves projected into space these heavenly bodies and holds them there. so, too, when laplace promulgated the idea that in pre-planetary times space was filled with particles and vapors, solar systems existing only in a nebulous state and this nebula set revolving in one mass upon its own axis from west to east, and that as the velocity of this mass increased suns and planets were, by centrifugal force, thrown off and condensed into habitable but still whirling worlds, some impulse foreign to the revolving mass setting it in motion is implied. with organization and motion, the phases of force, called heat, light, electricity and magnetism, hitherto held dormant in molecules are engendered; composition and decomposition ensue; matter assumes new and varying forms; a progressional development, which is nothing but intelligently directed motion, is initiated, and motion becomes eternal. it is a well-established principle of physics that force cannot be created or lost. the conservation of force is not affected by the action or energies of moving bodies. force is not created to set a body in motion, nor when expended, as we say, is it lost. the sum of all potential energies throughout the universe is always the same, whether matter is at rest or in motion. it is evident that so long as every molecule is charged with attractive force no atom can drop out into the depths of unoccupied and absolute space and become lost or annihilated; and so long as force is dependent on matter for its perceivable existence, force cannot escape beyond the confines of space and become lost in absolute void. not only are forces interdependent, but they are capable of being metamorphosed one into another. thus intellectual energy invents a machine which drives a steamship across the ocean. this invention or creation of the mind is nothing else than a vitalization or setting at liberty of mechanical forces, and without this vitalization or applied intellectual force such mechanical force lies dormant as in so-called dead matter. gravitation is employed to turn a water-wheel, caloric to drive a steam-engine, by means of either of which weights may be raised, heat, electricity, and light produced, and these new-created forces husbanded and made to produce still other forces or turned back into their original channels. and so in chemical and capillary action, the correlation of forces everywhere is found. [sidenote: intimacy of mind and matter.] between mind and matter there exists the most intimate relationship. immateriality, in its various phases of force, life, intellect, so far as human consciousness can grasp it, is inseparable from materiality. the body is but part of the soil on which it treads, and the mind can receive no impressions except through the organs of the body. the brain is the seat of thought and the organ of thought; neither can exist in a normal state apart from the other. as a rule, the power of the intellect is in proportion to the size and quality of the brain. among animals, those of lowest order have the least brains; man, the most intellectual of animals, has relatively, if not absolutely, the largest brain. true, in some of the largest animals the cerebral mass is larger than in man, but, in its chemical composition, its convolutions, shape, and quality, that in man is superior; and it is in the quality, rather than in the quantity of the nervous tissues, that their superiority consists. intelligence enters the brain by the organs of the senses, and through the nervous system its subtle influence radiates to every part of the body. all human activities are either mental or mechanical; nor will it be denied that mental activity is produced by mechanical means, or, that mechanical activity is the result of mental force. corporeal motion is mental force distributed to the various parts of the body. the action of immaterial forces on the material substances of the human body manifestly accords with the action of immaterial forces elsewhere. all the physical and mechanical actions of the human body accord with the physical and mechanical forces elsewhere displayed. man, we are told, was the last of all created things, but in the making of man no new matter was employed; nor in setting the body in motion can we discover that any new force was invented. thus the heart beats upon mechanical principles; the eye sees, and the voice speaks in accordance with the general laws of optics and acoustics. to the observer, organic activity is but the product of combined inorganic forces. the same processes are at work, and in the same manner, in living and in so-called dead matter. life, to all appearance, is but the result of combined chemical and mechanical processes. assimilation, digestion, secretion, are explainable by chemistry, and by chemistry alone. the stomach is a chemical retort, the body a chemical laboratory. carbon, oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, combine and separate in the body as out of the body. the blood circulates upon purely mechanical principles; all muscular action is mechanical. in the phenomena of life, the only perceptible difference is in the combinations of fundamental elements; yet chemistry and mechanics cannot produce a live body. with the foregoing well-recognized principles before us, let us now notice some few parallelisms between mechanical and social energetics. man, like every other natural substance, is a compound of force and matter. "respiration," says liebig, "is the falling weight, the bent spring, which keeps the clock in motion; the inspirations and respirations are the strokes of the pendulum which regulates." atoms of matter, through the instrumentality of living force, cohere and coalesce under endless complex conditions into endless varieties of form and substance; so also the activities of man, corporeal and intellectual, result in vast accumulations of experiences, which accumulations become the property of the whole society. society, like matter, is composed of units, each possessing certain forces, attractive and repulsive; societies act upon each other, like celestial bodies, in proportion to their volume and proximity, and the power of the unit increases with the increase of the mass. in association there is a force as silent and as subtle as that which governs atoms and holds worlds in equipoise; its grosser forms are known as government, worship, fashion, and the like; its finer essence is more delicate than thought. it is this social force, attractive and repulsive, that binds men together, tears them asunder, kneads, and knits, and shapes, and evolves; it is the origin of every birth, the ultimate of every activity. mechanical forces are manifest in machines, as the lever, the wheel, the inclined plane; professional force is manifest in intellectual ingenuity, literature, art, science, which are the machines of human progress. [sidenote: materiality acting on the mind.] how many of all our joys and sorrows, our loves and hates, our good and evil actions, spring from physical causes only? even material substances display moods and affections, as when heated, electrified, decomposed, or set in motion; the sea at rest presents a different mood from the sea raging. jean-jacques rousseau's idea that the soul might be governed for its good by material things working through the media of the senses, is not so extravagant after all. "the gospel according to jean-jacques," as carlyle puts it, runs as follows on this point--and, indeed, the great genevan evangelist at one time intended to devote a book to the subject under the title of _la morale sensitive_:--"the striking and numerous observations that i had collected were beyond all dispute; and, in their physical origin, they appeared to me proper for furnishing an exterior regimen, which, varied according to circumstances, should be able to place or maintain the soul in the state most favorable to virtue. how many wanderings one might save the reason, how many vices might be hindered birth, if one could but force the animal economy to favor the moral order that it troubles so often. climates, seasons, sounds, colors, darkness, light, the elements, food, noise, silence, movement, repose, all act on our bodily frame, and, by consequence, on our soul; all offer us a thousand firm holds to govern, in their origin, those sentiments by which we allow ourselves to be dominated." in contemplating the numerous activities by which we are surrounded, again and again we are called upon to wonder at the marvelous regularity which characterizes all their movements. so regular are these movements, so sure are certain conditions to accompany certain results, that in physics, in chemistry, in physiology, and even in society, facts are collected and classified, and from them laws are discovered as fixed and irrevocable as the facts themselves, which laws, indeed, are themselves facts, no less than the facts from which they are deduced. highly cultivated nations frame laws that provide for many contingencies, but the code of nature has yet finer provisions. there are conditions that neither political nor social laws reach, there are none not reached by physical law; in society, criminals sometimes evade the law; in nature, never. so subtle are the laws of nature, that even thought cannot follow them; when we see that every molecule, by virtue of its own hidden force, attracts every other molecule, up to a certain point, and then from the same inherent influence every atom repels every other atom; when by experiments of physicists it has been proved that in polarization, crystallization, and chemical action, there is not the slightest deviation from an almost startling regularity, with many other facts of like import, how many natural laws do we feel to be yet unrevealed and, from the exquisite delicacy of their nature, unrevealable to our present coarse understanding. it would be indeed strange, if, when all the universe is under the governance of fixed laws--laws which regulate the motion of every molecule, no less than the revolutions of suns--laws of such subtle import, as for instance, regulate the transformations of heat, the convertibility and correlation of force; it would be strange, i say, if such laws as these, when they reached the domain of human affairs should pause and leave the world of man alone in purposeless wanderings. [sidenote: analogies between man and nature.] to continue our analogies. as, latent in the atom, or in the mass, there are energies releasable only by heat or friction,--as in charcoal, which holds, locked up, muriatic acid gas equivalent to ninety times its volume; or in spongy platinum, which holds in like manner oxygen, equal to eight hundred times its volume; so, latent in every individual, are numberless energies, which demand the friction of society to call them out. force comprises two elements, attraction and repulsion, analagous to the principles commonly called good and evil in the affairs of human society; take away from mechanical force either of these two oppugnant elements, and there could be neither organism nor life, so without both good and evil in human affairs there could be no progress. if none of the forces of nature are dissipated or lost, and if force can no more be extinguished than matter, and like matter passes from one form into another, we may conclude that intellectual force is never dissipated or lost, but that the potential energies of mind and soul perpetually vibrate between man and nature. or, again, if, as we have seen, energy of every kind is clothed in matter, and when employed and expended returns again to its place in matter; and if the mind draws its forces from the body, as it appears to do, both growing, acting, and declining simultaneously; and if the body draws its energy from the earth, which is no less possible; then may not intellectual and progressional force be derived from man's environment, and return thither when expended? every created being borrows its material from the storehouse of matter, and when uncreated restores it again; so every individual born into society becomes charged with social force, with progressional energy, which, when expended, rests with society. winslow's opinion on this subject is, that "all electric and magnetic currents originate in--are inducted from--and radiate either directly or indirectly out of the globe as the fountain of every form and constituency of mechanical force, and that abstract immaterial mechanical energy, as we have thus far discussed and developed its dual principles, is absolutely convertible through molecular motion into every form and expansion of secondary force, passing successively from heat through electricity, magnetism, etc., and _vice versa_, it follows that this same mechanical energy itself, as hypostatical motive power, must proceed out of the globe also." thus is loaded with potential energy the universe of matter, generating life, mind, civilization, and hence we may conclude that whatever else it is, civilization is a force; that it is the sum of all the forces employed to drive humanity onward; that it acts on man as mechanical force acts on matter, attracting, repelling, pressing forward yet holding in equilibrium, and all under fixed and determined laws. * * * * * from all which it would appear that nothing is found in man that has not its counterpart in nature, and that all things that are related to man are related to each other; even immortal mind itself is not unlike that subtle force, inherent in, and working round every atom. in this respect physical science is the precursor of social science. nature produces man; man in his earlier conception of nature, that is in his gods, reproduces himself; and later, his knowledge of intrinsic self depends upon his knowledge of extrinsic agencies, so that as the laws that govern external nature are better understood, the laws that govern society are more definitely determined. the conditions of human progress can be wrought into a science only by pursuing the same course that raises into a science any branch of knowledge; that is, by collecting, classifying, and comparing facts, and therefrom discovering laws. society must be studied as chemistry is studied; it must be analyzed, and its component parts--the solubilities, interactions, and crystallizations of religions, governments and fashions, ascertained. as in the earlier contemplations of physical nature, the action of the elements was deemed fortuitous, so in a superficial survey of society, all events appear to happen by chance; but on deeper investigation, in society as in physics, events apparently fortuitous, may be reduced to immutable law. to this end the life of mankind on the globe must be regarded as the life of one man, successions of societies as successions of days in that life; for the activities of nations are but the sum of the activities of the individual members thereof. [sidenote: physical laws and social laws.] we have seen that man's organism, as far as it may be brought under exact observation, is governed by the same processes that govern elemental principles in inorganic nature. the will of man attempting to exert itself in antagonism to these laws of nature is wholly ineffectual. we are all conscious of a will, conscious of a certain freedom in the exercise of our will, but wholly unconscious as to the line of separation between volition and environment. part of our actions arise from fixed necessity, part are the result of free will. statistics, as they are accumulated and arranged, tend more and more to show that by far the greater part of human actions are not under individual control, and that the actions of masses are, in the main, wholly beyond the province of the human will. take the weather for a single day, and note the effect on the will. the direction of the wind not unfrequently governs one's train of thought; resolution often depends upon the dryness of the atmosphere, benevolence upon the state of the stomach; misfortunes, arising from physical causes, have ere now changed the character of a ruler from one of lofty self-sacrifice, to one of peevish fretfulness, whereat his followers became estranged and his empire lost in consequence. in the prosecution of an enterprise, how often we find ourselves drifting far from the anticipated goal. the mind is governed by the condition of the body, the body by the conditions of climate and food; hence it is that many of our actions, which we conceive to be the result of free choice, arise from accidental circumstances. it is only in the broader view of humanity that general laws are to be recognized, as dr draper remarks: "he who is immersed in the turmoil of a crowded city sees nothing but the acts of men; and, if he formed his opinion from his experience alone, must conclude that the course of events altogether depends on the uncertainties of human volition. but he who ascends to a sufficient elevation loses sight of the passing conflicts, and no longer hears the contentions. he discovers that the importance of individual action is diminishing as the panorama beneath him is extending; and if he could attain to the truly philosophical, the general point of view, disengage himself from all terrestrial influences and entanglements, rising high enough to see the whole at a glance, his acutest vision would fail to discern the slightest indication of man, his free will, or his works." * * * * * let us now glance at some of the manifestations of this progressional influence; first in its general aspects, after which we will notice its bearing on a few of the more important severalties intimately affecting humanity, such as religion, morality, government, and commerce,--for there is nothing that touches man's welfare, no matter how lightly, in all his long journey from naked wildness to clothed and cultured intelligence, that is not placed upon him by this progressional impulse. [sidenote: manifestations of progressional impulse.] in every living thing there is an element of continuous growth; in every aggregation of living things there is an element of continuous improvement. in the first instance, a vital actuality appears; whence, no one can tell. as the organism matures, a new germ is formed, which, as the parent stock decays, takes its place and becomes in like manner the parent of a successor. thus even death is but the door to new forms of life. in the second instance, a body corporate appears, no less a vital actuality than the first; a social organism in which, notwithstanding ceaseless births and deaths, there is a living principle. for while individuals are born and die, families live; while families are born and die, species live; while species are born and die, organic being assumes new forms and features. herein the all-pervading principle of life, while flitting, is nevertheless permanent, while transient is yet eternal. but above and independent of perpetual birth and death is this element of continuous growth, which, like a spirit, walks abroad and mingles in the affairs of men. "all our progress," says emerson, "is an unfolding, like the vegetable bud. you have first an instinct; then an opinion, then a knowledge, as the plant has root bud and fruit." under favorable conditions, and up to a certain point, stocks improve; by a law of natural selection the strongest and fittest survive, while the ill-favored and deformed perish; under conditions unfavorable to development, stocks remain stationary or deteriorate. paradoxically, so far as we know, organs and organisms are no more perfect now than in the beginning; animal instincts are no keener, nor are their habitudes essentially changed. no one denies that stocks improve, for such improvement is perceptible and permanent; many deny that organisms improve, for if there be improvement it is imperceptible, and has thus far escaped proof. but, however this may be, it is palpable that the mind, and not the body, is the instrument and object of the progressional impulse. man in the duality of his nature is brought under two distinct dominions; materially he is subject to the laws that govern matter, mentally to the laws that govern mind; physiologically he is perfectly made and non-progressive, psychologically he is embryonic and progressive. between these internal and external forces, between moral and material activities there may be, in some instances, an apparent antagonism. the mind may be developed in excess and to the detriment of the body, and the body may be developed in excess and to the detriment of the mind. the animal man is a bundle of organs, with instincts implanted that set them in motion; man intellectual is a bundle of sentiments, with an implanted soul that keeps them effervescent; mankind in the mass, society,--we see the fermentations, we mark the transitions; is there, then, a soul in aggregated humanity as there is in individual humanity? the instincts of man's animality teach the organs to perform their functions as perfectly at the first as at the last; the instincts of man's intellectuality urge him on in an eternal race for something better, in which perfection is never attained nor attainable; in society, we see the constant growth, the higher and yet higher development; now in this ever-onward movement are there instincts which originate and govern action in the body social as in the body individual? is not society a bundle of organs, with an implanted soul of progress, which moves mankind along in a resistless predetermined march? nations are born and die; they appear first in a state of infancy or savagism; many die in their childhood, some grow into manhood and rule for a time the destinies of the world; finally, by sudden extinction, or a lingering decrepitude, they disappear, and others take their place. but in this ceaseless coming and going there is somewhere a mysterious agency at work, making men better, wiser, nobler, whether they will or not. this improvement is not the effect of volition; the plant does not will to unfold, nor the immature animal to grow; neither can the world of human kind cease to advance in mind and in manners. development is the inevitable incident of being. nations, under normal conditions, can no more help advancing than they can throw themselves into a state of non-existence; than can the individual stop his corporeal growth, or shut out from the intellect every perception of knowledge, and become a living petrification. and in whatever pertains to intellectual man this fundamental principle is apparent. it underlies all moralities, governments, and religions, all industries, arts, and commerce; it is the mainspring of every action, the consequence of every cause; it is the great central idea toward which all things converge; it is the object of all efforts, the end of all successes; it absorbs all forces, and is the combined results of innumerable agencies, good and evil. before the theory of dr von martius and his followers, that the savage state is but a degeneration from something higher, can become tenable, the whole order of nature must be reversed. races may deteriorate, civilized peoples relapse into barbarism, but such relapse cannot take place except under abnormal conditions. we cannot believe that any nation, once learning the use of iron would cast it away for stone. driven from an iron-yielding land, the knowledge of iron might at last be forgotten, but its use would never be voluntarily relinquished. and so with any of the arts or inventions of man. societies, like individuals, are born, mature, and decay; they grow old and die; they may pause in their progress, become diseased, and thereby lose their strength and retrograde, but they never turn around and grow backward or ungrow,--they could not if they would. [sidenote: brutes cannot progress.] in the brute creation this element of progress is wanting. the bird builds its nest, the bee its cell, the beaver its dam, with no more skill or elaboration to-day, than did the bird or bee or beaver primeval. the instinct of animals does not with time become intellect; their comforts do not increase, their sphere of action does not enlarge. by domestication, stocks may be improved, but nowhere do we see animals uniting for mutual improvement, or creating for themselves an artificial existence. so in man, whose nature comprises both the animal and the intellectual, the physical organism neither perceptibly advances nor deteriorates. the features may, indeed, beam brighter from the light of a purer intellectuality cast upon them from within, but the hand, the eye, the heart, so far as we know, is no more perfect now than in the days of adam. as viewed by mr bagehot, the body of the accomplished man "becomes, by training, different from what it once was, and different from that of the rude man, becomes charged with stored virtue and acquired faculty which come away from it unconsciously." but the body of the accomplished man dies, and the son can in no wise inherit it, whereas the soul of his accomplishments does not die, but lives in the air, and becomes part of the vital breath of society. and, again, "power that has been laboriously acquired and stored up as statical in one generation" sometimes, says maudsley, "becomes the inborn faculty of the next; and the development takes place in accordance with that law of increasing speciality and complexity of adaption to external nature which is traceable through the animal kingdom; or, in other words, that law of progress, from the general to the special, in development, which the appearance of nerve force amongst natural forces and the complexity of the nervous system of man both illustrate." on the other side john stuart mill is just as positive that culture is not inherent. "of all vulgar modes," he remarks, "of escaping from the consideration of the effect of social and moral influences on the human mind, the most vulgar is that of attributing the diversities of conduct and character to inherent natural differences;" and, says mr buckle, "we cannot safely assume that there has been any permanent improvement in the moral or intellectual faculties of man, nor have we any decisive ground for saying that those faculties are likely to be greater in an infant born in the most civilized part of europe, than in one born in the wildest region of a barbarous country." whether or not the nervous system, which is the connective tissue between man's animality and his intellectuality, transmits its subtle forces from one generation to another, we may be sure that the mind acts on the nerves, and the nerves on every part of the system, and that the intelligence of the mind influences and governs the materialism of the body, and the consequences in some way are felt by succeeding generations; but that the mind becomes material, and its qualities transmitted to posterity, is an hypothesis yet unestablished. [sidenote: improvement purely intellectual.] moreover we may safely conclude that the improvement of mankind is a phenomenon purely intellectual. not that the improvement of the mind is wholly independent of the condition of the body; for, as we shall hereafter see, so intimate is the connection between the mind and the body, that the first step toward intellectual advancement cannot be taken until the demands of the body are satisfied. nervous phenomena are dependent upon the same nutritive processes that govern physical development; and that this nerve force, through whose agency the system is charged with intellectuality, as the molecule is charged with mechanical force, does exist, is capable, to some extent, of transmitting acquirements or artificial instincts from parent to child, we have every reason to believe; but, so far as we know, intellectual force, _per se_, is no more a transmittable entity than is the flesh-quivering of the slain ox life. the strangest part of it all is, that though wrought out by man as the instrument, and while acting in the capacity of a free agent, this spirit of progress is wholly independent of the will of man. though in our individual actions we imagine ourselves directed only by our free will, yet in the end it is most difficult to determine what is the result of free will, and what of inexorable environment. while we think we are regulating our affairs, our affairs are regulating us. we plan out improvements, predetermine the best course and follow it, sometimes; yet, for all that, the principle of social progress is not the man, is not in the man, forms no constituent of his physical or psychical individual being; it is the social atmosphere into which the man is born, into which he brings nothing and from which he takes nothing. while a member of society he adds his quota to the general fund and there leaves it; while acting as a free agent he performs his part in working out this problem of social development, performs it unconsciously, willing or unwilling he performs it, his baser passions being as powerful instruments of progress as his nobler; for avarice drives on intellect as effectually as benevolence, hate as love, and selfishness does infinitely more for the progress of mankind than philanthropy. thus is humanity played upon by this principle of progress, and the music sometimes is wonderful; green fields as if by magic take the place of wild forests, magnificent cities rise out of the ground, the forces of nature are brought under the dominion of man's intelligence, and senseless substances endowed with speech and action. it is verily as carlyle says; "under the strangest new vesture, the old great truth (since no vesture can hide it) begins again to be revealed: that man is what we call a miraculous creature, with miraculous power over men; and, on the whole, with such a life in him, and such a world round him, as victorious analysis, with her physiologies, nervous systems, physic and metaphysic, will never completely name, to say nothing of explaining." thus, to sum up the foregoing premises: in society, between two or more individuals, there is at work a mysterious energy, not unlike that of force between molecules or life in the organism; this social energy is under intelligent governance, not fortuitous nor causeless, but reducible to fixed law, and capable of being wrought into a science; is, moreover, a vital actuality, not an incident nor an accident, but an entity, as attraction and repulsion are entities; under this agency society, perforce, develops like the plant from a germ. this energy acts on the intellect, and through the intellect on the organism; acts independently of the will, and cannot be created or destroyed by man; is not found in the brute creation, is not transmittable by generation through individuals, is wrought out by man as a free-will agent, though acting unconsciously, and is the product alike of good and evil. * * * * * [sidenote: causes of man's development.] as to the causes which originate progressional phenomena there are differences of opinion. one sees in the intellect the germ of an eternal unfolding; another recognizes in the soul-element the vital principle of progress, and attributes to religion all the benefits of enlightenment; one builds a theory on the ground-work of a fundamental and innate morality; another discovers in the forces of nature the controlling influence upon man's destiny; while yet others, as we have seen, believe accumulative and inherent nervous force to be the media through which culture is transmitted. some believe that moral causes create the physical, others that physical causes create the moral. thus mr buckle attempts to prove that man's development is wholly dependent upon his physical surroundings. huxley points to a system of reflex actions,--mind acting on matter, and matter on mind,--as the possible culture-basis. darwin advances the doctrine of an evolution from vivified matter as the principle of progressive development. in the transmution of nerve-element from parents to children, bagehot sees "the continuous force which binds age to age, which enables each to begin with some improvement on the last, if the last did itself improve; which makes each civilization not a set of detached dots, but a line of color, surely enhancing shade by shade." some see in human progress the ever-ruling hand of a divine providence, others the results of man's skill; with some it is free will, with others necessity; some believe that intellectual development springs from better systems of government, others that wealth lies at the foundation of all culture; every philosopher recognizes some cause, invents some system, or brings human actions under the dominion of some species of law. as in animals of the same genus or species, inhabiting widely different localities, we see the results of common instincts, so in the evolutions of the human race, divided by time or space, we see the same general principles at work. so too it would seem, whether species are one or many, whether man is a perfectly created being or an evolution from a lower form, that all the human races of the globe are formed on one model and governed by the same laws. in the customs, languages, and myths of ages and nations far removed from each other in social, moral, and mental characteristics, innumerable and striking analogies exist. not only have all nations weapons, but many who are separated from each other by a hemisphere use the same weapon; not only is belief universal, but many relate the same myth; and to suppose the bow and arrow to have had a common origin, or that all flood-myths, and myths of a future life are but offshoots from noachic and biblical narratives is scarcely reasonable. it is easier to tell what civilization is not, and what it does not spring from, than what it is and what its origin. to attribute its rise to any of the principles, ethical, political, or material, that come under the cognizance of man, is fallacy, for it is as much an entity as any other primeval principle; nor may we, with archbishop whately, entertain the doctrine that civilization never could have arisen had not the creator appeared upon earth as the first instructor; for, unfortunately for this hypothesis, the aboriginals supposedly so taught, were scarcely civilized at all, and compare unfavorably with the other all-perfect works of creation; so that this sort of reasoning, like innumerable other attempts of man to limit the powers of omnipotence, and narrow them down to our weak understandings, is little else than puerility. [sidenote: society essential to intellect.] nor, as we have seen, is this act of civilizing the effect of volition; nor, as will hereafter more clearly appear, does it arise from an inherent principle of good any more than from an inherent principle of evil. the ultimate result, though difficult of proof, we take for granted to be good, but the agencies employed for its consummation number among them more of those we call evil than of those we call good. the isolated individual never, by any possibility, can become civilized like the social man; he cannot even speak, and without a flow of words there can be no complete flow of thought. send him forth away from his fellow-man to roam the forest with the wild beasts, and he would be almost as wild and beastlike as his companions; it is doubtful if he would ever fashion a tool, but would not rather with his claws alone procure his food, and forever remain as he now is, the most impotent of animals. the intellect, by which means alone man rises above other animals, never could work, because the intellect is quickened only as it comes in contact with intellect. the germ of development therein implanted cannot unfold singly any more than the organism can bear fruit singly. it is a well-established fact that the mind without language cannot fully develop; it is likewise established that language is not inherent, that it springs up between men, not in them. language, like civilization, belongs to society, and is in no wise a part or the property of the individual. "for strangely in this so solid-seeming world," says carlyle, "which nevertheless is in continual restless flux, it is appointed that sound, to appearance the most fleeting, should be the most continuing of all things." and further, as remarked by herbert spencer: "now that the transformation and equivalence of forces is seen by men of science to hold not only throughout all inorganic actions, but throughout all organic actions; now that even mental changes are recognized as the correlatives of cerebral changes, which also conform to this principle; and now that there must be admitted the corollary, that all actions going on in a society are measured by certain antecedent energies, which disappear in effecting them, while they themselves become actual or potential energies from which subsequent actions arise; it is strange that there should not have arisen the consciousness that these higher phenomena are to be studied as lower phenomena have been studied--not, of course, after the same physical methods, but in conformity with the same principles." we may hold then, a priori, that this progressional principle exists; that it exists not more in the man than around him; that it requires an atmosphere in which to live, as life in the body requires an atmosphere which is its vital breath, and that this atmosphere is generated only by the contact of man with man. under analysis this social atmosphere appears to be composed of two opposing principles--good and evil--which, like attraction and repulsion, or positive and negative electricity, underlie all activities. one is as essential to progress as the other; either, in excess or disproportionately administered, like an excess of oxygen or of hydrogen in the air, becomes pernicious, engenders social disruptions and decay which continue until the equilibrium is restored; yet all the while with the progress of humanity the good increases while the evil diminishes. every impulse incident to humanity is born of the union of these two opposing principles. for example, as i have said, and will attempt more fully to show further on, association is the first requisite of progress. but what is to bring about association? naked nomads will not voluntarily yield up their freedom, quit their wanderings, hold conventions and pass resolutions concerning the greatest good to the greatest number; patriotism, love, benevolence, brotherly kindness, will not bring savage men together; extrinsic force must be employed, an iron hand must be laid upon them which will compel them to unite, else there can be no civilization; and to accomplish this first great good to man,--to compel mankind to take the initial step toward the amelioration of their condition,--it is ordained that an evil, or what to us of these latter times is surely an evil, come forward,--and that evil is war. [sidenote: evil as a stimulant of progress.] primeval man, in his social organization, is patriarchal, spreading out over vast domains in little bands or families, just large enough to be able successfully to cope with wild beasts. and in that state humanity would forever remain did not some terrible cause force these bands to confederate. war is an evil, originating in hateful passions and ending in dire misery; yet without war, without this evil, man would forever remain primitive. but something more is necessary. war brings men together for a purpose, but it is insufficient to hold them together; for when the cause which compacted them no longer exists, they speedily scatter, each going his own way. then comes in superstition to the aid of progress. a successful leader is first feared as a man, then reverenced as a supernatural being, and finally himself, or his descendant, in the flesh or in tradition, is worshiped as a god. then an unearthly fear comes upon mankind, and the ruler, perceiving his power, begins to tyrannize over his fellows. both superstition and tyranny are evils; yet, without war superstition and tyranny, dire evils, civilization, which many deem the highest good, never by any possibility, as human nature is, could be. but more of the conditions of progress hereafter; what i wish to establish here is, that evil is no less a stimulant of development than good, and that in this principle of progress are manifest the same antagonism of forces apparent throughout physical nature; the same oppugnant energies, attractive and repulsive, positive and negative, everywhere existing. it is impossible for two or more individuals to be brought into contact with each other, whether through causes or for purposes good or evil, without ultimate improvement to both. i say whether through causes or for purposes good or evil, for, to the all-pervading principle of evil, civilization is as much indebted as to the all-pervading principle of good. indeed, the beneficial influences of this unwelcome element have never been generally recognized. whatever be this principle of evil, whatever man would be without it, the fact is clearly evident that to it civilization, whatever that may be, owes its existence. "the whole tendency of political economy and philosophical history," says lecky, "which reveal the physiology of society, is to show that the happiness and welfare of mankind are evolved much more from our selfish than what are termed our virtuous acts." no wonder that devil-worship obtains, in certain parts, when to his demon the savage finds himself indebted for skill not only to overthrow subordinate deities, but to cure diseases, to will an enemy to death, to minister to the welfare of departed friends, as well as to add materially to his earthly store of comforts. the world, such as it is, man finds himself destined for a time to inhabit. within him and around him the involuntary occupant perceives two agencies at work; agencies apparently oppugnant, yet both tending to one end--improvement; and night or day, love or crime, leads all souls to the good, as emerson sings. the principle of evil acts as a perpetual stimulant, the principle of good as a reward of merit. united in their operation, there is a constant tendency toward a better condition, a higher state; apart, the result would be inaction. for, civilization being a progression and not a fixed condition, without incentives, that is without something to escape from and something to escape to, there could be no transition, and hence no civilization. had man been placed in the world perfected and sinless, obviously there would be no such thing as progress. the absence of evil implies perfect good, and perfect good perfect happiness. were man sinless and yet capable of increasing knowledge, the incentive would be wanting, for, if perfectly happy, why should he struggle to become happier? the advent of civilization is in the appearance of a want, and the first act of civilization springs from the attempt to supply the want. the man or nation that wants nothing remains inactive, and hence does not advance; so that it is not in what we have but in what we have not that civilization consists. these wants are forced upon us, implanted within us, inseparable from our being; they increase with an increasing supply, grow hungry from what they feed on; in quick succession, aspirations, emulations, and ambitions spring up and chase each other, keeping the fire of discontent ever glowing, and the whole human race effervescent. the tendency of civilizing force, like the tendency of mechanical force, is toward an equilibrium, toward a never-attainable rest. obviously there can be no perfect equilibrium, no perfect rest, until all evil disappears, but in that event the end of progress would be attained, and humanity would be perfect and sinless. man at the outset is not what he may be, he is capable of improvement or rather of growth; but childlike, the savage does not care to improve, and consequently must be scourged into it. advancement is the ultimate natural or normal state of man; humanity on this earth is destined some day to be relatively, if not absolutely, good and happy. the healthy body has appetites, in the gratification of which lies its chiefest enjoyment; the healthy mind has proclivities, the healthy soul intuitions, in the exercise and activities of which the happiest life is attainable; and in as far as the immaterial and immortal in our nature is superior to the material and mortal, in so far does the education and development of our higher nature contribute in a higher degree to our present benefit and our future well-being. [sidenote: labor a civilizing agent.] there is another thought in this connection well worthy our attention. in orthodox and popular parlance, labor is a curse entailed on man by vindictive justice; yet viewed as a civilizing agent, labor is man's greatest blessing. throughout all nature there is no such thing found as absolute inertness; and, as in matter, so with regard to our faculties, no sooner do they begin to rest than they begin to rot, and even in the rotting they can obtain no rest. one of the chief objects of labor is to get gain, and dr johnson holds that "men are seldom more innocently employed than when they are making money." human experience teaches, that in the effort is greater pleasure than in the end attained; that labor is the normal condition of man; that in acquisition, that is progress, is the highest happiness; that passive enjoyment is inferior to the exhilaration of active attempt. now imagine the absence from the world of this spirit of evil, and what would be the result? total inaction. but before inaction can become more pleasurable than action, man's nature must be changed. not to say that evil is a good thing, clearly there is a goodness in things evil; and in as far as the state of escaping from evil is more pleasurable than the state of evil escaped from, in so far is evil conducive to happiness. the effect of well-directed labor is twofold; by exercise our faculties strengthen and expand, and at the same time the returns of that labor give us leisure in which to direct our improved faculties to yet higher aims. by continual efforts to increase material comforts, greater skill is constantly acquired, and the mind asserts more and more its independence. increasing skill yields ever increased delights, which encourage and reward our labor. this, up to a certain point; but with wealth and luxury comes relaxed energy. without necessity there is no labor; without labor no advancement. corporeal necessity first forces corporeal activity; then the intellect goes to work to contrive means whereby labor may be lessened and made more productive. [sidenote: evil tends to disappear.] the discontent which arises from discomfort, lies at the root of every movement; but then comfort is a relative term and complete satisfaction is never attained. indeed, as a rule, the more squalid and miserable the race, the more are they disposed to settle down and content themselves in their state of discomfort. what is discomfort to one is luxury to another; "the mark of rank in nature is capacity for pain"; in following the intellectual life, the higher the culture the greater the discontent; the greater the acquisition, the more eagerly do men press forward toward some higher and greater imaginary good. we all know that blessings in excess become the direst curses; but few are conscious where the benefit of a blessing terminates and the curse begins, and fewer still of those who are able thus to discriminate have the moral strength to act upon that knowledge. as a good in excess is an evil, so evil as it enlarges outdoes itself and tends toward self-annihilation. if we but look about us, we must see that to burn up the world in order to rid it of gross evil--a dogma held by some--is unnecessary, for accumulative evils ever tend towards reaction. excessive evils are soonest remedied; the equilibrium of the evil must be maintained, or the annihilation of the evil ensues. institutions and principles essentially good at one time are essential evils at another time. the very aids and agencies of civilization become afterward the greatest drags upon progress. at one time it would seem that blind faith was essential to improvement, at another time skepticism, at one time order and morality, at another time lawlessness and rapine; for so it has ever been, and whether peace and smiling plenty, or fierce upheavals and dismemberments predominate, from every social spasm as well as fecund leisure, civilization shoots forward in its endless course. the very evils which are regarded as infamous by a higher culture were the necessary stepping-stones to that higher life. as we have seen, no nation ever did or can emerge from barbarism without first placing its neck under the yokes of despotism and superstition; therefore, despotism and superstition, now dire evils, were once essential benefits. no religion ever attained its full development except under persecution. our present evils are constantly working out for humanity unforeseen good. all systems of wrongs and fanaticisms are but preparing us for and urging us on to a higher state. if then civilization is a predestined, ineluctable, and eternal march away from things evil toward that which is good, it must be that throughout the world the principle of good is ever increasing and that of evil decreasing. and this is true. not only does evil decrease, but the tendency is ever toward its disappearance. gradually the confines of civilization broaden; the central principle of human progress attains greater intensity, and the mind assumes more and more its lordly power over matter. the moment we attempt to search out the cause of any onward movement we at once encounter this principle of evil. the old-time aphorism that life is a perpetual struggle; the first maxim of social ethics 'the greatest happiness to the greatest number'; indeed, every thought and action of our lives points in the same direction. from what is it mankind is so eager to escape; with what do we wrestle; for what do we strive? we fly from that which gives pain to that which gives pleasure; we wrestle with agencies which bar our escape from a state of infelicity; we long for happiness. [sidenote: is civilization conducive to happiness?] then comes the question, what is happiness? is man polished and refined happier than man wild and unfettered; is civilization a blessing or a curse? rousseau, we know, held it to be the latter; but not so virey. "what!" he exclaims, "is he happier than the social man, this being abandoned in his maladies, uncared for even by his children in his improvident old age, exposed to ferocious beasts, in fear of his own kind, even of the cannibal's tooth? the civilized man, surrounded in his feebleness by affectionate attention, sustains a longer existence, enjoys more pleasure and daily comforts, is better protected against inclemencies of weather and all external ills. the isolated man must suffice for himself, must harden himself to endure any privation; his very existence depends upon his strength, and if necessity requires it of him, he must be ready to abandon wife and children and life itself at any moment. such cruel misery is rare in social life, where the sympathies of humanity are awakened, and freely exercised." continue these simple interrogatories a little farther and see where we land. is the wild bird, forced to long migrations for endurable climates and food, happier than the caged bird which buys a daily plentiful supply for a song? is the wild beast, ofttimes hungry and hunted, happier than its chained brother of the menagerie? is the wild horse, galloping with its fellows over the broad prairie, happier than the civilized horse of carriage, cart, or plow? may we not question whether the merchant, deep in his speculating ventures, or the man of law, poring over his brain-tearing brief, derives a keener sense of enjoyment than does the free forest-native, following the war-path or pursuing his game? as i have attempted to show, civilization is not an end attained, for man is never wholly civilized,--but only the effort to escape from an evil, or an imaginary evil--savagism. i say an evil real or imaginary, for as we have seen, the question has been seriously discussed whether civilization is better or worse than savagism. for every advantage which culture affords, a price must be paid,--some say too great a price. the growth of the mind is dependent upon its cultivation, but this cultivation may be voluntary or involuntary, it may be a thing desired or a thing abhorred. every nation, every society, and every person has its or his own standard of happiness. the miser delights in wealth, the city belle in finery, the scholar in learning. the christian's heaven is a spiritual city, where they neither marry, nor are given in marriage; the norse-man's a valhalla of alternate battle and wassail; the mahometan's, a paradise of houris and lazy sensuality. the martyr at the stake, triumphant in his faith, may be happier than the man of fashion dying of ennui and gout; the savage, wandering through forest and over plain in pursuit of game, or huddled in his hut with wives and children, may be happier than the care-laden speculator or the wrangling politician. content, the essence of all happiness, is as prevalent among the poor and ill-mannered, as among the rich, refined and civilized. _ubi bene, ibi patria_, where it is well with me, there is my country, is the motto of the indian,--and to be well with him signifies only to be beyond the reach of hunger and enemies. ask the savage which is preferable, a native or a cultured state, and he will answer the former; ask the civilized man, and he will say the latter. i do not see any greater absurdity in the wild man saying to the tamed one: give up the despotisms and diseases of society and throw yourself with me upon beauteous, bounteous nature; than in the european saying to the american: if you would find happiness, abandon your filth and naked freedom, accept christianity and cotton shirts, go to work in a mission, rot on a reservation, or beg and starve in civilized fashion! of all animals, man alone has broken down the barriers of his nature in civilizing, or, as rousseau expresses it, in denaturalizing himself; and for this denaturalization some natural good must be relinquished; to every infringement of nature's law, there is a penalty attached; for a more delicate organism the price is numberless new diseases; for political institutions the price is native freedom. with polished manners the candidate for civilization must accept affectation, social despotism; with increasing wealth, increasing wants; civilization engenders complexity in society, and in its turn is engendered thereby. peoples the most highly cultured are moved by the most delicate springs; a finer touch, the result of greater skill, with a finer tone, the result of greater experience, produces music more and yet more exquisite. [sidenote: subjective and objective humanity.] were man only an animal, this denaturalization and more, would be true. the tamed brute gives up all the benefits of savagism for few of the blessings of civilization; in a cultured state, as compared to a state of wild freedom, its ills are numberless, its advantages infinitesimal. but human nature is twofold, objective and subjective, the former typical of the savage state, the latter of the civilized. man is not wholly animal; and by cultivating the mind, that is, by civilizing himself, he is no more denaturalized than by cultivating the body, and thereby acquiring greater physical perfection. we cannot escape our nature; we cannot re-create ourselves; we can only submit ourselves to be polished and improved by the eternal spirit of progress. the moral and the intellectual are as much constituents of human nature as the physical; civilization, therefore, is as much the natural state of man as savagism. another more plausible and partially correct assertion is, that by the development of the subjective part of our nature, objective humanity becomes degenerated. the intellectual cannot be wrought up to the highest state of cultivation except at the expense of the physical, nor the physical fully developed without limiting the mental. the efforts of the mind draw from the energies of the body; the highest and healthiest vigor of the body can only be attained when the mind is at rest, or in a state of careless activity. in answer to which i should say that beyond a certain point, it is true; one would hardly train successfully for a prize fight and the tripos at the same time; but that the non-intellectual savage, as a race, is physically superior, capable of enduring greater fatigue, or more skillful in muscular exercise than the civilized man is inconsistent with facts. civilization has its vices as well as its virtues, savagism has its advantages as well as its demerits. the evils of savagism are not so great as we imagine; its pleasures more than we are apt to think. as we become more and more removed from evils their magnitude enlarges; the fear of suffering increases as suffering is less experienced and witnessed. if savagism holds human life in light esteem, civilization makes death more hideous than it really is; if savagism is more cruel, it is less sensitive. combatants accustomed to frequent encounter think lightly of wounds, and those whose life is oftenest imperiled think least of losing it. indifference to pain is not necessarily the result of cruelty; it may arise as well from the most exalted sentiment as from the basest. civilization not only engenders new vices, but proves the destroyer of many virtues. among the wealthier classes energy gives way to enjoyment, luxury saps the foundation of labor, progress becomes paralyzed, and with now and then a noble exception, but few earnest workers in the paths of literature, science, or any of the departments which tend to the improvement of mankind, are to be found among the powerful and the affluent, while the middle classes are absorbed in money-getting, unconsciously thereby, it is true, working toward the ends of civilization. that civilization is expedient, that it is a good, that it is better than savagism, we who profess to be civilized entertain no doubt. those who believe otherwise must be ready to deny that health is better than disease, truth than superstition, intellectual power than stupid ignorance; but whether the miseries and vices of savagism, or those of civilization are the greater, is another question. the tendency of civilization is, on the whole, to purify the morals, to give equal rights to man, to distribute more equally among men the benefits of this world, to melioriate wholesale misery and degradation, offer a higher aim and the means of accomplishing a nobler destiny, to increase the power of the mind and give it dominion over the forces of nature, to place the material in subservience to the mental, to elevate the individual and regulate society. true, it may be urged that this heaping up of intellectual fruits tends toward monopoly, toward making the rich richer and the poor poorer, but i still hold that the benefits of civilization are for the most part evenly distributed; that wealth beyond one's necessity is generally a curse to the possessor greater than the extreme of poverty, and that the true blessings of culture and refinement like air and sunshine are free to all. civilization, it is said, multiplies wants, but then they are ennobling wants, better called aspirations, and many of these civilization satisfies. if civilization breeds new vices, old ones are extinguished by it. decency and decorum hide the hideousness of vice, drive it into dark corners, and thereby raise the tone of morals and weaken vice. thus civilization promotes chastity, elevates woman, breaks down the barriers of hate and superstition between ancient nations and religions; individual energy, the influence of one over the many, becomes less and less felt, and the power of the people becomes stronger. civilization in itself can not but be beneficial to man; that which makes society more refined, more intellectual, less bestial, more courteous; that which cures physical and mental diseases, increases the comforts and luxury of life, purifies religions, makes juster governments, must surely be beneficial: it is the universal principle of evil which impregnates all human affairs, alloying even current coin, which raises the question. that there are evils attending civilization as all other benefits, none can deny, but civilization itself is no evil. * * * * * [sidenote: conditions essential to progress.] if i have succeeded in presenting clearly the foregoing thoughts, enough has been said as to the nature and essence of civilization; let us now examine some of the conditions essential to intellectual development. for it must not be forgotten that, while every department of human progress is but the unfolding of a germ; while every tendency of our life, every custom and creed of our civilization finds its rudiment in savagism; while, as man develops, no new elements of human nature are created by the process; while, as the organism of the child is as complex and complete as the organism of the man, so is humanity in a savage state the perfect germ of humanity civilized,--it must not be forgotten in all this, that civilization cannot unfold except under favorable conditions. just as the plant, though endowed with life which corresponds to the mind-principle in progress, requires for its growth a suitable soil and climate, so this progressional phenomenon must have soil and sunshine before it yields fruit; and this is another proof that civilization is not in the man more than around him; for if the principle were inherent in the individual, then the hyperborean, with his half year of light and half year of underground darkness, must of necessity become civilized equally with the man born amidst the sharpening jostles of a european capital, for in all those parts that appertain solely to the intrinsic individual, the one develops as perfectly as the other. a people undergoing the civilizing process need not necessarily, does not indeed, advance in every species of improvement at the same time; in some respects the nation may be stationary, in others even retrograde. every age and every nation has its special line of march. literature and the fine arts reached their height in pagan greece; monotheism among the hebrews; science unfolded in egypt, and government in rome. in every individual there is some one talent that can be cultivated more advantageously than any other; so it is with nations, every people possesses some natural advantage for development in some certain direction over every other people, and often the early history of a nation, like the precocious proclivities of the child, points toward its future; and in such arts and industries as its climate and geographical position best enable it to develop, is discovered the germ of national character. seldom is the commercial spirit developed in the interior of a continent, or the despotic spirit on the border of the sea, or the predatory spirit in a country wholly devoid of mountains and fastnesses. it cannot be said that one nation or race is inherently better fitted for civilization than another; all may not be equally fitted for exactly the same civilization, but all are alike fitted for that civilization which, if left to itself, each will work out. mankind, moreover, advances spasmodically, and in certain directions only at a time, which is the greatest drawback to progress. as lecky remarks: "special agencies, such as religious or political institutions, geographical conditions, traditions, antipathies, and affinities, exercise a certain retarding, accelerating, or deflecting influence, and somewhat modify the normal progress." perfect development only is permanent, and that alone is perfect which develops the whole man and the whole society equally in all its parts; all the activities, mental, moral, and physical, must needs grow in unison and simultaneously, and this alone is perfect and permanent development. should all the world become civilized there will still be minor differences; some will advance further in one direction and some in another, all together will form the complete whole. civilization as an exotic seldom flourishes. often has the attempt been made by a cultivated people to civilize a barbarous nation, and as often has it failed. true, one nation may force its arts or religion upon another, but to civilize is neither to subjugate nor annihilate; foreigners may introduce new industries and new philosophies, which the uncultured may do well to accept, but as civilization is an unfolding, and not a creation, he who would advance civilization must teach society how to grow, how to enlarge its better self; must teach in what direction its highest interests lie. * * * * * thus it appears that, while this germ of progress is innate in every human society, certain conditions are more favorable to its development than others,--conditions which act as stimulants or impediments to progress. often we see nations remain apparently stationary, the elements of progress evenly balanced by opposing influences, and thus they remain until by internal force, or external pressure, their system expands or explodes, until they absorb or are absorbed by antagonistic elements. the intrinsic force of the body social appears to demand extrinsic prompting before it will manifest itself. like the grains of wheat in the hand of belzoni's mummy, which held life slumbering for three thousand years, and awoke to growth when buried in the ground, so the element of human progress lies dormant until planted in a congenial soil and surrounded by those influences which provoke development. this stimulant, which acts upon and unfolds the intellect, can be administered only through the medium of the senses. nerve force, which precedes intellectual force, is supplied by the body; the cravings of man's corporeal nature, therefore, must be quieted before the mind can fix itself on higher things. the first step toward teaching a savage is to feed him; the stomach satisfied he will listen to instruction, not before. cultivation of at least the most necessary of the industrial arts invariably precedes cultivation of the fine arts; the intellect must be implanted in a satisfied body before it will take root and grow. the mind must be allowed some respite from its attendance on the body, before culture can commence; it must abandon its state of servitude, and become master; in other words, leisure is an essential of culture. as association is the primal condition of progress, let us see how nature throws societies together or holds them asunder. in some directions there are greater facilities for intercommunication (another essential of improvement) than in other directions. wherever man is most in harmony with nature, there he progresses most rapidly; wherever nature offers the greatest advantages, such as a sea that invites to commerce, an elevated plateau lifting its occupants above the malaria of a tropical lowland, a sheltering mountain range that wards off inclement winds and bars out hostile neighbors, there culture flourishes best. * * * * * [sidenote: objective and subjective stimulants.] so that humanity, in its twofold nature, is dependent for its development upon two distinct species of stimulants, objective and subjective. material causations, or those forces which minister to the requirements of man's material nature but upon which his intellectual progress is dependent, are configurations of surface, soil, climate, and food. those physical conditions which, when favorable, give to their possessors wealth and leisure, are the inevitable precursors of culture. immaterial causations are those forces which act more directly upon man's immaterial nature, as association, religion, wealth, leisure, and government. continuing the analysis, let us first examine physical stimulants. admitting readily two of m. taine's primordial humanity-moving forces, 'le milieu' or environment, and his 'le moment' or inherited impulse, we will pass over the third force 'la race';--for inherent differences in race, in the present stage of science, are purely hypothetical; it remains yet to be proved that one nation is primarily inherently inferior or superior to another nation. that man once created is moulded and modified by his environment, there can be no doubt. even a cursory survey of the globe presents some indications favorable and unfavorable to the unfolding of the different forms of organic being. great continents, for instance, appear to be congenial to the development of animal life; islands and lesser continents to the growth of exuberant vegetation. thus, in the eastern hemisphere, which is a compact oval, essentially continental, with vast areas far removed from the influence of the ocean, flourish the elephant, the hippopotamus, the rhinoceros, the courageous lion, the fierce tiger, the largest and lordliest of animal kind, while in the more oceanic western hemisphere inferior types prevail. cold and dryness characterize the one; heat and humidity the other; in one are the greatest deserts, in the other the greatest lakes and rivers. warm oceanic currents bathe the frosty shores of the northern extremities of the continents and render them habitable; the moisture-laden equatorial atmosphere clothes the adjacent islands and firm land in emerald verdure. upon the same parallel of latitude are the great sahara desert of africa, and the wilderness of luxuriant billowy foliage of the american isthmus. in warm, moist climates, such species of animal life attain the fullest development as are dependent upon the aqueous and herbous agencies. in tropical america are seen the largest reptiles, the most gorgeous insects,--there the inhabitants of warm marshes and sluggish waters assume gigantic proportions, while only upon the broad inland prairies or upon elevated mountain ranges, away from the influences of warm waters and humid atmospheres, are found the buffalo, bear, and elk. the very complexion and temperament of man are affected by these vegetative and umbrageous elements. unprotected from the perpendicular rays of the sun, the african is black, muscular, and cheerful; under the shadow of primeval forest, man assumes a coppery hue, lacking the endurance of the negro, and becomes in disposition cold and melancholy. and again, if we look for the natural causes which tend to promote or retard association, we find in climates and continental configurations the chief agencies. the continent of the two americas, in its greatest length, lies north and south, the eastern continental group extends east and west. primitive people naturally would spread out in those directions which offered the least change of climate from that of the primitive centre. obviously, variations of climate are greater in following a meridian than along a parallel of latitude. thus, the tropical man passing along a meridian is driven back by unendurable cold, while a continent may be traversed on any parallel, elevations excepted, with but little variation in temperature. a savage, exposed and inexperienced, not knowing how to protect himself against severe changes of climate, could not travel far in a northerly or southerly direction without suffering severely from the cold or heat; hence, other things being equal, the inhabitants of a country whose greatest length lay east and west, would intermingle more readily than those whose territory extended north and south. [sidenote: climate and mountain ranges.] that the eastern hemisphere attained a higher degree of civilization than the western, may be partly due to the fact, that the former presents wider spaces of uniform climate than the latter. the climatic zones of the new world, besides being shorter, are intersected by mountain barriers, which tend to retard the intercourse that would otherwise naturally follow. thus the mexican table-land, the seat of aztec civilization, is a _tierra fria_ situated above the insalubrious _tierra caliente_ of either coast and the healthful _tierra templada_ of the slopes, but below the mountain ranges which rise from this table-land, forming a _tierra frígida_, a region of perpetual snow. to this day, the natives of the mexican plateau cannot live on the sea-coast, though less than a day's journey distant. between the climatic zones which extend through europe and asia, there are contrasts as marked and changes as sudden, but these differences are between the different zones rather than between longitudinal sections of the same zone. hence, in the old world, where climatic zones are separated by mountain ranges which make the transition from one to the other sudden and abrupt, we see a greater diversity of race than in america, where the natural barriers extend north and south and intersect the climatic zones, thereby bringing the inhabitants along a meridian in easier communication than those who live in the same latitude but who are separated by mountains, table-lands and large rivers. that is, if color and race are dependent on climate, america should offer greater varieties in color and race than europe, for america traverses the most latitudes; but the mountain barriers of america extend north and south, thereby forcing its people to intermingle, if at all, in that direction, while the chief ranges of the eastern continent extend east and west, parallel with climatic zones, thereby forming in themselves distinctly marked lines between peoples, forcing the african to remain under his burning sun, and the northmen in their cooler latitudes; so that in the several climatic zones of the old world, we see the human race distinctly marked, aryan, semitic, and turanian--white, black, and yellow--while throughout the two americas, from alaska to tierra del fuego, type and color are singularly uniform. * * * * * who can picture the mighty tide of humanity, which, while the eastern hemisphere has been developing so high a state of culture, in america has ebbed and flowed between barbarisms and civilizations? through what long and desperate struggles, continuing age after age through the lives of nations, now advancing, now receding, have these peoples passed? asia, from its central position and favorable climate, would seem naturally to encourage a redundant population and a spontaneous civilization; the waters of the mediterranean invite commerce and intercommunication of nations, while the british isles, from their insular situation and distance from hypothetical primitive centres, would seem necessarily to remain longer in a state of barbarism. in the pacific states of north america we find the densest population north along the shores of the ocean, and south on the cordillera table-land, from the fact that the former offers the best facilities for food and locomotion until the latter is reached, when the interior presents the most favorable dwelling-place for man. climate affects both mental and moral endowments, the temperament of the body, and the texture of the brain; physical energy, and mental vigor. temperate climates are more conducive to civilization, not for the reason given by mr harris, "as developing the higher qualities, and not invigorating the baser feelings", for the hyperborean is as unchaste and as great a slave to passion as the sub-equatorial man--but because a temperate climate, while it lures to exertion, rewards the laborer. * * * * * [sidenote: the influence of food.] next, let us consider the agency of food in human development. the effect of food is to supply the body with caloric, which is essential to its life, and to repair the muscular fibres which are constantly undergoing waste in our daily activities. these two effects are produced by two different kinds of diet; carbonized food, such as animal flesh, fish, oils and fats, and oxidized food, which consists chiefly of vegetables. in hot climates, obviously, less carbonized food is required to keep up the necessary temperature of the body than in cold climates. hence it is, that hyperborean nations subsist on whale's blubber, oil, and flesh, while the tropical man confines himself almost exclusively to a vegetable diet. it is not my purpose here to enter into the relative effects of the different kinds of food on physiological and mental development; i desire, however, to call attention to the comparative facility with which carbonized and oxidized food is procured by man, and to note the effect of this ease or difficulty in obtaining a food supply, upon his progress. in warm, humid climates vegetation is spontaneous and abundant; a plentiful supply of food may, therefore, be obtained with the smallest expenditure of labor. the inhabitants of cold climates, however, are obliged to pursue, by land and water, wild and powerful animals, to put forth all their strength and skill in order to secure a precarious supply of the necessary food. then, again, besides being more difficult to obtain, and more uncertain as to a steady supply, the quantity of food consumed in a cold climate is much greater than that consumed in a hot climate. now as leisure is essential to cultivation, and as without a surplus of food and clothing there can be no leisure, it would seem to follow naturally that in those countries where food and clothing are most easily obtained culture should be the highest; since so little time and labor are necessary to satisfy the necessities of the body, the mind would have opportunity to expand. it would seem that a fertile soil, an exuberant vegetation, soft skies and balmy air, a country where raiment was scarcely essential to comfort, and where for food the favored inhabitant had but to pluck and eat, should become the seat of a numerous population and a high development. is this the fact? "wherever snow falls," emerson remarks, "there is usually civil freedom. where the banana grows, the animal system is indolent, and pampered at the cost of higher qualities; the man is sensual and cruel;" and we may add that where wheat grows, there is civilization, where rice is the staple, there mental vigor is relaxed. heat and moisture being the great vegetative stimulants, tropical lands in proximity to the sea are covered with eternal verdure. little or no labor is required to sustain life; for food there is the perpetually ripening fruit, a few hours' planting, sometimes, being sufficient to supply a family for months; for shelter, little more than the dense foliage is necessary, while scarcely any clothing is required. but although heat and moisture, the great vegetative stimulants, lie at the root of primitive progress, these elements in superabundance defeat their own ends, and in two ways: first, excessive heat enervates the body and prostrates the mind, languor and inertia become chronic, while cold is invigorating and prompts to activity. and in tropical climates certain hours of the day are too hot for work, and are, consequently, devoted to sleep. the day is broken into fragments; continuous application, which alone produces important results, is prevented, and habits of slackness and laxity become the rule of life. satisfied, moreover, with the provisions of nature for their support, the people live without labor, vegetating, plant-like, through a listless and objectless life. secondly, vegetation, stimulated by excessive heat and moisture, grows with such strength and rapidity as to defy the efforts of inexperienced primitive man; nature becomes domineering, unmanageable, and man sinks into insignificance. indeed the most skillful industry of armed and disciplined civilization is unable to keep under control this redundancy of tropical vegetation. the path cleared by the pioneer on penetrating the dense undergrowth, closes after him like the waters of the sea behind a ship; before the grain has time to spring up, the plowed field is covered with rank weeds, wild flowers, and poisonous plants no less beautiful than pernicious. i have seen the very fence-posts sprouting up and growing into trees. so destructive is the vegetation of the central american lowlands, that in their triumphal march the persistent roots penetrate the crevices of masonry, demolish strong walls, and obliterate stupendous tumuli. the people whose climate makes carbonized food a necessity, are obliged to call into action their bolder and stronger faculties in order to obtain their supplies, while the vegetable-eater may tranquilly rest on bounteous nature. the eskimo struggles manfully with whale, and bear, and ice, and darkness, until his capacious stomach is well filled with heat-producing food, then he dozes torpidly in his den while the supply lasts; the equatorial man plucks and eats, basks in the open air, and sleeps. [sidenote: unmanageableness of redundant nature.] here we have a medley of heterogeneous and antagonistic elements. leisure is essential to culture; before leisure there must be an accumulation of wealth; the accumulation of wealth is dependent upon the food-supply; a surplus of food can only be easily obtained in warm climates. but labor is also essential to development, and excessive heat is opposed to labor. labor, moreover, in order to produce leisure must be remunerative, and excessive cold is opposed to accumulation. it appears, therefore, that an excess of labor and an excess of leisure are alike detrimental to improvement. again, heat and moisture are essential to an abundant supply of oxidized food. but heat and moisture, especially in tropical climates, act as a stimulant upon other rank productions, engendering dense forests, tangled brush-wood, and poisonous shrubs, and filling miasmatic marshes with noxious reptiles. these enemies to human progress the weaponless savage is unable to overcome. it is, therefore, neither in hot and humid countries, nor in excessively cold climates, that we are to look for a primitive civilization; for in the latter nature lies dormant, while in the former the redundancy of nature becomes unmanageable. it is true that in the tropics of america and asia are found the seats of many ancient civilizations, but if we examine them one after the other, we shall see, in nearly every instance, some opposite or counteracting agency. thus, the aztecs, though choosing a low latitude in proximity to both oceans, occupied an elevated table-land, in a cool, dry atmosphere, seven or eight thousand feet above the level of the sea. the river nile, by its periodic inundations, forced the ancient egyptians to lay by a store of food, which is the very first step toward wealth. the rivers of india are, some of them, subject to like overflowings, while the more elevated parts are dry and fertile. egypt was the cradle of european development. long before the advent of christianity, the fertile banks of the nile, for their pyramidal tombs, their colossi, their obelisks and catacombs and sphinxes and temples, were regarded by surrounding barbarians as a land of miracles and marvels. thence greece derived her earliest arts and maxims. the climate of egypt was unchangeable, and the inundations of the nile offered a less uncertain water-supply than the rains of many other districts, and thus agriculture, while offering to the laborer the greater part of the year for leisure, was almost certain to be remunerative. common instincts and common efforts, uniformity of climate and identity of interests produced a homogeneous people, and forty centuries of such changeless coming and going could not fail to result in improvement. [sidenote: mr buckle's theory.] mr buckle, in his attempt to establish a universal theory that heat and moisture inevitably engender civilization, and that without those combined agencies no civilization can arise, somewhat overreaches himself. "in america, as in asia and africa," he says, "all the original civilizations were seated in hot countries; the whole of peru, proper, being within the southern tropic, the whole of central america and mexico within the northern tropic." the fact is, that cuzco, the capital city of the incas, is in the cordilleras, three hundred miles from and eleven thousand feet above the sea. for the latitude the climate is both cold and dry. the valley of mexico is warmer and moister, but cannot be called hot and humid. palenque and copan approach nearer mr buckle's ideal than cuzco or mexico, being above the tierra caliente proper, and yet in a truly hot and humid climate. the hawaiian islands,--an isolated group of lava piles, thrown up into the trade winds on the twentieth parallel, and by these winds deluged on one side with rain, while the other is left almost dry, with but little alluvial soil, and that little exceedingly fertile,--at the time of their discovery by captain cook appeared to have made no inconsiderable advance toward feudalism. systems of land tenure and vassalage were in operation, and some works for the public weal had been constructed. here were the essentials for a low order of improvement such as was found there, but which never, in all probability, would have risen much higher. again, mr buckle declares that, "owing to the presence of physical phenomena, the civilization of america was, of necessity, confined to those parts where alone it was found by the discoverers of the new world." an apparently safe postulate; but, upon any conceivable hypothesis, there are very many places as well adapted to development as those in which it was found. once more: "the two great conditions of fertility have not been united in any part of the continent north of mexico." when we consider what it is, namely, heat and humidity, upon which mr buckle makes intellectual evolution dependent, and that not only the mexican plateau lacked both these essentials, in the full meaning of the term, but that both are found in many places northward, as for instance, in some parts of texas and in louisiana, a discrepancy in his theory becomes apparent. "the peculiar configuration of the land," he continues, "secured a very large amount of coast, and thus gave to the southern part of north america the character of an island." an island, yes, but, as m. guyot terms it, an "aerial island;" bordered on either side by sea-coast, but by such sea-coast as formed an almost impassable barrier between the table-land and the ocean. "while, therefore," adds mr buckle, "the position of mexico near the equator gave it heat, the shape of the land gave it humidity; and this being the only part of north america in which these two conditions were united it was likewise the only part which was at all civilized. there can be no doubt, that if the sandy plains of california and southern columbia, instead of being scorched into sterility, had been irrigated by the rivers of the east, or if the rivers of the east had been accompanied by the heat of the west, the result of either combination would have been that exuberance of soil, by which, as the history of the world decisively proves, every early civilization was preceded. but inasmuch as, of the two elements of fertility, one was deficient in every part of america north of the twentieth parallel, it followed that, until that line was passed, civilization could gain no resting place; and there never has been found, and we may confidently assert never will be found, any evidence that even a single ancient nation, in the whole of that enormous continent, was able to make much progress in the arts of life, or organize itself into a fixed and permanent society." this is a broad statement embodying precipitate deductions from false premises, and one which betrays singular ignorance of the country and its climate. these same "sandy plains of california" so far from being "scorched into sterility", are to-day sending their cereals in every direction--to the east and to the west--and are capable of feeding all europe. [sidenote: why were californians not civilized?] i have often wondered why california was not the seat of a primitive civilization; why, upon every converging line the race deteriorates as this centre is approached; why, with a cool, salubrious seaboard, a hot and healthful interior, with alternate rainy and dry seasons, alternate seasons of labor and leisure which encourage producing and hoarding and which are the primary incentives to accumulation and wealth, in this hot and cool, moist and dry, and invigorating atmosphere, with a fertile soil, a climate which in no part of the year can be called cold or inhospitable, should be found one of the lowest phases of humanity on the north american continent. the cause must be sought in periods more remote, in the convulsions of nature now stilled; in the tumults of nations whose history lies forgotten, forever buried in the past. theories never will solve the mystery. indeed, there is no reason why the foundations of the aztec and maya-quiché civilizations may not have been laid north of the thirty-fifth parallel, although no architectural remains have been discovered there, nor other proof of such an origin; but upon the banks of the gila, the colorado, and the rio grande, in chihuahua, and on the hot dry plains of arizona and new mexico, far beyond the limits of mr buckle's territory where "there never has been found, and we may confidently assert never will be found" any evidence of progress, are to-day walled towns inhabited by an industrial and agricultural people, whose existence we can trace back for more than three centuries, besides ruins of massive buildings of whose history nothing is known. thus, that california and many other parts of north america could not have been the seat of a primitive civilization, cannot be proved upon the basis of any physical hypothesis; and, indeed, in our attempt to elucidate the principles of universal progress, where the mysterious and antagonistic activities of humanity have been fermenting all unseen for thousands of ages, unknown and unknowable, among peoples of whom our utmost knowledge can be only such as is derived from a transient glimpse of a disappearing race, it is with the utmost difficulty that satisfactory conclusions can in any instance be reached. it is in a temperate climate, therefore, that man attains the highest development. on the peninsulas of greece and italy, where the mediterranean invites intercourse; in iran and armenia, where the climate is cold enough to stimulate labor, but not so cold as to require the use of all the energies of body and mind in order to acquire a bare subsistence; warm enough to make leisure possible, but not so warm as to enervate and prostrate the faculties; with a soil of sufficient fertility to yield a surplus and promote the accumulation of wealth, without producing such a redundancy of vegetation as to be unmanageable by unskilled, primitive man--there it is that we find the highest intellectual culture. it sometimes happens that, in those climates which are too vigorous for the unfolding of the tender germ, cultivation is stimulated into greater activity than in its original seats. it sometimes happens that, when the shell of savagism is once fairly broken, a people may overcome a domineering vegetation, and flourish in a climate where by no possibility could their development have originated. even in the frozen regions of the north, as in scandinavia, man, by the intensity of his nature, was enabled to surmount the difficulties of climate and attain a fierce, rude cultivation. the regions of northern europe and northern america, notwithstanding their original opposition to man, are to-day the most fruitful of all lands in industrial discoveries and intellectual activities, but in the polar regions, as in the equatorial, the highest development never can be reached. the conditions which encourage indigenous civilization are not always those that encourage permanent development, and vice versa. thus, great britain in her insulation, remained barbarous long after greece and italy had attained a high degree of cultivation, yet when once the seed took root, that very insulation acted as a wall of defense, within which a mighty power germinated and with its influence overspread the whole earth. thus we have seen that a combination of physical conditions is essential to intellectual development. without leisure, there can be no culture, without wealth no leisure, without labor no wealth, and without a suitable soil and climate no remunerative labor. now, throughout the material universe, there is no object or element which holds its place, whether at rest or in motion, except under fixed laws; no atom of matter nor subtle mysterious force, no breath of air, nor cloudy vapor nor streak of light, but in existing obeys a law. the almighty fiat: be fruitful and multiply, fruitful in increase, intellectual as well as physical, was given alike to all mankind; seeds of progress were sown broadcast throughout all the races human; some fell on stony places, others were choked with weeds, others found good soil. when we see a people in the full enjoyment of all these physical essentials to progress yet in a state of savagism, we may be sure that elements detrimental to progress have, at some period of their history, interposed to prevent natural growth. war, famine, pestilence, convulsions of nature, have nipped in the bud many an incipient civilization, whose history lies deep buried in the unrecorded past. * * * * * [sidenote: association an element of progress.] the obvious necessity of association as a primary condition of development leaves little to be said on that subject. to the manifestation of this soul of progress a body social is requisite, as without an individual body there can be no manifestation of an individual soul. this body social, like the body individual, is composed of numberless organs, each having its special functions to perform, each acting on the others, and all under the general government of the progressional idea. civilization is not an individual attribute, and though the atom, man, may be charged with stored energy, yet progress constitutes no part of individual nature; it is something that lies between men and not within them; it belongs to society and not to the individual; man, the molecule of society, isolate, is inert and forceless. the isolated man, as i have said, never can become cultivated, never can form a language, does not possess in its fullness the faculty of abstraction, nor can his mind enter the realm of higher thought. all those characteristics which distinguish mankind from animal-kind become almost inoperative. without association there is no speech, for speech is but the conductor of thought between two or more individuals; without words abstract thought cannot flow, for words, or some other form of expression, are the channels of thought, and with the absence of words the fountain of thought is in a measure sealed. at the very threshold of progress social crystallization sets in; something there is in every man that draws him to other men. in the relationship of the sexes, this principle of human attraction reaches its height, where the husband and wife, as it were, coalesce, like the union of one drop of water with another, forming one globule. as unconsciously and as positively are men constrained to band together into societies as are particles forced to unite and form crystals. and herein is a law as palpable and as fixed as any law in nature; a law, which if unfulfilled, would result in the extermination of the race. but the law of human attraction is not perfect, does not fulfill its purpose apart from the law of human repulsion, for as we have seen, until war and despotism and superstition and other dire evils come, there is no progress. solitude is insupportable, even beasts will not live alone; and men are more dependent on each other than beasts. solitude carries with it a sense of inferiority and insufficiency; the faculties are stinted, lacking completeness, whereas volume is added to every individual faculty by union. [sidenote: coÖperation and the division of labor.] but association simply, is not enough; nothing materially great can be accomplished without union and coöperation. it is only when aggregations of families intermingle with other aggregations, each contributing its quota of original knowledge to the other; when the individual gives up some portion of his individual will and property for the better protection of other rights and property; when he entrusts society with the vindication of his rights; when he depends upon the banded arm of the nation, and not alone upon his own arm for redress of grievances, that progress is truly made. and with union and coöperation comes the division of labor by which means each, in some special department, is enabled to excel. by fixing the mind wholly upon one thing, by constant repetition and practice, the father hands down his art to the son, who likewise, improves it for his descendants. it is only by doing a new thing, or by doing an old thing better than it has ever been done before, that progress is made. under the régime of universal mediocrity the nation does not advance; it is to the great men,--great in things great or small, that progress is due; it is to the few who think, to the few who dare to face the infinite universe of things and step, if need be, outside an old-time boundary, that the world owes most. originally implanted is the germ of intelligence, at the first but little more than brute instinct. this germ in unfolding undergoes a double process; it throws off its own intuitions and receives in return those of another. by an interchange of ideas, the experiences of one are made known for the benefit of another, the inventions of one are added to the inventions of another; without intercommunication of ideas the intellect must lie dormant. thus it is with individuals, and with societies it is the same. acquisitions are eminently reciprocal. in society, wealth, art, literature, polity, and religion act and react on each other; in science a fusion of antagonistic hypotheses is sure to result in important developments. before much progress can be made, there must be established a commerce between nations for the interchange of aggregated human experiences, so that the arts and industries acquired by each may become the property of all the rest, and thus knowledge becomes scattered by exchange, in place of each having to work out every problem for himself. thus viewed, civilization is a partnership entered into for mutual improvement; a joint stock operation, in which the product of every brain contributes to a general fund for the benefit of all. no one can add to his own store of knowledge without adding to the general store; every invention, and discovery, however insignificant, is a contribution to civilization. in savagism, union and coöperation are imperfectly displayed. the warriors of one tribe unite against the warriors of another; a band will coöperate in pursuing a herd of buffalo; even one nation will sometimes unite with another nation against a third, but such combinations are temporary, and no sooner is the particular object accomplished than the confederation disbands, and every man is again his own master. the moment two or more persons unite for the accomplishment of some purpose which shall tend permanently to meliorate the condition of themselves and others, that moment progress begins. the wild beasts of the forest, acting in unison, were physically able to rise up and extirpate primitive man, but could beasts in reality confederate and do this, such confederation of wild beasts could become civilized. [sidenote: the savage hates civilization.] but why does primitive man desire to abandon his original state and set out upon an arduous never-ending journey? why does he wish to change his mild paternal government, to relinquish his title to lands as broad as his arm can defend, with all therein contained, the common property of his people? why does he wish to give up his wild freedom, his native independence, and place upon his limbs the fetters of a social and political despotism? he does not. the savage hates civilization as he hates his deadliest foe; its choicest benefits he hates more than the direst ills of his own unfettered life. he is driven to it; driven to it by extraneous influences, without his knowledge and against his will; he is driven to it by this soul of progress. it is here that this progressional phenomenon again appears outside of man and in direct opposition to the will of man; it is here that the principle of evil again comes in and stirs men up to the accomplishment of a higher destiny. by it adam, the first of recorded savages, was driven from eden, where otherwise he would have remained forever, and remained uncivilized. by it our ancestors were impelled to abandon their simple state, and organize more heterogeneous complex forms of social life. and it is a problem for each nation to work out for itself. millions of money are expended for merely proselyting purposes, when if the first principles of civilization were well understood, a more liberal manner of teaching would prevail. every civilization has its peculiarities, its idiosyncrasies. two individuals attempting the same thing differ in the performance; so civilization evolving under incidental and extraneous causes takes an individuality in every instance. this is why civilizations will not coalesce; this is why the spaniards could make the aztecs accept their civilization only at the point of the sword. development engendered by one set of phenomena will not suit the developments of other circumstances. the government, religion, and customs of one people will not fit another people any more than the coat of one person will suit the form of another. thought runs in different channels; the happiness of one is not the happiness of another; development springs from inherent necessity, and one species cannot be engrafted on another. * * * * * let us now examine the phenomena of government and religion in their application to the evolution of societies, and we shall better understand how the wheels of progress are first set in motion,--and by religion i do not mean creed or credulity, but that natural cultus inherent in humanity, which is a very different thing. government is early felt to be a need of society; the enforcement of laws which shall bring order out of social chaos; laws which shall restrain the vicious, protect the innocent, and punish the guilty; which shall act as a shield to inherent budding morality. but before government, there must arise some influence which will band men together. an early evil to which civilization is indebted is war; the propensity of man--unhappily not yet entirely overcome--for killing his fellow-man. [sidenote: government and religion.] the human race has not yet attained that state of homogeneous felicity which we sometimes imagine; upon the surface, we yet bear many of the relics of barbarism; under cover of manners, we hide still more. war is a barbarism which civilization only intensifies, as indeed civilization intensifies every barbarism which it does not eradicate or cover up. the right of every individual to act as his own avenger; trial by combat; justice dependent upon the passion or caprice of the judge or ruler and not upon fixed law; hereditary feuds and migratory skirmishes; these and the like are deemed barbarous, while every nation of the civilized world maintains a standing army, applies all the arts and inventions of civilization to the science of killing, and upon sufficient provocation, as a disputed boundary or a fancied insult, no greater nor more important than that which moved our savage ancestors to like conduct, falls to, and after a respectable civilized butchery of fifty or a hundred thousand men, ceases fighting, and returns, perhaps, to right and reason as a basis for the settlement of the difficulty. war, like other evils which have proved instruments of good, should by this time have had its day, should have served its purpose. standing armies, whose formation was one of the first and most important steps in association and partition of labor, are but the manifestation of a lingering necessity for the use of brute force in place of moral force in the settlement of national disputes. surely, rational beings who retain the most irrational practices concerning the simplest principles of social life cannot boast of a very high order of what we are pleased to call civilization. morality, commerce, literature, and industry, all that tends toward elevation of intellect, is directly opposed to the warlike spirit. as intellectual activity increases, the taste for war decreases, for an appeal to war in the settlement of difficulties is an appeal from the intellectual to the physical, from reason to brute force. despotism is an evil, but despotism is as essential to progress as any good. in some form despotism is an inseparable adjunct of war. an individual or an idea may be the despot, but without cohesion, without a strong central power, real or imaginary, there can be no unity, and without unity no protracted warfare. in the first stages of government despotism is as essential as in the last it is noxious. it holds society together when nothing else would hold it, and at a time when its very existence depends upon its being so held. and not until a moral inherent strength arises sufficient to burst the fetters of despotism, is a people fit for a better or milder form of government; for not until this inherent power is manifest is there sufficient cohesive force in society to hold it together without being hooped by some such band as despotism. besides thus cementing society, war generates many virtues, such as courage, discipline, obedience, chivalrous bearing, noble thought; and the virtues of war, as well as its vices, help to mould national character. slavery to the present day has its defenders, and from the first it has been a preventive of a worse evil,--slaughter. savages make slaves of their prisoners of war, and if they do not preserve them for slaves they kill them. the origin of the word, _servus_, from _servare_, to preserve, denotes humane thought rather than cruelty. discipline is always necessary to development, and slavery is another form of savage discipline. then, by systems of slavery, great works were accomplished, which, in the absence of arts and inventions, would not have been possible without slavery. and again, in early societies where leisure is so necessary to mental cultivation and so difficult to obtain, slavery, by promoting leisure, aids elevation and refinement. slaves constitute a distinct class, devoted wholly to labor, thereby enabling another class to live without labor, or to labor with the intellect rather than with the hands. primordially, society was an aggregation of nomadic families, every head of a family having equal rights, and every individual such power and influence as he could acquire and maintain. in all the ordinary avocations of savage life this was sufficient; there was room for all, and the widest liberty was possessed by each. and in this happy state does mankind ever remain until forced out of it. in unity and coöperation alone can great things be accomplished; but men will not unite until forced to it. now in times of war--and with savages war is the rule and not the exception--some closer union is necessary to avoid extinction; for other things being equal, the people who are most firmly united and most strongly ruled are sure to prevail in war. the idea of unity in order to be effectual must be embodied in a unit; some one must be made chief, and the others must obey, as in a band of wild beasts that follow the one most conspicuous for its prowess and cunning. but the military principle alone would never lay the foundation of a strong government, for with every cessation from hostilities there would be a corresponding relaxation of government. [sidenote: government forced upon man.] another necessity for government here arises, but which likewise is not the cause of government, for government springs from force and not from utility. these men do not want government, they do not want culture; how then is an arm to be found sufficiently strong to bridle their wild passions? in reason they are children, in passion men; to restrain the strong passions of strong non-reasoning men requires a power; whence is this power to come? it is in the earlier stage of government that despotism assumes its most intense forms. the more passionate, and lawless, and cruel the people, the more completely do they submit to a passionate, lawless, and cruel prince; the more ungovernable their nature, the more slavish are they in their submission to government; the stronger the element to be governed, the stronger must be the government. the primitive man, whoever or whatever that may be, lives in harmony with nature; that is, he lives as other animals live, drawing his supplies immediately from the general storehouse of nature. his food he plucks from a sheltering tree, or draws from a sparkling stream, or captures from a prolific forest. the remnants of his capture, unfit for food, supply his other wants; with the skin he clothes himself, and with the bones makes implements and points his weapons. in this there are no antagonisms, no opposing principles of good and evil; animals are killed not with a view of extermination, but through necessity, as animals kill animals in order to supply actual wants. but no sooner does the leaven of progress begin to work than war is declared between man and nature. to make room for denser populations and increasing comforts, forests must be hewn down, their primeval inhabitants extirpated or domesticated, and the soil laid under more direct contribution. union and coöperation spring up for purposes of protection and aggression, for the accomplishment of purposes beyond the capacity of the individual. gradually manufactures and commerce increase; the products of one body of laborers are exchanged for the products of another, and thus the aggregate comforts produced are doubled to each. absolute power is taken from the hands of the many and placed in the hands of one, who becomes the representative power of all. men are no longer dependent upon the chase for a daily supply of food; even agriculture no longer is a necessity which each must follow for himself, for the intellectual products of one person or people may be exchanged for the agricultural products of another. with these changes of occupation new institutions spring up, new ideas originate, and new habits are formed. human life ceases to be a purely material existence; another element finds exercise, the other part of man is permitted to grow. the energies of society now assume a different shape; hitherto the daily struggle was for daily necessities, now the accumulation of wealth constitutes the chief incentive to labor. wealth becomes a power and absorbs all other powers. the possessor of unlimited wealth commands the products of every other man's labor. but in time, and to a certain extent, a class arises already possessed of wealth sufficient to satisfy even the demands of avarice, and something still better, some greater good is yet sought for. money-getting gives way before intellectual cravings. the self-denials and labor necessary to the acquisition of wealth are abandoned for the enjoyment of wealth already acquired and the acquisition of a yet higher good. sensual pleasure yields in a measure to intellectual pleasure, the acquisition of money to the acquisition of learning. where brute intelligence is the order of the day, man requires no more governing than brutes, but when lands are divided, and the soil cultivated, when wealth begins to accumulate and commerce and industry to flourish, then protection and lawful punishment become necessary. like the wild horse, leave him free, and he will take care of himself; but catch him and curb him, and the wilder and stronger he is the stronger must be the curb until he is subdued and trained, and then he is guided by a light rein. the kind of government makes little difference so that it be strong enough. * * * * * [sidenote: the supernatural in civilization.] granted that it is absolutely essential to the first step toward culture that society should be strongly governed, how is the first government to be accomplished; how is one member of a passionate, unbridled heterogeneous community to obtain dominion absolute over all the others? here comes in another evil to the assistance of the former evils, all for future good,--superstition. never could physical force alone compress and hold the necessary power with which to burst the shell of savagism. the government is but a reflex of the governed. not until one man is physically or intellectually stronger than ten thousand, will an independent people submit to a tyrannical government, or a humane people submit to a cruel government, or a people accustomed to free discussion to an intolerant priesthood. at the outset, if man is to be governed at all, there must be no division of governmental force. the cause for fear arising from both the physical and the supernatural must be united in one individual. in the absence of the moral sentiment the fear of legal and that of spiritual punishments are identical, for the spiritual is feared only as it works temporal or corporal evil. freedom of thought at this stage is incompatible with progress, for thought without experience is dangerous, tending towards anarchy. before men can govern themselves they must be subjected to the sternest discipline of government, and whether this government be just or humane or pleasant is of small consequence so that it be only strong enough. as with polity so with morality and religion; conjointly with despotism there must be an arbitrary central church government, or moral anarchy is the inevitable consequence. at the outset it is not for man to rule but to obey; it is not for savages, who are children in intellect to think and reason, but to believe. and thus we see how wonderfully man is provided with the essentials of growth. this tender germ of progress is preserved in hard shells and prickly coverings, which, when they have served their purpose are thrown aside as not only useless but detrimental to further development. we know not what will come hereafter, but up to the present time a state of bondage appears to be the normal state of humanity; bondage, at first severe and irrational, then ever loosening, and expanding into a broader freedom. as mankind progresses, moral anarchy no more follows freedom of thought than does political anarchy follow freedom of action. in germany, in england, in america, wherever secular power has in any measure cut loose from ecclesiastical power and thrown religion back upon public sentiment for support, a moral as well as an intellectual advance has always followed. what the mild and persuasive teachings and lax discipline of the present epoch would have been to the christians of the fourteenth century, the free and lax government of republican america would have been to republican rome. therefore, let us learn to look charitably upon the institutions of the past, and not forget how much we owe to them; while we rejoice at our release from the cruelty and ignorance of mediæval times, let us not forget the debt which civilization owes to the rigorous teachings of both church and state. [sidenote: morality and creed.] christianity, by its exalted un-utilitarian morality and philanthropy, has greatly aided civilization. indeed so marked has been the effect in europe, so great the contrast between christianity and islamism and the polytheistic creeds in general, that churchmen claim civilization as the offspring of their religion. but religion and morality must not be confounded with civilization. all these and many other activities act and react on each other as proximate principles in the social organism, but they do not, any or all of them, constitute the life of the organism. long before morality is religion, and long after morality religion sends the pious penitent to his knees. religious culture is a great assistant to moral culture as intellectual training promotes the industrial arts, but morality is no more religion than is industry intellect. when christianity, as in the early settlement of mexico and central america, falls into the hands of unprincipled adventurers or blind zealots who stand up in deadly antagonism to liberty, then christianity is a drag upon civilization; and therefore we may conclude that in so far as christianity grafts on its code of pure morality the principle of intellectual freedom, in so far is civilization promoted by christianity, but when christianity engenders persecution, civilization is retarded thereby. then protestantism sets up a claim to the authorship of civilization, points to spain and then to england, compares italy and switzerland, catholic america and puritan america, declares that the intellect can never attain superiority while under the dominion of the church of rome; in other words, that civilization is protestantism. it is true that protestation against irrational dogmas, or any other action that tends toward the emancipation of the intellect, is a great step in advance; but religious belief has nothing whatever to do with intellectual culture. religion from its very nature is beyond the limits of reason; it is emotional rather than intellectual, an instinct and not an acquisition. between reason and religion lies a domain of common ground upon which both may meet and join hands, but beyond the boundaries of which neither may pass. the moment the intellect attempts to penetrate the domain of the supernatural all intellectuality vanishes, and emotion and imagination fill its place. there can be no real conflict between the two, for neither, by any possibility, can pass this neutral ground. before the mind can receive christianity, or mahometanism, or any other creed, it must be ready to accept dogmas in the analysis of which human reason is powerless. among the most brilliant intellects are found protestants, romanists, unitarians, deists, and atheists; judging from the experiences of mankind in ages past, creeds and formulas, orthodoxy and heterodoxy, have no inherent power to advance or retard the intellect. some claim, indeed, that strong doctrinal bias stifles thought, fosters superstition, and fetters the intellect; still religious thought, in some form, is inseparable from the human mind, and it would be very difficult to prove that belief is more debasing than non-belief. * * * * * [sidenote: development of the religious ideal.] religion at first is a gross fetichism, which endows every wonder with a concrete personality. within every appearance is a several personal cause, and to embody this personal cause in some material form is the first effort of the savage mind. hence, images are made in representation of these imaginary supernatural powers. man, of necessity, must clothe these supernatural powers in the elements of some lower form. the imagination cannot grasp an object or an idea beyond the realms of human experience. unheard-of combinations of character may be made, but the constituent parts must, at some time and in some form, have had an existence in order to be conceivable. it is impossible for the human mind to array in forms of thought anything wholly and absolutely new. this state is the farthest remove possible from a recognition of those universal laws of causation toward which every department of knowledge is now so rapidly tending. gods are made in the likeness of man and beast, endowed with earthly passions, and a sensual polytheism, in which blind fate is a prominent element, becomes the religious ideal. religious conceptions are essentially material; all punishments and rewards are such as effect man as a material being; morality, the innate sense of right and wrong, lies stifled, almost dormant. thrown wholly upon himself, without experience to guide him, the savage must, of necessity, invest nature with his own qualities, for his mind can grasp none other. but when experience dispels the nearer illusions, objects more remote are made gods; in the sun and stars he sees his controlling destinies; the number of his gods is lessened until at last all merge into one god, the author of all law, the great and only ruler of the universe. in every mythology we see this impersonation of natural phenomena; frost and fire, earth and air and water, in their displays of mysterious powers, are at once deified and humanized. these embodiments of physical force are then naturally formed into families, and their supposed descendants worshiped as children of the gods. thus, in the childhood of society, when incipient thought takes up its lodgment in old men's brains, shadows of departed heroes mingle with shadows of mysterious nature, and admiration turns to adoration. next arises the desire to propitiate these unseen powers, to accomplish which some means of communication must be opened up between man and his deities. now, as man in his gods reproduces himself, as all his conceptions of supernatural power must, of necessity, be formed on the skeleton of human power, naturally it follows that the strongest and most cunning of the tribe, he upon whom leadership most naturally falls, comes to be regarded as specially favored of the gods. powers supernatural are joined to powers temporal, and embodied in the chieftain of the nation. a grateful posterity reveres and propitiates departed ancestors. the earlier rulers are made gods, and their descendants lesser divinities; the founder of a dynasty, perhaps, the supreme god, his progeny subordinate deities. the priesthood and kingship thus become united; religion and civil government join forces to press mankind together, and the loose sands of the new strata cohere into the firm rock, that shall one day bear alone the wash of time and tide. hence arise divine kingship, and the divine right of kings, and with the desire to win the favor of this divine king, arise the courtesies of society, the first step toward polish of manners. titles of respect and worship are given him, some of which are subsequently applied to the deity, while others drop down into the common-place compliments of every-day life. here then, we have as one of the first essentials of progress the union of church and state, of superstition and despotism, a union still necessarily kept up in some of the more backward civilizations. excessive loyalty and blind faith ever march hand in hand. the very basis of association is credulity, blind loyalty to political powers and blind faith in sacerdotal terrors. in all mythologies at some stage temporal and spiritual government are united, the supernatural power being incarnated in the temporal chief; political despotism and an awful sanguinary religion,--a government and a belief, to disobey which was never so much as thought possible. see how every one of these primary essentials of civilization becomes, as man advances, a drag upon his progress; see how he now struggles to free himself from what, at the outset, he was led by ways he knew not to endure so patiently. government, in early stages always strong and despotic, whether monarchical, oligarchical, or republican, holding mankind under the dominion of caste, placing restrictions upon commerce and manufactures, regulating social customs, food, dress,--how men have fought to break loose these bonds! religion, not that natural cultus instinctive in humanity, the bond of union as well under its most disgusting form of fetichism, as under its latest, loveliest form of christianity; but those forms and dogmas of sect and creed which stifle thought and fetter intellect,--how men have lived lives of sacrifice and self-denial as well as died for the right to free themselves from unwelcome belief! [sidenote: relation of government to civilization.] in primeval ages, government and religion lay lightly on the human race; ethnology, as well as history, discloses the patriarchal as the earliest form of government, and a rude materialism as the earliest religious ideal; these two simple elements, under the form of monsters, became huge abortions, begotten of ignorance, that held the intellect in abject slavery for thousands of years, and from these we, of this generation, more than any other, are granted emancipation. even wealth, kind giver of grateful leisure, in the guise of avarice becomes a hideous thing, which he who would attain the higher intellectual life, must learn to despise. * * * * * government, as we have seen, is not an essential element of collective humanity. civilization must first be awakened, must even have passed the primary stages before government appears. despotism, feudalism, divine kingship, slavery, war, superstition, each marks certain stages of development, and as civilization advances all tend to disappear; and, as in the early history of nations the state antedates the government, so the time may come in the progress of mankind when government will be no longer necessary. government always grows out of necessity; the intensity of government inevitably following necessity. the form of government is a natural selection; its several phases always the survival of the fittest. when the federalist says to the monarchist, or the monarchist to the federalist: my government is better than yours, it is as if the eskimo said to the kaffir: my coat, my house, my food, is better than yours. the government is made for the man, and not the man for the government. government is as the prop for the growing plant; at first the young shoot stands alone, then in its rapid advancement for a time it requires support, after which it is able again to stand alone. what we term the evils of government are rather its necessities, and are, indeed, no evils at all. the heavy bit which controls the mouth of an untamed horse is to that horse an evil, yet to the driver a necessity which may be laid aside as the temper of the animal is subdued. so despotism, feudalism, slavery, are evils to those under their dominion, yet are they as necessary for the prevention of anarchy, for the restraint of unbridled passions, as the powerful bit to the horse, and will as surely be laid aside when no longer required. shallow-minded politicians talk of kingcraft, arbitrary rule, tyrants, the down-trodden masses, the withholding of just rights; as though the government was some independent, adverse element, wholly foreign to the character of the people; as though one man was stronger than ten thousand; as though, if these phases of society were not the fittest, they would be tolerated for a moment. the days of rigorous rule were ever the best days of france and spain, and so it will be until the people become stronger than the strength of rulers. republicanism is as unfit for stupid and unintellectual populations, as despotism would be for the advanced ideas and liberal institutions of anglo-saxon america. the subject of a liberal rule sneeringly crying down to the subject of an absolute rule his form of government, is like the ass crying to the tiger: leave blood and meat; feed on grass and thistles, the only diet fit for civilized beasts! our federal government is the very best for our people, when it is not so it will speedily change; it fits the temper of american intelligence, but before it can be planted in japan or china the traditions and temper of the asiatics must change. we of to-day are undergoing an important epoch in the history of civilization. feudalism, despotism, and fanaticism have had each its day, have each accomplished its necessary purpose, and are fast fading away. ours is the age of democracy, of scientific investigation, and freedom of religious thought; what these may accomplish for the advancing intellect remains to be seen. our ancestors loved to dwell upon the past, now we all look toward the future. [sidenote: latter-day progression.] the sea of ice, over which our forefathers glided so serenely in their trustful reliance, is breaking up. one after another traditions evaporate; in their application to proximate events they fail us, history ceases to repeat itself as in times past. old things are passing away, all things are becoming new; new philosophies, new religions, new sciences; the industrial spirit springs up and overturns time-honored customs; theories of government must be reconstructed. thus, says experience, republicanism, as a form of government, can exist only in small states; but steam and electricity step in and annihilate time and space. the roman republic, from a lack of cohesive energy, from failure of central vital power sufficient to send the blood of the nation from the heart to the extremities, died a natural death. the american republic, covering nearly twice the territory of republican rome in her palmiest days, is endowed with a different species of organism; in its physiological system is found a new series of veins and arteries, the railway, the telegraph, and the daily press,--through which pulsates the life's blood of the nation, millions inhaling and exhaling intelligence as one man. by means of these inventions all the world, once every day, are brought together. by telegraphic wires and railroad iron men are now bound as in times past they were bound by war, despotism, and superstition. the remotest corners of the largest republics of to-day, are brought into closer communication than were the adjoining states of the smallest confederations of antiquity. a united germany, from its past history held to be an impossibility, is, with the present facilities of communication, an accomplished fact. england could as easily have possessed colonies in the moon, as have held her present possessions, three hundred years ago. practically, san francisco is nearer washington than was philadelphia when the foundations of the capitol were laid. what is to prevent republics from growing, so long as intelligence keeps pace with extension? the general of an army may now sit before his maps, and manoeuvre half a score of armies a hundred or a thousand miles apart, know hourly the situation of every division, the success of every battle, order an advance or a retreat, lay plots and make combinations, with more exactness than was once possible in the conduct of an ordinary campaign. * * * * * [sidenote: morals, manners, and fashion.] a few words about morals, manners, and fashion, will further illustrate how man is played upon by his environment, which here takes the shape of habit. in their bearing on civilization, these phenomena all come under the same category; and this, without regard to the rival theories of intuition and utility in morals. experience teaches, blindly at first yet daily with clearer vision, that right conduct is beneficial, and wrong conduct detrimental; that the consequences of sin invariably rest on the evil-doer; that for an unjust act, though the knowledge of it be forever locked in the bosom of the offender, punishment is sure to follow; yet there are those who question the existence of innate moral perceptions, and call it all custom and training. and if we look alone to primitive people for innate ideas of morality and justice i fear we shall meet with disappointment. some we find who value female chastity only before marriage, others only after marriage,--that is, after the woman and her chastity both alike become the tangible property of somebody. some kindly kill their aged parents, others their female infants; the successful apache horse-thief is the darling of his mother, and the hero of the tribe; often these american arabs will remain from home half-starved for weeks, rather than suffer the ignominy of returning empty-handed. good, in the mind of the savage, is when he steals wives; bad, is when his own wives are stolen. where it is that inherent morality in savages first makes its appearance, and in what manner, it is often difficult to say; the most hideous vices are everywhere practiced with unblushing effrontery. take the phenomena of shame. go back to the childhood of our race, or even to our own childhood, and it will be hard to discover any inherent quality which make men ashamed of one thing more than another. nor can the wisest of us give any good and sufficient reason why we should be ashamed of our body any more than of our face. the whole man was fashioned by one creator, and all parts equally are perfect and alike honorable. we cover our person with drapery, and think thereby to hide our faults from ourselves and others, as the ostrich hides its head under a leaf, and fancies its body concealed from the hunter. what is this quality of shame if it be not habit? a female savage will stand unblushingly before you naked, but strip her of her ornaments and she will manifest the same appearance of shame, though not perhaps so great in degree, that a european woman will manifest if stripped of her clothes. it is well known how civilized and semi-civilized nations regard this quality of propriety. custom, conventional usage, dress and behavior, are influences as subtle and as strong as any that govern us, weaving their net-work round man more and more as he throws off allegiance to other powers; and we know but little more of their origin and nature than we do of the origin and nature of time and space, of life and death, of origin and end. every age and every society has its own standard of morality, holds up some certain conduct or quality as a model, saying to all, do this, and receive the much-coveted praise of your fellows. often what one people deem virtue is to another vice; what to one age is religion is to another superstition; but underlying all this are living fires, kindled by omnipotence, and destined to burn throughout all time. in the spartan and roman republics the moral ideal was patriotism; among mediæval churchmen it took the form of asceticism; after the elevation of woman the central idea was female chastity. in this national morality, which is the cohesive force of the body social, we find the fundamental principle of the progressional impulse, and herein is the most hopeful feature of humanity; mankind must progress, and progress in the right direction. there is no help for it until god changes the universal order of things; man must become better in spite of himself; it is the good in us that grows and ultimately prevails. as a race we are yet in our nonage; fearful of the freedom given us by progress we cling tenaciously to our leading-strings; hugging our mother, custom, we refuse to be left alone. liberty and high attainments must be meted out to us as we are able to receive them, for social retchings and vomitings inevitably follow over-feedings. hence it is, that we find ourselves escaped from primeval and mediæval tyrannies only to fall under greater ones; society is none the less inexorable in her despotisms because of the sophistry which gives her victims fancied freedom. for do we not now set up forms and fashions, the works of our own hands, and bow down to them as reverently as ever our heathen ancestors did to their gods of wood and stone? who made us? is not the first question of our catechism, but what will people say? * * * * * [sidenote: origin and significance of dress.] of all tyrannies, the tyranny of fashion is the most implacable; of all slaveries the slavery to fashion is the most abject; of all fears the fear of our fellows is the most overwhelming; of all the influences that surround and govern man the forms and customs which he encounters in society are the most domineering. it is the old story, only another turn of the wheel that grinds and sharpens and polishes humanity,--at the first a benefit, now a drag. forms and fashions are essential; we cannot live without them. if we have worship, government, commerce, or clothes, we must have forms; or if we have them not we still must act and do after some fashion; costume, which is but another word for custom, we must have, but is it necessary to make the form the chief concern of our lives while we pay so little heed to the substance? and may we not hope while rejoicing over our past emancipations, that we shall some day be free from our present despotisms? dress has ever exercised a powerful influence on morals and on progress; but this vesture-phenomenon is a thing but imperfectly understood. clothes serve as a covering to the body of which we are ashamed, and protect it against the weather, and these, we infer, are the reasons of our being clothed. but the fact is, aboriginally, except in extreme cases, dress is not essential to the comfort of man until it becomes a habit, and as for shame, until told of his nakedness, the primitive man has none. the origin of dress lies behind all this; it is found in one of the most deep-rooted elements of our nature, namely, in our love of approbation. before dress is decoration. the successful warrior, proud of his achievement, besmears his face and body with the blood of the slain, and straightway imitators, who also would be thought strong and brave, daub themselves in like manner; and so painting and tattooing become fashionable, and pigments supply the place of blood. the naked, houseless californian would undergo every hardship, travel a hundred miles, and fight a round with every opposing band he met, in order to obtain cinnabar from the new almaden quicksilver mine. so when the hunter kills a wild beast, and with the tail or skin decorates his body as a trophy of his prowess, others follow his example, and soon it is a shame to that savage who has neither paint, nor belt, nor necklace of bears' claws. and so follow head-flattenings, and nose-piercings, and lip-cuttings, and, later, chignons, and breast-paddings, and bustles. some say that jealousy prompted the first benedicks to hide their wives' charms from their rivals, and so originated female dress, which, from its being so common to all aborigines, is usually regarded as the result of innate modesty. but whatever gave us dress, dress has given much to human progress. beneath dress arose modesty and refinement, like the courtesies that chivalry threw over feudalism, covering the coarse brutality of the barons, and paving the way to real politeness. [sidenote: etiquette, morality, laws.] from the artificial grimaces of fashion have sprung many of the natural courtesies of life; though here, too, we are sent back at once to the beginning for the cause. from the ages of superstition and despotism have descended the expressions of every-day politeness. thus we have sir, from _sieur_, _sire_, _seigneur_, signifying ruler, king, lord, and aboriginally father. so madam, _ma dame_, my lady, formerly applied only to women of rank. in place of throwing ourselves upon the ground, as before a god or prince, we only partially prostrate ourselves in bowing, and the hat which we touch to an acquaintance we take off on entering a church in token of our humility. again, the captive in war is made a slave, and as such is required to do obeisance to his master, which forms of servility are copied by the people in addressing their superiors, and finally become the established usage of ordinary intercourse. our daily salutations are but modified acts of worship, and our parting word a benediction; and from blood, tomahawks, and senseless superstitions we turn and find all the world of humanity, with its still strong passions and subtle cravings, held in restraint by a force of which its victims are almost wholly unconscious,--and this force is fashion. in tribunals of justice, in court and camp etiquette, everywhere these relics of barbarism remain with us. even we of this latter-day american republicanism, elevate one of our fellows to the chieftainship of a federation or state, and call him excellency; we set a man upon the bench and _plead_ our cause before him; we send a loafer to a legislature, and straightway call him honorable,--such divinity doth hedge all semblance of power. self-denial and abstinence lie at the bottom of etiquette and good manners. if you would be moral, says kant, you must "act always so that the immediate motive of thy will may become a universal rule for all intelligent beings," and goethe teaches that "there is no outward sign of courtesy that does not rest on a deep, moral foundation." fine manners, though but the shell of the individual, are, to society, the best actions of the best men crystallized into a mode; not only the best thing, but the best way of doing the best thing. good society is, or ought to be, the society of the good; but fashion is more than good society, or good actions; it is more than wealth, or beauty, or genius, and so arbitrary in its sway that, not unfrequently, the form absorbs the substance, and a breach of decorum becomes a deadly sin. thus we see in every phase of development the result of a social evolution; we see men coming and going, receiving their leaven from the society into which by their destiny they are projected, only to fling it back into the general fund interpenetrated with their own quota of force. meanwhile, this aggregation of human experiences, this compounding of age with age, one generation heaping up knowledge upon another; this begetting of knowledge by knowledge, the seed so infinitesimal, the tree now so rapidly sending forth its branches, whither does it tend? running the eye along the line of progress, from the beginning to the end, the measure of our knowledge seems nearly full; resolving the matter, experience assures us that, as compared with those who shall come after us, we are the veriest barbarians. the end is not yet; not until infinity is spanned and eternity brought to an end, will mankind cease to improve. * * * * * out of this conglomeration of interminable relationships concordant and antagonistic laws are ever evolving themselves. like all other progressional phenomena, they wait not upon man; they are self-creative, and force themselves upon the mind age after age, slowly but surely, as the intellect is able to receive them; laws without law, laws unto themselves, gradually appearing as from behind the mists of eternity. at first, man and his universe appear to be regulated by arbitrary volitions, by a multitude of individual minds; each governs absolutely his own actions; every phenomenon of nature is but the expression of some single will. as these phenomena, one after another, become stripped of their mystery, there stands revealed not a god, but a law; seasons come and go, and never fail; sunshine follows rain, not because a pacified deity smiles, but because the rain-clouds have fallen and the sun cannot help shining. proximate events first are thus made godless, then the whole host of deities is driven farther and farther back. finally the actions of man himself are found to be subject to laws. left to his own will, he wills to do like things under like conditions. as to the nature of these laws, the subtle workings of which we see manifest in every phase of society, i cannot even so much as speak. an infinite ocean of phenomena awaits the inquirer; an ocean bottomless, over whose surface spreads an eternity of progress, and beneath whose glittering waves the keenest intellect can scarcely hope to penetrate far. the universe of man and matter must be anatomized; the functions of innumerable and complex organs studied; the exercise and influence of every part on every other part ascertained, and events apparently the most capricious traced to natural causes; then, when we know all, when we know as god knoweth, shall we understand what it is, this soul of progress. chapter ii. general view of the civilized nations. the american civilization of the sixteenth century--its disappearance--the past, a new element--dividing line between savage and civilized tribes--bounds of american civilization--physical features of the country--maya and nahua branches of aboriginal culture--the nahua civilization--the aztecs its representatives--limits of the aztec empire--ancient history of anÁhuac in outline--the toltec era--the chichimec era--the aztec era--extent of the aztec language--civilized peoples outside of anÁhuac--central american nations--the maya culture--the primitive maya empire--nahua influence in the south--yucatan and the mayas--the nations of chiapas--the quichÉ empire in guatemala--the nahuas in nicaragua and salvador--etymology of names. in the preceding volume i have had occasion several times to remark that, in the delineation of the wild tribes of the pacific states, no attempt is made to follow them in their rapid decline, no attempt to penetrate their past or prophesy a possible future, no profitless lingering over those misfortunes that wrought among them such swift destruction. to us the savage nations of america have neither past nor future; only a brief present, from which indeed we may judge somewhat of their past; for the rest, foreign avarice and interference, european piety and greed, saltpetre, steel, small-pox, and syphilis, tell a speedy tale. swifter still must be the hand that sketches the incipient civilization of the mexican and central american table-lands. for although here we have more past, there is still less present, and scarcely any future. those nations raised the highest by their wealth and culture, were the first to fall before the invader, their superior attainments offering a more shining mark to a rapacious foe; and falling, they were the soonest lost,--absorbed by the conquering race, or disappearing in the surrounding darkness. although the savage nations were rapidly annihilated, traces of savagism lingered, and yet linger; but the higher american culture, a plant of more delicate growth and more sensitive nature, withered at the first rude touch of foreign interference. instead of being left to its own intuitive unfoldings, or instead of being fostered by the new-comers, who might have elevated by interfusion both their own culture and that of the conquered race, the spirit of progress was effectually stifled on both sides by fanatical attempts to substitute by force foreign creeds and polities for those of indigenous origin and growth. and now behold them both, the descendants of conquerors and of conquered, the one scarcely less denaturalized than the other, the curse inflicted by the invaders on a flourishing empire returning and resting with crushing weight on their own head. scarce four centuries ago the empire of charles the fifth, and the empire of montezuma the second, were brought by the force of progress most suddenly and unexpectedly face to face; the one then the grandest and strongest of the old world as was the other of the new. since which time the fierce fanaticism that overwhelmed the new world empire, has pressed like an incubus upon the dominant race, and held it fast while all the world around were making the most rapid strides forward. [sidenote: the past, a new element.] no indigenous civilization exists in america to-day, yet the effects of a former culture are not altogether absent. the descendant of the aztec, maya, and quiché, is still of superior mind and haughtier spirit than his roving brother who boasts of none but a savage ancestry. still, so complete has been the substitution of foreign civil and ecclesiastical polities, and so far-reaching their influence on native character and conduct; so intimate the association for three and more centuries with the spanish element; so closely guarded from foreign gaze has been every manifestation of the few surviving sparks of aboriginal modes of thought, that a study of the native condition in modern times yields, by itself, few satisfactory results. this study, however, as part of an investigation of their original or normal condition, should by no means be neglected, since it may furnish illustrative material of no little value. back of all this lies another element which lends to our subject yet grander proportions. scattered over the southern plateaux are heaps of architectural remains and monumental piles. furthermore, native traditions, both orally transmitted and hieroglyphically recorded by means of legible picture-writings, afford us a tolerably clear view of the civilized nations during a period of several centuries preceding the spanish conquest, together with passing glances, through momentary clearings in the mythologic clouds, at historical epochs much more remote. here we have as aids to this analysis,--aids almost wholly wanting among the so-called savage tribes, antiquities, tradition, history, carrying the student far back into the mysterious new world past; and hence it is that from its simultaneous revelation and eclipse, american civilization would otherwise offer a more limited field for investigation than american savagism, yet by the introduction of this new element the field is widely extended. nor have we even yet reached the limits of our resources for the investigation of this new world civilization. in these relics of architecture and literature, of mythology and tradition, there are clear indications of an older and higher type of culture than that brought immediately to the knowledge of the invaders; of a type that had temporarily deteriorated, perhaps through the influence of long-continued and bloody conflicts, civil and foreign, by which the more warlike rather than the more highly cultured nations had been brought into prominence and power. but this anterior and superior civilization, resting largely as it does on vague tradition, and preserved to our knowledge in general allusions rather than in detail, may, like the native condition since the conquest, be utilized to the best advantage here as illustrative of the later and better-known, if somewhat inferior civilization of the sixteenth century, described by the conqueror, the missionary, and the spanish historian. antique remains of native skill, which have been preserved for our examination, may also be largely used in illustration of more modern art, whose products have disappeared. these relics of the past are also of the highest value as confirming the truth of the reports made by spanish writers, very many, or perhaps most, of whose statements respecting the wonderful phenomena of the new world, without this incontrovertible material proof, would find few believers among the sceptical students of the present day. these remains of antiquity, however, being fully described in another volume of this work, may be referred to in very general terms for present purposes. [sidenote: origin of american civilization.] of civilization in general, the nature of its phenomena, the causes and processes by which it is evolved from savagism, i have spoken sufficiently in the foregoing chapter. as for the many theories respecting the american civilization in particular, its origin and growth, it is not my purpose to discuss them in this volume. no theory on these questions could be of any practical value in the elucidation of the subject, save one that should stand out among the rest so preëminently well-founded as to be generally accepted among scientific men, and no one of all the multitude proposed has acquired any such preëminence. a complete résumé of all the theories on the subject, with the foundations which support them, is given elsewhere in connection with the ancient traditionary history of the aboriginal nations. it is well, however, to remark that our lack of definite knowledge about the origin of this civilization is not practically so important as might appear at first thought. true, we know not for certain whether it is indigenous or exotic; and if the former, whether to ascribe its cradle to the north or south, to one locality or many; or if the latter, whether contact with the old world was effected at one or many points, on one occasion or at divers epochs, through the agency of migrating peoples or by the advent of individual civilizers and teachers. yet the tendency of modern research is to prove the great antiquity of the american civilization as well as of the american people; and if either was drawn from a foreign source, it was at a time probably so remote as to antedate any old-world culture now existing, and to prevent any light being thrown on the offspring by a study of the parent stock; while if indigenous, little hope is afforded of following rationally their development through the political convulsions of the distant past down to even a traditionally historic epoch. i may then dispense with theories of origin and details of past history as confusing rather than aiding my present purpose, and as being fully treated elsewhere in this work. neither am i required in this treatment of the civilized races to make an accurate division between them and their more savage neighbors, to determine the exact standard by which savagism and civilization are to be measured, or to vindicate the use of the word civilized as applied to the american nations in preference to that of semi-civilized, preferred by many writers. we have seen that civilization is at best only a comparative term, applied to some of the ever-shifting phases of human progress. in many of the wild tribes already described some of its characteristics have been observed, and the opposite elements of savagism will not be wanting among what i proceed to describe as the civilized nations. there is not a savage people between anáhuac and nicaragua that has not been influenced in its institutions by intercourse, warlike, social, or commercial, with neighbors of higher culture, and has not exerted in its turn a reflex influence on the latter. the difficulty of drawing division-lines between nations thus mutually acting on each other is further increased in america by the fact that two or three nations constitute the central figure of nearly all that has been observed or written by the few that came in actual contact with the natives. this volume will, therefore, deal rather with the native civilization than with the nations that possessed it. while, however, details on all the points mentioned, outside of actual institutions found existing in the sixteenth century, would tend to confusion rather than to clearness, besides leading in many cases to endless repetition, yet a general view of the whole subject, of the number, extent, location, and mutual relations of the nations occupying the central portions of the continent at its discovery, as well as of their relations to those of the more immediate past, appears necessary to an intelligent perusal of the following pages. in this general view i shall avoid all discussion of disputed questions, reserving arguments and details for future volumes on antiquities and aboriginal history. * * * * * [sidenote: home of the american culture.] that portion of what we call the pacific states which was the home of american civilization within historic or traditionally historic times, extends along the continent from north-west to south-east, between latitudes ° and °. on the atlantic side the territory stretches from tamaulipas to honduras, on the pacific from colima to nicaragua. not that these are definitely drawn boundaries, but outside of these limits, disregarding the new mexican pueblo culture, this civilization had left little for europeans to observe, while within them lived few tribes uninfluenced or unimproved by contact with it. no portion of the globe, perhaps, embraces within equal latitudinal limits so great a variety of climate, soil, and vegetation; a variety whose important bearing on the native development can be understood in some degree, and which would doubtless account satisfactorily for most of the complications of progressional phenomena observed within the territory, were the connection between environment and progress fully within the grasp of our knowledge. all the gradations from a torrid to a temperate clime are here found in a region that lies wholly within the northern tropic, altitudinal variations taking the place of and producing all the effects elsewhere attributable to latitude alone. these variations result from the topography of the country as determined by the conformation given to the continent by the central cordillera. the sierra madre enters this territory from the north in two principal ranges, one stretching along the coast of the pacific, while the other and more lofty range trends nearer the atlantic, the two again uniting before reaching the isthmus of tehuantepec. this eastern branch between ° ´ and ° ´ opens out into a table-land of some seventy-five by two hundred miles area, with an altitude of from six to eight thousand feet above the sea level. this broad plateau or series of plateaux is known as the tierra fria, while the lower valleys, with a band of the surrounding slopes, at an elevation of from three to five thousand feet, including large portions of the western lands of michoacan, guerrero, and oajaca, between the two mountain branches, constitute the tierra templada. from the surface of the upper table-land rise sierras and isolated peaks of volcanic origin, the highest in north america, their summits covered with eternal snow, which shelter, temper, and protect the fertile plateaux lying at their base. centrally located on this table-land, surrounded by a wall of lofty volcanic cliffs and peaks, is the most famous of all the valley plateaux, something more than one hundred and sixty miles in circuit, the valley of mexico, anáhuac, that is to say, 'country by the waters,' taking its name from the lakes that formerly occupied one tenth of its area. anáhuac, with an elevation of , feet, may be taken as representative of the tierra fria. it has a mean temperature of °, a climate much like that of southern europe, although dryer, and to which the term 'cold' can only be comparatively applied. the soil is fertile and productive, though now generally presenting a bare and parched surface, by reason of the excessive evaporation on lofty plains exposed to the full force of a tropical sun, its natural forest-covering having been removed since the spanish conquest, chiefly, it is believed, through artificial agencies. oak and pine are prominent features of the native forest-growth, while wheat, barley, and all the european cereals and fruits flourish side by side with plantations of the indigenous maize, maguey, and cactus. from may to october of each year, corresponding nearly with the hot season of the coast, rains or showers are frequent, but rarely occur during the remaining months. trees retain their foliage for ten months in the year, and indeed their fading is scarcely noticeable. southward of °, as the continent narrows, this eastern table-land contracts into a mountain range proper, presenting a succession of smaller terraces, valleys, and sierras, in place of the broader plateaux of the region about anáhuac. trending south-eastward toward the pacific, and uniting with the western sierra madre, the chain crosses the isthmus of tehuantepec at a diminished altitude, only to rise again and expand laterally into the lofty guatemalan ranges which stretch still south-eastward to lake nicaragua, where for the second time a break occurs in the continental cordillera at the southern limit of the territory now under consideration. from this central cordillera lateral subordinate branches jut out at right angles north and south toward either ocean. as we go southward the vegetation becomes more dense, and the temperature higher at equal altitudes, but the same gradations of 'fria' and 'templada' are continued, blending into each other at a height of , to , feet. the characteristics of the cordillera south of the mexican table-land are lofty volcanic peaks whose lower bases are clothed with dense forests, fertile plateaux bounded by precipitous cliffs, vertical fissures or ravines of immense depth torn in the solid rock by volcanic action, and mountain torrents flowing in deep beds of porphyry and forming picturesque lakes in the lower valleys. indeed, in guatemala, where more than twenty volcanoes are in active operation, all these characteristic features appear to unite in their highest degree of perfection. one of the lateral ranges extends north-eastward from the continental chain, forming with a comparatively slight elevation the back-bone of the peninsula of yucatan. [sidenote: the tierra caliente.] at the bases of the central continental heights, on the shores of either ocean, is the tierra caliente, a name applied to all the coast region with an elevation of less than , feet, and also by the inhabitants to many interior valleys of high temperature. so abruptly do the mountains rise on the pacific side that the western torrid band does not perhaps exceed twenty miles in average width for its whole length, and has exerted comparatively little influence on the history and development of the native races. but on the atlantic or gulf coast is a broad tract of level plain and marsh, and farther inland a more gradual ascent to the interior heights. this region presents all the features of an extreme tropical climate and vegetation. in the latitude of vera cruz barren and sandy tracts are seen; elsewhere the tierra caliente is covered with the densest tropical growth of trees, shrubs, vines, and flowers, forming in their natural state an almost impenetrable thicket. cocoa, cotton, cacao, sugar-cane, indigo, vanilla, bananas, and the various palms are prominent among the flora; while the fauna include birds in infinite variety of brilliant plumage, with myriads of tormenting and deadly insects and reptiles. the atmosphere is deadly to all but natives. the moist soil, enriched by the decay of vegetable substances, breathes pestilence and malaria from every pore, except during the winter months of incessant winds, which blow from october to march. southern vera cruz and tabasco, the tierra caliente par excellence, exhibit the most luxuriant display of nature's prodigality. of alluvial and comparatively recent formation this region is traversed by the goazacoalco, alvarado, usumacinta, and other noble rivers, which rise in the mountains of guatemala, chiapas, and tehuantepec. river-banks are crowded with magnificent forest-trees, and the broad savanas farther back marked off into natural plantations of the valuable dye-woods which abound there, by a network of branch streams and canals, which serve both for irrigation and as a medium of transport for the native products that play no unimportant rôle in the world's commerce. each year inundations are expected between june and october, and these transform the whole system of lagoons into a broad lake. farther up the course of the rivers on the foothills of the cordillera, are extensive forests of cedar, mahogany, zapote, brazil, and other precious woods, together with a variety of medicinal plants and aromatic resins. the whole of yucatan may, by reason of its temperature and elevation above the sea, be included in the tierra caliente, but its climate is one of the most healthful in all tropical america. the whole north and west of the peninsula are of fossil shell formation, showing that at no very distant date this region was covered by the waters of the sea. there are no rivers that do not dry up in winter, but by a wonderful system of small ponds and natural wells the country is supplied with water, the soil being moreover always moist, and supporting a rich and vigorous vegetation. * * * * * [sidenote: the nahua and maya elements.] notwithstanding evident marks of similarity in nearly all the manifestations of the progressional spirit in aboriginal america, in art, thought, and religion, there is much reason for and convenience in referring all the native civilization to two branches, the maya and the nahua, the former the more ancient, the latter the more recent and wide-spread. it is important, however, to understand the nature and extent of this division, and just how far it may be considered real and how far ideal. of all the languages spoken among these nations, the two named are the most wide-spread, and are likewise entirely distinct. in their traditional history, their material relics, and, above all, in their methods of recording events by hieroglyphics, as well as in their several lesser characteristics, these two stocks show so many and so clear points of difference standing prominently out from their many resemblances, as to indicate either a separate culture from the beginning, or what is more probable and for us practically the same thing, a progress in different paths for a long time prior to the coming of the europeans. very many of the nations not clearly affiliated with either branch show evident traces of both cultures, and may be reasonably supposed to have developed their condition from contact and intermixture of the parent stocks with each other, and with the neighboring savage tribes. it is only, however, in a very general sense that this classification can be accepted, and then only for practical convenience in elucidating the subject; since there are several nations that must be ranked among our civilized peoples, which, particularly in the matter of language, show no maya nor nahua affinities. nor is too much importance to be attached to the names maya and nahua by which i designate these parallel civilizations. the former is adopted for the reason that the maya people and tongue are commonly regarded as among the most ancient in all the central american region, a region where formerly flourished the civilization that left such wonderful remains at palenque, uxmal, and copan; the latter as being an older designation than either aztec or toltec, both of which stocks the race nahua includes. the civilization of what is now the mexican republic, north of tehuantepec, belonged to the nahua branch, both at the time of the conquest and throughout the historic period preceding. very few traces of the maya element occur north of chiapas, and these are chiefly linguistic, appearing in two or three nations dwelling along the shores of the mexican gulf. in published works upon the subject the aztecs are the representatives of the nahua element; indeed, what is known of the aztecs has furnished material for nine tenths of all that has been written on the american civilized nations in general. the truth of the matter is that the aztecs were only the most powerful of a league or confederation of three nations, which in the sixteenth century, from their capitals in the valley, ruled central mexico. this confederation, moreover, was of comparatively recent date. these three nations were the acolhuas, the aztecs, and the tepanecs, and their respective capitals, tezcuco, mexico, and tlacopan (tacuba) were located near each other on the lake borders, where, except mexico, they still are found in a sad state of dilapidation. within the valley, in general terms, the eastern section belonged to tezcuco, the southern and western to mexico, and a limited territory in the north-west to tlacopan. at the time when the confederation was formed, which was about one hundred years before the advent of the spaniards, tezcuco was the most advanced and powerful of the allies, maintaining her precedence nearly to the end of the fifteenth century. tlacopan was far inferior to the other two. her possessions were small, and according to the terms of the compact, which seem always to have been strictly observed, she received but one fifth of the spoils obtained by successful war. while keeping within the boundaries of their respective provinces, so far as the valley of mexico was concerned, these three chief powers united their forces to extend their conquests beyond the limits of the valley in every direction. thus under the leadership of a line of warlike kings mexico extended her domain to the shores of either ocean, and rendered the tribes therein tributary to her. during this period of foreign conquest, the aztec kings, more energetic, ambitious, warlike, and unscrupulous than their allies, acquired a decided preponderance in the confederate councils and possessions; so that, originally but a small tribe, one of the many which had settled in the valley of anáhuac, by its valor and success in war, by the comparatively broad extent of its domain, by the magnificence of its capital, the only aboriginal town in america rebuilt by the conquerors in anything like its pristine splendor, and especially by being the people that came directly into contact with the invaders in the desperate struggles of the conquest, the aztecs became to europeans, and to the whole modern world, the representatives of the american civilized peoples. hence, in the observations of those who were personally acquainted with these people, little or no distinction is made between the many different nations of central mexico, all being described as aztecs. indeed, many of the lesser nations favored this error, being proud to claim identity with the brave and powerful people to whose valor they had been forced to succumb. while this state of things doubtless creates some confusion by failing to show clearly the slight tribal differences that existed, yet the difficulty is not a serious one, from the fact that very many of these nations were unquestionably of the same blood as the aztecs, and that all drew what civilization they possessed from the same nahua source. i may therefore continue to speak of the aztecs in their representative character, including directly in this term all the nations permanently subjected to the three ruling powers in anáhuac, due care being taken to point out such differences as may have been noticed and recorded. [sidenote: the aztecs the nahua representatives.] to fix the limits of the aztec empire with any approximation to accuracy is exceedingly difficult, both by reason of conflicting statements, and because the boundaries were constantly changing as new tribes were brought under aztec rule, or by successful revolt threw off the mexican yoke. clavigero, followed by prescott, gives to the empire the territory from ° to ° on the atlantic, and ° to ° on the pacific, exclusive, according to the latter author, of the possessions of tezcuco and tlacopan. but this extent of territory, estimated at nearly twice that of the state of california, gives an exaggerated idea of anáhuac, even when that term is applied to the conquered territory of the whole confederacy. the limits mentioned are in reality the extreme points reached by the allied armies in their successful wars, or rather, raids, during the most palmy days of aztec rule. within these bounds were several nations that were never conquered, even temporarily, by the arms of anáhuac, as for example the tlascaltecs, the tarascos, and the chiapanecs. many nations, indeed most of those whose home was far from the central capitals, were simply forced on different occasions by the presence of a conquering army to pay tribute and allegiance to the aztec kings, an allegiance which they were not slow to throw off as soon as the invaders had withdrawn. such were the nations of northern guatemala and soconusco, whose conquest was in reality but a successful raid for plunder and captives; such the nations of tehuantepec, such the miztecs and zapotecs of oajaca, the latter having completely regained their independence and driven the aztecs from their soil before the coming of the spaniards. other nations were conquered only in the years immediately preceding the spanish conquest; instance the matlaltzincas just west of anáhuac, and the huastecs and totonacs of vera cruz. by their successful raids among these latter peoples, the aztecs only sealed their own doom, making inveterate foes of the coast nations, whose services would have been most efficacious in resisting the fatal progress of the castilian arms. but other tribes less warlike and powerful, or nearer the strongholds of their conquerors, were, by means of frequent military expeditions made to check outbreaking rebellion, kept nominally subject to the aztecs during fifty years, more or less, preceding the coming of the spaniards, paying their annual tribute with some regularity. outside the rocky barriers of their valley, the mexicans maintained their supremacy only by constant war; and even within the valley their sway was far from undisputed, since several tribes, notably the chalcas on the southern lake, broke out in open rebellion whenever the imperial armies were elsewhere occupied. [sidenote: extent of the aztec empire.] the aztec empire proper, not restricting it to its original seat in the valley of mexico, nor including within its limits all the nations which were by the fortunes of war forced at one time or another to pay tribute, may then be said to have extended from the valley of mexico and its immediate environs, over the territories comprised in the present states of mexico (with its modern subdivisions of hidalgo and morelos), puebla, southern vera cruz, and guerrero. of all the nations that occupied this territory, most of them, as i have said, were of one blood and language with their masters, and all, by their character and institutions, possessed in greater or less degree the nahua culture. of many of the multitudinous nations occupying the vast territory surrounding the valley of mexico, nothing is known beyond their names and their likeness, near or remote, to the aztecs. for a statement of their names and localities in detail, the reader is referred to the tribal boundaries following the chapter on the central mexicans in the first volume of this work. let it be understood, therefore, that the description of aztec institutions contained in this volume applies to all the nations of the empire as bounded above, except where special limitation is indicated; besides which it has a general application to a much wider region, in fact to the whole country north of the isthmus of tehuantepec. [sidenote: the nahuas in anÁhuac.] in this connection, and before attempting a description of the mexican nations beyond the limits of the empire, nations more or less independent of aztec sway, a glance at ancient mexican history seems necessary, as well to throw light on the mutual relations of the peoples of anáhuac, as to partially explain the broad extent of the nahua civilization and of the aztec idiom. the old-time story, how the toltecs in the sixth century appeared on the mexican table-land, how they were driven out and scattered in the eleventh century, how after a brief interval the chichimecs followed their footsteps, and how these last were succeeded by the aztecs who were found in possession,--the last two, and probably the first, migrating in immense hordes from the far north-west,--all this is sufficiently familiar to readers of mexican history, and is furthermore fully set forth in the fifth volume of this work. it is probable, however, that this account, accurate to a certain degree, has been by many writers too literally construed; since the once popular theory of wholesale national migrations of american peoples within historic times, and particularly of such migrations from the north-west, may now be regarded as practically unfounded. the sixth century is the most remote period to which we are carried in the annals of anáhuac by traditions sufficiently definite to be considered in any proper sense as historic records. at this period we find the nahua civilization and institutions established on the table-land, occupied then as at every subsequent time by many tribes more or less distinct from each other. and there this culture remained without intermixture of essentially foreign elements down to the sixteenth century; there the successive phases of its development appeared, and there the progressional spirit continued to ferment for a period of ten centuries, which fermentation constitutes the ancient mexican history. during the course of these ten centuries we may follow now definitely now vaguely the social, religious, and political convulsions through which these aboriginals were doomed to pass. from small beginnings we see mighty political powers evolved, and these overturned and thrown into obscurity by other and rival unfoldings. religious sects in like manner we see succeed each other, coloring their progress with frequent persecutions and reformations, not unworthy of old-world mediæval fanaticism, as partisans of rival deities shape the popular superstition in conformity with their creeds. wars, long and bloody, are waged for plunder, for territory, and for souls; now, to quell the insurrection of a tributary prince, now to repel the invasion of outer barbarian hordes. leaders, political and religious, rising to power with their nation, faction, city, or sect, are driven at their fall into exile, and thereby forced to seek their fortunes and introduce their culture among distant tribes. outside bands, more or less barbarous, but brave and powerful, come to settle in anáhuac, and to receive, voluntarily or involuntarily, the benefits of its arts and science. i have no disposition unduly to magnify the new world civilization, nor to under-rate old world culture, but during these ten centuries of almost universal mediæval gloom, the difference between the two civilizations was less than most people imagine. on both sides of the dark sea humanity lay floundering in besotted ignorance; the respective qualities of that ignorance it is hardly profitable to analyze. the history of all these complicated changes, so far as it may be traced, separates naturally into three chronologic periods, corresponding with what are known as the toltec, the chichimec, and the aztec empires. prior to the sixth century doubtless there were other periods of nahua greatness, for there is little evidence to indicate that this was the first appearance in mexico of this progressive people, but previous developments can not be definitely followed, although affording occasional glimpses which furnish interesting matter for antiquarian speculation. at the opening then, of the historic times, we find the toltecs in possession of anáhuac and the surrounding country. though the civilization was old, the name was new, derived probably, although not so regarded by all, from tollan, a capital city of the empire, but afterward becoming synonymous with all that is excellent in art and high culture. tradition imputes to the toltecs a higher civilization than that found among the aztecs, who had degenerated with the growth of the warlike spirit, and especially by the introduction of more cruel and sanguinary religious rites. but this superiority, in some respects not improbable, rests on no very strong evidence, since this people left no relics of that artistic skill which gave them so great traditional fame; there is, however, much reason to ascribe the construction of the pyramids at teotihuacan and cholula to the toltec or a still earlier period. among the civilized peoples of the sixteenth century, however, and among their descendants down to the present day, nearly every ancient relic of architecture or sculpture is accredited to the toltecs, from whom all claim descent. in fact the term toltec became synonymous in later times with all that was wonderful or mysterious in the past; and so confusing has been the effect of this universal reference of all traditional events to a toltec source, that, while we can not doubt the actual existence of this great empire, the details of its history, into which the supernatural so largely enters, must be regarded as to a great extent mythical. [sidenote: the toltec empire.] there are no data for fixing accurately the bounds of the toltec domain, particularly in the south. there is very little, however, to indicate that it was more extensive in this direction than that of the aztecs in later times, although it seems to have extended somewhat farther northward. on the west there is some evidence that it included the territory of michoacan, never subdued by the aztecs; and it probably stretched eastward to the atlantic, including the totonac territory of vera cruz. of the tribes or nations that made up the empire none can be positively identified by name with any of the later peoples found in anáhuac, though there can be little doubt that several of the latter were descended directly from the toltecs and contemporary tribes; and indeed it is believed with much reason that the semi-barbarous otomís of anáhuac, and several nations beyond the limits of the valley, may date their tribal history back to a period even preceding the toltec era. during the most flourishing period of its traditional five centuries of duration, the toltec empire was ruled by a confederacy similar in some respects to the alliance of later date between mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan. the capitals were culhuacan, otompan, and tollan, the two former corresponding somewhat in territory with mexico and tezcuco, while the latter was just beyond the limits of the valley toward the north-west. each of these capital cities became in turn the leading power in the confederacy. tollan reached the highest eminence in culture, splendor, and fame, and culhuacan was the only one of the three to survive by name the bloody convulsions by which the empire was at last overthrown, and retain anything of her former greatness. long-continued civil wars, arising chiefly from dissensions between rival religious factions, resulting naturally in pestilence and famine, which in the aboriginal annals are attributed to the direct interposition of irate deities, gradually undermine the imperial thrones. cities and nations previously held in subjection or overshadowed by the splendor and power of tollan, take advantage of her civil troubles to enlarge their respective domains and to establish independent powers. distant tribes, more or less barbarous, but strong and warlike, come and establish themselves in desirable localities within the limits of an empire whose rulers are now powerless to repel invasion. so the kings of tollan, culhuacan, and otompan lose, year by year, their prestige, and finally, in the middle of the eleventh century, are completely overthrown, leaving the mexican table-land to be ruled by new combinations of rising powers. thus ends the toltec period of ancient anáhuac history. the popular account pictures the whole toltec population, or such part of it as had been spared by war, pestilence, and famine, as migrating en masse southward, and leaving anáhuac desolate and unpeopled for nearly a half century, to be settled anew by tribes that crowded in from the north-west when they learned that this fair land had been so strangely abandoned. this account, like all other national migration-narratives pertaining to the americans, has little foundation in fact or in probability. the royal families and religious leaders of the toltecs were doubtless driven into perpetual exile, and were accompanied by such of the nobility as preferred, rather than content themselves with subordinate positions at home, to try their fortunes in new lands, some of which were perhaps included in the southern parts of the empire concerning which so little is known. that there was any essential or immediate change in the population of the table-land beyond the irruption of a few tribes, is highly improbable. the exiled princes and priests, as i have said, went southward, where doubtless they played an important part in the subsequent history of the maya-quiché nations of central america, a history less fully recorded than that of anáhuac. that these exiles were the founders of the central american civilization, a popular belief supported by many writers, i cannot but regard as another phase of that tendency above-mentioned to attribute all that is undefined and ill-understood to the great and wonderful toltecs; nor do i believe that the evidence warrants such an hypothesis. if the pioneer civilizers of the south, the builders of palenque, copan, and other cities of the more ancient type, were imbued with or influenced by the nahua culture, as is not improbable, it certainly was not that culture as carried southward in the eleventh century, but a development or phase of it long preceding that which took the name of toltec on the mexican plateaux. with the destruction of the empire the term toltec, as applied to an existing people, disappeared. this disappearance of the name while the institutions of the nation continued to flourish, may indicate that the designation of the people--or possibly of the ruling family--of tollan, was not applied contemporaneously to the whole empire, and that in the traditions and records of later times, it has incidentally acquired a fictitious importance. of the toltec cities, culhuacan, on the lake border, recovered under the new political combinations something of her old prominence; the name culhuas applied to its people appears much more ancient than that of toltecs, and indeed the mexican civilization as a whole might perhaps as appropriately be termed culhua as nahua. [sidenote: the chichimec empire.] the new era succeeding the toltec rule is that of the chichimec empire, which endured with some variations down to the coming of cortés. the ordinary version of the early annals has it, that the chichimecs, a wild tribe living far in the north-west, learning that the fertile regions of central mexico had been abandoned by the toltecs, came down in immense hordes to occupy the land. numerous other tribes came after them at short intervals, were kindly received and granted lands for settlement, and the more powerful of the new comers, in confederation with the original chichimec settlers, developed into the so-called empire. now, although this occupation of the central table-lands by successive migrations of foreign tribes cannot be accepted by the sober historian, and although we must conclude that very many of the so-called new comers were tribes that had occupied the country during the toltec period,--their names now coming into notice with their increasing importance and power,--yet it is probable that some new tribes, sufficiently powerful to exercise a great if not a controlling influence in building up the new empire, did at this time enter anáhuac from the immediately bordering regions, and play a prominent part, in conjunction with the rising nations within the valley, in the overthrow of the kings of tollan. these in-coming nations, by alliance with the original inhabitants, infused fresh life and vigor into the worn-out monarchies, furnishing the strength by which new powers were built up on the ruins of the old, and receiving on the other hand the advantages of the more perfect nahua culture. if one, and the most powerful, of these new nations was, as the annals state, called the chichimec, nothing whatever is known of its race or language. the chichimecs, their identity, their idiom, and their institutions, if any such there were, their name even, as a national appellation, were merged into those of the nahua nations that accompanied or followed them, and were there lost. the ease and rapidity with which this tribal fusion of tongue and culture is represented to have been accomplished would indicate at least that the chichimecs, if a separate tribe, were of the same race and language as the toltecs; but however this may be, it must be conceded that, while they can not have been the wild cave-dwelling barbarians painted by some of the historians, they did not introduce into anáhuac any new element of civilization. [sidenote: no such nation as the chichimec.] the name chichimec at the time of the spanish conquest, and subsequently, was used with two significations, first, as applied to the line of kings that reigned at tezcuco, and second, to all the wild hunting tribes, particularly in the broad and little-known regions of the north. traditionally or historically the name has been applied to nearly every people mentioned in the ancient history of america. this has caused the greatest confusion among writers on the subject, a confusion which i believe can only be cleared up by the supposition that the name chichimec, like that of toltec, never was applied as a tribal or national designation proper to any people, while such people were living. it seems probable that among the nahua peoples that occupied the country from the sixth to the eleventh centuries, a few of the leading powers appropriated to themselves the title toltecs, which had been at first employed by the inhabitants of tollan, whose artistic excellence soon rendered it a designation of honor. to the other nahua peoples, by whom these leading powers were surrounded, whose institutions were identical but whose polish and elegance of manner were deemed by these self-constituted autocrats somewhat inferior, the term chichimecs, barbarians, etymologically 'dogs,' was applied. after the convulsions that overthrew tollan and reversed the condition of the nahua nations, the 'dogs' in their turn assumed an air of superiority and retained their designation chichimecs as a title of honor and nobility. the names of the tribes represented as entering anáhuac after the chichimecs, but respecting the order of whose coming there is little agreement among authors, are the following: matlaltzincas, tepanecs, acolhuas, teo-chichimecs (tlascaltecs), malinalcas, cholultecs, xochimilcas, chalcas, huexotzincas, cuitlahuacs, cuicatecs, mizquicas, tlahuicas, cohuixcas, and aztecs. some of these, as i have said, may have entered the valley from the immediate north. which these were i shall not attempt to decide, but they were nearly all of the same race and language, all lived under nahua institutions, and their descendants were found living on and about the aztec plateau in the sixteenth century, speaking, with one or two exceptions, the aztec tongue. in the new era of prosperity that now dawned on anáhuac, culhuacan, where some remnants even of the toltec nobility remained, under chichimec auspices regained to a great extent its old position as a centre of culture and power. among the new nations whose name now first appears in history, the acolhuas and tepanecs soon rose to political prominence in the valley. the acolhuas were the chichimecs par excellence, or, as tradition has it, the chichimec nation was absorbed by them, giving up its name, language, and institutions. the capitals which ruled the destinies of anáhuac down to the fifteenth century, besides culhuacan, were tenayocan, xaltocan, coatlychan, tezcuco, and azcapuzalco. these capitals being governed for the most part by branches of the same royal chichimec family, the era was one of civil intrigue for the balance of power and for succession to the throne, rather than one of foreign conquest. during the latter part of the period, tezcuco, the acolhua capital under the chichimec kings proper, azcapuzalco the capital of the tepanecs, and culhuacan held the country under their sway, sometimes allied to meet the forces of foreign foes, but oftener plotting against each other, each, by alliance with a second against the third, aiming at universal dominion. at last in this series of political manoeuvres culhuacan was permanently overthrown, and the chichimec ruler at tezcuco was driven from his possessions by the warlike chief of the tepanecs, who thus for a short time was absolute master of anáhuac. but with the decadence of the culhua power at culhuacan, another of the tribes that came into notice in the valley after the fall of the toltecs, had been gradually gaining a position among the nations. this rising power was the aztecs, a people traditionally from the far north-west, whose wanderings are described in picture-writings shown in another part of this volume. their migration is more definitely described than that of any other of the many who are said to have come from the same direction, and has been considered by different writers to be a migration from california, new mexico, or asia. later researches indicate that the pictured annals are intended simply as a record of the aztec wanderings in the valley of mexico and its vicinity. whatever their origin, by their fierce and warlike nature and bloody religious rites, from the first they made themselves the pests of anáhuac, and later its tyrants. for some centuries they acquired no national influence, but were often conquered, enslaved, and driven from place to place, until early in the fourteenth century, when mexico or tenochtitlan was founded, and under a line of able warlike kings started forward in its career of prosperity unequaled in the annals of aboriginal america. at the fall of culhuacan, mexico ranked next to tezcuco and azcapuzalco, and when the armies of the latter prevailed against the former, mexico was the most powerful of all the nations that sprang to arms, and pressed forward to humble the tepanec tyrant, to reïnstate the acolhua monarch on his throne, and to restore tezcuco to her former commanding position. the result was the utter defeat of the tepanecs, and the glory of azcapuzalco departed forever. [sidenote: the aztec era.] thus ended in the early part of the fifteenth century the chichimec empire,--that is, it nominally ended, for the chichimec kings proper lost nothing of their power,--and, by the establishment of the confederacy already described, the aztec empire was inaugurated. under the new dispensation of affairs, mexico, by whose aid chiefly azcapuzalco had been humbled, received rank and dominion at least equal to that of tezcuco, while from motives of policy, and in order, so far as possible, to conciliate the good will of a strong though conquered people, tlacopan, under a branch of the tepanecs, with a less extensive domain, was admitted to the alliance. the terms of the confederacy seem, as i have said, never to have been openly violated; but in the first years of the sixteenth century the aztecs had not only excited the hatred of the most powerful nations outside the bounds of anáhuac by their foreign raids, but by their arrogant overbearing spirit had made themselves obnoxious at home. their aim at supreme power was apparent, and both tezcuco and the independent republic of tlascala began to tremble at the dangerous progress of their mighty neighbor. a desperate struggle was imminent, in which the aztecs, pitted against all central mexico, by victory would have grasped the coveted prize of imperial power, or crushed as were the tepanecs before them by a coalition of nations, would have yielded their place in the confederacy to some less dangerous rival. at this juncture cortés appeared. this renowned chieftain aided montezuma's foes to triumph, and in turn fastened the shackles of european despotism on all alike, with a partial exception in favor of brave tlascala. the nations which formed the aztec empire proper, were the tribes for the most part that have been named as springing into existence or notice in anáhuac early in the chichimec period, and the names of most of them have been preserved in the names of modern localities. it will be seen, in treating of the languages of the pacific states, that the aztec tongue, in a pure state, in distinct verbal or grammatical traces, and in names of places, is spread over a much wider extent of territory than can be supposed to have ever been brought under subjection to anáhuac during either the toltec, chichimec, or aztec phases of the nahua domination. to account for this we have the commercial connections of the aztecs, whose traders are known to have pushed their mercantile ventures far beyond the regions subjected by force of arms; colonies which, both in toltec and aztec times, may be reasonably supposed to have sought new homes; the exile of nobles and priests at the fall of the toltec empire, and other probable migrations, voluntary and involuntary, of princes and teachers; the large detachments of aztecs who accompanied the spaniards in the expeditions by which the continent was brought under subjection; and finally, if all these are not sufficient, the unknown history and migrations of the nahua peoples during the centuries preceding the toltec era. [sidenote: the tarascos of michoacan.] i will now briefly notice the civilized nations beyond the limits of anáhuac, and more or less independent of the aztec rule, concerning whose institutions and history comparatively little or nothing is known, except what is drawn from the aztec annals, with some very general observations on their condition made by their spanish conquerors. westward of the mexican valley was the flourishing independent kingdom of michoacan, in possession of the tarascos, whose capital was tzintzuntzan on lake patzcuaro. their country, lying for the most part between the rivers mexcala and tololotlan, is by its altitude chiefly in the tierra templada, and enjoys all the advantages of a tropical climate, soil, and vegetation. topographically it presents a surface of undulating plains, intersected by frequent mountain chains and by the characteristic ravines, and well watered by many streams and beautiful lakes; hence the name michoacan, which signifies 'land abounding in fish.' the lake region of patzcuaro, the seat of the tarasco kings, is described as unsurpassed in picturesque beauty, while in the variety of its agricultural products and in its yield of mineral wealth, michoacan was equaled by few of the states of new spain. if we may credit the general statements of early authors, who give us but few details, in their institutions, their manners, wealth, and power, the tarascos were at least fully the equals of the aztecs, and in their physical development were even superior. that they successfully resisted and defeated the allied armies of anáhuac is sufficient proof of their military prowess, although they yielded almost without a struggle to the spaniards after the fall of mexico. with respect to their civilization we must accept the statements of their superiority as the probably correct impression of those who came first in contact with this people, notwithstanding which i find no architectural or artistic relics of a high culture within their territory. all that is known on the subject indicates that their civilization was of the nahua type, although the language is altogether distinct from the aztec, the representative nahua tongue. the history of michoacan, in the form of any but the vaguest traditions, does not reach back farther than the thirteenth century; nevertheless, as i have said, there is some reason to suppose that it formed part of the toltec empire. the theory has even been advanced that the tarascos, forming a part of that empire, were not disturbed by its fall, and were therefore the best representatives of the oldest nahua culture. their reported physical superiority might favor this view, but their distinct language on the contrary would render it improbable. a careful study of all that is known of this people convinces me that they had long been settled in the lands where they were found, but leaves on the mind no definite idea of their earlier history. their later annals are made up of tales, partaking largely of the marvelous and supernatural, of the doings of certain demi-gods or priests, and of wars waged against the omnipresent chichimecs. branches of the great and primitive otomí family are mentioned as having their homes in the mountains, and there are traditions that fragments of the aztecs and other tribes which followed the chichimecs into anáhuac, lingered on the route of their migration and settled in the fertile valleys of michoacan. between the tarascos and the aztecs, speaking a language different from either but allied more or less intimately with the former, were the matlaltzincas, whose capital was in the plateau valley of toluca, just outside the bounds of anáhuac. this was one of the tribes that have already been named as coming traditionally from the north-west. for a long time they maintained their independence, but in the last quarter of the fifteenth century were forced to yield to the victorious arms of axayacatl, the aztec warrior king. immediately below the mouth of the mexcala, on the border of the pacific, were the lands of the cuitlatecs, and also the province or kingdom of zacatollan, whose capital was the modern zacatula. of these two peoples absolutely nothing is known, save that they were tributary to the aztec empire, the latter having been added to the domain of tezcuco in the very last years of the fifteenth century. the provinces that extended south-westward from anáhuac to the ocean, belonging chiefly to the modern state of guerrero and included in what i have described as the aztec empire proper, were those of the tlahuicas, whose capital was cuernavaca, the cohuixcas, capital at acapulco, the yoppi on the coast south of acapulco, and the province of mazatlan farther inland or north-east. the name tlapanecs is also rather indefinitely applied to the people of a portion of this territory in the south, including probably the yoppi. of the names mentioned we have met those of the tlahuicas and cohuixcas among the tribes newly springing into notice at the beginning of the chichimec period. it is probable that nearly all were more or less closely allied in race and language to their mexican masters, their political subjection to whom dates from about the middle of the fifteenth century. [sidenote: miztecs and zapotecs.] the western slope of the cordillera still farther south-west, comprising in general terms the modern state of oajaca, was ruled and to a great extent inhabited by the miztecs and zapotecs, two powerful nations distinct in tongue from the aztecs and from each other. western oajaca, the home of the miztecs, was divided into upper and lower miztecapan, the latter toward the coast, and the former higher up in the mountains, and sometimes termed cohuaixtlahuacan. the zapotecs in eastern oajaca, when first definitely known to history, had extended their power over nearly all the tribes of tehuantepec, besides encroaching somewhat on the miztec boundaries. the miztecs, notwithstanding the foreign aid of tlascaltecs and other eastern foes of the aztec king, were first defeated by the allied forces of anáhuac about ; and from that date the conquerors succeeded in holding their stronger towns and more commanding positions down to the conquest, thus enforcing the payment of tribute and controlling the commerce of the southern coast, which was their primary object. tehuantepec and soconusco yielded some years after to the conquering axayacatl, and zapotecapan still later to his successor ahuitzotl; but in the closing years of the fifteenth century the zapotecs recovered their country with tehuantepec, leaving socunusco, however, permanently in aztec possession. the history of the two nations takes us no farther back than the fourteenth century, when they first came into contact with the peoples of anáhuac; it gives a record of their rulers and their deeds of valor in wars waged against each other, against the neighboring tribes, and against the mexicans. prior to that time we have a few traditions of the vaguest character preserved by burgoa, the historian of oajaca. these picture both miztecs and zapotecs as originally wild, but civilized by the influence of teachers, priests, or beings of supernatural powers, who came among them, one from the south, and others from the direction of anáhuac. their civilization, however received, was surely nahua, as is shown by the resemblances which their institutions, and particularly their religious rites, bear to those of the aztecs. being of the nahua type, its origin has of course been referred to that inexhaustible source, the dispersion of the toltecs, or to proselyting teachers sent southward by that wonderful people. indeed, the miztec and zapotec royal families claimed a direct toltec descent. it is very probable, however, that the nahua element here was at least contemporaneous in its introduction with the same element known as toltec in anáhuac, rather than implanted in oajaca by missionaries, voluntary or involuntary, from tollan. i have already remarked that the presence of nahua institutions in different regions is too often attributed to the toltec exiles, and too seldom to historical events preceding the sixth century. the oajacan coast region or tierra caliente, if we may credit the result of researches by the abbé brasseur de bourbourg, was sometimes known as anáhuac ayotlan, as the opposite coast of tabasco was called anáhuac xicalanco. both these anáhuacs were inhabited by enterprising commercial peoples, whose flourishing centres of trade were located at short intervals along the coast. material relics of past excellence in architecture and other arts of civilization abound in oajaca, chief among which stand the remarkable structures at mitla. [sidenote: nations of tehuantepec.] although tehuantepec in the later aboriginal times was subject to the kings of zapotecapan, yet within its limits, besides the chontales,--a name resembling in its uncertainty of application that of chichimecs farther north,--were the remnants of two old nations that still preserved their independence. these were the mijes, living chiefly by the chase in the mountain fastnesses of the north, and the huaves, who held a small territory on the coast and islands of the lagoons just east of the city of tehuantepec. the mijes, so far as the vague traditions of the country reveal anything of their past, were once the possessors of zapotecapan and the isthmus of tehuantepec, antedating the zapotecs and perhaps the nahua culture in this region, being affiliated, as some believe, in institutions and possibly in language, with the maya element of central america. while this connection must be regarded as somewhat conjectural, we may nevertheless accept as probably authentic the antiquity, civilization, and power of this brave people. the huaves were traditionally of southern origin, having come to tehuantepec by sea from nicaragua or a point still farther south. in navigation and in commerce they were enterprising, as were indeed all the tribes of this southern-coast anáhuac, and they took gradually from the mijes, whom they found in possession, a large extent of territory, which as we have seen they were finally forced to yield up to their zapotec conquerors. crossing now to the atlantic or gulf shores we have from the past nothing but a confused account of olmecs, xicalancas, and nonohualcas, who may have been distinct peoples, or the same people under different names at different epochs, and who at some time inhabited the lowlands of tehuantepec and vera cruz, as well as those of tabasco farther south. at the time of the conquest we know that this region was thickly inhabited by a people scarcely less advanced than those of anáhuac, and dotted with flourishing towns devoted to commerce. but neither in the sixteenth nor immediately preceding centuries can any one civilized nation be definitely named as occupying this anáhuac xicalanco. we know, however, that this country north of the goazacoalco river formed a portion of the aztec empire, and that its inhabitants spoke for the most part the aztec tongue. these provinces, known as cuetlachtlan and goazacoalco, were conquered, chiefly with a view to the extension of the aztec commerce, as early as the middle of the fifteenth century, notwithstanding the assistance rendered by the armies of tlascala. [sidenote: the tlascaltecs.] the plateau east of anáhuac sometimes known as huitzilapan was found by the spaniards in the possession of the independent republics, or cities, of tlascala, huexotzinco, and cholula. the people who occupied this part of the table-land were the teo-chichimecs, of the same language and of the same traditional north-western origin as the aztecs, whom they preceded in anáhuac. late in the thirteenth century they left the valley of mexico, and in several detachments established themselves on the eastern plateau, where they successfully maintained their independence of all foreign powers. as allies of the chichimec king of tezcuco they aided in overturning the tepanec tyrant of azcapuzalco; but after the subsequent dangerous development of aztec ambition, the tlascaltec armies aided in nearly every attempt of other nations to arrest the progress of the mexicans toward universal dominion. their assistance, as we have seen, was unavailing except in the final successful alliance with the forces of cortés; for, although secure in their small domain against foreign invasion, their armies were often defeated abroad. tlascala has retained very nearly its original bounds, and the details of its history from the foundation of the city are, by the writings of the native historian camargo, more fully known than those of most other nations outside of anáhuac. this author, however, gives us the annals of his own and the surrounding peoples from a tlascaltec stand-point only. before the teo-chichimec invasion of huitzilapan, cholula had already acquired great prominence as a toltec city, and as the residence of the great nahua apostle quetzalcoatl, of which era, or a preceding one, the famous pyramid remains as a memento. outside of cholula, however, the ancient history of this region presents but a blank page, or one vaguely filled with tales of giants, its first reputed inhabitants, and of the mysterious olmecs, from some remaining fragments of which people the tlascaltecs are said to have won their new homes. these olmecs seem to have been a very ancient people who occupied the whole eastern region, bordering on or mixed with the xicalancas in the south; or rather the name olmec seems to have been the designation of a phase or era of the nahua civilization preceding that known as the toltec. it is impossible to determine accurately whether the xicalancas should be classed with the nahua or maya element, although probably with the former. the coast region east of tlascala, comprising the northern half of the state of vera cruz, was the home of the totonacs, whose capital was the famous cempoala, and who were conquered by the aztecs at the close of the fifteenth century. they were probably one of the ancient pre-toltec peoples like the otomís and olmecs, and they claimed to have occupied in former times anáhuac and the adjoining territory, where they erected the pyramids of the sun and moon at teotihuacan. their institutions when first observed by europeans seem to have been essentially nahua, and the abundant architectural remains found in totonac territory, as at papantla, misantla, and tusapan, show no well-defined differences from aztec constructions proper. whether this nahua culture was that originally possessed by them or was introduced at a comparatively late period through the influence of the teo-chichimecs, with whom they became largely consolidated, is uncertain. the totonac language is, however, distinct from the aztec, and is thought to have some affinity with the maya. north of the totonacs on the gulf coast, in the present state of tamaulipas, lived the huastecs, concerning whose early history nothing whatever is known. their language is allied to the maya dialects. they were a brave people, looked upon by the mexicans as semi-barbarous, but were defeated and forced to pay tribute by the king of tezcuco in the middle of the fifteenth century. * * * * * [sidenote: nations of central america.] the difficulties experienced in rendering to any degree satisfactory a general view of the northern nations, are very greatly augmented now that i come to treat of the central american tribes. the causes of this increased difficulty are many. i have already noticed the prominence of the aztecs in most that has been recorded of american civilization. during the conquest of the central portions of the continent following that of mexico, the spaniards found an advanced culture, great cities, magnificent temples, a complicated system of religious and political institutions; but all these had been met before in the north, and consequently mere mention in general terms of these later wonders was deemed sufficient by the conquerors, who were a class of men not disposed to make minute observations or comparisons respecting what seemed to them unimportant details. as to the priests, their duty was clearly to destroy rather than to closely investigate these institutions of the devil. and in the years following the conquest, the association between the natives and the conquerors was much less intimate than in anáhuac. these nations in many instances fought until nearly annihilated, or after defeat retired in national fragments to the inaccessible fastnesses of the cordillera, retaining for several generations--some of them permanently--their independence, and affording the spaniards little opportunity of becoming acquainted with their aboriginal institutions. in the south, as in anáhuac, native writers, after their language had been fitted to the spanish alphabet, wrote more or less fully of their national history; but all such writings whose existence is known are in the possession of one or two individuals, and, excepting the popol vuh translated by ximenes as well as brasseur de bourbourg, and the perez maya manuscript, their contents are only vaguely known to the public through the writings of their owners. another difficulty respecting these writings is that their dependence on any original authority more trustworthy than that of orally transmitted traditions, is at least doubtful. the key to the hieroglyphics engraved on the stones of palenque and copan, and painted on the pages of the very few ancient manuscripts preserved, is now practically lost; that it was possessed by the writers referred to is, although not impossible, still far from proven. again, chronology, so complicated and uncertain in the annals of anáhuac, is here, through the absence of legible written records, almost entirely wanting, so that it is in many cases absolutely impossible to fix even an approximate date for historical events of great importance. the attempts of authors to attach some of these events, without sufficient data, to the nahua chronology, have done much to complicate the matter still further. the only author who has attempted to treat of the subject of central american civilization and antiquity comprehensively as a whole is the abbé brasseur de bourbourg. the learned abbé, however, with all his research and undoubted knowledge of the subject, and with his well-known enthusiasm and tact in antiquarian engineering, by which he is wont to level difficulties, apparently insurmountable, to a grade which offers no obstruction to his theoretical construction-trains, has been forced to acknowledge at many points his inability to construct a perfect whole from data so meagre and conflicting. such being the case, the futility must be apparent of attempting here any outline of history which may throw light on the institutions of the sixteenth century. i must be content, for the purposes of this chapter, with a mention of the civilized nations found in possession of the country, and a brief statement of such prominent points in their past as seem well-authenticated and important. [sidenote: the ancient maya empire.] closely enveloped in the dense forests of chiapas, guatemala, yucatan, and honduras, the ruins of several ancient cities have been discovered, which are far superior in extent and magnificence to any seen in aztec territory, and of which a detailed description may be found in the fourth volume of this work. most of these cities were abandoned and more or less unknown at the time of the conquest. they bear hieroglyphic inscriptions apparently identical in character; in other respects they resemble each other more than they resemble the aztec ruins--or even other and apparently later works in guatemala and honduras. all these remains bear evident marks of great antiquity. their existence and similarity, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, would indicate the occupation of the whole country at some remote period by nations far advanced in civilization, and closely allied in manners and customs, if not in blood and language. furthermore, the traditions of several of the most advanced nations point to a wide-spread civilization introduced among a numerous and powerful people by votan and zamná, who, or their successors, built the cities referred to, and founded great allied empires in chiapas, yucatan and guatemala; and moreover, the tradition is confirmed by the universality of one family of languages or dialects spoken among the civilized nations, and among their descendants to this day. i deem the grounds sufficient, therefore, for accepting this central american civilization of the past as a fact, referring it not to an extinct ancient race, but to the direct ancestors of the peoples still occupying the country with the spaniards, and applying to it the name maya as that of the language which has claims as strong as any to be considered the mother tongue of the linguistic family mentioned. as i have said before, the phenomena of civilization in north america may be accounted for with tolerable consistency by the friction and mixture of this maya culture and people with the nahua element of the north; while that either, by migrations northward or southward, can have been the parent of the other within the traditionally historic past, i regard as extremely improbable. that the two elements were identical in their origin and early development is by no means impossible; all that we can safely presume is that within historic times they have been practically distinct in their workings. there are also some rather vague traditions of the first appearance of the nahua civilization in the regions of tabasco and chiapas, of its growth, the gradual establishment of a power rivalling that of the people i call mayas, and of a struggle by which the nahuas were scattered in different directions, chiefly northward, to reappear in history some centuries later as the toltecs of anáhuac. while the positive evidence in favor of this migration from the south is very meagre, it must be admitted that a southern origin of the nahua culture is far more consistent with fact and tradition than was the north-western origin, so long implicitly accepted. there are no data by which to fix the period of the original maya empire, or its downfall or breaking-up into rival factions by civil and foreign wars. the cities of yucatan, as is clearly shown by mr stephens, were, many of them, occupied by the descendants of the builders down to the conquest, and contain some remnants of wood-work still in good preservation, although some of the structures appear to be built on the ruins of others of a somewhat different type. palenque and copan, on the contrary, have no traces of wood or other perishable material, and were uninhabited and probably unknown in the sixteenth century. the loss of the key to what must have been an advanced system of hieroglyphics, while the spoken language survived, is also an indication of great antiquity, confirmed by the fact that the quiché structures of guatemala differed materially from those of the more ancient epoch. it is not likely that the maya empire in its integrity continued later than the third or fourth century, although its cities may have been inhabited much later, and i should fix the epoch of its highest power at a date preceding rather than following the christian era. a maya manuscript fixes the date of the first appearance in yucatan of the tutul xius at a. d. the abbé brasseur therefore makes this the date of the nahua dispersion, believing, on apparently very slight foundation, the tutul xius to be one of the nahua fragments. with the breaking-up of this empire into separate nations at an unknown date, the ancient history of central america as a whole ceases, and down to a period closely preceding the conquest we have only an occasional event preserved in the traditions of two or three nations. [sidenote: maya nations of yucatan.] yucatan was occupied in the sixteenth century by the mayas proper, all speaking the same language, and living under practically the same institutions, religious and political. the chief divisions were the cocomes, tutul xius, itzas, and cheles, which seem to have been originally the designations of royal or priestly families, rather than tribal names proper of the peoples over whom they held sway. each of these had their origin-traditions of immigrating tribes or teachers who came in the distant past to seek new homes, escape persecution, or introduce new religious ideas, in the fertile maya plains. some of these stranger apostles of new creeds are identified by authors with toltec missionaries or exiles from anáhuac. the evidence in favor of this identity in any particular case is of course unsatisfactory, but that it was well-founded in some cases is both probable,--commercial intercourse having undoubtedly made the two peoples mutually acquainted with each other,--and is supported by the presence of nahua names of rulers and priests, and of nahua elements in the yucatec religion, the same remark applying to all central america. the ancient history of yucatan is an account of the struggles, alliances, and successive domination of the factions mentioned. to enumerate here, in outline even, these successive changes so vaguely and confusedly recorded would be useless, especially as their institutions, so far as can be known, were but slightly affected by political changes among people of the same blood, language, and religion. the cocomes were traditionally the original maya rulers of the land, and the tutul xius first came into notice in the second century, the itzas and cheles appearing at a much later date. one of the most prosperous eras in the later history of the peninsula of yucatan is represented to have followed the appearance of cuculcan, a mysterious stranger corresponding closely in his teachings, as in the etymology of his name, with the toltec quetzalcoatl. he became the head of the cocome dynasty at mayapan, and ruled the country as did his successors after him in alliance with the tutul xius at uxmal, the itzas at chichen itza, and the cheles at izamal. but later the cocomes were overthrown, and mayapan destroyed by a revolution of the allies. the tutul xius now became the leading power, a position which they held down to the time, not long before the conquest, when the country was divided by war and civil dissensions into numerous petty domains, each ruled by its chief and independent of the rest, all in a weak and exhausted condition compared with their former state, and unable to resist by united effort the progress of the spanish invaders whom individually they fought most bravely. three other comparatively recent events of some importance in yucatec history may be noticed. the cocomes in the struggle preceding their fall called in the aid of a large force of xicalancas, probably a nahua people, from the tabascan coast region, who after their defeat were permitted by the conquerors to settle in the country. a successful raid by some foreign people, supposed with some reason to be the quichés from guatemala, is reported to have been made against the mayas with, however, no important permanent results. finally a portion of the itzas migrated southward and settled in the region of lake peten, establishing their capital city on an island in the lake. here they were found, a powerful and advanced nation, by hernan cortés in the sixteenth century, and traces of their cities still remain, although it must be noted that another and older class of ruins are found in the same region, dating back perhaps to a time when the glory of the maya empire had not wholly departed. [sidenote: chiapas and guatemala.] chiapas, politically a part of the mexican republic, but belonging geographically to central america, was occupied by the chiapanecs, tzendales, and quelenes. the tzendales lived in the region about palenque, and were presumably the direct descendants of its builders, their language having nearly an equal claim with the maya to be considered the mother tongue. the chiapanecs of the interior were a warlike tribe, and had before the coming of the spaniards conquered the other nations, forcing them to pay tribute, and successfully resisting the attacks of the aztec allies. they also are a very old people, having been referred even to the tribes that preceded the establishment of votan's empire. statements concerning their history are numerous and irreconcilable; they have some traditions of having come from the south; their linguistic affinity with the mayas is at least very slight. the quelenes or zotziles, whose past is equally mysterious, inhabited the southern or guatemalan frontier. guatemala and northern honduras were found in possession of the mames in the north-west, the pocomams in the south-east, the quichés in the interior, and the cakchiquels in the south. the two latter were the most powerful and ruled the country from their capitals of utatlan and patinamit, where they resisted the spaniards almost to the point of annihilation, retiring for the most part after defeat to live by the chase in the distant mountain gorges. guatemalan history from the votan empire down to an indefinite date not many centuries before the conquest is a blank. it recommences with the first traditions of the nations just mentioned. these traditions, as in the case of every american people, begin with the immigration of foreign tribes into the country as the first in the series of events leading to the establishment of the quiché-cakchiquel empire. assuming the toltec dispersion from anáhuac in the eleventh century as a well-authenticated fact, most writers have identified the guatemalan nations, except perhaps the mames by some considered the descendants of the original inhabitants, with the migrating toltecs who fled southward to found a new empire. i have already made known my scepticism respecting national american migrations in general, and the toltec migration southward in particular, and there is nothing in the annals of guatemala to modify the views previously expressed. the quiché traditions are vague and without chronologic order, much less definite than those relating to the mythical aztec wanderings. the sum and substance of the quiché and toltec identity is the traditional statement that the former people entered guatemala at an unknown period in the past, while the latter left anáhuac in the eleventh century. that the toltecs should have migrated en masse southward, taken possession of guatemala, established a mighty empire, and yet have abandoned their language for dialects of the original maya tongue is in the highest degree improbable. it is safer to suppose that the mass of the quichés and other nations of guatemala, chiapas, and honduras, were descended directly from the maya builders of palenque, and from contemporary peoples. yet the differences between the quiché-cakchiquel structures, and the older architectural remains of the maya empire indicate a new era of maya culture, originated not unlikely by the introduction of foreign elements. moreover, the apparent identity in name and teachings between the early civilizers of the quiché tradition and the nahua followers of quetzalcoatl, together with reported resemblances between actual quiché and aztec institutions as observed by europeans, indicate farther that the new element was engrafted on maya civilization by contact with the nahuas, a contact of which the presence of the exiled toltec nobility may have been a prominent feature. after the overthrow of the original empire we may suppose the people to have been subdivided during the course of centuries by civil wars and sectarian struggles into petty states, the glory of their former greatness vanished and partially forgotten, the spirit of progress dormant, to be roused again by the presence of the nahua chiefs. these gathered and infused new life into the scattered remnants; they introduced some new institutions, and thus aided the ancient people to rebuild their empire on the old foundations, retaining the dialects of the original language. [sidenote: nicaraguans and pipiles.] in addition to the peoples thus far mentioned, there were undoubtedly in nicaragua, and probably in salvador, nations of nearly pure aztec blood and language. the former are known among different authors as nicaraguans, niquirans, or cholutecs, and they occupied the coast between lake nicaragua and the ocean, with the lake islands. their institutions, political and religious, were nearly the same as those of the aztecs of anáhuac, and they have left abundant relics in the form of idols and sepulchral deposits, but no architectural remains. these relics are moreover hardly less abundant in the territory of the adjoining tribes, nor do they differ essentially in their nature; hence we must conclude that some other nicaraguan peoples, either by aztec or other influence, were considerably advanced in civilization. the nahua tribes of salvador, the ancient cuscatlan, were known as pipiles, and their culture appears not to have been of a high order. both of these nations probably owe their existence to a colony sent southward from anáhuac; but whether in aztec or pre-aztec times, the native traditions, like their interpretation by writers on the subject, are inextricably confused and at variance. for further details on the location of central american nations i refer to the statement of tribal boundaries at the end of chapter vii., volume i., of this work. * * * * * i here close this general view of the subject, and if it is in some respects unsatisfactory, i cannot believe that a different method of treatment would have rendered it less so. to have gone more into detail would have tended to confuse rather than elucidate the matter in the reader's mind, unless with the support of extensive quotations from ever-conflicting authorities, which would have swollen this general view from a chapter to a volume. as far as antiquity is concerned, the most intricate element of the subject, i shall attempt to present--if i cannot reconcile--all the important variations of opinion in another division of this work. in the treatment of my subject, truth and accuracy are the principal aim, and these are never sacrificed to graphic style or glowing diction. as much of interest is thrown into the recital as the authorities justify, and no more. often may be seen the more striking characteristics of these nations dashed off with a skill and brilliance equaled only by their distance from the facts; disputed points and unpleasing traits glossed over or thrown aside whenever they interfere with style and effect. it is my sincere desire, above all others, to present these people as they were, not to make them as i would have them, nor to romance at the expense of truth; nevertheless, it is to be hoped that in the truth enough of interest will remain to command the attention of the reader. my treatment of the subject is essentially as follows: the civilized peoples of north america naturally group themselves in two great divisions, which for convenience may be called the nahuas and the mayas respectively; the first representing the aztec civilization of mexico, and the second the maya-quiché civilization of central america. in describing their manners and customs, five large divisions may be made of each group. the first may be said to include the systems of government, the order of succession, the ceremonies of election, coronation, and anointment, the magnificence, power, and manner of life of their kings; court forms and observances; the royal palaces and gardens. the second comprises the social system; the classes of nobles, gentry, plebeians and slaves; taxation, tenure, and distribution of lands; vassalage and feudal service; the inner life of the people; their family and private relations, such as marriage, divorce, and education of youth; other matters, such as their dress, food, games, feasts and dances, knowledge of medicine, and manner of burial. the third division includes their system of war, their relations with foreign powers, their warriors and orders of knighthood, their treatment of prisoners of war and their weapons. the fourth division embraces their system of trade and commerce, the community of merchants, their sciences, arts, and manufactures. the fifth and last considers their judiciary, law-courts, and legal officials. i append as more appropriately placed here than elsewhere, a note on the etymological meaning and derivation, so far as known, of the names of the civilized nations. etymology of names. acolhuas;--possibly from _coloa_, 'to bend,' meaning with the prefix _atl_, 'water-colhuas,' or 'people at the bend of the water.' not from _acolli_, 'shoulder,' nor from _colli_, 'grandfather.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, pp. , . '_coloa_, encoruar, o entortar algo, o rodear yendo camino.' '_acolli_, ombro.' '_culhuia_, lleuar a otro por rodeos a alguna parte.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. _colli_, 'grand-father,' plural _colhuan_. _colhuacan_, or _culiacan_, may then mean 'the land of our ancestors.' _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - . 'el nombre de _aculhuas_, ó segun la ortografía mexicana, _aculhuaque_, en plural, y no _aculhuacanes_, ni _aculhues_.' _dicc. univ._, tom. i., p. . 'col, chose courbe, faisant _coloa_, _colua_, ou _culhua_, nom appliqué plus tard dans le sens d'ancêtre, parce que du _colhuacan_ primitif, des îles de la courbe, vinrent les émigrés qui civilisèrent les habitants de la vallée d'anahuac.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _quatre lettres_, p. . '_colhua_, ou _culhua_, _culua_, de _coltic_, chose courbée. de là le nom de la cité de _colhuacan_, qu'on traduit indifféremment, ville de la courbe, de choses recourbées (des serpents), et aussi des aïeux, de _coltzin_, aïeul.' _id._, _popol vuh_, p. xxix. aztecs;--from _aztlan_, the name of their ancient home, from a root _aztli_, which is lost. it has no connection with _azcatl_, 'ant,' but may have some reference to _iztac_, 'white.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, pp. - . 'de _aztlan_ se deriva el nacional _aztecatl_.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . '_az_, primitif d'_azcatl_, fourmi, est le mot qui désigne, à la fois, d'une manière générale, la vapeur, le gaz, ou toute chose légère, comme le vent ou la pluie; c'est l'aile, _aztli_ qui désigne aussi la vapeur, c'est le héron dans _aztatl_. il se retrouve, avec une légère variante, dans le mot nahuatl composé, _tem-az-calli_, bain de vapeur, dans _ez-tli_, le sang ou la lave; dans les vocables quichés _atz_, bouffée du fumée, épouvantail, feu-follet.... ainsi les fourmis de la tradition haïtienne, comme de la tradition mexicaine, sont à la fois des images des feux intérieurs de la terre et de leurs exhalaisons, comme du travail des mines et de l'agriculture. du même primitif _az_ vient _aztlan_ "le pays sur ou dans le gaz, _az-tan_, _az-dan_, la terre sèche, soulevée par les gaz ou remplie de vapeurs."' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _quatre lettres_, p. . chalcas;--'il nome _chalcho_ vale, nella gemma. il p. acosta dice, che _chalco_ vuol dire, nelle bocche.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . buschmann believes acosta's definition 'in the mouths' to be more correct. _ortsnamen_, p. . 'chalca, ce qui est le calcaire; c'est l'examen de tous les vocables mexicains, commençant en _chal_, qui m'a fait découvrir le sens exact de ce mot; il se trouve surtout dan _chal-chi-huitl_, le jade, littéralement ce qui est sorti du fond du calcaire.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _quatre lettres_, pp. , . cheles;--'le _chel_ dans la langue maya est une espèce d'oiseaux particuliers à cette contrée.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . chiapanecs;--_chiapan_, 'locality of the chia' (oil-seed). _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . '_chiapanèque_, du nahuatl _chiapanecatl_, c'est-à-dire homme de la rivière chiapan (eau douce), n'est pas le nom véritable de ce peuple; c'est celui que lui donnèrent les mexicains.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . chichimecs;--'_chichi_, perro, o perra.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. _chichi_, 'dog'; perhaps as inhabitants of _chichimecan_, 'place of dogs.' _mecatl_ may mean 'line,' 'row,' 'race,' and _chichimecatl_, therefore 'one of the race of dogs.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, pp. , . 'chichimèque veut dire, à proprement parler, homme sauvage.... ce mot désigne des hommes qui mangent de la viande crue et sucent le sang des animaux; car _chichiliztli_ veut dire, en mexicain, sucer; _chichinaliztli_, la chose que l'on suce, et _chichihualli_, mamelle.... toutes les autres nations les redoutaient et leur donnaient le nom de suceurs, en mexicain, _chichimecatechinani_. ... les mexicains nomment aussi les chiens chichime, parce qu'ils lèchent le sang des animaux et le sucent.' _camargo_, _hist. tlaxcallan_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . '_teuchichimecas_, que quiere decir _del todo barbados_, que por otro nombre se decian cacachimecas, ó sea hombres silvestres.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . '_chichimec_ ou _chichimetl_, suceur de maguey, et de là les chichimèques.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. , . other derivations are from _chichen_, a city of yucatan, and from _chichiltic_ 'red,' referring to the color of all indians. _id._, _popol vuh_, p. lxiii. '_chi_ ... selon vetancourt, c'est une préposition, exprimant ce qui est tout en bas, au plus profond, comme _aco_ signifie ce qui est au plus haut.... _chichi_ est un petit chien (_chi-en_), de ceux qu'on appelle de chihuahua, qui se creusent des tanières souterraines.... _chichi_ énonce tout ce qui est amer, aigre ou âcre, tout ce qui fait tache: il a le sens de sucer, d'absorber; c'est la salive, c'est le poumon et la mamelle. si maintenant ... j'ajoute _me_, primitif de _metl_, aloès, chose courbée, vous aurez _chichime_, choses courbes, tortueuses, suçantes, absorbantes, amères, âcres ou acides, se cachant, comme les petits chiens terriers, sous le sol où elles se concentrent, commes des poumons ou des mamelles.... or, puisqu'il est acquis, d'après ces peintures et ces explications, que tout cela doit s'appliquer à une puissance tellurique, errante, d'ordinaire, comme les populations nomades, auxquelles on attacha le nom de _chichimeca_.' _id._, _quatre lettres_, pp. - . cholultecs;--from _choloa_, meaning 'to spring,' 'to run,' 'to flee,' or 'place where water springs up,' 'place of flight,' or 'fugitives.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . 'c'est du lieu d'où ils étaient sortis primitivement, ou plutôt à cause de leur qualité actuelle d'exilés, qu'ils prirent ensuite le nom de _cholutecas_.' '_cholutecas_, mieux _cholultecas_, c'est-à-dire, exilés, et aussi, habitants de cholullan.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . chontales;--'_chontalli_, estrangero o forastero.' _molina_, _vocabulario_; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . cocomes;--'_cocom_ signifie écouteur, croyant.' _landa_, _rel. de las cosas de yucatan_, p. . 'cocom est un nom d'origine nahuatl; il est le pluriel de cohuatl, serpent.... dans la langue maya, le mot cocom a la signification d'écouteur, celui qui entend; cette étymologie nous paraît plus rationnelle que la première.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . cohuixcas;--ayala translates the name of their province cuixca, 'tierra de lagartijas.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . cuitlahuacs;--'_cuitlatl_, excremento, y genéricamente cosa sucia.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . '_cuitlahuac_, dans celui qui a les excréments, de cuitlatl, excrément, déjection de l'homme ou de l'animal, mais que le chroniste mexicain applique ici aux déjections du volcan voisin de la grande-base ... de là le nom de _teo-cuitlatl_, excréments divins, donné aux métaux précieux, l'or avec l'adjectif jaune, l'argent avec l'adjectif blanc.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _quatre lettres_, p. . cuitlatlan, 'locality of dirt.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . '_cuitlatl_, mierda.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. the name of the cuitlatecs seems to have no separate etymological meaning. culhuas;--see acolhuas. the two people are not supposed to have been the same, but it is probable that they are identical in the derivation of their names. huastecs;--'_huaxtlan_ es una palabra mexicana que significa, "donde hay, ó abunda el _huaxi_," fruto muy conocido en méxico con el nombre castellanizado de _guaje_. compónese aquella palabra de _huaxin_, perdiendo _in_ por contraccion, muy usada en mexicano al componerse las palabras, y de _tlan_, partícula que significa "donde hay, ó abunda algo," y que sirve para formar colectivos. de _huaxtlan_ es de donde, segun parece, viene el nombre gentilicio _huaxtecatl_, que los españoles convirtieron en _huaxteca_ ó _huaxteco_.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., pp. - ; _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, pp. - . 'el que es inhábil ó tosco, le llaman ... _cuextecatl_.' from the name of their ruler, who took too much wine. 'así por injuria, y como alocado, le llamaban de cuextecatl.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - , - . huexotzincas;--diminutive of _huexotla_, 'willow-forest.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . itzas;--from the name of zamná, the first yucatan civilizer. 'le llamaban tambien ytzamná, y le adoraban por dios.' _cogolludo_, _hist. de yucathan_, p. . '_itzmat-ul_, que quiere dezir el que recibe y posee la gracia, ó rozio, ó sustancia del cielo.' '_ytzen caan, ytzen muyal_, que era dezir yo soy el rozio ó sustancia del cielo y nubes.' _lizana_, in _landa_, _rel. de las cosas de yucatan_, p. . 'suivant ordoñez, le mot itza est composé de itz, doux, et de hà, eau.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . malinalcas;--'_malina_, nitla, torcer cordel encima del muslo.' '_malinqui_, cosa torcida.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. '_malinal_ est le nom commun de la liane, ou des cordes tordues.' '_malina_, tordre, qui fait _malinal_, liane ou corde. ou bien plus littéralement de choses tournées, percée à jour, de _mal_, primitif de _mamali_, percer, tarauder, et de _nal_, de part en part, tout autour.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _quatre lettres_, pp. - . mames;--'el verdadero nombre de la lengua y de la tribu es mem, que quiere decir tartamudos porque los pueblos que primero les oyeron hablar, encontraron semejanza entre los tardos para pronunciar, y la manera con que aquellos decian su lengua.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. . 'a esta lengua llaman _mame_, é indios _mames_ á los de esta sierra, porque ordinariamente hablan y responden con esta palabra _man_, que quiere decir _padre_.' _reynoso_, in _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., pp. - . '_mem_ veut dire bègue et muet.' '"mem", mal à propos défiguré dans mame par les espagnols, servit depuis généralement à désigner les nations qui conservèrent leur ancienne langue et demeurèrent plus ou moins indépendantes des envahisseurs étrangers.' mam 'veut dire ancien, vieillard.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . mam sometimes means grand-son. _id._, _popol vuh_, p. . matlaltzincas;--'el nombre _matlalcincatl_, tomóse de _matlatl_ que es la red con la cual desgranaban el maiz, y hacian otras cosas.... tambien se llaman _matlatzincas_ de hondas que se dicen _tlematlate_, y así _matlatzincas_ por otra interpretacion quiere decir, honderos ó fondibularios; porque los dichos _matlatzincas_ cuando muchachos, usaban mucho traer las hondas, y de ordinario las traían consigo, como los _chichimecas_ sus arcos, y siempre andaban tirando con ellas. tambien les llamaban del nombre de red por otra razon que és la mas principal, porque cuando à su idolo sacrificaban alguna persona, le echaban dentro en una red, y allí le retorcian y estrujaban con la dicha red, hasta que le hacian echar los intestinos. la causa de llamarse _coatl_ (ramirez) dice que "debe leerse _cuaitl_ (cabeza). coatl significa culebra," cuando es uno, y _qüaqüatas_ cuando son muchos és, porque siempre traían la cabeza ceñida con la honda; por lo cual el vocablo se decia _qüa_ por abreviatura, que quiere decir _quaitl_ que es la cabeza, _yta_ que quiere decir _tamatlatl_ (molina says 'honda para tirar es _tematlatl, tlatematlauiloni_') ques es la honda, y así quiere decir _quatlatl_ hombre que trae la honda en la cabeza por guirnalda: tambien se interpreta de otra manera, que quiere decir hombre de cabeza de piedra.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. , and _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . '_matlatzinia_, dar palmadas.' '_matlatepito_, red pequeña.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. from _matlatl_, 'net', meaning therefore 'small place of nets'. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . 'de _matlatl_, le filet, les mailles.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _quatre lettres_, p. . '_matlatzinco_ es una palabra mexicana que significa "lugarcito de las redes", pues se compone de _matlat_, red, y la partícula _tzinco_ que expresa diminucion. fácilmente se comprende, pues, que _matlatzinca_ viene de _matlatzinco_, y que la etimología exige que estas palabras se escriban con _c_ (mejor _k_) y no con _g_ como hacen algunos autores', _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . mayas;--'"_mai_", une divinité ou un personnage des temps antiques, sans doute celui à l'occasion duquel le pays fut appelé _maya_.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _rel. de las cosas de yucatan_, p. . '_maya_ ou _maïa_, nom antique d'une partie du yucatan, paraît signifier aussi la terre.' _id._, p. lxx. 'maayhà, non adest aqua, suivant ordoñez, c'est-à-dire, terre sans eau.' _id._, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . the terminations _a_ and _o_ of this name are spanish. _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . mizquicas;--'_mizquitl_, arbol de goma para tinta.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. _mizquitl_, a tree yielding the pure gum arabic, a species of acacia. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . miztecs;--'la palabra mexicana _mixtecatl_, es nombre nacional, derivado de _mixtlan_, lugar de nubes ó nebuloso, compuesto de _mixtli_, nube, y de la terminacion _tlan_.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . _mixtlan_, 'place of clouds.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . '_mixtecapan_ ... pays des brouillards.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . nahuas;--'todos los que hablan claro la lengua mexicana que les llaman _nahóas_, son descendientes de los tultecas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . '_nahoatl_ ó _nahuatl_, segun el diccionario de molina, significa _cosa que suena bien_, de modo que viene à ser un adjetivo que aplicado al sustantivo _idioma_, creo que puede traducirse por _armonioso_.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . something of fine, or clear, or loud sound; _nahuatlato_ means an interpreter; _nahuati_, to speak loud; _nahuatia_, to command. the name has no connection whatever with _anáhuac_. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, pp. - . 'molina le traduit par ladino, instruit, expert, civilisé, et lui donne aussi un sens qui se rapporte aux sciences occultes. on n'en trouve pas, toutefois, la racine dans le mexicain. la langue quichée en donne une explication parfaite: il vient du verbe _nao_ ou _naw_, connaître, sentir, savoir, penser; _tin nao_, je sais; _naoh_, sagesse, intelligence. il y a encore le verbe radical _na_, sentir, soupçonner. le mot _nahual_ dans son sens primitif et véritable, signifie donc littéralement "qui sait tout"; c'est la même chose absolument que le mot anglais _know-all_, avec lequel il a tant d'identité. le quiché et le cakchiquel l'emploient fréquemment aussi dans le sens de mystérieux, extraordinaire, merveilleux.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. - , . nonohualcas;--the tutul-xius, chiefs of a nahuatl house in tulan, seem to have borne the name of _nonoual_, which may have given rise to _nonohualco_ or _onohualco_. '_nonoual_ ne serait-il pas une altération de _nanaual_ ou _nanahuatl_?' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _rel. de las cosas de yucatan_, p. . olmecs;--olmecatl was the name of their first traditionary leader. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . _olmecatl_ may mean an inhabitant of the town of _olman_; but as _mecatl_ is also used for 'shoot', 'offspring', 'branch', the word probably comes from _olli_, and means 'people of the gum'. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . otomÍs;--'el vocablo _otomitl_, que es el nombre de los _otomies_, tomáronlo de su caudillo, el cual se llamaba _oton_.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . not a native word, but mexican, derived perhaps from _otli_, 'road', and _tomitl_, 'animal hair', referring possibly to some peculiar mode of wearing the hair. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, pp. - . '_otho_ en la misma lengua othomí quiere decir _nada_, y _mi_, quieto, ó sentado, de manera que traducida literalmente la palabra, significa nada-quieto, cuya idea pudiéramos expresar diciendo _peregrino_ ó _errante_.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. ; _náxera_, _disertacion_, p. . 'son étymologie mexicaine, otomitl, signifie la flèche d'oton.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . pipiles;--a reduplication of _pilli_, which has two meanings, 'noble' and 'child', the latter being generally regarded as its meaning in the tribal name. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, pp. - . so called because they spoke the mexican language with a childish pronunciation. _juarros' hist. guat._, p. . pokomams;--'_pokom_, dont la racine _pok_ désigne une sorte de tuf blanc et sablonneux.... la termination _om_ est un participe présent. de _pokom_ vient le nom de pokomam et de pokomchi, qui fut donné à ces tribus de la qualité du sol où ils bâtirent leur ville.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . quichÉs;--'la palabra _quiché_, _kiché_, ó _quitze_, significa _muchos árboles_.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . 'de _quï_ beaucoup, plusieurs, et de _che_, arbre, ou de _queche_, _quechelah_, _qechelah_, la forêt.' _ximenez_, in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, p. cclxv. tarascos;--'tarasco viene de _tarhascue_, que en la lengua de michoacan significa suegro, ó yerno segun dice el p. lagunas en su gramática.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . '_taras_ en la lengua mexicana se dice _mixcoatl_, que era el dios de los _chichimecas_.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . 'Á quienes dieron el nombre de tarascos, por el sonido que les hacian las partes genitales en los muslos al andar.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. des nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . tepanecs;--_tepan_, 'stony place', from _tetl_, or _tecpan_, 'royal palace'. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . '_tecpantlan_ signifie auprès des palais.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, p. cx. 'cailloux roulés sur la roche, _te-pa-ne-ca_, littéralement ce qui est mêlé ensemble sur la pierre; ou bien _te-pan-e-ca_, c'est-à-dire avec des petites pierres sur la roche ou le solide, _e_, pour _etl_, le haricot, frijol, étant pris souvent dans le sens d'une petite pierre sur une surface, etc.' _id._, _quatre lettres_, p. . tlahuicas;--from _tlahuitl_, 'cinnabar', from this mineral being plentiful in their country. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . _tlahuilli_, 'poudres brillantes.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _quatre lettres_, p. . '_tlauia_, alumbrar a otros con candela o hacha.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. tlapanecs;--'y llámanlos tambien tlapanecas que quiere decir _hombres almagrados_, porque se embijaban con color.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . from _tlalpantli_, 'ground'; may also come from _tlalli_, 'land'. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . _tlapallan_, 'terre colorée'. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, p. lxiii. tla, 'feu'. _id._, _quatre lettres_, p. . '_tlapani_, quebrarse algo, o el tintorero que tiñe paños.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. probably a synonym of yoppi, q. v. _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . tlascaltecs;--'_tlaxcalli_, tortillas de mayz, o pan generalmente.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. _tlaxcalli_, 'place of bread or tortillas', the past participle of _ixca_, 'to bake or broil'. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . toltecs;--'_toltecayotl_, maestria de arte mecanica. _toltecatl_, official de arte mecanica. _toltecauia_, fabricar o hazer algo el maestro.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. 'los _tultecas_ todos se nombraban _chichimecas_, y no tenian otro nombre particular sino este que tomaron de la curiosidad, y primor de las obras que hacian, que se llamaron obras _tultecas_ ó sea como si digesemos, oficiales pulidos y curiosos como ahora los de flandes, y con razon, porque eran sutiles y primorosos en cuanto ellos ponian la mano, que todo era muy bueno.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . toltecs, 'people of tollan'. tollan, 'place of willows or reeds', from _tolin_, 'willow, reed.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . '_toltecatl_ était le titre qu'on donnait à un artiste habile.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . tollan: 'elle est frappante ... par l'identité qu'elle présente avec le nom de _metztli_ ou le croissant. en effet, ce qu'elle exprime, d'ordinaire, c'est l'idée d'un "pays recourbé" ou incliné. sa première syllabe _tol_, primitif de _toloa_, "abaxar, inclinar la cabeça," dit molina, "entortar, encorvar," dit-il ailleurs, signifie donc baisser, incliner la tête, se tortuer, courber, ce qui, avec la particule locale _lan_ pour _tlan_ ou _tan_, la terre, l'endroit, annonce une terre ou un pays recourbé, sens exact du mot _tollan_. du même verbe vient _tollin_, le jonc, le roseau, dont la tête s'incline au moindre vent; de là, le sens de jonquière, de limné, que peut prendre _tollan_, dont le hiéroglyphe représente précisément le son et la chose, et qui paraît exprimer doublement l'idée de cette terre fameuse de la courbe ou du croissant, basse et marécageuse en beaucoup d'endroits suivant la tradition.... dans sa (the word _toloa_) signification active, molina le traduit par "tragar", avaler, engloutir, ce qui donne alors pour _tollan_, le sens de terre engloutie, abîmée, qui, comme vous le voyez, convient on ne peut mieux dans le cas présent. mais si _tollan_ est la terre engloutie, si c'est en même temps le pays de la courbe, metztli ou le croissant, ces deux noms, remarquez-le, peuvent s'appliquer aussi bien au lieu où il a été englouti, à l'eau qui se courbait le long des rivages du croissant, soit à l'intérieur des grandes golfes du nord et du midi, soit au rivage convexe, tourné comme le genou de la jambe, vers l'orient. c'est ainsi qu'on retrouve l'identification continuelle de l'idée mâle avec l'idée femelle, du contenu et du contenant, de _tollan_, le pays englouti, avec _tollan_, l'océan engloutisseur, de l'eau qui est contenue et des continents qui l'enserrent dans leurs limites. ajoutons, pour compléter cette analyse, que _tol_, dans la langue quichée, est un verbe, dont _tolan_ est le passé, et qu'ainsi que _tulan_ il signifie l'abandon, la nudité, etc. de _tol_, faites _tor_, dans la même langue, et vous aurez avec _toran_, ce qui est tourné ou retourné, comme en mexicain, de même que dans _turn_ (touran) vous trouverez ce qui a été renversé, bouleversé de fond en comble, noyé sous les eaux, etc. dans la langue maya, _tul_ signifie remplir, combler, et _an_, comme en quiché, est le passé du verbe: mais si à _tul_ on ajoute _ha_ ou _a_, l'eau, nous avons _tuhla_ ou _tula_, rempli, submergé d'eau. en dernière analyse, _tol_ ou _tul_ paraît avoir pour l'origine _ol_, _ul_, couler, venir, suivant le quiché encore; primitif d'_olli_, ou bien d'_ulli_, en langue nahuatl, la gomme élastique liquide, la boule noire du jeu de paume, qui devient le hiéroglyphe de l'eau, remplissant les deux golfes. le préfixe _t_ pour _ti_ serait une préposition; faisant _to_, il signifie l'orbite de l'oeil, en quiché, image de l'abîme que la boule noire remplit comme sa prunelle, ce dont vous pouvez vous assurer dans la figure de la page suivante; _to_ est, en outre, l'aide, l'instrument, devenant _tool_; mais en mexicain, _to_, primitif de _ton_, est la chaleur de l'eau bouillante. _tol_, contracté de _to-ol_, pourrait donc avoir signifié "le liquide bouillant", ou la venue de la chaleur bouillante, de l'embrasement. avec _teca_, étendre, le mot entier _tolteca_, nous aurions donc, étendre le courbé, etc., et _tol-tecatl_, le toltèque, serait ce qui étend le courbé ou l'englouti, on bien l'eau bouillante, etc. ces étymologies rentrent donc toutes dans la même idée qui, sous bien des rapports, fait des toltèques, une des puissances telluriques, destructrices de la terre du croissant.' _id._, _quatre lettres_, pp. - . totonacs;--from _tototl_ and _nacatl_, 'bird-flesh'; or from _tona_, 'to be warm'. _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . '_totonaco_ significa á la letra, tres corazones en un sentido, y tres panales en otro,' from _toto_, 'three', and _naco_, 'heart', in the totonac language. _dominguez_, in _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., pp. - . '_totonal_, el signo, en que alguno nasce, o el alma y espiritu.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. tutul-xius;--'le nom des tutul-xiu paraît d'origine nahuatl; il serait dérivé de _totol_, _tototl_, oiseau, et de _xíuitl_, ou _xíhuitl_, herbe.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _rel. de las cosas de yucatan_, p. . xicalancas;--'_xicalli_, vaso de calabaça.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. _xicalli_, 'place of this species of calabash or drinking-shell.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . 'xicalanco, la ville des courges ou des tasses faites de la courge et appelée xicalli dans ces contrées, et dont les espagnols ont fait xicara.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . xochimilcas;--from _xochitl_, 'flower', and _milli_, 'piece of land', meaning 'place of flower-fields.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . '_xochimicque_ captiuos en guerra.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. '_xochimilca_, habitants de _xochimilco_, lieu où l'on sème tout en bas de la base, nom de la terre végétale et fertile où l'on ensemençait, _m'il_, qu'on retourne, d'où le mot _mil_ ou _milli_, champ, terre ensemencée, et sans doute aussi le latin _milium_, notre _míl_ et _millet_.' 'j'ajouterai seulement que ce nom signifie dans le langage ordinaire, ceux qui cultivent de fleurs, de _xochitl_, fleur, littéralement, ce qui vit sous la base.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _quatre lettres_, pp. - . yoppi;--'llámanles _yopes_ porque su tierra se llama _yopinzinco_.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . 'inferimos ... que yope, yopi, jope, segun se encuentra escrita la palabra en varios lugares, es sinónimo de tlapaneca.' _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . _yopaa_, 'land of tombs.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . zapotecs;--'_tzapotl_, cierta fruta conocida.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. _tzapotlan_, 'place of the zapotes, trees or fruits.' _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, p. . 'derivado de la palabra mexicana _tzapotlan_, que significa "lugar de los _zapotes_", nombre castellanizado de una fruta muy conocida.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. i., p. . '_zapotecapan_ est le nom que les mexicains avaient donné à cette contrée, à cause de la quantité et de la qualité supérieure de ses fruits.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . zotziles;--'_zotzil_, murciélago.' _pimentel_, _cuadro_, tom. ii., p. . zotzilha 'signifie la ville des chauves-souris.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . chapter iii. government of the nahua nations. system of government--the aztec confederacy--order of succession--election of kings among the mexicans--royal prerogatives--government and laws of succession among the toltecs and in michoacan, tlascala, cholula, huexotzinco, and oajaca--magnificence of the nahua monarchs--ceremony of anointment--ascent to the temple--the holy unction--address of the high-priest to the king--penance and fasting in the house called tlacatecco--homage of the nobles--general rejoicing throughout the kingdom--ceremony of coronation--the procuring of sacrifices--description of the crown--coronations, feasts, and entertainments--hospitality extended to enemies--coronation-speech of nezahualpilli, king of tezcuco, to montezuma ii. of mexico--oration of a noble to a newly elected king. the prevailing form of government among the civilized nations of mexico and central america was monarchical and nearly absolute, although some of the smaller and less powerful states, as for instance, tlascala, affected an aristocratic republican system. the three great confederated states of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan were each governed by a king, who had supreme authority in his own dominion, and in matters touching it alone. where, however, the welfare of the whole allied community was involved, no one king could act without the concurrence of the others; nevertheless, the judgment of one who was held to be especially skilful and wise in any question under consideration, was usually deferred to by his colleagues. thus in matters of war, or foreign relations, the opinion of the king of mexico had most weight, while in the administration of home government, and in decisions respecting the rights of persons, it was customary during the reigns of the two royal sages of tezcuco, nezahualcoyotl and nezahualpilli, to respect their counsel above all other.[ ] the relative importance of these three kingdoms must, however, have shown greater disparity as fresh conquests were made, since in the division of territory acquired by force of arms, tlacopan received only one fifth, and of the remainder, judging by the relative power and extent of the states when the spaniards arrived, it is probable that mexico took the larger share.[ ] [sidenote: election of kings.] [sidenote: order of succession.] in tezcuco and tlacopan the order of succession was lineal and hereditary, in mexico it was collateral and elective. in the two former kingdoms, however, although the sons succeeded their fathers, it was not according to birth, but according to rank; the sons of the queen, or principal wife, who was generally a daughter of the royal house of mexico, being always preferred to the rest.[ ] in mexico, the eldest surviving brother of the deceased monarch was generally elected to the throne, and when there were no more brothers, then the nephews, commencing with the eldest son of the first brother that had died; but this order was not necessarily observed, since the electors, though restricted in their choice to one family, could set aside the claims of those whom they considered incompetent to reign; and, indeed, it was their particular duty to select from among the relatives of the deceased king the one best fitted to bear the dignity and responsibility of supreme lord.[ ] during the early days of the mexican monarchy the king was elected by vote of the whole people, who were guided in their choice by their leaders; even the women appear to have had a voice in the matter at this period.[ ] afterwards, the duty of electing the king of mexico devolved upon four or five of the chief men of the empire. the kings of tezcuco and tlacopan were also electors, but with merely an honorary rank; they ratified the decision of the others, but probably took no direct part in the election, although their influence and wishes doubtless carried great weight with the council. as soon as the new king had been chosen the body of electors was dissolved, and others were appointed in their place, whose duties also terminated with their first electoral vote.[ ] this plan of election was not without its advantages. as the persons to whom the choice was entrusted were great ministers or lords who lived at court, they had better opportunities of observing the true character of the future candidates for the throne than the common people, who are ever too apt to judge, by pleasing exterior rather than by real merit, those with whose private life they can have no acquaintance. in the next place, the high private rank of the mexican electors placed them beyond the ordinary influence of bribery or threats; and thus the state was in a measure free from that system of corruption which makes the voice of the people a mockery in more democratic communities, and which would have prevailed to a far greater extent in a country where feudal relations existed between lord and vassal. then again, the freedom of choice accorded to electors enabled them to prevent imbeciles from assuming the responsibilities of kingship, and thus the most conspicuous evil of an hereditary monarchy was avoided. [sidenote: power of the mexican kings.] the almost absolute authority vested in the person of the sovereign rendered great discrimination necessary in his selection. it was essential that the ruler of a people surrounded by enemies and continually bent upon conquest, should be an approved and valiant warrior; having the personal direction of state affairs, it was necessary that he should be a deep and subtle politician; the gross superstition and theocratic tendencies of the governed required the governor to be versed in religion, holding the gods in reverence; and the records of the nation prove that he was generally a man of culture, and a patron of art and science. in its first stages the mexican monarchy partook rather of an aristocratic than of an absolute nature. though the king was ostensibly the supreme head of the state, he was expected to confer with his council, which was composed of the royal electors, and other exalted personages, before deciding upon any important step;[ ] and though the legislative power rested entirely in his hands, the executive government was entrusted to regularly appointed officials and courts of justice. as the empire, owing to the able administration of a succession of conquering princes, increased in greatness, the royal power gradually increased, although i find nothing of constitutional amendments or reconstructions until the time of montezuma ii., when the authority of all tribunals was reduced almost to a dead letter, if opposed to the desires or commands of the king. the neighboring independent and powerful kingdom of michoacan was governed by an absolute monarch, who usually resided at his capital, on lake patzcuaro. over each province was placed a governor, chosen from the first ranks of the nobility, who ruled with great if not absolute authority, in the name of the king, and maintained a court that was in almost every respect a miniature of that of his sovereign. the order of succession was hereditary and lineal, the eldest son generally succeeding to the throne. the selection of a successor, however, was left to the reigning king, who, when he felt himself to be near his end, was at liberty to choose from among his sons the one whom he thought best fitted to govern. in order to test his capability and accustom him to handling the reigns of government, and that he might have the old monarch's advice, the chosen heir immediately began to exercise the functions of king. a custom similar to this existed among the ancient toltecs. their kings were only permitted to reign for a _xiuhmolpilli_, that is to say an 'age,' which was fifty-two years, after which time the eldest son was invested with royal authority and commenced to reign.[ ] when the old michoacan monarch fell sick, the son who had been nominated as his successor immediately dispatched messengers to all the grandees of the kingdom, with orders to repair immediately to the capital. none was exempt from being present, and a failure to comply with the summons was held to be lèse-majesté. having assembled at the palace, if the invalid is able to receive them, the nobles pass one by one through his chamber and with words of condolence and encouragement seek to comfort him. before leaving the palace each mourner deposits in the throne-room certain presents, brought for the occasion as a more substantial testimonial of his sorrow. if, however, the physicians pronounce the royal patient beyond hope of recovery, no one is allowed to see him.[ ] [sidenote: government in tlascala.] [sidenote: the pontiff of yopaa.] he who reads the romantic story of the conquest, feels his heart warm towards that staunch little nation of warriors, the tlascaltecs. there is that about the men who ate their meat saltless for fifty years rather than humble themselves before the mighty despots of mexico, that savors of the same material that defied the persian host at thermopylæ. had the tlascaltecs steadily opposed the spaniards, cortés never could have gone forward to look upon the face of king montezuma, nor backward to king charles as the conqueror of new spain; the warriors who routed their allied enemies on the bloody plains of poyauhtlan, assuredly could have offered the hearts of the invaders an acceptable sacrifice to the gods of tlascala. the state of tlascala, though invariably spoken of as a republic, was certainly not so in the modern acceptation of the term. at the time of the conquest it was governed by four supreme lords, each independent in his own territory, and possessed of equal authority with the others in matters concerning the welfare of all.[ ] a parliament or senate, composed of these four lords and the rest of the nobility, settled the affairs of government, especially those relating to peace and war. the law of succession was much the same as in michoacan. the chief before his death named the son whom he wished to succeed him, who, however, did not, as in michoacan, commence to govern until after his father's death. the old chief's choice was restricted in two ways: in the first place the approval of his three colleagues was necessary; and secondly, legitimate sons, that is the sons of a wife to whom he had been united according to certain forms, must take precedence of his other children. in default of sons, the brothers of the deceased chief succeeded.[ ] in any event the property of the late ruler was inherited by his brothers, who also, according to a custom which we shall find to be almost universal among the civilized peoples of the new world, married his widows.[ ] such information as i find upon the subject ascribes the same form of government to cholula and huexotzinco, that was found in tlascala.[ ] the miztecs and zapotecs acknowledged one supreme chief or king; the law of inheritance with them was similar to that of tlascala, except that in default of sons a daughter could inherit.[ ] the zapotecs appear, at least in the more ancient times, to have been, if possible, even more priest-ridden than their neighbors; the orders of priests existing among them were, as will be seen elsewhere, numerous, and seem to have possessed great power, secular as well as sacerdotal. yopaa, one of their principal cities, was ruled absolutely by a pontiff, in whom the zapotec monarchs had a powerful rival. it is impossible to overrate the reverence in which this spiritual king was held. he was looked upon as a god, whom the earth was not worthy to hold, nor the sun to shine upon. he profaned his sanctity if he so much as touched the ground with his foot. the officers who bore his palanquin upon their shoulders were members of the first zapotec families; he scarcely deigned to look upon anything about him. he never appeared in public, except with the most extraordinary pomp, and all who met him fell with their faces to the ground, fearing that death would overtake them were they to look upon the face of the holy wiyatao, as he was called. the most powerful lords never entered his presence except with eyes lowered and feet bared, and even the zapotec princes of the blood must occupy a seat before him lower than his own. continence was strictly imposed upon the zapotec priests, and especially was it incumbent upon the pontiff of yopaa, from the eminence of his position, to be a shining light of chastity for the guidance of those who looked up to him; yet was the pontifical dignity hereditary in the family of the wiyatao. the way in which this paradox is explained is as follows: on certain days in each year, which were generally celebrated with feasts and dances, it was customary for the high-priest to become drunk. while in this state, seeming to belong neither to heaven nor to earth, one of the most beautiful of the virgins consecrated to the service of the gods was brought to him. if the result of this holy debauch proved to be a male infant, the child was brought up with great care as a prince of the royal family. the eldest son of the reigning pontiff inherited the throne of yopaa, or in default of children, the high-priest's nearest relative succeeded. the younger children devoted themselves to the service of the gods, or married and remained laymen, according to their inclination or the paternal wish; in either case the most honorable and important positions usually fell to their lot.[ ] * * * * * the pomp and circumstance which surrounded the aztec monarchs, and the magnificence of their every-day life was most impressive. from the moment of his coronation the aztec sovereign lived in an atmosphere of adulation unknown to the mightiest potentate of the old world. reverenced as a god, the haughtiest nobles, sovereigns in their own land, humbled themselves before him; absolute in power, the fate of thousands depended upon a gesture of his hand. [sidenote: ceremony of anointment.] the ceremony of anointment, which preceded and was entirely distinct from that of coronation, was an occasion of much display. in mexico, as soon as the new king was elected, which was immediately after the funeral of his predecessor, the kings of tezcuco and tlacopan were sent for to be present at the ceremony of anointment; all the great feudatory lords, who had been present at the funeral of the late king, were also invited to attend. when all are assembled the procession sets out for the temple of huitzilopochtli, the god of war. the kings of tezcuco and tlacopan, surrounded by all the most powerful nobles of the realm, bearing their ensigns and insignia of rank, lead the van. next comes the king elect, naked, excepting only the maxtli, or cloth about the loins; following these are the lesser nobles, and after them the common people. silently the procession wends its way along the streets; no beat of drum nor shout of people is heard above the tramping. the road in advance is as free from obstruction as a corridor in the royal palace; no one moves among the multitude that string along its edges, but all stand with bended head and eyes downcast until the solemn pageant has passed, when they close in with the jostling and whispering crowd that follows. arrived at the temple the king and that part of the procession which precedes him ascend to the summit. during the ascent he is supported on either side by a great lord, and such aid is not superfluous, for the staircases, having in all one hundred and fourteen steps, each a foot high, are so arranged that it is necessary to go completely round the building several times before reaching the top. on the summit the king is met by the high-priest and his colleagues, the people meanwhile waiting below. his first action upon reaching the summit is to pay reverence to the image of the god of battles by touching the earth with his hand and then carrying it to his mouth. the high-priest now anoints the king throughout his entire body with a certain black ointment, and sprinkles him with water which has been blessed at the grand feast of huitzilopochtli, using for this purpose branches of cedar and willow and leaves of maize;[ ] at the same time he addresses a few words of counsel to him. the newly anointed monarch is next clothed with a mantle, on which are represented skulls and bones, to remind him, we are told, that even kings are mortal; his head is covered with two cloths, or veils, one blue and the other black, and decorated in a similar manner; about his neck is tied a small gourd, containing a certain powder, which is esteemed a strong preservative against disease, sorcery, and treason. a censer containing live coals is put into his right hand, and into his left a bag of copal, and thus accoutred and provided he proceeds to incense the god huitzilopochtli.[ ] this act of worship he performs on his knees, amid the cheers of the people below, and the playing of musical instruments. he has concluded now, and the high-priest again addresses a short speech to him. consider well, sire, he says, the great honor which your subjects have conferred upon you, and remember now that you are king, that it is your duty to watch over your people with great care, to look upon them as your children, to preserve them from suffering, and to protect the weak from the oppression of the strong. behold before you the chiefs of your kingdom together with all your subjects, to whom you are both father and mother, for it is to you they turn for protection. it is now your place to command and to govern, and most especially is it your duty to bestow great attention upon all matters relating to war, to search out and punish criminals without regard to rank, to put down rebellion, and to chastise the seditious. let not the strength of religion decline during your reign, see that the temples are well cared for, let there be ever an abundance of victims for sacrifice, and so will you prosper in all your undertakings and be beloved of the gods. gomara affirms that the high-priest imposed an oath upon the king that during his reign he would maintain the religion of his ancestors, and observe their laws; that he would give offence to none, and be valiant in war; that he would make the sun to shine, the clouds to give rain, the rivers to flow, and the earth to bring forth fruits in abundance.[ ] the allied kings and the nobles next address him to the same purpose; to which the king answers with thanks and promises to exert himself to the utmost of his power for the happiness of the state. the speeches being ended the procession again winds round the temple until, following terrace after terrace, it finally reaches the ground in the same order that it went up. the king now receives homage and gifts from the rest of the nobility, amidst the loud acclaims of the people. he is next conducted to a temple called tlacatecco, where during four days he remains alone, doing penance and eating but once a day, with the liberty, however, of choosing his own food. twice in each twenty-four hours he bathes, once at noon and once at midnight, and after each bath he draws blood from his ears and offers it, together with some burnt copal, to huitzilopochtli. the remainder of his time during these four days he occupies in praying the gods to endow him with the wisdom and prudence necessary to the ruler of a mighty kingdom. on the fifth day he is conducted in state to the royal palace, where the feudatory lords come to renew the investiture of their feifs. then follow great public rejoicings, with games, feasts, dances, and illuminations. * * * * * [sidenote: coronation ceremony.] the coronation was, as i have stated, a ceremony distinct from the anointment. to prepare for it, it was necessary that the newly elected king should go out to war, to procure victims for the sacrifices necessary on such an occasion. they were never without enemies upon whom war might be made; either some province of the kingdom had rebelled, or mexican merchants had been unjustly put to death, or insult had been offered to the royal ambassadors, or, if none of these excuses was at hand, the importance of the occasion alone rendered war justifiable. of the manner in which war was waged, and of the triumphal return of the victorious army, i shall speak in another place. it appears that when a king of mexico was crowned, the diadem was placed upon his head by the king of tezcuco. the crown, which was called by the mexicans _copilli_, was in shape like a small mitre, the fore part of which stood erect and terminated in a point, while the hinder part hung down over the neck. it was composed of different materials, according to the pleasure of the wearer; sometimes it was of thin plates of gold, sometimes it was woven of golden thread and adorned with beautiful feathers.[ ] accounts of the particular ceremonies used at the coronation are wanting, but all agree that they were of unparalleled splendor. the new king entertained most sumptuously at his own palace all the great nobles of his realm; honors were conferred with a lavish hand, and gifts were made in profusion both by and to the king. splendid banquets were given in which all the nobility of the kingdom participated, and the lower classes were feasted and entertained with the greatest liberality. the fondness of the aztecs for all kinds of public games and festivals is evidenced in the frequency of their feasts, and in no way could a newly elected monarch better secure a place in the affections of his subjects than by inaugurating his reign with a series of splendid entertainments. the strange fascination which this species of enjoyment possessed for them is shown by the fact that strangers and foreigners came from afar to witness the coronation feasts, and it is related that members of hostile nations were frequently discovered disguised among the crowd, and were not only allowed by the clemency of the king to pass unmolested, but were provided with seats, from which they could obtain a good view of the proceedings and where they would be secure from insult.[ ] one of the principal features of the day was the congratulatory speech of one monarch to another, which was courteous and flattering and filled with good advice; the following address of nezahualpilli, king of tezcuco, to montezuma ii., on the occasion of the accession of the latter to the throne of mexico, will illustrate. [sidenote: address to the king.] the great good fortune, most mighty lord, which has befallen this kingdom in deserving thee for its monarch, is plainly shown by the unanimity with which thou wast elected, and by the general rejoicing of thy people thereat. and they have reason to rejoice; for so great is the mexican empire that none possessed of less wisdom, prudence, and courage, than thou, were fit to govern it. truly is this people beloved of the gods, in that they have given it light to choose that which is best; for who can doubt that a prince who, before he came to the throne, made the nine heavens his study,[ ] will, now that he is king, obtain the good things of the earth for his people? who can doubt that his well-tried courage will be even greater now that it is so much needed? who can believe that so mighty and powerful a prince will be found wanting in charity toward the orphan and the widow? who can doubt that the mexican people are favored of the gods, in having for a king one to whom the great creator has imparted so much of his own glory that by simply looking upon his face we are made to partake of that glory? rejoice, o happy land! for the gods have given thee a prince who will be a firm pillar for thy support, a father and a refuge for thy succor, a more than brother in pity and mercy toward his people. verily thou hast a king who will not avail himself of his high place to give himself up to sloth and pleasure, but who, rather, will lie sleepless through the night, pondering thy welfare. tell me, then, most fortunate land, have i not reason for saying, rejoice and be happy! and thou most noble and puissant lord, be of good heart, for as the high gods have appointed thee to this office, so will they grant thee strength to fill it; and be well assured that the gods who have been so gracious to thee during these many years, will not now fail in their goodness; by them hast thou been raised to thy present exalted position; we pray that with their help thou mayest continue to hold it during many happy years to come.[ ] it is probable that the orations used upon those occasions by the aztecs were, like their prayers, not spoken ex tempore, nor even prepared beforehand by the speaker; most likely they were in the form of a fixed ritual, each being prepared to suit a special occasion, such as the coronation or burial of a monarch, and repeated as often as such an occasion occurred. some orations must be delivered by particular persons; others needed only an eloquent speaker. sahagun gives us a speech which was addressed to a newly elected king. it could be delivered, he says, by one of the high-priests, or by a noble noted for his eloquence, or by some delegate from the provinces who was an eloquent speaker, or possibly by some learned senator, or other person well versed in the art of speech-making. the language is constrained and quaint, and possibly tiresome, but as a specimen of aztec oratory i give it in full, adhering to the sense, and as clearly as possible to the words of the original: o king, most pitiful, most devout, and best beloved, more worthy to be esteemed than precious stones or choice feathers, thou art here by the will of the lord our god, who has appointed thee to rule over us in the place of the kings thy ancestors, who, dying, have let fall from their shoulders the burden of government under which they labored, even as one who toils up a hill heavy-laden. perchance these dead ones still remember and care for the land which they governed, now, by the will of god, a desert, in darkness, and desolate without a king; peradventure they look with pity upon their country, which is become a place of briars and barren, and upon their poor people who are orphans, fatherless and motherless, knowing not nor understanding those things which are best; who are unable to speak for dumbness, who are as a body without a head. he who has lately left us was strong and valorous: for a few short days he was lent to us, then like a vision he slipped from our midst, and his passing was as a dream, for the lord our god hath called him to rest with the dead kings, his ancestors, who are to-day in a manner shut from our sight in a coffer. thus was he gathered to his people, and is even now with our father and mother, the god of hell, who is called mictlantecutli. will he, peradventure, return from the place to which he is gone? may it not be that he will come back to us? gone is he forever, and his kingdom has lost him. never again, through all coming time, may we see his face, nor those who come after us. he is gone from our sight forever. our light is put out; we, whom he illumined, whom he carried, as it were, upon his shoulders, are abandoned, and in darkness, and in great peril of destruction. behold he has left his people and the throne and seat whereon our lord god placed him, and which he made it his constant aim to hold in peace and quietness. he did not cover his hands and feet with his mantle for laziness, but with diligence did he work for the good of his people. in thee, o most compassionate king, we have a great solace and joy; in thee hath the lord god given us a sun-like glory and splendor. god points at thee with his finger, he hath written down thy name in red letters. it is fixed above and below, in heaven and in hell, that thou shalt be king and possess the throne and seat and dignity of this kingdom, the root of which was deep planted long ago by thine ancestors, they themselves being its first branches. to thee, sire, is entrusted the care of the seignory. thou art the successor of the lords, thy predecessors, and must bear the burden they bore; upon thy back must thou place the load of this kingdom; to the strength of thy thighs and thine arms does the lord god entrust the government of the common people, who are capricious and hard to please. for many years must thou support and amuse them as though they were young children; during all thy life must thou dandle them in thine arms, nurse them on thy lap and soothe them to sleep with a lullaby. o, our lord, most serene and estimable, this thing was determined in heaven and in hell; this matter was considered and thou wast signaled out, upon thee fell the choice of the lord our god. was it possible that thou couldst hide thyself or escape this decision? in what esteem dost thou hold the lord god? with what respect dost thou consider the kings and great nobles who have been inspired by god to choose thee for our father and mother, whose election is divine and irrevocable? this being so, o our lord, see that thou girdest thyself for thy task, that thou puttest thy shoulder to the burden which has been imposed upon thee. let the will of god be obeyed. perchance thou wilt carry this load for a space, or it may be that death will cut thee off, and thy election be as a dream. take heed, therefore, that thou art not ungrateful, setting small store by the benefits of god. be assured that he sees all secret things, and that he will afflict thee in such manner as may seem good to him. peradventure he will send thee into the mountains and waste places, or he will cast thee upon dirt and filthiness, or some fearful and ugly thing will happen to thee; perchance thou shalt be defamed and covered with shame, or discord and revolt shall arise in thy kingdom, so that thou shalt fall into contempt and be cast down; perhaps other kings, thine enemies, may rise up against thee and conquer thee; or possibly the lord may suffer famine and want to desolate thy kingdom. what wilt thou do if in thy time thy kingdom should be destroyed, and the wrath of our god should visit thee in a pestilence? or if the light of thy splendor should be turned into utter darkness, and thy dominions laid waste? or if death should come upon thee while thou art yet young, or the lord god should set his foot upon thee before thou hast fully gathered up the reins of government? what wilt thou do if god on a sudden should send forth armies of enemies against thee, from the wilderness or from the sea, from the waste and barren places where men wage war and shed blood that the thirst of the sun and the earth may be slaked? manifold are the punishments of god for those that offend him. wherefore, o our king, it behoves thee with all thy strength to do that which is right in the fulfilment of thine office, taking care that this be done with tears and sighs, and continual prayer to the lord our god, the invisible, the impalpable. draw near to him, sire, weeping, and in all sincerity, that he may help thee to govern in peace. beware that thou receivest with kindness and humility those that approach thee in grief and despair. neither speak nor act rashly, but hear calmly and to the end all complaints brought before thee; do not harshly interrupt the words of the speaker, for thou art the image of the lord god, in thee is represented his person, thou art his reliance, with thy mouth he speaks, with thine ear he listens. be no respecter of persons, sire, but punish all alike, and justly, for thou hast thy power of god, thy right hand to punish is as the claws and teeth of god, for thou art his judge and executioner. do justice, therefore, heeding the wrath of none; this is the command of god, who hath given the doing of these things into thine hand. take care that in the high places of the lords and judges there be nothing done snatchingly nor in haste, that there be no hot words nor deeds done in anger. say not now in thine heart, i am the lord, my will is law, but rather let this be an occasion for the humbling of thy valor and the lowering of thy self-esteem. look to it that thy new dignities be not the means of puffing thee up with pride and haughtiness, but in place thereof ponder often on thy former lowly estate, from which, without desert, thou wast taken and placed where thou now art. say to thine heart, who was i? who am i? not by mine own deserts did i attain this high place, but by the will of god; verily all this is a dream, and not sober truth. be watchful, sire, that thou dost not rest free from care, that thou dost not grow heedless with pleasure, and become a glutton and wine-bibber, spending in feasting and drunkenness that which is earned by the sweat of thy subjects; let not the graciousness which god has shown in electing thee king, be repaid with profanity, folly, and disturbances. o king and grandchild of ours, god watches over those that govern his kingdoms, and when they do wrong he laughs at them; he mocks and is silent; for he is the lord our god, he does what he pleases, he scoffs at whom he pleases; we are the work of his hand, in the hollow of his palm he tosses us to and fro even as balls and playthings, he makes a mockery of us as we stumble and fall, he uses us for his ends as we roll from side to side. strive hard, o king, to do what thou hast to do little by little. perchance the number of our sins has rendered us unworthy, and thy election will be to us a vision that passes; or perchance it may be the will of the lord that thou possess the royal dignity for a time; perchance he will prove thee, and put thee to the test, and, if thou art found wanting will set up another in thy place. are not the friends of the lord great in number? art thou the only one whom he holds dear? many are the friends of the lord; many are those that call upon him; many are those that lift up their voices before him; many are those that weep before him; many are those that tearfully pray to him; many are those that sigh in his presence; verily all these are uncountable. there are many generous and prudent men of great ability and power, who pray to the lord and cry aloud to him; behold, therefore, there are not lacking others beside thyself on whom to confer the dignity of king. peradventure as a thing that endures not, as a thing seen in sleep, the lord gives thee this great honor and glory; peradventure he gives thee to smell of his tender sweetness, and passes it quickly over thy lips. o king, most fortunate, bow down and humble thyself; weep with sadness and sigh; pray fervently and do the will of the lord by night as well as by day, during the time he sees fit to spare thee. act thy part with calmness, continually praying on thy throne with kindness and softness. take heed that thou givest none cause for pain or weariness or sorrow, that thou settest thy foot upon none, that thou frightest none with angry words or fierce looks. refrain also, o our king, from all lewd jests and converse, lest thou bring thy person into contempt; levity and buffoonery are not fit for one of thy dignity. incline not thine ear to ribaldry, even though it come from a near relative, for though as a man thou art mortal, yet in respect to thine office thou art as god. though thou art our fellow-creature and friend, our son and our brother, yet are we not thine equals, nor do we look upon thee as a man, in that thou now art the image of the lord god; he it is that speaks within thee, instructing us and making himself heard through thy lips; thy mouth is his mouth, thy tongue is his tongue, thy face is his face. already he has graced thee with his authority, he has given thee teeth and claws that thou mayest be feared and respected. see to it, sire, that thy former levity be now laid aside, that thou take to thyself the heart of an old man, of one who is austere and grave. look closely to thine honor, to the decency of thy person, and the majesty of thine office; let thy words be few and serious, for thou art now another being. behold the place on which thou standest is exceeding high, and the fall therefrom is perilous. consider that thou goest on a lofty ridge and upon a narrow path having a fearful depth sheer down on either side, so that it is impossible to swerve to the right or to the left without falling headlong into the abyss. it also behoves thee, sire, to guard thyself against being cross-grained and fierce and dreaded as a wild beast by all. combine moderation with rigor, inclining rather to mercy than to pitilessness. never show all thy teeth nor put forth the full length of thy claws. never appear startled or in fear, harsh or dangerous; conceal thy teeth and claws; assemble thy chief men together, make thyself acceptable to them with gifts and kind words. provide also for the entertainment of the common people according to their quality and rank; adapt thyself to the different classes of the people and ingratiate thyself with them. have a care and concern thyself about the dances, and about the ornaments and instruments used at them, for they are the means of infusing a warlike spirit into men. gladden the hearts of the common people with games and amusements, for thus wilt thou become famous and be beloved, and even after death thy fame will live and the old men and women who knew thee will shed tears of sorrow for thine absence. o most fortunate and happy king, most precious treasure, bear in mind that thou goest by a craggy and dangerous road, whereon thou must step with firmness, for in the path of kings and princes there are many yawning gulfs, and slippery places, and steep, pathless slopes, where the matted thorn-bushes and long grass hide pitfalls having pointed stakes set upright in them. wherefore it behoves thee to call upon thy god with moanings and lamentations, to watch constantly, and to shun the harlot, who is a curse and a sickness to man. sleep not lightly in thy bed, sire, but rather lie and ponder the affairs of thy kingdom; even in thy slumbers let thy dreams be of the good things in thy charge, that thou mayest know how best to distribute them among thy lords and courtiers, for there are many who envy the king, and would fain eat as he eats and drink as he drinks, wherefore is it said that kings 'eat the bread of grief.' think not, sire, that the royal throne is a soft and pleasant seat, for there is nothing but trouble and penitence. o blessed and most precious king, it is not my wish to cause pain to thine heart nor to excite thy wrath and indignation; it is sufficient for me that i have many times stumbled and slipped, aye, and have even fallen, during this discourse of mine; enough for me are the faults of the speech which i have spoken, going, in a manner, with jumps like a frog before our lord god, the invisible, the impalpable, who is here and listening to us, who has heard distinctly the slightest of the words which i have spoken stammeringly and with hesitation, in bad order and with unapt gestures; but in doing this i have complied with the custom which obliges the aged men of the state to address a newly elected king. in like manner have i done my duty to our god who hears me, to whom i make an offering of this my speech. long mayest thou live and reign, o lord and king. i have spoken. footnotes: [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxi.; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] ixtlilxochitl, for whose patriotism due allowance must be made, writes: 'es verdad, que el de mexico y tezcuco fueron iguales en dignidad señorío y rentas; y el de tlacopan solo tenia cierta parte como la quinta, en lo que era rentas y despues en los otros dos.' _hist. chichimeca_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . zurita also affirms this: 'dans certaines, les tributs étaient répartis en portions égales, et dans d'autres on en faisait cinq parts: le souverain de mexico et celui de tezcuco en prélevaient chacun deux, celui de tacuba une seule.' _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. . 'quedó pues determinado que á los estados de tlacopan se agregase la quinta parte de las tierras nuevamente conquistadas, y el resto se dividiese igualmente entre el príncipe y el rey de méjico.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . brasseur de bourbourg agrees with and takes his information from ixtlilxochitl. _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . torquemada makes a far different division: 'concurriendo los tres, se diese la quinta parte al rei de tlacupa, y el tercio de lo que quedase, à neçalhualcoiotl; y los demas, à itzcohuatzin, como à cabeça maior, y suprema.' _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . as also does clavigero: 'si diede quella corona (tlacopan) a totoquihuatzin sotto la condizione di servir con tutte le sue truppe al re di messico, ogni volta che il richiedesse, assegnando a lui medesimo per ciò la quinta parte delle spoglie, che si avessero dai nemici. similmente nezahualcojotl fu messo in possesso del trono d'acolhuacan sotto la condizione di dover soccorrere i messicani nella guerra, e perció gli fu assegnata la terza parte della preda, cavatane prima quella del re di tacuba, restando l'altre due terze parti pel re messicano.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . prescott says it was agreed that 'one fifth should be assigned to tlacopan, and the remainder be divided, in what proportion is uncertain, between the other powers.' _mex._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] torquemada writes: 'esta fue costumbre de estos mexicanos, en las elecciones, que hacian, que fuesen reinando sucesivamente, los hermanos, vnos despues de otros, y acabando de reinar el vltimo, entraba en su lugar, el hijo de hermano maior, que primero avia reinado, que era sobrino de los otros reies, qui à su padre avian sucedido.' _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'los reies (of mexico) no heredaban, sino que eran elegidos, y como vimos en el libro de los reies, quando el rei moria, si tenia hermano, entraba heredando; y muerto este, otro, si lo avia; y quando faltaba, le sucedia el sobrino, hijo de su hermano maior, à quien, por su muerte, avia sucedido, y luego el hermano de este, y así discurrian por los demas.' _id._, tom. ii., p. . zurita states that in tezcuco and tlacopan, and their dependent provinces, 'le droit de succession le plus ordinaire était celui du sang en ligne directe de père en fils; mais tous les fils n'héritaient point, il n'y avait que le fils aîné de l'épouse principale que le souverain avait choisie dans cette intention. elle jouissait d'une plus grande considération que les autres, et les sujets la respectaient davantage. lorsque le souverain prenaient une de ses femmes dans la famille de mexico, elle occupait le premier rang, et son fils succédait, s'il était capable.' then, without definitely stating whether he is speaking of all or part of the three kingdoms in question, the author goes on to say, that in default of direct heirs the succession became collateral; and finally, speaking in this instance of mexico alone, he says, that in the event of the king dying without heirs, his successor was elected by the principal nobles. in a previous paragraph he writes: 'l'ordre de succession variait suivant les provinces; les mêmes usages, à peu de différence prés, étaient reçus à mexico, à tezcuco et à tacuba.' afterward we read: 'dans quelques provinces, comme par exemple à mexico, les frères étaient admis à la succession, quoiqu'il y eût des fils, et ils gouvernaient successivement.' _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - . m. l'abbé brasseur de bourbourg, taking his information from zurita, and, indeed, almost quoting literally from the french translation of that author, agrees that the direct line of succession obtained in tlacopan and tezcuco, but asserts, regarding mexico, that the sovereign was elected by the five principal ministers of the state, who were, however, restricted in their choice to the brothers, nephews, or sons of the deceased monarch. _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . pimentel also follows zurita. _memoria_, p. . prescott affirms that 'the sovereign was selected from the brothers of the deceased prince, or, in default of them, from his nephews.' _mex._, vol. i., p. . sahagun merely says: 'escogian uno de los mas nobles de la linea de los señores antepasados,' who should be a valiant, wise, and accomplished man. _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. . 'per non lasciar troppa libertà agli elettori, e per impedire, quanto fosse possibile, gl'inconvenienti de' partiti, o fazioni, fissarono la corona nella casa d'acamapitzin; e poi stabilirono per legge, che al re morto dovesse succedere uno de'suoi fratelli, e mancando i fratelli, uno de'suoi nipoti, e se mai non ve ne fossero neppur di questi, uno de'suoi cugini restando in balìa degli elettori lo scegliere tra i fratelli, o tra i nipoti del re morto colui, che riconoscessero più idoneo pel governo, schivando con sí fatta legge parecchj inconvenienti da noi altrove accennati.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . leon carbajal quotes this almost literally. _discurso_, pp. - . that the eldest son could put forward no claim to the crown by right of primogeniture, is evident from the following: 'quando algun señor moria y dexava muchos hijos, si alguno se alzava en palacio y se queria preferir á los otros, aunque fuese el mayor, no lo consentia el señor á quien pertenecia la confirmacion, y menos el pueblo. antes dexavan pasar un año, ó mas de otro, en el qual consideravan bien que era mejor para regir ó governar el estado, y aquel permanecia por señor.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii. señor carbajal espinosa says that from the election of chimalpopoca, who succeeded his brother huitzilihuitl, and was the third king of mexico, 'quedó establecida la ley de elegir uno de los hermanos del rey difunto, y á falta de éstos un sobrino, cuya práctica se observó constantemente, como lo harémos ver, hasta la ruina del imperio mexicano.' _hist. de mex._, tom. i., p. . 'el imperio era monárquico, pero no hereditario. muriendo el emperador los gefes del imperio antiguamente se juntaban y elegian entre sí mismos al que creian mas digno, y por el cual la intriga, el manejo, la supersticion, eran mas felizmente reconocidas.' _carli_, _cartas_, pt i., p. . 'tambien auia sucession por sangre, sucedia el hijo mayor, siendo para ello, y sino el otro: en defeto de los hijos sucedian nietos, y en defeto dellos yua por elecion.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv. as the order in which the mexican kings actually did follow each other should be stronger proof of what was the law than any other evidence, i take from the codex mendoza the following list: acamapichtli, who is usually spoken of as the first king, succeeded tenuch, although it is not stated that he was related to him in any way; then came huicilyhuitl, son of acamapichtli; chimalpupuca, son of huicilyhuitl, yzcoaci, son of acamapichtli; huehuemoteccuma, son of huicilyhuitl; axayacaci, son of tecocomochtli, and grandson of yzcoaci; tiçoçicatzi, son of axayacaci; ahuiçoçin, brother of tiçoçicatzi; motecçuma, son of axayacaci; thus, according to this author, we see, out of nine monarchs, three succeeded directly by their sons, and three by their brothers. _esplicacion_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., pp. - . see further, _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, and _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._ these writers differ slightly from the collection above quoted, but in no important respect. [ ] after the death of acamapichtli, the first king of mexico, a general council was held, and the people were addressed as follows: 'ya es fallido nuestro rey acamapichtli, á quien pondremos en su lugar, que rija y gobierne este pueblo mexicano? pobres de los viejos, niños y mugeres viejas que hay: que será de nosotros á donde irémos á demandar rey que sea de nuestra patria y nacion mexicana? hablen todos para de cual parte elegirémos rey, é ninguno puede dejar de hablar, pues á todos nos importa para el reparo, y cabeza de nuestra patria mexicana esté.' upon huitzilihuitl being proposed, 'todos juntos, mancebos, viejos y viejas respondieron á una: que sea mucho de enhorabuena, que á él quieren por señor y rey.' _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . sahagun's description of their manner of electing kings, appears also to be more appropriate to this early period than to a later date: 'cuando moria el señor ó rey para elegir otro, juntábanse los senadores que llamaban _tecutlatoque_, y tambien los viejos del pueblo que llamaban _achcacauhti_, y tambien los capitanes soldados viejos de la guerra que llamaban _iauiequioaque_, y otros capitanes que eran principales en las cosas de la guerra, y tambien los sátrapas que llamaban _tlenamacazque ó papaoaque_: todos estos se juntaban en las casas reales, y allí deliberaban y determinaban quien habia de ser señor.' _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . [ ] the exact number and rank of these electors is hard to determine. 'si le souverain de mexico mourait sans héritier, les principaux chefs lui choisissaient un successeur dont l'élection était confirmée par les chefs supérieurs de tezcuco et tacuba.' _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - . pimentel follows this, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. : 'tutti e due i re (of tezcuco and tlacopan) furono creati elettori onorarj del re di messico, il qual onore soltanto riducevasi a ratificare l'elezion fatta da quattro nobili messicani, ch'erano i veri elettori.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . 'despues en tiempo de izcoatl quarto rey, por consejo y orden de vn sabio y valeroso hombre, que tuuieron a llamado tlacaellèl se señalaron quatro electores, y a estos juntamente con dos señores, o reyes sujetos al mexicano, que eran el de tezcùco, y el de tacuba, tocaua hazer la elecion.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . these four electors 'de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes muy cercanos del rey. llamauan a estos tlacohecalcàtl, que significa el príncipe de los lanças arrojadizas, que era vn genero de armas que ellos mucho vsauan.' _id._, p. . 'seis electores elegian el emperador, dos de cuales eran siempre los príncipes de tescuco á de acolhuacan y de tacuba, y un príncipe de la sangre real.' _carli_, _cartas_, pt i., p. . 'four of the principal nobles, who had been chosen by their own body in the preceding reign, filled the office of electors, to whom were added, with merely an honorary rank however, the two royal allies of tezcuco and tlacopan.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . brasseur de bourbourg gives the style and title of each elector, and says they were five in number, but does not state his authority: 'les principaux dignitaires du royaume, le cihuacohuatl ou ministre suprême de la justice et de la maison du roi, le tlacochcalcatl, généralissime ou maître de la maison des armes, l'atempanecatl, ou grand-maître des eaux, l'ezhuahuacatl, ou le maître du sang, et le tlillancalqui, ou chef de la maison-noire, composant entre eux le conseil de la monarchie, élisaient celui qui leur paraissait le plus apte aux affaires publiques, et lui donnaient la couronne.... il est douteux que les rois de tetzcuco et de tlacopan aient jamais pris une part directe à ce choix.' _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . at the foot of the same page is the following note: 'si havia duda ó diferencia quien debia de ser rey, averiguase lo mas aina que podian, y sino poco tenian que hacer (los señores de tetzcuco y tlacapan).' _gomara_, _crónica de nueva-españa, ap. barcia_, cap. . this quotation is not to be found, however in the place indicated. 'crearon cuatro electores, en cuya opinion se comprometian todos los votos del reino. eran aquellos funcionarios, magnates y señores de la primera nobleza, comunmente de sangre real, y de tanta prudencia y probidad, cuanta se necesitaba para un cargo tan importante.' _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'fue el quinto rey, motezuma primero deste nombre; y porque, para la elecion auia quatro eletores, con los quales interuenian los reyes tezcuco y de tacuba. se juntò con ellos tlacaellel como capitan general, y saliò elegido su sobrino motezuma.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiii. after the king in rank, 'eran los quatro electores del rey, que tambien sucedian por elecion, y de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes cercanos del rey, y a estos llamauan en su lengua, principes de las lanças arrojadizas, armas que ellos vsauan.' _id._, cap. xix. [ ] acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , gives the names of three military orders, of which the four royal electors formed one; and of a fourth, which was of a sacerdotal character. all these were of the royal council, and without their advice the king could do nothing of importance. herrera helps himself to this from acosta almost word for word: dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix. sahagun implies that this supreme council was composed of only four members: 'elegido el señor, luego elegian otros cuatro que eran como senadores que siempre habian de estar al lado de él, y entender en todos los negocios graves de reino, (estos cuatro tenian en diversos lugares diversos nombres).' _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. . according to ixtlilxochitl the council whose duties corresponded to this in tezcuco, was composed of fourteen members. _hist. chichimeca_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _beaumont_, _crón. de mechoacan_, pp. , - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. , ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. raza indígena_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . in the _west-indische spieghel_, pp. - , we read: 'dese stadt ende provincie wierden voor de comste der spaenjaerden soo treffelick gheregeert, als eenighe van die landen, daer was een cacique die absolutelick regeerde, staende onder de ghehoorsaemheydt van de groote heere van tenoxtitlan.' the old chronicler is mistaken here, however, as the kingdom of michoacan was never in any way subject to mexico. [ ] clavigero says that the city of tlascala was divided into four parts, each division having its lord, to whom all places dependent on such division were likewise subject. _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , , tom. ii., pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _pimentel_, _mem. raza indígena_, p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. brasseur de bourbourg writes: 'dans les divers états du mixtecapan, les héritages passaient de mâle en mâle, sans que les femmes pussent y avoir droit.' _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; this may, however, refer merely to private property. [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, cap. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , writes: 'pusieronle corona real, y vngieronle, como fue costumbre hazerlo con todos sus reyes, con vna vncion que llamauan diuina, porque era la misma con que vngian su ydolo.' torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , says that acosta is mistaken, for, he observes that 'la corona que llamaba copilli, no se daba en esta ocasión, sino que en lugar de ella, le ponían las mantas dichas sobre la cabeça, ni tampoco era la vncion la misma que la de los idolos; porque la divina, que èl [acosta] nombra, era de ulli, y sangre de niños, con que tambien vngian al sumo sacerdote;' but torquemada here directly contradicts a previous statement of his own, tom. i., p. , where he says that immediately after the election, having seated the king elect upon a throne, 'le pusieron la corona real en su cabeça, y le vntaron todo el cuerpo, con la vncion, que despues acostumbraron, que era la misma con que vngian à su dios,' thus using almost the same words as acosta. leon y gama, _dos piedras_, says that the water used at the anointing was drawn from the fountain tozpalatl, which was held in great veneration, and that it was first used for this purpose at the anointment of huitzilihuitl, second king of mexico. [ ] sahagun states that the king was dressed upon this occasion in a tunic of dark green cloth, with bones painted upon it; this tunic resembled the huipil, or chemise of the women, and was usually worn by the nobles when they offered incense to the gods. the veil was also of green cloth ornamented with skulls and bones, and in addition to the articles described by other writers, this author mentions that they placed dark green sandals upon his feet. he also affirms that the four royal electors were confirmed in their office at the same time as the king, being similarly dressed, save that the color of their costume was black, and going through the same performances after him, except, of course, the anointment. _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., p. . gomara says they hung upon the king's neck 'vnas correas coloradas largas y de muchos ramales: de cuios cabos colgauan ciertas insignias de rei, como pinjantes.' _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] the crown used by the early chichimec sovereigns was composed of a herb called _pachxochitl_, which grew on the rocks, surmounted by plumes of the royal eagle, and green fathers called _tecpilotl_, the whole being mounted with gold and precious stones, and bound to the head with strips of deer-skin. _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chichimeca_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. xi., p. . in another place, _relaciones_, in _id._, p. , the same writer says that the crown differed according to time and season. in time of war it was composed of royal eagle feathers, placed at the back of the head, and held together with clasps of gold and precious stones; in time of peace the crown was made of laurel and green feathers of a very rare bird called quezaltotolc; in the dry season it was made of a whitish moss which grew on the rocks, with a flower at the junction called _teoxuchitl_. [ ] concerning anointment and coronation, see _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; tom. ii., pp. , - ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. , - , ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _tezozomoc_, _crón. mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. - . in addition to the numerous works of acknowledged authority on the subject of aboriginal american civilization there are a number of others, chiefly of modern date, that treat more or less completely of the matter. many of these are mere compilations, put together without regard to accuracy or consistency; others are works which deal ostensibly with other spanish american matters and only refer to the ancient civilization in passing; their accounts are usually copied bodily from one or two of the old writers; some few profess to exhaust the subject; in these latter, however, the authors have failed to cite their authorities, or at best have merely given a list of them. to attempt to note all the points on which these writers have fallen into error, or where they differ from my text, would prove as tiresome to the reader as the result would lie useless. it will therefore be sufficient to refer to this class of books at the conclusion of the large divisions into which this work naturally falls. about the system of government, laws of succession, ceremonies of election, anointment and coronation, of the aztecs and other nations included in this division, see: _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - , - ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mexicain_, pp. , - , - , ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., p. ; _poinsett's notes mex._, _app._, pp. - ; _macgregor's progress of america_, p. ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, pp. - , - ; _hassel_, _mex. guat._, p. ; _dilworth_, _conq. mex._, p. ; _pradt_, _cartas_, pp. , ; _monglave_, _résumé_, pp. , - , - , - , ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , ; _cortés_, _aventuras_, _pref._, pp. - ; _chamber's jour._, vol. iv., p. ; _west und ost indischer lustgart_, p. . [ ] 'que antes de reinar avia investigado los nueve dobleces de el cielo.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . ortega, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. , writes: 'quel el que siendo particular supo penetrar los secretos del cielo;' 'that he who, being a private individual, could penetrate the secrets of heaven,' which appears more intelligible. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - . chapter iv. palaces and households of the nahua kings. extent and interior of the great palace in mexico--the palace of nezahualcoyotl, king of tezcuco--the zoÖlogical collections of the nahua monarchs--montezuma's oratory--royal gardens and pleasure-grounds--the hill of chapultepec--nezahualcoyotl's country residence at tezcozinco--toltec palaces--the royal guard--the king's meals--an aztec cuisine--the audience chamber--after-dinner amusements--the royal wardrobe--the king among his people--meeting of montezuma ii. and cortÉs--the king's harem--revenues of the royal household--policy of aztec kings. [sidenote: reliability of authorities.] in the preceding chapter we have seen how the monarchs were chosen, and anointed, and crowned, and feasted, and lectured; now let us follow them to their homes. and here i must confess i am somewhat staggered by the recitals. it is written that as soon as the new king was formally invested with the right of sovereignty, he took possession of the royal palaces and gardens, and that these abodes of royalty were on a scale of magnificence almost unparalleled in the annals of nations. how far we may rely on these accounts it is difficult to say; how we are to determine disputed questions is yet more difficult. in the testimony before us, there are two classes of evidence: one having as its base selfishness, superstition, and patriotism; the other disaffection, jealousy, and hatred. between these contending evils, fortunately, we may at least approximate to the truth. to illustrate: there can be no doubt that much concerning the aztec civilization has been greatly exaggerated by the old spanish writers, and for obvious reasons. it was manifestly to the advantage of some, both priests and adventurers, to magnify the power and consequence of the people conquered, and the cities demolished by them, knowing full well that tales of mighty realms, with countless man-eaters and fabulous riches, would soonest rouse the zeal and cupidity of the spaniards, and best secure to them both honors and supplies. gathered from the lips of illiterate soldiers little prone to diminish the glory of their achievements in the narration, or from the manuscripts of native historians whose patriotic statements regarding rival states no longer in existence could with difficulty be disproved, these accounts passed into the hands of credulous writers of fertile imagination, who drank in with avidity the marvels that were told them, and wrote them down with superhuman discrimination--with a discrimination which made every so-called fact tally with the writings of the fathers. these writers possessed in an eminent degree the faculty called by latter-day scholars the imaginative in history-writing. whatever was told them that was contrary to tradition was certainly erroneous, a snare of the devil; if any facts were wanting in the direction pointed out by doctrines or dogmas, it was their righteous duty to fill them in. thus it was in certain instances. but to the truth of the greater part of these relations, testimony is borne by the unanimity of the authors, though this is partly owing to their copying each from the writings of the others, and, more conclusively, by the architectural remains which survived the attacks of the iconoclastic conquerors, and the golden and bejeweled ornaments of such exquisite workmanship as to equal if not surpass anything of the kind in europe, which ornaments were sent to spain as proofs of the richness of the country. at this distance of time it is impossible to draw a definite line between the true and the false; nor do i feel it my duty to dogmatize in these matters, but rather to tell the tale as i find it, at the same time laying every shade of evidence before the reader. * * * * * [sidenote: royal palace at mexico.] the principal palace in the city of mexico was an irregular pile of low buildings, enormous in extent, constructed of huge blocks of _tetzontli_, a kind of porous stone common to that country, cemented with mortar. the arrangement of the buildings was such that they enclosed three great plazas or public squares, in one of which a beautiful fountain incessantly played. twenty great doors opened on the squares, and on the streets, and over these was sculptured in stone the coat of arms of the kings of mexico,--an eagle gripping in his talons a jaguar.[ ] in the interior were many halls, each of immense size, and one in particular is said by a writer who accompanied cortés, known as the anonymous conqueror, to have been of sufficient extent to contain three thousand men; while upon the terrace that formed its roof thirty men on horseback could have gone through the spear exercise.[ ] in addition to these there were more than one hundred smaller rooms, and the same number of marble baths, which together with the fountains, ponds, and basins in the gardens, were supplied with water from the neighboring hill of chapultepec. there were also splendid suites of apartments retained for the use of the kings of tezcuco and tlacopan, and their attendants, when they visited mexico, and for the ministers and counselors, and the great lords and their suites, who constantly resided at the capital. besides these, the private attendants of the king--and their name was legion--had to be provided for; so that when we consider the other extensive buildings, such as the harem, in which, according to some authorities, were nearly three thousand women; the armory, the granaries, storehouses, menageries, and aviaries, which either formed part or were in the immediate vicinity of the palace buildings, we are prepared somewhat to credit the anonymous conqueror aforesaid when he affirms that, although he four times wandered about the palace until he was tired, with no other purpose than to view its interior, yet he never succeeded in seeing the whole of it.[ ] the walls and floors of halls and apartments were many of them faced with polished slabs of marble, porphyry, jasper, obsidian, and white tecali;[ ] lofty columns of the same fine stones supported marble balconies and porticoes, every niche and corner of which was filled with wondrous ornamental carving, or held a grinning grotesquely sculptured head. the beams and casings were of cedar, cypress, and other valuable woods, profusely carved and put together without nails. the roofs of the palace buildings formed a suite of immense terraces, from which a magnificent view of the whole city could be obtained. superb mats of most exquisite finish were spread upon the marble floors; the tapestry that draped the walls and the curtains that hung before the windows were made of a fabric most wonderful for its delicate texture, elegant designs and brilliant colors; through the halls and corridors a thousand golden censers, in which burned precious spices and perfumes, diffused a subtle odor.[ ] the palace built by nezahualcoyotl, king of tezcuco, even surpassed that of montezuma in many respects. the tezcucan historian, ixtlilxochitl, has given a full description of it, which i partially translate. the collection of buildings, which composed not only the royal residence, but also the public offices and courts of law, extended from east to west twelve hundred and thirty-four and a half yards, and from north to south, nine hundred and seventy-eight yards. these were encompassed by a wall made of adobes strongly cemented together, and standing on a foundation of very hard mortar, six feet in width at the base. on its southern and eastern sides the wall was three times a man's stature in height; on the western side, towards the lake, and on the northern side it rose to the height of five times a man's stature.[ ] for one third of the distance from the base to the top, the wall grew gradually thinner, while the remainder was of one thickness.[ ] within this inclosure were the royal dwelling, the council-chambers, and other halls and apartments. there were also two large plazas, the outer one of which served as the public market-place. the inner court-yard was surrounded by the various courts of justice, and other halls where matters relative to science, art, and the army were judicially and otherwise considered, all of which will be described in their place, and also a hall where the archives of the kingdom were preserved. in the centre of the court-yard, which was also used as a market-place, was a tennis-court; on the west side were the apartments of the king, more than three hundred in number, all admirably arranged; here were also storehouses for tribute, and splendid suites of apartments reserved for the use of the kings of mexico and tlacopan when they visited tezcuco. these apartments led into the royal pleasure-gardens, which were artistically laid out with labyrinthian walks winding through the dark foliage, where often the uninitiated would lose themselves; then there were sparkling fountains, and inviting baths, and shady groves of cedar and cypress, and ponds well stocked with fish, and aviaries filled with birds of every hue and species, besides extensive menageries.[ ] the city of mexico, however, furnished the largest collection of animals, or at all events it is more fully described by the conquerors than others. the aztec monarchs took special pleasure in maintaining zoölogical collections on an immense scale, which fancy was probably more fully indulged by montezuma ii. than by any other. that prince caused to be erected in the city of mexico an immense edifice, surrounded by extensive gardens, which was used for no other purpose than to keep and display all kinds of birds and beasts. [sidenote: montezuma's menagerie.] one portion of this building consisted of a large open court, paved with stones of different colors, and divided into several compartments, in which were kept wild beasts, birds of prey, and reptiles. the larger animals were confined in low wooden cages made of massive beams. they were fed upon the intestines of human sacrifices, and upon deer, rabbits, and other animals. the birds of prey were distributed according to their species, in subterranean chambers, which were more than seven feet deep, and upwards of seventeen feet in length and breadth. half of each chamber was roofed with slabs of stone, under which perches were fixed in the wall, where the birds might sleep and be protected from the rain; the other half was covered only with a wooden grating, which admitted air and sunlight. five hundred turkeys were daily killed for food for these birds. alligators were kept in ponds walled round to prevent their escape, and serpents in long cages or vessels, large enough to allow them to move about freely. these reptiles were also fed on human blood and intestines. mr prescott tells us that the whole of this menagerie "was placed under the charge of numerous keepers, who acquainted themselves with the habits of their prisoners, and provided for their comfort and cleanliness." thomas gage, the shrewd old english heretic, takes another view. in his quaint though free and slashing style he writes: "but what was wonderful to behold, horrid to see, hideous to hear in this house, was the officers' daily occupations about these beasts, the floor with blood like a gelly, stinking like a slaughter-house, and the roaring of the lions, the fearful hissing of the snakes and adders, the doleful howling and barking of the wolves, the sorrowful yelling of the ownzes and tigres, when they would have meat. and yet in this place, which in the night season seemed a dungeon of hell, and a dwelling place for the devil, could a heathen prince pray unto his gods and idols; for near unto this hall was another of a hundred and fifty foot long and thirty foot broad, where was a chappel with a roof of silver and gold in leaf, wainscotted and decked with great store of pearl and stone, as agats, cornerines, emeralds, rubies, and divers other sorts; and this was the oratory where montezuma prayed in the night season, and in that chappel the devil did appear unto him, and gave him answer according to his prayers, which as they were uttered among so many ugly and deformed beasts, and with the noise of them which represented hell it self, were fitted for a devil's answer."[ ] [sidenote: zoÖlogical collection of montezuma.] in another part of the building was an immense hall which served as an aviary, in which were collected specimens of all the birds in the empire, excepting those of prey. they were of infinite variety and splendid plumage; many specimens were so difficult to obtain that their feathers brought almost fabulous prices in the mexican market; while some few, either because of their extreme rarity or their inability to live in confinement, did not appear even in the royal aviary, except in imitation, for we are told that, both in mexico and tezcuco, all kinds of birds and animals that could not be obtained alive were represented in gold and silver so skillfully that they are said to have served the naturalist hernandez for models. but to attain this honor, a bird must indeed have been a rara avis, a very phoenix, for it is related by torquemada and many others, on the authority of a spanish eye-witness, that the emperor montezuma ii. happening one day to see a sparrow-hawk soaring through the air, and "taking a fancy to its beauty and mode of flight," ordered his followers to catch it without delay and bring it alive to his hand; and such were the efforts made and care used, that in an incredibly short space of time "they captured that fierce and haughty hawk as though it had been but a gentle domestic pigeon, and brought it to the king."[ ] marble galleries, supported upon jasper pillars, all of one piece, surrounded this building, and looked out upon a large garden, wherein were groves of rare trees, choice shrubbery and flowers, and fountains filled with fish. but the prominent feature of the garden was ten large ponds for the use of water-fowl, some of which were filled with fresh and some with salt water, according to the nature of the birds that frequented them. each pond was surrounded with tessellated marble pavement and shaded by clumps of trees. as often as the water began to stagnate it was drained off and renewed. montezuma is said to have passed much of his time here, alone or with his women, seated in the shade, amid the plashing of fountains and odor of flowers, musing upon affairs of state or diverting his mind from such cares by watching the motions of the strange birds upon the water. no less than three hundred persons were employed in attending upon the water-fowl and the birds in the aviary; feeding them and in the moulting season carefully gathering the gorgeous plumes, which served as material for the celebrated aztec feather-work. the habits of the birds were closely studied, and great care was taken that every species should be supplied with the food best suited to its taste, whether it consisted of worms, insects, or seeds. the fish with which the water-fowl were supplied amounted to one hundred and fifty pounds daily. in another hall a collection of human monstrosities was kept. as we shall presently see, many of these unfortunate creatures were trained to play the part of jesters at the royal table. yet another hall contained a number of albinos, or white indians, who were considered a great curiosity. in addition to these city palaces the aztec monarchs had numerous equally splendid country residences, besides whole tracts of country set apart as royal hunting-grounds. in these parts timber was not allowed to be cut nor game disturbed, which regulations were enforced with great rigor. [sidenote: the hill of chapultepec.] the principal country villa of montezuma ii., and the only one of which any signs are yet visible, was situated upon the hill of chapultepec, which stood in a westerly direction from the city of mexico. in the days of the aztec kings, the lake of tezcuco washed the base of the hill, round which the royal grounds stretched for miles in every direction. the gardens were laid out in terraces, that wound down the hillside amid dense groves of pepper-trees, myrtles, and cypresses, innumerable fountains and artificial cascades. little of the ancient glory of either palace or gardens is now left, except the natural beauty of the foliage that clothes the hill, and the magnificent view to be obtained from the summit. two statues of montezuma ii. and his father, cut in bas relief on the porphyry rock, were still to be seen, gama tells us, in the middle of the last century, but these are now gone, swept away by the same ruthless hands that laid waste the hanging gardens and tore down halls and monuments until the groves of gigantic cypresses are all that is left standing in the gardens of chapultepec that ministered to the pleasure of the ancient owners. peter martyr, describing the palace at iztapalapan, writes, in the language of an early translator: "that house also hath orchardes, finely planted with diuers trees, and herbes, and flourishing flowers, of a sweete smell. there are also in the same, great standing pooles of water with many kindes of fish, in the which diuers kindes of all sortes of waterfoule are swimminge. to the bottome of these lakes, a man may descend by marble steppes brought farr of. they report strange thinges of a walke inclosed with nettinges of canes, least any one should freely come within the voyde plattes of grounde, or to the fruite of the trees. those hedges are made with a thousande pleasant deuises, as it falleth out in those delicate purple crosse alleyes, of mirtle, rosemary, or boxe, al very delightfull to behold."[ ] nezahualcoyotl, the tezcucan solomon, was no whit behind his royal brother of mexico in the matter of splendid country residences and gardens. not content with the royal pleasure-grounds called huectecpan, writes the chichimec historian,[ ] this great king made others, such as the forest so famous in tezcotzincan history, and those called cauchiacac, tzinacamoztoc, cozcaquauhco, cuetlachatitlan, or tlateitec, and those of the lake acatelelco, and tepetzinco; he likewise marked out a large tract, where he might pass his leisure moments in hunting. these gardens were adorned with fountains, drains, sewers, ponds, and labyrinths, and were planted with all kinds of flowers and trees, both indigenous and foreign. but nezahualcoyotl was not one to overlook utility in laying out his grounds. five large patches of the most fertile lands lying near the capital were brought under cultivation and the products appropriated exclusively to the use of the royal household. certain towns and provinces in the vicinity of the court furnished attendants and laborers for the palaces, gardens, and plantations. in return for such service said towns and provinces were exempt from taxation and enjoyed certain privileges. the manner of service was divided; thus twenty-eight towns supplied those who attended to the cleanliness and order of the royal buildings and waited upon the king and his suite; fourteen of these towns[ ] did service during one half of the year and the remainder[ ] during the other half. five towns provided attendants for the king's chamber,[ ] and eight provinces,[ ] with their dependent towns, furnished, each in its turn, foresters, gardeners, and agricultural laborers for the woods and gardens, ornamental or otherwise. [sidenote: summer palace at tezcozinco.] king nezahualcoyotl's favorite country residence, some remains of which are still visible, was at tezcozinco, on a conical hill lying about two leagues from tezcuco. a broad road, running between high hedges, and probably winding spirally round the hill, appears to have led up to the summit,[ ] which, however, could be reached in a shorter time by means of a flight of steps, many of which were cut into the living rock, and the remainder made of pieces of stone firmly cemented together. dávila padilla, who wrote in the latter part of the sixteenth century, says that he counted five hundred and twenty of these steps, without reckoning those that had already crumbled to pieces.[ ] he furthermore adds that for the last twelve steps in the ascent the staircase was tunneled through the solid rock, and became so narrow that only one person could pass at a time. dávila padilla inquired the reason of this of the natives, and was told by them, as they had heard it from their fathers, that this narrow passage enabled the tezcucan monarch to assert his rank by taking precedence of his royal visitors when they went in a body to worship the idol that stood upon the summit; not a very polite proceeding certainly.[ ] water was brought over hill and dale to the top of the mountain by means of a solid stone aqueduct. here it was received in a large basin, having in its centre a great rock, upon which were inscribed in a circle the hieroglyphics representing the years that had elapsed since nezahualcoyotl's birth, with a list of his most noteworthy achievements in each.[ ] within this circle the royal coat of arms was sculptured, the elaborate device of which it is almost impossible to imagine from the clumsy description of it given by ixtlilxochitl. as nearly as i can make it out, certain figures representing a deer's foot adorned with feathers and having a precious stone tied to it, a hind supporting an arm which grasps a bow and arrows, and a corseleted warrior, wearing a helmet with its ear-pieces, formed the centre; these were flanked by two houses, one in flames and falling to pieces, the other whole and highly ornamented; two tigers of the country, vomiting fire and water, served as supporters; the whole was surrounded by a border composed of twelve heads of kings and great nobles. from this basin the water was distributed through the gardens in two streams, one of which meandered down the northern side of the hill, and the other down the southern side. dávila padilla relates that there also stood upon the summit an image of a coyote, hewn from the living rock, which represented a celebrated fasting indian.[ ] there were likewise several towers or columns of stone, having their capitals made in the shape of a pot, from which protruded plumes of feathers, which signified the name of the place. lower down was the colossal figure of a winged beast, called by ixtlilxochitl a lion,[ ] lying down, with its face toward the east, and bearing in its mouth a sculptured portrait of the king; this statue was generally covered with a canopy adorned with gold and feather-work.[ ] [sidenote: ornamental gardens at tezcozinco.] a little lower yet were three basins of water, emblematic of the great lake, and on the borders of the middle one three female figures were sculptured on the solid rock, representing the heads of the confederated states of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan.[ ] upon the northern side of the hill was another pond; and here upon the rock was carved the coat of arms of the city of tollan, which was formerly the chief town of the toltecs; upon the southern slope of the hill was yet another pond, bearing the coat of arms and the name of the city of tenayuca, which was formerly the head town of the chichimecs. from this basin a stream of water flowed continually over the precipice, and being dashed into spray upon the rocks, was scattered like rain over a garden of odorous tropical plants.[ ] in the garden were two baths, dug out of one large piece of porphyry,[ ] and a flight of steps also cut from the solid rock, worked and polished so smooth that they looked like mirrors, and on the front of the stairs were carved the year, month, day, and hour in which information was brought to king nezahualcoyotl of the death of a certain lord of huexotzinco, whom he esteemed very highly, and who died while the said staircase was being built.[ ] the garden is said to have been a perfect little paradise. the gorgeous flowers were all transplanted from the distant tierra caliente; marble pavilions, supported on slender columns, with tesselated pavements and sparkling fountains, nestled among the shady groves and afforded a cool retreat during the long summer days. at the end of the garden, almost hidden by the groups of gigantic cedars and cypresses that surrounded it, was the royal palace,[ ] so situated that while its spacious halls were filled with the sensuous odors of the tropics, blown in from the gardens, it remained sheltered from the heat.[ ] [sidenote: toltec palaces.] if the ancient traditions may be believed, the toltec monarchs built as magnificent palaces as their aztec successors. the sacred palace of that mysterious toltec priest-king, quetzalcoatl, had four principal halls, facing the four cardinal points. that on the east was called the hall of gold, because its halls were ornamented with plates of that metal, delicately chased and finished; the apartment lying toward the west was named the hall of emeralds and turquoises, and its walls were profusely adorned with all kinds of precious stones; the hall facing the south was decorated with plates of silver and with brilliant-colored sea-shells, which were fitted together with great skill. the walls of the fourth hall, which was on the north, were red jasper, covered with carving and ornamented with shells. another of these palaces or temples, for it is not clear which they were, had also four principal halls decorated entirely with feather-work tapestry. in the eastern division the feathers were yellow; in the western they were blue, taken from a bird called xiuhtototl; in the southern hall the feathers were white, and in that on the north they were red.[ ] the number of attendants attached to the royal houses was very great. every day from sunrise until sunset the antechambers of montezuma's palace in mexico were occupied by six hundred noblemen and gentlemen, who passed the time lounging about and discussing the gossip of the day in low tones, for it was considered disrespectful to speak loudly or make any noise within the palace limits. they were provided with apartments in the palace,[ ] and took their meals from what remained of the superabundance of the royal table, as did, after them, their own servants, of whom each person of quality was entitled to from one to thirty, according to his rank. these retainers, numbering two or three thousand, filled several outer courts during the day. [sidenote: montezuma at table.] [sidenote: the royal wardrobe.] the king took his meals alone, in one of the largest halls of the palace. if the weather was cold, a fire was kindled with a kind of charcoal made of the bark of trees, which emitted no smoke, but threw out a delicious perfume; and that his majesty might suffer no inconvenience from the heat, a screen ornamented with gold and carved with figures of the idols[ ] was placed between his person and the fire. he was seated upon a low leather cushion, upon which were thrown various soft skins, and his table was of a similar description, except that it was larger and rather higher, and was covered with white cotton cloths of the finest texture. the dinner-service was of the finest ware of cholula, and many of the goblets were of gold and silver, or fashioned of beautiful shells. he is said to have possessed a complete service of solid gold, but as it was considered below a king's dignity to use anything at table twice, montezuma with all his extravagance, was obliged to keep this costly dinner-set in the temple. the bill of fare comprised everything edible of fish, flesh, and fowl, that could be procured in the empire or imported from beyond it. relays of couriers were employed in bringing delicacies from afar, and as the royal table was every day supplied with fresh fish brought, without the modern aids of ice and air-tight packing, from a sea-coast more than two hundred miles distant, by a road passing chiefly through a tropical climate, we can form some idea of the speed with which these couriers traveled. there were cunning cooks among the aztecs, and at these extravagant meals there was almost as much variety in the cooking as in the matter cooked. sahagun[ ] gives a most formidable list of roast, stewed, and boiled dishes of meat, fish, and poultry, seasoned with many kinds of herbs, of which, however, the most frequently mentioned is chile.[ ] he further describes many kinds of bread, all bearing a more or less close resemblance to the modern mexican tortilla,[ ] and all most tremendously named; imagine, for instance, when one wished for a piece of bread, having to ask one's neighbor to be good enough to pass the totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli; then there were tamales of all kinds,[ ] and many other curious messes, such as frog-spawn, and stewed ants cooked with chile, but more loathsome to us than even such as these, and strangest of all the strange compounds that went to make up the royal carte, was one highly seasoned, and probably savory-smelling dish, so exquisitely prepared that its principal ingredient was completely disguised, yet that ingredient was nothing else than human flesh.[ ] each dish was kept warm by a chafing-dish placed under it. writers do not agree as to the exact quantity of food served up at each meal, but it must have been immense, since the lowest number of dishes given is three hundred,[ ] and the highest three thousand.[ ] they were brought into the hall by four hundred pages of noble birth, who placed their burdens upon the matted floor and retired noiselessly. the king then pointed out such viands as he wished to partake of, or left the selection to his steward, who doubtless took pains to study the likes and dislikes of the royal palate. this steward was a functionary of the highest rank and importance; he alone was privileged to place the designated delicacies before the king upon the table; he appears to have done duty both as royal carver and cup-bearer, and, according to torquemada, to have done it barefooted and on his knees.[ ] everything being in readiness, a number of the most beautiful of the king's women[ ] entered, bearing water in round vessels called xicales, for the king to wash his hands in, and towels that he might dry them, other vessels being placed upon the ground to catch the drippings. two other women at the same time brought him some small loaves of a very delicate kind of bread made of the finest maize-flour, beaten up with eggs. this done, a wooden screen, carved and gilt, was placed before him, that no one might see him while eating.[ ] there were always present five or six aged lords, who stood near the royal chair barefooted, and with bowed heads. to these, as a special mark of favor, the king occasionally sent a choice morsel from his own plate. during the meal the monarch sometimes amused himself by watching the performances of his jugglers and tumblers, whose marvelous feats of strength and dexterity i shall describe in another place; at other times there was dancing, accompanied by singing and music; there were also present dwarfs, and professional jesters, who were allowed to speak, a privilege denied all others under penalty of death, and, after the manner of their kind, to tell sharp truths in the shape of jests. the more solid food was followed by pastry, sweetmeats, and a magnificent dessert of fruit. the only beverage drank at the meal was chocolate,[ ] of which about fifty jars were provided;[ ] it was taken with a spoon, finely wrought of gold or shell, from a goblet of the same material. having finished his dinner, the king again washed his hands in water brought to him, as before, by the women. after this, several painted and gilt pipes were brought, from which he inhaled, through his mouth or nose, as suited him best, the smoke of a mixture of liquid-amber, and an herb called tobacco.[ ] his siesta over, he devoted himself to business, and proceeded to give audience to foreign ambassadors, deputations from cities in the empire, and to such of his lords and ministers as had business to transact with him. before entering the presence-chamber, all, no matter what their rank might be, unless they were of the blood-royal, were obliged to leave their sandals at the door, to cover their rich dresses with a large coarse mantle, and to approach the monarch, barefooted and with downcast eyes, for it was death to the subject who should dare to look his sovereign in the face.[ ] the king usually answered through his secretaries,[ ] or when he deigned to speak directly to the person who addressed him, it was in such a low tone as scarcely to be heard;[ ] at the same time he listened very attentively to all that was communicated to him, and encouraged those who, from embarrassment, found difficulty in speaking. each applicant, when dismissed, retired backward, keeping his face always toward the royal seat. the time set apart for business having elapsed, he again gave himself up to pleasure, and usually passed the time in familiar badinage with his jesters, or in listening to ballad-singers who sang of war and the glorious deeds of his ancestors, or he amused himself by looking on at the feats of strength and legerdemain of his jugglers and acrobats; or, sometimes, at this hour, he would retire to the softer pleasures of the harem. he changed his dress four times each day, and a dress once worn could never be used again. concerning this custom, peter martyr, translated into the quaintest of english, writes: "arising from his bed, he is cloathed after one maner, as he commeth forth to bee seene, and returning backe into his chamber after he hath dined, he changeth his garments: and when he commeth forthe againe to supper, hee taketh another, and returning backe againe the fourth which he weareth vntill he goe to bed. but concerning . garments, which he changeth euery day, many of them that returned haue reported the same vnto me, with their owne mouth: but howsoeuer it be, all agree in the changing of garmentes, that being once taken into the wardrope, they are there piled vp on heaps, not likely to see the face of muteczuma any more: but what manner of garmentes they be, we will elswhere declare, for they are very light. these things being obserued, it wil not be wondred at, that we made mention before concerning so many garments presented. for accounting the yeares, and the dayes of the yeares, especially, wherein muteczuma hath inioyed peace & howe often he changeth his garments euery daye, all admiration will cease. but the readers will demand, why he heapeth vp so great a pile of garments, & that iustly. let them knowe that muteczuma vsed to giue a certeine portion of garments to his familiar friends, or well deseruing soldiers, in steed of a beneuolence, or stipend, when they go to the wars, or returne from ye victory, as augustus cæsar lord of the world, a mightier prince than muteczuma, commanded only a poore reward of bread to be giuen ouer & aboue to such as performed any notable exployt, while being by maro admonished, that so smal a larges of bread was an argument yet he was a bakers son: then although it be recorded in writing that cæsar liked ye mery conceit, yet it is to be beleued yet he blushed at that diuination, because he promised virgil to alter his disposition & that hereafter he would bestow gifts worthy a great king, & not a bakers son."[ ] [sidenote: the king out of doors.] the kings did not often appear among their people,[ ] though we are told that they would sometimes go forth in disguise to see that no part of the religious feasts and ceremonies was omitted, to make sure that the laws were observed, and probably, as is usual in such cases, to ascertain the true state of public opinion with regard to themselves.[ ] whenever they did appear abroad, however, it was with a parade that corresponded with their other observances. upon these occasions the king was seated in a magnificent litter, overshadowed by a canopy of feather-work, the whole being adorned with gold and precious stones, and carried upon the shoulders of four noblemen. he was attended by a vast multitude of courtiers of all ranks, who walked without speaking, and with their eyes bent upon the ground. the procession was headed by an official carrying three wands, whose duty it was to give warning of the king's approach, and by others who cleared the road of all obstructions.[ ] all who chanced to meet the royal party, instantly stopped, and remained motionless with heads bent down, like friars chanting the gloria patri, says father motolinia, until the procession had passed. when the monarch alighted, a carpet was spread upon the ground for him to step on. the meeting of montezuma ii. and cortés, as described by bernal diaz, will show the manner in which the aztec kings were attended when out of doors: "when we arrived at a spot where another narrow causeway led towards cuyoacan, we were met by a number of caciques and distinguished personages, all splendidly dressed. they had been sent by montezuma to meet us and welcome us in his name; and as a sign of peace each touched the earth with his hand and then kissed it.[ ] while we were thus detained, the lords of tezcuco, iztapalapa, tacuba, and cuyoacan, advanced to meet the mighty montezuma, who was approaching seated on a splendid litter, and escorted by a number of powerful nobles. when we arrived at a place not far from the capital, where were certain fortifications, montezuma, descending from his litter, came forward leaning on the arms of some of the attendant lords, while others held over him a canopy of rich feather-work ornamented with silver and gold, having an embroidered border from which hung pearls and chalchihuis stones.[ ] montezuma was very sumptuously dressed, according to his custom, and had on his feet a kind of sandals, with soles of gold, the upper part being studded with precious stones. the four grandees[ ] who supported him were also very richly attired, and it seemed to us that the clothes they now wore must have been held in readiness for them somewhere upon the road, for they were not thus dressed when they first came out to meet us. and besides these great lords there were many others, some of whom held the canopy over the king's head, while others went in advance, sweeping the ground over which he was to walk, and spreading down cotton cloths that his feet might not touch the earth. excepting only the four nobles upon whose arms he leaned, and who were his near relatives, none of all his followers presumed to look in the king's face, but all kept their eyes lowered to the ground in token of respect."[ ] [sidenote: the royal harem.] besides the host of retainers already mentioned there were innumerable other officers attached to the royal household, such as butlers, stewards, and cooks of all grades, treasurers, secretaries, scribes, military officers, superintendents of the royal granaries and arsenals, and those employed under them. a great number of artisans were constantly kept busy repairing old buildings and erecting new ones, and a little army of jewelers and workers in precious metals resided permanently at the palace for the purpose of supplying the king and court with the costly ornaments that were eventually such a windfall for the conquerors, and over the description of which they one and all so lovingly linger. nor was the softer sex unrepresented at court. the aztec sovereigns were notorious for their uxoriousness. montezuma ii. had in his harem at least one thousand women, and this number is increased by most of the historians to three thousand, including the female attendants and slaves. of these we are told on good authority that he had one hundred and fifty pregnant at one time, all of whom killed their offspring in the womb;[ ] yet notwithstanding this wholesale abortion, he had more than fifty sons and daughters. his father had one hundred and fifty children, of whom montezuma ii. killed all his brothers and forced his sisters to marry whom he pleased;--at least such is the import of oviedo's statement.[ ] nezahualpilli, of tezcuco, had between seventy and one hundred children.[ ] camargo tells us that xicotencatl, one of the chiefs of tlascala had a great number of sons by more than fifty wives or concubines.[ ] these women were the daughters of the nobles, who thought themselves honored by having a child in the royal harem. occasionally the monarch presented one of his concubines to some great lord or renowned warrior, a mark of favor which thenceforth distinguished the recipient as a man whom the king delighted to honor. the seraglio was presided over by a number of noble matrons, who kept close watch and ward over the conduct of their charges and made daily reports to the king, who invariably caused the slightest indiscretion to be severely punished. whether eunuchs were employed in the aztec harems is uncertain; this, however, we read in motolinia: "moteuczomatzin had in his palace dwarfs and little hunchbacks, who when children were with great ingenuity made crook-backed, ruptured,[ ] and disjointed, because the lords in this country made the same use of them as at the present day the grand turk does of eunuchs."[ ] the enormous expenditure incurred in the maintenance of such a household as this, was defrayed by the people, who, as we shall see in a future chapter, were sorely oppressed by over-taxation. the management of the whole was entrusted to a head steward or majordomo, who, with the help of his secretaries, kept minute hieroglyphic accounts of the royal revenue. bernal diaz tells us that a whole apartment was filled with these account-books.[ ] in tezcuco, writes ixtlilxochitl, the food consumed by the court was supplied by certain districts of the kingdom, in each of which was a gatherer of taxes, who besides collecting the regular tributes, was obliged to furnish the royal household, in his turn, with a certain quantity of specified articles, for a greater or less number of days, according to the wealth and extent of his department. the daily supply amounted to thirty-one and a quarter bushels of grain; nearly three bushels and three quarters of beans;[ ] four hundred thousand ready-made tortillas; four xiquipiles[ ] of cocoa, making in all thirty-two thousand cocoa-beans;[ ] one hundred cocks of the country;[ ] twenty loaves of salt; twenty great baskets of large chiles, and twenty of small chiles; ten baskets of tomatoes; and ten of seed.[ ] all this was furnished daily for seventy days by the city of tezcuco and its suburbs, and by the districts of atenco, and tepepulco; for sixty-five days by the district of quauhtlatzinco; and for forty-five days by the districts of azapocho and ahuatepec.[ ] [sidenote: aztec kings and their subjects.] such, as full in detail as it is handed down to us, was the manner in which the aztec monarchs lived. the policy they pursued toward their subjects was to enforce obedience and submission by enacting laws that were calculated rather to excite awe and dread than to inspire love and reverence. to this end they kept the people at a distance by surrounding themselves with an impassable barrier of pomp and courtly etiquette, and enforced obedience by enacting laws that made death the penalty of the most trivial offenses. there was little in common between king and people; as is ever the case between a despot and his subjects. the good that the kings did by their liberality and love of justice, and the success they nearly all achieved by their courage and generalship, merited the admiration of their subjects. on the other hand, the oppression which they made their vassals feel, the heavy burdens they imposed upon them, their own pride and arrogance, and their excessive severity in punishments, engendered what we should now call a debasing fear, but which is none the less an essential element of progress at certain stages.[ ] footnotes: [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix. though it is more than probable that gomara means the same thing, yet the manner in which he expresses it leaves us in some doubt whether the tiger might not have been standing over the eagle. 'el escudo de armas, que estaua por las puertas de palacio y que traen las vanderas de motecçuma, y las de sus antecessores, es vna aguila abatida a vn tigre, las manos y vñas puestas como para hazer presa.' _conq. mex._, fol. . 'het wapen dat boven de poorte stont, was een arent die op een griffioen nederdaelde, met open clauwen hem ghereet maeckende, om syn roof te vatten.' _west-indische spieghel_, p. . [ ] _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . [ ] _ib._ [ ] 'le tecali paraît être la pierre transparente semblable à l'albâtre oriental, dont on faisait un grand usage à mexico, et dont les réligieux se servirent même pour faire une espèce de vitres à leurs fenêtres. on en trouve encore de ce genre dans plusieurs couvents de la puebla de los angeles.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] incense-offering among the mexicans, and other nations of anáhuac, was not only an act of religion towards their gods, but also a piece of civil courtesy to lords and ambassadors. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . cortés during his march to the capital was on more than one occasion met by a deputation of nobles, bearing censers which they swung before him as a mark of courtesy. [ ] prescott, _mex._, vol. i., p. , makes in both cases the 'estado' the same measure as the 'vara,' that is three feet, a clumsy error certainly, when translating such a sentence as this: 'que tenia de grueso dos varas, y de alto tres estados.' [ ] 'Á manera de estribo,' writes ixtlilxochitl. [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., pp. - . [ ] _gage's new survey_, p. . concerning this oratory, see _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., tom. i., cap. l. torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , asserts that the gold and silver plates with which the walls and roof were coated, were almost as thick as a finger, and that the first conquerors did not see this chapel or oratory, because montezuma always went to the temple to pray, and probably, as the natives declared, knowing the covetousness of the spaniards, he purposely concealed all this wealth from them; it is also said that when mexico was taken the natives destroyed this chapel, and threw its treasures into the lake. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii. [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - . [ ] their names, as given by ixtlilxochitl, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. , were: huexotla, coatlichan, coatapec, chimalhuacan, ytztapalocan, tepetlaoztoc, acolman, tepechpan, chiuhnauhtlan, teioiocan, chiauhtla, papalotlan, xaltocan, and chalco. [ ] otompan, teotihuacan, tepepolco, cempoalon, aztaquemecan, ahuatepec, axapochoc, oztoticpac, tizayocan, tlalanapan, coioac, quatlatlauhcan, quauhtlacca, and quatlatzinco. _ib._ [ ] 'para la recámara del rey,' namely: calpolalpan, mazaapan, yahualiuhcan, atenco, and tzihuinquilocan. _ib._ it is unreasonable to suppose that these so-called 'towns' were really more than mere villages, since the kingdoms proper of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan, of which they formed only a fraction, were all contained in a valley not two hundred miles in circumference. [ ] tolantzinco, quauhchinanco, xicotepec, pauhatla, yauhtepec, tepechco, ahuacaiocan, and quauhahuac. _ib._; see also _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'la cerca tan grande que tenia para subir á la cumbre de él y andarlo todo.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] 'para subir hasta esta cumbre se passan quinientos y veynte escalones, sin algunos que estan ya deshechos, por auer sido de piedras sueltas y puestas à mano: que otros muchos escalones ay, labrados en la propia peña con mucha curiosidad. el año pasado los anduue todos, y los contè, para deponer de vista.' _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. . prescott, _mex._, vol. i., p. , citing the above author, gives five hundred and twenty as the whole number of steps, without further remark. [ ] torquemada also mentions this staircase. _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'esculpida en ella en circunferencia los años desde que habia nacido el rey nezahualcoiotzin, hasta la edad de aquel tiempo.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . prescott says that the hieroglyphics represented the 'years of nezahualcoyotl's reign.' _mex._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. . 'this figure was, no doubt, the emblem of nezahualcoyotl himself, whose name ... signified "hungry fox."' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. , note . [ ] 'un leon de mas de dos brazas de largo con sus alas y plumas.' _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] these figures were destroyed by order of fr juan de zumárraga, first bishop of mexico. _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . the injury wrought by this holy iconoclast is incalculable. blinded by the mad fanaticism of the age, he saw a devil in every aztec image and hieroglyph; his hammers did more in a few years to efface all vestiges of aztec art and greatness than time and decay could have done in as many centuries. it is a few such men as this that the world has to thank for the utter extinction in a few short years of a mighty civilization. in a letter to the franciscan chapter at tolosa, dated june , , we find the old bigot exulting over his vandalism. 'very reverend fathers,' he writes: 'be it known to you that we are very busy in the work of converting the heathen; of whom, by the grace of god, upwards of one million have been baptized at the hands of the brethren of the order of our seraphic father saint francis; five hundred temples have been leveled to the ground, and more than twenty thousand figures of the devils they worshiped have been broken to pieces and burned.' and it appears that the worthy zealot had even succeeded in bringing the natives themselves to his way of thinking, for further on he writes: 'they watch with great care to see where their fathers hide the idols, and then with great fidelity they bring them to the religious of our order that they may be destroyed; and for this many of them have been brutally murdered by their parents, or, to speak more properly, have been crowned in glory with christ.' _dicc. univ._, app., tom. iii., p. . [ ] there is a singular confusion about this passage. in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. , ixtlilxochitl is made to write: 'un poquito mas abajo estaban tres albercas de agua, y en la del medio estaban en sus bordos tres damas esculpidas y labradas en la misma peña, que significaban la gran laguna; y las _ranas_ los cabezas del imperio.' in _prescott's mex._, app., vol. iii., pp. - , ixtlilxochitl's description of tezcozinco is given in full; the above-quoted passage is exactly the same here except that for _ranas_, frogs, we read _ramas_, branches. either of these words would render the description incomprehensible, and in my description i have assumed that they are both misprints for _damas_. mr prescott, _mex._, vol. i., pp. - , surmounts the difficulty as follows: 'on a lower level were three other reservoirs, _in each of which stood a marble statue of a woman_, emblematic of the three states of the empire.' this is inaccurate as well as incomplete, inasmuch as the figures were not statues, each standing in a basin, but were all three cut upon the face of the rock-border of the middle basin. [ ] i have no doubt that this is the basin known to modern travelers as the 'baths of montezuma,' of which ward says that it is neither of the proper shape, nor large enough for a bath, but that it more probably 'served to receive the waters of a spring, since dried up, as its depth is considerable, while the edge on one side is formed into a spout.' _mexico_, vol. ii., p. . of late years this excavation has been repeatedly described by men who claim to have visited it, but whose statements it is hard to reconcile. bullock mentions having seen on this spot 'a beautiful basin about twelve feet long by eight wide, having a well about five feet by four deep in the centre, surrounded by a parapet or rim two feet six inches high, with a throne or chair, such as is represented in ancient pictures to have been used by the kings. there are steps to descend into the basin or bath; the whole cut out of the living porphyry rock with the most mathematical precision, and polished in the most beautiful manner.' _mexico_, vol. ii., pp. - . latrobe says there were 'two singular basins, of perhaps two feet and a half in diameter, not big enough for any monarch bigger than oberon to take a duck in.' _rambler_, p. ; _vigne's travels_, vol. i., p. , mentions 'the remains of a circular stone bath ... about a foot deep and five in diameter, with a small surrounding and smoothed space cut out of the solid rock.' brantz mayer, who both saw it and gives a sketch of it, writes: 'the rock is smoothed to a perfect level for several yards, around which, seats and grooves are carved from the adjacent masses. in the centre there is a circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter, and a yard in depth, and a square pipe, with a small aperture, led the water from an aqueduct, which appears to terminate in this basin.' _mex. as it was_, p. . beaufoy says that two-thirds up the southern side of the hill was a mass of fine red porphyry, in which was an excavation six feet square, with steps leading down three feet, having in the centre a circular basin four and a half feet in diameter and five deep also with steps. _mex. illustr._, p. . 'on the side of the hill are two little circular baths, cut in the solid rock. the lower of the two has a flight of steps down to it; the seat for the bather, and the stone pipe which brought the water, are still quite perfect.' _tylor's anahuac_, p. . [ ] 'tras este jardin se seguian los baños hechos y labrados de peña viva, que con dividirse en dos baños era de una pieza.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _ib._ [ ] dávila padilla says that some of the gateways of this palace were formed of one piece of stone, and he saw one beam of cedar there which was almost ninety feet in length and four in breadth. _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. . [ ] concerning the royal buildings, gardens, &c., of the aztecs, compare _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., tom. i., cap. l.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , - ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - , - ; _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, pp. - ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _acosta's hist. nat. ind._, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.-xi.; _west-indische spieghel_, pp. - , ; _gage's new survey_, pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii., iv., x.; _chevalier_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - , vol. ii., pp. , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _raza indígena_, p. ; _tápia_, _relacion_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., pp. - . other works of no original value, which touch on this subject, are: _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. , , - , - ; _ranking's hist. researches_, pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mexicain_, pp. - , ; _macgregor's progress of america_, p. ; _dilworth's conq. mex._, pp. , ; _west und ost indischer lustgart_, pt i., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - . [ ] close to the great audience hall was a very large court-yard, 'en que avia çient aposentos de veynte é çinco ó treynta piés de largo cada uno sobre sí en torno de dicho patio, é allí estaban los señores prinçipales apossentados, como guardas del palacio ordinarias.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'vna como tabla labrada con oro, y otras figuras de idolos.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - . [ ] this pungent condiment is at the present day as omnipresent in spanish american dishes as it was at the time of the conquest; and i am seriously informed by a spanish gentleman who resided for many years in mexico, and was an officer in maximilian's army, that while the wolves would feed upon the dead bodies of the french that lay all night upon the battle-field, they never touched the bodies of the mexicans, because the flesh of the latter was completely impregnated with chile. which, if true, may be thought to show that wolves do not object to a diet seasoned with garlic. [ ] described too frequently in vol. i., of this series, to need repetition. [ ] the tamale is another very favorite modern mexican dish. the natives generally make them with pork; the bones are crushed almost to powder; the meat is cut up in small pieces, and the whole washed; a small quantity of maize paste, seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, pimento, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter, and some lard added to it, is placed on the fire in a pan; as soon as it has acquired the consistency of a thick gruel it is removed, mixed with the meat, some more lard and salt added, and the mass kneaded for a few moments; it is then divided into small portions, which are enveloped in a thin paste of maize. the tamales thus prepared are covered with a banana-leaf or a corn-husk, and placed in a pot or pan over which large leaves are laid. they are allowed to boil from one hour and a half to two hours. game, poultry, vegetables, or sweetmeats are often used instead of pork. [ ] torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , regrets that certain persons, out of the ill-will they bore the mexicans, have falsely imputed to montezuma the crime of eating human flesh without its being well seasoned, but he admits that when properly cooked and disguised, the flesh of those sacrificed to the gods appeared at the royal board. some modern writers seem to doubt even this; it is, however, certain that cannibalism existed among the people, not as a means of allaying appetite, but from partly religious motives, and there seems no reason to doubt that the king shared the superstitions of the people. i do not, however, base the opinion upon oviedo's assertion, which smacks strongly of the 'giant stories' of the nursery, that certain 'dishes of tender children' graced the monarch's table. _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . bernal diaz, _hist. conq._, fol. , also cannot withstand the temptation to deal in the marvelous, and mentions 'carnes de muchachos de poca edad;' though it is true the soldier-like bluntness the veteran so prided himself upon, comes to his aid, and he admits that perhaps after all montezuma was not an ogre. [ ] _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] bernal diaz, _hist. conq._, fol. , says there were four of these women; torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , says there were twenty. [ ] 'e ya que començaua á comer, echauanle delante vna como puerta de madera muy pintada de oro, porque no le viessen comer.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . 'luego que se sentaba à la mesa, cerraba el maestre-sala vna varanda de madera, que dividia la sala, para que la nobleça de los caballeros, _que acudia à verle comer_, no embaraçase la mesa.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'tosto che il re si metteva a tavola, chiudeva lo scalco la porta della sala, acciocchè nessuno degli altri nobili lo vedesse mangiare.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'a potation of chocolate, flavored with vanilla and other spices, and so prepared as to be reduced to a froth of the consistency of honey, which gradually dissolved in the mouth.' _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. . 'this was something like our chocolate, and prepared in the same way, but with this difference, that it was mixed with the boiled dough of maise, and was drunk cold.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, [lockhart's translation lond., , vol. i., note, p. ]. 'la bebida es agua mezclada con cierta harina de unas almendras que llaman _cacao_. esta es de mucha sustancia, muy fresca, y sabrosa y agradable, y no embriaga.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxi. [ ] 'entonces no mirauamos en ello; mas lo que yo vi, que traian sobre cincuenta jarros grandes hechos de buen cacao con su espuma, y de lo que bebia.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . oviedo, as usual, is content with no number less than three thousand: 'É luego venian tres mill _xícalos_ (cántaros ó ánforas) de brevage.' _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . las casas makes it three hundred: 'a su tiempo, en medio ò en fin de los manjares segun la costumbre que tenian, entravan otros trescientos pajes, cada uno con un vaso grande que cabia medio azumbre, (about a quart), y aun tres quartillos de la bebida en el mismo, y servia el un vaso al rey el maestresala, de que bebia lo que le agradava.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxi. [ ] 'vnas yervas que se dize tabaco.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] only five persons enjoyed the privilege of looking montezuma ii. in the face: the kings of tezcuco and tlacopan, and the lords of quauhtitlan, coyouacan, and azcapuzalco. _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxi. bernal diaz says that all who approached the royal seat made three reverences, saying in succession, 'lord,' 'my lord,' 'sublime lord.' _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] this custom of speaking through a secretary was adopted by the other aztec monarchs as well as montezuma, and was also imitated by many of the great tributary lords and governors of provinces who wished to make as much display of their rank and dignity as possible. see _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxi.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'lo que los señores hablaban y la palabra que mas ordinariamente decian al fin de las pláticas y negocios que se les comunicaban, eran decir con muy baja voz _tlaa_, que quiere decir "sí, ó bien, bien."' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. [ ] torquemada writes of montezuma ii.: 'su trato con los suios era poco: raras veces se dejaba vèr, y estabase encerrado mucho tiempo, pensando en el govierno de su reino.' _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] picking up straws, says las casas: 'É iban estos oficiales delante quitando las pajas del suelo por finas que fuesen.' _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxi. [ ] this was the aztec manner of salutation, and is doubtless what bernal diaz means where he writes: 'y en señal de paz tocauan con la mano en el suelo, y besauan la tierra con la mesma mano.' _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] green stones, more valued than any other among the aztecs. [ ] cortés himself says that the king was supported by two grandees only; one of whom was his nephew, the king of tezcuco, and the other his brother, the lord of iztapalapa. _cartas_, p. . [ ] _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _west-indische spieghel_, p. . clavigero disbelieves the report that montezuma had one hundred and fifty women pregnant at once. _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . oviedo makes the number of women four thousand. _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . [ ] 'quebraban,' which probably here means 'castrated.' [ ] 'tenia moteuczomatzin en su palacio enanos y corcobadillos, que de industria siendo niños los hacian jibosos, y los quebraban y descoyuntaban, porque de estos se servian los señores en esta tierra como ahora hace el gran turco de eunucos.' _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - . torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , uses nearly the same words. [ ] _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] 'otros tres tlacopintlix de frisoles.' the tlacopintlix was one 'fanega,' and three 'almudes,' or, one bushel and a quarter. [ ] 'xiquipilli, costal, talega, alforja, o bolsa.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. [ ] 'treinta y dos mil cacaos,' possibly cocoa-pods instead of cocoa-beans. [ ] 'cien gallos.' probably turkeys. [ ] probably pumpkin or melon seed. [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] concerning the king's manner of living and the domestic economy of the royal household, see: _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. - , - ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxi.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - , - , - , , tom. ii., p. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - , - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , , ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v., vii., ix., xii-xiii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiv.; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _ortega_, in _id._, pp. - ; _west-indische spieghel_, p. ; _gage's new survey_, pp. , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. , tom. iv., pp. - ; _prescott's mex._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _carli_, _cartas_, pt i., pp. - . other works of more or less value bearing on this subject are: _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - , - , ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. , - , - ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _dufey_, _résumé_, tom. i., pp. - ; _brownell's ind. races_, pp. , - ; _ranking's hist. researches_, pp. - , - , - , ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., pp. - ; _cooper's hist. n. amer._, pp. - ; _dilworth's conq. mex._, pp. - , - ; _hawks_, in _hakluyt's voy._, vol. iii., p. ; _monglave_, _résumé_, pp. , - ; _incidents and sketches_, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , - , , ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, p. ; _west und ost indischer lustgart_, pp. - . chapter v. the privileged classes among the nahuas. titles of the nobility and gentry--the power of the nobles--the aristocracy of tezcuco--the policy of king techotlalatzin--privileges of the nobles--montezuma's policy--rivalry between nobles and commons--the knightly order of tecuhtli--ceremony of initiation--origin of the order--the nahua priesthood--the priests of mexico--dedication of children--priestesses--priesthood of miztecapan--the pontiff of yopaa--tradition of wixipecocha--the cave of yopaa--the zapotec priests--toltec priests--totonac priests--priests of michoacan, puebla, and tlascala. [sidenote: the aztec aristocracy.] descending in due order the social scale of the aztecs, we now come to the nobility, or, more properly speaking, the privileged classes. the nobles of mexico, and of the other nahua nations, were divided into several classes, each having its own peculiar privileges and badges of rank. the distinctions that existed between the various grades, and their titles, are not, however, clearly defined. the title of tlatoani was the highest and most respected; it signified an absolute and sovereign power, an hereditary and divine right to govern. the kings, and the great feudatory lords who were governors of provinces, and could prove their princely descent and the ancient independence of their families, belonged to this order. the title of tlatopilzintli was given to the eldest son of the king, and that of tlatoque to all the princes in general. tlacahua signified a lord without sovereignty, but who had vassals under his orders, and was, to a certain extent, master of his people. the appellation of pilli was given to all who were noble, without regard to rank. axcahua, was a rich man, a proprietor of wealth in general, and tlaquihua, a landed proprietor, or almost the same thing as an english country gentleman. the title of tlatoani was invariably hereditary, but many of the others were conferred only for life, as a reward for important military or other services to the state. of the tenure by which they held their lands i shall have occasion to speak hereafter. the power of the nobles, as a body, was very great; according to some accounts there were, in montezuma's realms, thirty great lords who each controlled one hundred thousand vassals, and three thousand other lords also very powerful. a number of nobles possessing such formidable power as this, would, if permitted to live on their estates, some of which were a long distance from the capital, have been a constantly threatening source of danger to the crown; at any moment an aztec runnimede might have been expected. to guard against any such catastrophe, the more powerful nobles were required to reside in the capital, at least during the greater part of each year; and permission to return to their homes for a short time, could only be obtained on condition that they left a son or brother as a guarantee of good faith during their absence.[ ] in the kingdom of tezcuco were twenty-six great fiefs,[ ] each independent of the rest and having several fiefs of less importance subjected to it. the greater part of these great chiefs bore the sovereign title of tlatoani, or a similar one. they recognized no prerogative of the king except his right to preside at their grand assemblies, to receive their homage upon his accession to the throne, to levy certain tributes in their provinces, and to call upon them to appear in the field with a contingent of troops in case of war. for the rest, each tlatoani was perfectly independent in his own domain, which he governed with the same omnipotence as the king of tezcuco himself. notwithstanding the precautions taken, it frequently happened that one of these great feudatories would feel himself strong enough to set the authority of the king at defiance, but as their private feuds generally prevented any number of the tlatoanis from uniting their forces against the crown, the rebels were in most instances speedily reduced to subjection; in which event the leaders either suffered death or were degraded from their rank. they were an unruly family, these overgrown vassals, and the aztec monarchs were often at their wit's end in endeavors to conciliate and keep them within bounds. torquemada tells us that techotlalatzin, king of tezcuco, was sorely harassed by the powerful nobles of his realm. he accordingly set about remedying the evil with great prudence and perseverance. his first step was to unite, by strong bonds of interest, the less important nobles to the crown. to this end he heaped favors upon all. the vanity of some he flattered by conferring the dignity and title of tlatoani upon them, to others he gave wealth and lands. by this means he weakened the individual power of the great vassals by increasing their number, a policy the efficiency of which has been frequently proved in the old world as well as in the new. techotlalatzin next proceeded to summon them one after another to court, and then under pretense of being in constant need of their advice, he formed twenty-six of their number into a council of state, obliging them by this means to reside constantly in the capital. with this council he conferred upon all grave and difficult questions, whatever might be their nature. it was the duty of its members to draw up and issue ordinances, both for the general government and for the administration of affairs in particular provinces; and to enact laws for enforcing good order in towns and villages, as well as those relating to agriculture, science and art, military discipline, and the tribunals of justice. [sidenote: orders of nobility.] at the same time techotlalatzin created a large number of new offices and honorary trusts, which were dependent on the crown. four of the most powerful nobles were invested with the highest dignities. the first, with the title tetlahto, was made commander-in-chief of the army, and president of the military council. the second was entitled yolqui; his office was that of grand master of ceremonies; it was his duty to receive and introduce the ambassadors and ministers of foreign princes, to conduct them to court, to lodge them and provide for their comfort, and to offer them the presents appointed by the king. the third lord received the title of tlami or calpixcontli; he was master of the royal household, and minister of finance, and was assisted in his functions by a council of other nobles. it was the duty of this body to keep strict account of all taxes paid by the people; its members were required to be well informed as to the exact condition of each town and province, with the nature of its produce, and the fertility of its soil; they had also to distribute the taxes with equality and justice, and in proportion to the resources of the people. the care and management of the interior of the palace was also intrusted to them, and it was their place to provide all the food for the consumption of the royal household. the fourth great officer was styled amechichi; he acted as grand chamberlain, and attended to the king's private apartments. like the tlami, he was assisted by other nobles. a fifth officer was afterward appointed, who bore the title of cohuatl, and superintended the workers in precious metals, jewels, and feathers, who were employed by the court. at first sight it may appear that such duties as these would be below the dignity of a haughty aztec grandee, yet we find the nobles of europe during the middle ages not only filling the same positions, but jealous of their right to do so, and complaining loudly if deprived of them. sismondi tells us that the count of anjou, under louis vi., claimed the office of grand seneschal of france; that is, to carry dishes to the king's table on state days. the court of charlemagne was crowded with officers of every rank, some of the most eminent of whom exercised functions about the royal person which would have been thought fit only for slaves in the palace of augustus or antonine. the free-born franks saw nothing menial in the titles of cup-bearer, steward, marshal, and master of the horse, which are still borne by some of the noblest families in many parts of europe. as soon as habits of submission and an appreciation of the honors showered upon them had taken root among his great vassals, techotlalatzin subdivided the twenty-six provinces of his kingdom into sixty-five departments. the ancient lords were not by this measure despoiled of all their authority, nor of those estates which were their private property; but the jurisdiction they exercised in person or through their officials was greatly diminished by the nomination of thirty-five new governors, chosen by the king, and of whose fidelity he was well assured. this was a mortal blow to the great aristocrats, and a preliminary step toward the total abolition of feudal power. but the master-stroke was yet to come. the inhabitants of each province were carefully counted and divided into sections. they were then changed about from place to place, in numbers proportioned to the size and population of the territory. for example, from a division containing six thousand people, two thousand were taken and transported into the territory of another lord, from the number of whose vassals two thousand were also taken and placed upon the vacated land in the first lord's possessions; each noble, however, retained his authority over that portion of his vassals which had been removed. by this means, although the number of each lord's subjects remained the same, yet as a large portion of each territory was occupied by the vassals of another, a revolt would be difficult. nor could two nobles unite their forces against the crown, as care was taken that the interchange of dependents should not be effected between two estates adjoining each other. these measures, despotic as they were, were nevertheless executed without opposition from either nobles or people,--such was the awe in which the sovereign was held and his complete ascendancy over his subjects.[ ] [sidenote: privileges of the nobles.] the privileges of the nobles were numerous. they alone were allowed to wear ornaments of gold and gems upon their clothes, and, indeed, in their entire dress, as we shall presently see, they were distinguished from the lower classes. the exact limits of the power they possessed over their vassals is not known, but it was doubtless nearly absolute. fuenleal, bishop of santo domingo, writes to charles v. of the lower orders, that "they were, and still are, so submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or sold into slavery without complaining."[ ] in mexico their power and privileges were greatly augmented by montezuma ii., who we are told ousted every plebeian that held a position of high rank, and would allow none who were not of noble birth to be employed in his palace or about his person. at the time of this monarch's accession there were many members of the royal council who were men of low extraction; all these he dismissed and supplied their places with creatures of his own. it is related that an old man who had formerly been his guardian or tutor had the boldness to remonstrate with him against such a course; telling him with firmness that he acted contrary to his own interests, and advising him to weigh well the consequences of the measures he was adopting. to banish the plebeians from the palace, added the old man, was to estrange them forever from the king; and the time would come when the common people would no longer either wish or dare to look upon him. montezuma haughtily made answer, that this was precisely what he wished; it was a burning shame, he said, that the low and common people should be allowed to mix with the nobles in the royal service; he was astonished and indignant that his royal predecessors had so long suffered such a state of things to be.[ ] by these measures the services of many brave soldiers, promoted, as a reward for their gallantry, from the ranks of the people, were lost to the crown; nor were such men likely to be slow to show their discontent. the new policy, incited by a proud aristocracy, struck exactly those men who had the best right to a share in the government. it was the officers promoted for their merits from the ranks who had contributed most to the success of the mexican arms; it was the great merchants who, by their extended commerce, had made the wealth of the country. a spirit of rivalry had long existed between the poor well-born nobles, and the wealthy base-born merchants. during many successive reigns the importance of the latter class had been steadily increasing, owing to the valuable services they had rendered the state. from the earliest times they were permitted a certain degree of familiarity with the kings, who took great delight in hearing them recount the wonderful adventures they had met with while on their long expeditions into strange parts. doubtless the royal ear did not always meet the truth unembellished, any more than did that of haroun alraschid upon similar occasions, but probably the monarchs learned many little secrets in this way that they could never know by other means. afterward these merchants were admitted to the royal councils, and during the latter years of the reign of ahuitzotl we find them enjoying many of the exclusive privileges hitherto reserved to the warrior aristocracy. [sidenote: class conflicts.] the merchants appear to have partly brought upon themselves the misfortunes which subsequently overtook them, by aggravating the envious feelings with which they were already regarded. not content with being admitted to equal privileges with the nobles, and vexed at not being able to vie with them in brilliant titles and long lines of illustrious ancestry, they did their utmost to surpass them in the magnificence of their houses, and in the pomp which they displayed upon every occasion. at the public feasts and ceremonies these parvenus outshone the proudest nobles by the profuseness of their expenditure; they strove for and obtained honors and exalted positions which the aristocracy could not accept for lack of wealth; they were sparing of money in no place where it could be used for their own advancement. it is easy to conceive the effect such a state of things had on the proud and overbearing nobles of mexico. on several occasions they complained to their kings that their order was losing its prestige by being obliged to mix on equal terms with the plebeians; but the services that the great commercial body rendered every day to the crown were too material to allow the kings to listen patiently to such complaints. during the reign of ahuitzotl, the pride of the merchants had reached its zenith; it is not therefore surprising that the leaders of the aristocratic party, when that monarch was dead, elected as his successor montezuma ii., a prince well known for his partiality for the higher classes. his policy, as events proved, was a far less wise one than that of techotlalatzin of tezcuco, of which we have already spoken. by not restraining his overweening pride he prepared the way for disaffection and revolt; he furnished his enemies with weapons which they were not slow to use; he alienated the affections of his subjects, so that when aid was most needed there was none to help him, and when, fettered and a prisoner in the hand of the spaniards, he called upon his people, the only replies were hoots and missiles. the generals of the army and military officers of the higher ranks, must of course be included among the privileged classes; usually, indeed, they were noble by birth as well as influential by position, and in mexico, from the time of montezuma's innovations this was always the case. there were several military orders and titles which were bestowed upon distinguished soldiers for services in the field or the council. of those which were purely the reward of merit, and such as could be attained by a plebeian, i shall speak in a future chapter. there was one, however, the membership of which was confined to the nobility; this was the celebrated and knightly order of the tecuhtli. to obtain this rank it was necessary to be of noble birth, to have given proof in several battles of the utmost courage, to have arrived at a certain age, and to have sufficient wealth to support the enormous expenses incurred by members of the order. [sidenote: ceremony of initiating a tecuhtli.] for three years before he was admitted, the candidate and his parents busied themselves about making ready for the grand ceremony, and collecting rich garments, jewels, and golden ornaments, for presents to the guests. when the time approached, the auguries were consulted, and a lucky day having been fixed upon, the relations and friends of the candidate, as well as all the great nobles and tecuhtlis that could be brought together, were invited to a sumptuous banquet. on the morning of the all-important day the company set out in a body for the temple of camaxtli,[ ] followed by a multitude of curious spectators, chiefly of the lower orders, intent upon seeing all there is to see. arrived at the summit of the pyramid consecrated to camaxtli, the aspirant to knightly honors bows down reverently before the altar of the god. the high-priest now approaches him, and with a pointed tiger's bone or an eagle's claw perforates the cartilage of his nose in two places, inserting into the holes thus made small pieces of jet or obsidian,[ ] which remain there until the year of probation is passed, when they are exchanged for beads of gold and precious stones. this piercing the nose with an eagle's claw or a tiger's bone, signifies, says torquemada, that he who aspires to the dignity of tecuhtli must be as swift to overtake an enemy as the eagle, as strong in fight as the tiger. the high-priest, speaking in a loud voice, now begins to heap insults and injurious epithets upon the man standing meekly before him. his voice grows louder and louder; he brandishes his arms aloft, he waxes furious. the assistant priests are catching his mood; they gather closer about the object of the pontiff's wrath; they jostle him, they point their fingers sneeringly at him, and call him coward. for a moment the dark eyes of the victim gleam savagely, his hands close involuntarily, he seems about to spring upon his tormentors; then with an effort he calms himself and is passive as ever. that look made the taunters draw back, but it was only for a moment; they are upon him again; they know now that he is strong to endure, and they will prove him to the uttermost. screaming insults in his ears, they tear his garments piece by piece from his body until nothing but the maxtli is left, and the man stands bruised and naked in their midst. but all is useless, their victim is immovable, so at length they leave him in peace. he has passed safely through one of the severest ordeals of the day, but that fierce look a while ago was a narrow escape; had he lifted a finger in resistance, he must have gone down from the temple to be scorned and jeered at by the crowd below as one who had aspired to the dignity of tecuhtli, yet who could restrain his temper no better than a woman. the long months of careful preparation would have been all in vain, his parents would have spat upon him for vexation and shame, perchance he would have been punished for sacrilege. but he is by no means a member of the coveted order yet. he is next conducted to another hall of the temple,[ ] where he commences his noviciate, which is to last from one to two years, by four days of penance, prayer, and fasting. as soon as he is conducted to this hall the banquet which has been prepared for the guests commences, and after a few hours of conviviality each returns to his home. during these first four days the candidate's powers of endurance are sorely taxed. the only articles of furniture allowed him are a coarse mat and a low stool; his garments are of the coarsest description. when night comes, the priests bring him a black preparation, with which to besmear his face, some spines of the maguey-plant to draw blood from his body with, a censer and some incense. his only companions are three veteran warriors, who instruct him in his duties and keep him awake, for during the four days he is only allowed to sleep for a few minutes at a time, and then it must be sitting upon his stool. if, overcome by drowsiness, he exceed this time, his guardians thrust the maguey-thorns into his flesh, crying: awake, awake! learn to be vigilant and watchful; keep your eyes open that you may look to the interests of your vassals. at midnight he goes to burn incense before the idol, and to draw blood from different parts of his body as a sacrifice. he then walks round the temple, and as he goes he burns paper and copal in four holes in the ground, which he makes at the four sides of the building, facing the cardinal points; upon each of these fires he lets fall a few drops of blood drawn from his body. these ceremonies he repeats at dawn and sunset. he breaks his fast only once in twenty-four hours, at midnight: and then his repast consists merely of four little dumplings of maize-meal, each about the size of a nut, and a small quantity of water; but even this he leaves untasted if he wishes to evince extraordinary powers of endurance. the four days having elapsed, he obtains permission from the high-priest to complete his time of probation in some temple of his own district or parish; but he is not allowed to go home, nor, if married, to see his wife during this period. [sidenote: final ceremonies.] for two or three months preceding his formal admission into the order, the home of the postulant is in a bustle of preparation for the coming ceremony. a grand display is made of rich stuffs and dresses, and costly jewels, for the use of the new knight when he shall cast off his present chrysalis-husk of coarse nequen and emerge a full-blown tecuhtli. a great number of presents are provided for the guests; a sumptuous banquet is prepared, and the whole house is decorated for the occasion. the oracles are again consulted, and upon the lucky day appointed the company assemble once more at the house of the candidate, in the same manner as at the commencement of his noviciate. in the morning the new knight is conducted to a bath, and after having undergone a good scrubbing, he is again carried, in the midst of music and dancing, to the temple of camaxtli. accompanied by his brother tecuhtlis he ascends the steps of the teocalli. after he has respectfully saluted the idol, the mean garments he has worn so long are taken off, and his hair is bound up in a knot on the top of his head with a red cord, from the ends of which hang some fine feathers; he is next clad in garments of rich and fine materials, the principal of which is a kind of tunic, ornamented with a delicately embroidered device, which is the insignia of his new rank; in his right hand he receives some arrows and in his left a bow. the high-priest completes the ceremony with a discourse, in which he instructs the new knight in his duties, tells him the names which he is to add to his own, as a member of the order; describes to him the signs and devices which he must emblazon on his escutcheon, and impresses upon his memory the advantages of being liberal and just, of loving his country and his gods. as soon as the newly made tecuhtli has descended into the court of the temple, the music and dancing recommence, and are kept up until it is time to begin the banquet. this is served with great magnificence and liberality, and, to the guests at least, is probably the most interesting feature of the day. in front of each person at table are placed the presents intended for him, consisting of costly stuffs and ornaments in such quantity that each bundle was carried with difficulty by two slaves; each guest is also given a new garment, which he wears at table. the value of the gifts was proportioned to the rank of the receiver, and such distinctions must be made with great care, for the aztec nobility were very jealous of their rights of precedence. the places of such nobles as had been invited to the feast but were from illness or other cause unable to attend were left vacant, and their share of presents and food was placed upon the table exactly as if they had been present; torquemada tells us, moreover, that the same courtesy was extended to the empty seat as to the actual guest.[ ] upon these occasions the absent noble generally sent a substitute, whose seat was placed next to that of the person he represented. on the following day the servants and followers of the guests were feasted and presented with gifts, according to the means and liberality of the donor. the privileges of the tecuhtlis were important and numerous. in council they took the first places, and their votes outweighed all others; in the same manner at all feasts and ceremonies, in peace or in war, they were always granted preëminence. as before remarked, the vast expenses entailed upon a tecuhtli debarred the honor from many who were really worthy of it. in some instances, however, when a noble had greatly distinguished himself in war, but was too poor to bear the expenses of initiation, these were defrayed by the governor of his province, or by the other tecuhtlis.[ ] [sidenote: origin of the order.] the origin of the order of tecuhtli is not known. both the toltecs and the tlascaltecs claim to have established it. veytia, however, asserts that this was not the case, but that it was first instituted by xolotl, king of the chichimecs.[ ] m. l'abbé brasseur de bourbourg infers from ancient toltec history that the ceremony of initiation and the probation of the candidate derive their origin from the mysterious rites of which traces are still found among the nations of mexico and central america. the traditions relating to votan and quetzalcoatl, or gucumatz, evidently allude to it. the birth of ceacatl-quetzalcoatl is celebrated by his father, mixcohua-camaxtli, at culhuacan, with great rejoicings and the creation of a great number of knights; it is these same knights who are afterwards sent to avenge his death upon his assassins at cuitlahuac, a town which appears, since that time, to have been always the principal place of residence of the order. after the separation of cholula from the rest of the toltec empire by ceacatl-quetzalcoatl, that town, together with huexotzinco and tlascala, appears to have had special privileges in this particular. it is in these places that after the conquest of the aztec plateau by the teo-chichimecs, we find most of their chiefs bearing the title of tecuhtli; it may be that the priests were forced into confirming their warlike conquerors in the honor, or it may be that they did so voluntarily, hoping by this means to submit the warriors to their spiritual power. this, however, is certain, that the rank of tecuhtli remained to the last the highest honor that a prince or soldier could acquire in the states of tlascala, cholula, and huexotzinco.[ ] [sidenote: the mexican priesthood.] the priesthood filled a very important place among the privileged classes, but as a succeeding volume has been set apart for all matters relating to religion, i will confine myself here to such an outline of the sacerdotal system as is necessary to make our view of aztec social distinctions complete. the learned abbé, m. brasseur de bourbourg, gives us a very correct and concise account of the mexican priesthood, a partial translation of which will answer the present purpose. among the nations of mexico and central america, whose civilization is identical, the priesthood always occupied a high rank in the state, and up to the last moment its members continued to exercise a powerful influence in both public and private affairs. in anáhuac the priestly offices do not appear to have been appropriated exclusively by an hereditary caste; all had an equal right to fill them, with the exception of the offices about the temple of huitzilopochtli, at mexico, which were granted to some families dwelling in certain quarters of that city.[ ] the ministers of the various temples, to be fitted for an ecclesiastical career, must be graduates of the calmecac, colleges or seminaries to which they had been sent by their parents in their infancy. the dignities of their order were conferred by vote; but it is evident that the priests of noble birth obtained almost invariably the highest honors. the quarrels between the priest and warrior classes, which, in former times, had brought so much harm to the mexican nation, had taught the kings to do their best to effect a balance of power between the rival bodies; to this end they appropriated to themselves the privilege of electing priests, and placed at the head of the clergy a priest or a warrior of high rank, as they saw fit; this could be all the more easily done, as both classes received the same education in the same schools. the august title of topiltzin, which in ancient times expressed the supreme military and priestly power, came to mean, in after years, a purely ecclesiastical authority. in tezcuco and tlacopan, where the crown was inherited in a direct line by one of the sons of the deceased monarch, the supreme pontiff was usually selected from among the members of the royal family; but in mexico, where it involved, almost always, the duties of tlacochcalcatl, or commander-in-chief of the army, and, eventually, succession to the throne, the office of high-priest, like that of king, was elective. the election of the spiritual king, for so we may call him, generally followed close upon that of the temporal monarch, and such was the honor in which the former was held, that he was consecrated with the same sacred unguent with which the king was anointed. in this manner axayacatl, montezuma ii., and quauhtemoc, were each made pontiff before the royal crown was placed upon their head. the title of him who held this dignity was mexicatl-teohuatzin, that is to say, the 'mexican lord of sacred things;' he added also, besides a great number of other titles, that of teotecuhtli, or 'divine master,' and he was, by right, high-priest of huitzilopochtli; he was the 'head of the church,' and of all its branches, not only at mexico, but in all the provinces of the mexican empire; he had absolute authority over all priests, of whatever rank, and the colleges and monasteries of every class were under his control. he was elected by the two dignitaries ranking next to himself in the aboriginal hierarchy. the mexicatl-teohuatzin was looked upon as the right arm of the king, particularly in all matters of war and religion, and it rarely happened that any important enterprise was set on foot without his advice. at the same time it is evident that the high-priest was, after all, only the vicar and lieutenant of the king, for on certain solemn occasions the monarch himself performed the functions of grand sacrificer. the quetzalcoatl, that is, the high-priest of the god of that name, was almost equal in rank to the mexicatl-teohuatzin; but his political influence was far inferior. the ordinary title of the priests was teopixqui, or 'sacred guardian;' those who were clothed with a higher dignity were called huey-teopixqui, or 'great sacred guardian.' the huitznahuac-teohuatzin and the tepan-teohuatzin followed, in priestly rank, the high-priest of huitzilopochtli; they were his vicars, and superintended the colleges and monasteries in every part of his kingdom. the tlaquimilol-tecuhtli, or 'grand master of relics,'[ ] took charge of the ornaments, furniture, and other articles specially relating to worship. the tlillancalcatl, or 'chief of the house of tlillan,' exercised the functions of principal sacristan; he took care of the robes and utensils used by the high-priest. the choristers were under the orders of the ometochtli, the high-priest of the god so named, who had, as director of the singing-schools, an assistant styled tlapitzcatzin; it was this latter officer's duty to instruct his pupils in the hymns which were chanted at the principal solemnities. the tlamacazcatlotl, or 'divine minister' overlooked the studies in the schools; another priest discharged the duties of grand master of the pontifical ceremonies; another was archdeacon and judge of the ecclesiastical courts; the latter had power to employ and discharge the attendants in the temples; besides these there was a crowd of other dignitaries, following each other rank below rank in perfect order. [sidenote: sacerdotal offices.] in mexico and the other towns of the empire, there were as many complete sets of priests as there were temples. besides the seventy-eight sanctuaries dedicated to huitzilopochtli, which were in part directed by the priests we have already enumerated, the capital contained many others. each had jurisdiction in its own section, which corresponded to our parish; the priests and their pupils dwelling in a school or college which adjoined the temple. it was the province of the priests to attend to all matters relating to religion and the instruction of youth. some took charge of the sacrifices, others were skilled in the art of divination; certain of them were entrusted with the arrangement of the festivals and the care of the temple and sacred vessels, others applied themselves to the composition of hymns and attended to the singing and music. the priests who were learned in science superintended the schools and colleges, made the calculations for the annual calendar, and fixed the feast-days; those who possessed literary talent compiled the historical works, and collected material for the libraries. to each temple was attached a monastery, or we might call it a chapter, the members of which enjoyed privileges similar to those of our canons. the tlamacazqui, 'deacons' or 'ministers' and the quaquacuiltin, 'herb-eaters,' were those who dedicated themselves to the service of the gods for life. they led a very ascetic life; continence was strictly imposed upon them, and they mortified the flesh by deeds of penance in imitation of quetzalcoatl, who was their patron deity. the name of tlamacazcayotl, signifying 'government of the religious,' was given to these orders, and they had monasteries for the reception of both sexes. the high-priest of the god quetzalcoatl was their supreme lord; he was a man of great authority, and never deigned to put his foot out of doors unless it was to confer with the king. when a father of a family wished to dedicate one of his children to the service of quetzalcoatl, he with great humility advised the high-priest of his intention. that dignitary deputed a tlamacazqui to represent him at the feast which was given in his honor, and to bring away the child. if at this time the infant was under four years of age, a slight incision was made on his chest, and a few drops of blood were drawn as a token of his future position. four years was the age requisite for admission into the monastery. some remained there until they were of an age to enter the world, some dedicated their whole lives to the service of the gods; others vowed themselves to perpetual continence. all were poorly clothed, wore their hair long, lived upon coarse and scanty fare, and did all kinds of work. at midnight they arose and went to the bath; after washing, they drew blood from their bodies with spines of the maguey-plant; then they watched and chanted praises of the gods until two in the morning. notwithstanding this austerity, however, these monks could betake themselves alone to the woods, or wander through the mountains and deserts, there in solitude to spend the time in holy contemplation. [sidenote: mexican priestesses.] females were consecrated to the service of the gods in several ways. when a girl was forty days old, the father carried her to the neighboring temple; he placed in her little hands a broom and a censer, and thus presented her to the teopixqui, or priest; who by accepting these symbols of his future state, bound himself to perform his part of the engagement. as soon as the little one was able to do so in person, she carried a broom and a censer to the temple, with some presents for the priest; at the required age she entered the monastery. some of the girls took an oath of perpetual continence; others, on account of some vow which they had made during sickness, or that the gods might send them a good husband, entered the monastery for one, two, three, or four years. they were called cihuatlamacasque, 'deaconesses,' or cihuaquaquilli, 'eaters of vegetables.' they were under the surveillance of a number of staid matrons of good character; upon entering the monastery each girl had her hair cut short.[ ] they all slept in one dormitory, and were not allowed to disrobe before retiring to rest, in order that they might always be ready when the signal was given to rise. they occupied themselves with the usual labors of their sex; weaving and embroidering the tapestry and ornamental work for the temple. three times during the night they rose to renew the incense in the braziers, at ten o'clock, at midnight, and at dawn.[ ] on these occasions a matron led the procession; with eyes modestly bent upon the ground, and without daring to cast a glance to one side or the other, the maidens filed up one side of the temple, while the priests did the same on the other, so that all met before the altar. in returning to the dormitory the same order was observed. they spent part of the morning in preparing bread and confectionery, which they placed, while warm, in the temple, where the priests partook of it after sacrifice.[ ] the young women, for their part, fasted strictly; they first broke their fast at noon, and with the exception of a scanty meal in the evening, this was all they ate during the twenty-four hours. on feast-days they were permitted to taste meat, but at all other times their diet was extremely meagre. while sweeping the temple they took great care never to turn their back to the idol, lest the god should be insulted. if one of these young women unhappily violated her vows of chastity she redoubled her fasting and severity, in the fear that her flesh would rot, and in order to appease the gods and induce them to conceal her crime, for death was the punishment inflicted on the mexican vestal who was convicted of such a trespass. the maiden who entered the service of the gods for a certain period only, and not for life, did not usually leave the monastery until she was about to be married. at that time the parents, having chosen a husband for the girl, and gotten everything in readiness, repaired to the monastery, taking care first to provide themselves with quails, copal, hollow canes filled with perfume, which torquemada says they called _poquietl_, a brassier for incense, and some flowers. the girl was then clothed in a new dress, and the party went up to the temple; the altar was covered with a cloth, upon which were placed the presents they had brought with them, accompanied by sundry dishes of meats and pastry. a complimentary speech was next made by the parents to the tequaquilli, or chief priest of the temple, and when this was concluded the girl was taken away to her father's house. but of those young men and maidens who stayed in the temple-schools for a time only, and received a regular course of instruction at the hands of the priests, it is my intention to speak further when treating of the education of the mexican youth. the original accounts are rather confused on this point, so that it is difficult to separate with accuracy those who entered with the intention of becoming permanent priests from those who were merely temporary scholars. [sidenote: dress of the mexican priests.] the ordinary dress of the mexican priests differed little from that of other citizens; the only distinctive feature being a black cotton mantle, which they wore in the manner of a veil thrown back upon the head. those, however, who professed a more austere life, such as the quaquaquiltin and tlamacazqui before mentioned, wore long black robes; many among them never cut their hair, but allowed it to grow as long as it would; it was twisted with thick cotton cords, and bedaubed with unctuous matter, the whole forming a weighty mass, as inconvenient to carry as it was disgusting to look at. the high-priest usually wore, as a badge of his rank, a kind of fringe which hung down over his breast, called xicolli; on feast-days he was clothed in a long robe, over which he wore a sort of chasuble or cope, which varied in color, shape, and ornamentation, according to the sacrifices he made and the divinity to which he offered them.[ ] among the miztecs and zapotecs the priests had as much or even more influence than among the mexicans. in briefly reviewing the sacerdotal system of these nations, let us once more take m. brasseur de bourbourg for our guide. the kingdom of tilantongo, which comprised upper miztecapan, was spiritually governed by the high-priest of achiuhtla; he had the title of taysacaa,[ ] and his power equalled, if it did not surpass, that of the sovereign. this office, it appears, was reserved for the royal family, and was transmitted from male to male; a member of any free family could, however, become a sacaa, or simple priest. all, even to the successor of the taysacaa, had to submit to a vigorous noviciate of one year's duration, and to this rule no exceptions were made. up to the time of commencing his noviciate, and for four years after it was ended, the candidate for the priesthood was supposed to have led a perfectly chaste life, otherwise he was judged unworthy to be admitted into the order. his only food during the year of probation was herbs, wild honey, and roasted maize; his life was passed in silence and retirement, and the monotony of his existence was only relieved by waiting on the priests, taking care of the altars, sweeping the temple, and gathering wood for the fires. when four years after his admission to the priesthood had elapsed, during which time he seems to have served a sort of apprenticeship, he was permitted to marry if he saw fit, and at the same time to perform his priestly functions. if he did not marry he entered one of the monasteries which were dependent on the temples, and while performing his regular duties, increased the austerity of his life. those priests who were entrusted with the higher and more important offices, such as the instruction of youth or a seat in the royal council, were selected from the latter class. the king, or the nobles, each in his own state, provided for their wants, and certain women, sworn to chastity, prepared their food. they never left the monastery except on special occasions, to assist at some feast, to play at ball in the court of their sovereign lord, to go on a pilgrimage for the accomplishment of a vow made by the king or by themselves, or to take their place at the head of the army, which, on certain occasions, they commanded. if one of these monks fell sick, he was well cared for in the monastery; if he died he was interred in the court of the building. if one of them violated his vow of chastity, he was bastinadoed to death. [sidenote: the pontiff of yopaa.] [sidenote: the cave of yopaa.] in zapotecapan the supreme pontiff was called the wiyatao;[ ] his residence was in the city of yopaa,[ ] and there he was from time immemorial spiritual and temporal lord, though, indeed, he made his temporal power felt more or less throughout the whole kingdom; and he appears in the earliest history of this country as master and lord of both the princes and the people of those nations who acknowledged him as the supreme head of their religion. the origin of the city of yopaa is not known; it was situated on the slope of mount teutitlan,[ ] which in this place formed a valley, shut in by overshadowing rocks, and watered by a stream which lower down flowed into the river xalatlaco. the original inhabitants of this region were the disciples and followers of a mysterious, white-skinned personage named wixipecocha. what race he belonged to, or from what land he came when he presented himself to the zapotecs, is not known; a certain vague tradition relates that he came by sea from the south, bearing a cross in his hand, and debarked in the neighborhood of tehuantepec;[ ] a statue representing him is still to be seen, on a high rock near the village of magdalena. he is described as a man of a venerable aspect, having a bushy, white beard, dressed in a long robe and a cloak, and wearing a covering upon his head resembling a monk's cowl. the statue represents him seated in a pensive attitude, apparently occupied in hearing the confession of a woman who kneels by his side.[ ] his voice, to accord with his appearance, must have been of remarkable sweetness. wixipecocha taught his disciples to deny themselves the vanities of this world, to mortify the flesh with penance and fasting, and to abstain from all sensual pleasures. adding example to precept, he utterly abjured female society, and suffered no woman to approach him except in the act of auricular confession, which formed part of his doctrine.[ ] this extraordinary conduct caused him to be much respected; especially as it was an unheard-of thing among these people for a man to devote his life to celibacy. nevertheless, he was frequently persecuted by those whose vices and superstitions he attacked. passing through one province after another he at length arrived in the zapotec valley, a large portion of which was at that time occupied by a lake named rualo. afterwards, being entered into the country of the miztecs, to labor for their conversion, the people sought to take his life. those who were sent to take him prisoner, overtook him at the foot of cempoaltepec, the most lofty peak in the country; but at the moment they thought to lay hands upon him, he disappeared suddenly from their sight, and soon afterwards, adds the tradition, his figure was seen standing on the summit of the highest peak of the mountain. filled with astonishment, his persecutors hastened to scale the rocky height. when after great labor they arrived at the point where they had seen the figure, wixipecocha appeared to them again for a few instants, then as suddenly vanished, leaving no traces of his presence save the imprints of his feet deeply impressed upon the rock where he had stood.[ ] since then we do not know that wixipecocha reappeared in the ordinary world, though tradition relates that he afterwards showed himself in the enchanted island of monapostiac, near tehuantepec, whither he probably went for the purpose of obtaining new proselytes. in spite of the silence which history maintains concerning the time of his advent and the disciples which he left behind him, there can be no doubt that the priests of yopaa did not continue to promulgate his doctrines, or that the wiyatao, the supreme pontiff in zapotecapan, was not there as the vicar and successor of the prophet of monapostiac. like the ancient brahmans of hindustan, the first disciples of wixipecocha celebrated the rites of their religion in a deep cave, which m. de bourbourg thinks was most probably hollowed out in the side of the mountain by the waters of the flood. this was afterwards used as a place of worship by the wiyataos, who, as the number of their proselytes increased, brought art to the aid of nature, and under the hands of able architects the cave of yopaa was soon turned into a temple, having halls, galleries, and numerous apartments all cut in the solid rock. it was into the gloomy recesses of this temple that the priests descended on solemn feast-days to assist at those mysterious sacrifices which were sacred from the profane gaze of the vulgar, or to take part in the burial rites at the death of a king.[ ] the classes of religious men were as numerous and their names and duties as varied among the zapotecs as elsewhere. a certain order of priests who made the interpreting of dreams their special province were called colanii cobee pécala. each form of divination was made a special study. some professed to foretell the future by the aid of stars, earth, wind, fire, or water; others, by the flight of birds, the entrails of sacrificial victims, or by magic signs and circles. among other divinities a species of parroquet, with flaming plumage, called the _ara_,[ ] was worshiped in some districts. in this bird a god was incarnate, who was said to have descended from the sky like a meteor. there were among the zapotecs hermits or fakirs, who passed their entire lives in religious ecstasy and meditation, shut up in dark caves, or rude huts, with no other companion but an ara, which they fed respectfully upon a species of altar; in honor of the bird they lacerated their flesh and drew blood from their bodies; upon their knees they kissed it morning and evening, and offered it with their prayers sacrifices of flowers and copal. [sidenote: zapotec priests.] priests of a lower order were styled wiyana and wizaechi, and the monks copapitas. the influence which they were supposed to have with the gods, and the care which they took to keep their number constantly recruited with scions of the most illustrious families, gained them great authority among the people. no noble was so great but he would be honored by having a son in the temple. they added, also, to the credit of their profession by the strict propriety of their manners, and the excessive rigor with which they guarded their chastity. parents who wished to consecrate one of their children to the service of the gods, led him, while still an infant, to the chief priest of the district, who after carefully catechizing the little one, delivered him over to the charge of the master of the novices. besides the care of the sanctuary, which fell to their lot, these children were taught singing, the history of their country, and such sciences as were within their comprehension. these religious bodies were looked upon with much respect. their members were taught to bear themselves properly at home and in the street, and to preserve a modest and humble demeanor. the least infraction of the rules was severely punished; a glance or a sign which might be construed into a carnal desire, was punished as criminal, and those who showed by their actions a strong disposition to violate their vow of chastity were relentlessly castrated. the wiyanas were divided into several orders, but all were ruled in the most absolute manner by the pontiff of yopaa. i have already spoken of the veneration in which this spiritual monarch was held, and of the manner in which he surmounted the difficulty of having children to inherit the pontifical chair, when continence was strictly imposed upon him.[ ] the ordinary dress of the zapotec priests was a full white robe, with openings to pass the arms through, but no sleeves; this was girt at the waist with a colored cord. during the ceremony of sacrifice, and on feast-days, the wiyatao wore, over all, a kind of tunic, with full sleeves, adorned with tassels and embroidered in various colors with representations of birds and animals. on his head he wore a mitre of feather-work, ornamented with a very rich crown of gold; his neck, arms, and wrists were laden with costly necklaces and bracelets; upon his feet were golden sandals, bound to his legs with cords of gold and bright-colored thread.[ ] [sidenote: priests of michoacan.] the toltec sacerdotal system so closely resembled the mexican already described that it needs no further description in this volume. their priests wore a long black robe reaching to the ground; their heads were covered with a hood, and their hair fell down over their shoulders and was braided. they rarely put sandals on their feet, except when about to start on a long journey.[ ] among the totonacs six great ecclesiastics were elected, one as high-priest, one next to him in rank, and so on with the other four. when the high-priest died, the second priest succeeded him. he was anointed and consecrated with great ceremony; the unction used upon the occasion was a mixture of a fluid called in the totonac tongue _ole_, and blood drawn at the circumcision of children.[ ] there existed also among these people an order of monks devoted to their goddess centeotl. they lived a very austere and retired life, and their character, according to the totonac standard, was irreproachable. none but men above sixty years of age, who were widowers of virtuous life and estranged from the society of women, were admitted into this order. their number was fixed, and when one of them died another was received in his stead. they were so much respected that they were not only consulted by the common people, but likewise by the great nobles and the high-priest. they listened to those who consulted them, sitting upon their heels, with their eyes fixed upon the ground, and their answers were received as oracles even by the kings of mexico. they were employed in making historical paintings, which they gave to the high-priest that he might exhibit them to the people. the common totonac priests wore long black cotton robes with hoods; their hair was braided like the other common priests of mexico, and anointed with the blood of human sacrifices, but those who served the goddess centeotl were always dressed in the skins of foxes or coyotes.[ ] at izacapu, in michoacan, there was a pontiff named curinacanery, who was looked upon with such deep veneration that the king himself visited him once a year to offer him the first-fruits of the season, which he did upon his knees, having first respectfully kissed his hand. the common priests of michoacan wore their hair loose and disheveled; a leathern band encircled their foreheads; their robes were white, embroidered with black, and in their hands they carried feather fans.[ ] in puebla they also wore white robes, with sleeves, and fringed on the edges.[ ] the papas, or sacrificing priests of tlascala, allowed their hair to grow long and anointed it with the blood of their victims.[ ] much more might be written concerning the priests of these countries, but as it does not strictly come within the province of this volume, it is omitted here.[ ] footnotes: [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. , makes the number twenty-seven. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , _et seq._; see also _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. , _et seq._; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. , _et seq._; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. , _et seq._; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _herrera_, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii. [ ] _lettre_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] camaxtli was the tlascaltec god of war, corresponding with and probably the same as the mexican huitzilopochtli. the order of tecuhtli being held in higher esteem in tlascala than elsewhere, the ceremony of initiation is generally described as it took place in that state. [ ] 'unas piedras chequitas de piedra negra, y creo eran de la piedra de que hacen las navajas.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxvii. [ ] 'se iba à vna de las salas, ò aposentos de los ministros que servian al demonio, que se llamaba tlamacazcalco.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . it seems unlikely, however, that the candidate would be taken to another temple at this juncture. brasseur explains the name of the hall to which he was taken as 'le lieu des habitations des ministres, prêtres de camaxtli.' _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'y à las sillas solas que representaban las personas ausentes, hacian tanta cortesia, y le captaban benevolencia, como si realmente estuvieran presentes los señores que faltaban.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] concerning the ceremony of initiation see: _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxvii.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. - . [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv. [ ] the tlaquimilloli, from whence the title is derived, was a sacred package or bundle, containing relics of gods and heroes. [ ] clavigero asserts that the hair of such only as entered the service on account of some private vow, was cut. [ ] clavigero says that only a part of them rose upon each occasion. 's'alzavano alcune due ore incirca innanzi alla mezza notte, altre alla mezza notte, ed altre allo spuntar del di per attizzar, e mantener vivo il fuoco, e per incensare gl'idoli.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'elles passaient une partie de la matinée à preparer le pain en galette et les pâtisseries qu'elles présentaient, toutes chaudes, dans le temple, où les prêtres allaient les prendre après l'oblation.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . clavigero says they prepared the offering of provisions which was presented to the idols: 'tutte le mattine preparavano l'obblazioni di commestibili da presentarsi agl'idoli.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] clavigero writes: 'l'insegna de' sommi sacerdoti di messico era un fiocco, o nappa di cotone pendente dal petto, e nelle feste principali vestivansi abiti sfarzosi, ne' quali vedevansi figurate le insegne di quel dio, la cui festa celebravano.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . the most important works that can be consulted concerning the mexican priesthood are: _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; from which i have principally taken my account; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, caps. cxxxiii., cxxxix., cxl.; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. et seq., - , tom. iii., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. et seq. [ ] this is the title given by the spanish authors; it is probably derived from _tay_, a man, and _sacaa_, a priest. _vocabul. en lengua mixteca, etc._, according to _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , note. [ ] wiyatao, burgoa writes _huijatoo_, and translates, 'great watchman;' the zapotec vocabulary translates it by the word _papa_, or priest. [ ] yopaa, burgoa also writes lyobaa and yobaa; it signifies the place of tombs, from _yo_, place, or ground, and _paa_, tomb, in the zapotec tongue, 'the centre of rest.' [ ] teutitlan was its name in the nahuatl language. its zapotecan name was xaquiya. [ ] _rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el nuevo-mundo_, ms. de don isidro gondra; _carriedo_, _estudios históricos y estadísticos del estado oaxaqueño_, _mexico_, , tom. i., cap. i.; quoted in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii. [ ] _rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el nuevo-mundo_, ms. de don isidro gondra; quoted in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii. [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. liii. [ ] so called from the cry of _ara_, _ara_, which it constantly repeats. [ ] see this vol., pp. - . [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., cap. liii. of the miztec high-priest torquemada writes: 'se vestia, para celebrar sus fiestas, de pontifical, de esta manera. unas mantas mui variadas de colores, matiçadas, y pintadas de historias acaecidas à algunos de sus dioses: poniase vnas como camisas, ò roquetes, sin mangas (à diferencia de los mexicanos) que llegaban mas abajo de la rodilla, y en las piernas vnas como antiparas, que le cubrian la pantorrilla; y era esto casi comun à todos los sacerdotes sumos, y calçado, con que adornaban las estatuas de los dioses; y en el braço izquierdo, vn pedaço de manta labrada, à manera de liston, como suelen atarse algunos al braço, quando salen à fiestas, ò cañas, con vna borla asida de ella, que parecia manipulo. vestia encima de todo vna capa, como la nuestra de coro, con vna borla colgando à las espaldas, y vna gran mitra en la cabeça, hecha de plumas verdes, con mucho artificio, y toda sembrada, y labrada de los mas principales dioses, que tenian. quando bailaban, en otras ocasiones, y patios de los templos (que era el modo ordinario de cantar sus horas, y reçar su oficio) se vestian de ropa blanca pintada, y vnas ropetas, como camisetas de galeote.' _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxxiii. [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxi.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. xiv. [ ] _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., pp. - ; herrera says of the priests of mechoacan: 'trahian los cabellos largos, y coronas abiertas en la cabeça, como los de la yglesia catolica, y guirnaldas de fluecos colorados.' _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . [ ] less important, or more modern, authorities that treat of the privileged classes among the aztecs, are: _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _carli_, _cartas_, pt i., pp. - ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, pp. - ; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. - , ; _dilworth's conq. mex._, p. ; _monglave_, _résumé_, pp. - , - ; _hazart_, _kirchen-geschichte_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , - , - ; _west und ost indischer lustgart_, pt i., pp. - , - ; _cortés_, _aventuras_, pref., p. ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , - , - ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., pp. - , ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, pp. - . chapter vi. plebeians, slaves, tenure of lands, and taxation. influence of the commoners--oppression by nobles--deprived of office by montezuma ii.--classes of slaves--penal slaves--voluntary slavery--slave market at azcapuzalco--punishment and privileges of slaves--division of lands--crown lands--lands of the nobles--municipal property--property of the temples--tenure of lands in zapotecapan, miztecapan, michoacan, tlascala, cholula, and huexotzinco--similarity to feudal system of europe--system of taxation--municipal taxes--lice tribute--tribute from conquered provinces--revenue officers--injustice of montezuma ii. [sidenote: plebeians and slaves.] no writer seems to have thought it worth while to define the exact condition of the lower orders of free citizens among the aztecs. in mexico, under the earlier kings, they appear to have enjoyed considerable privileges. they were represented in the royal councils, they held high offices at court and about the king's person, their wishes were consulted in all affairs of moment, and they were generally recognized as an important part of the community. gradually, however, their power lessened as that of the nobles increased, until, in the time of montezuma ii., they were, as we have seen, deprived of all offices that were not absolutely menial, and driven from the palace. still, there is no doubt that from the earliest times the plebeians were always much oppressed by the nobles, or that, as the bishop of santo domingo, before quoted,[ ] remarks, "they were, and still are, so submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or sold into slavery without complaining." father acosta, also, writes that "so great is the authority which the caciques have assumed over their vassals that these latter dare not open their lips to complain of any order given them, no matter how difficult or disagreeable it may be to fulfill; indeed, they would rather die and perish than incur the wrath of their lord; for this reason the nobles frequently abuse their power, and are often guilty of extortion, robbery, and violence towards their vassals."[ ] camargo tells us that the plebeians were content to work without pay for the nobles, if they could only insure their protection by so doing.[ ] of those who stood below the macehuales, as the plebeians were called, and lowest of all in the social scale, the slaves, we have more definite information. slavery was enforced and recognized by law and usage throughout the entire country inhabited by the nahua nations. there were in ancient mexico three classes of slaves; namely, prisoners of war, persons condemned for crime to lose their freedom, and those who sold themselves, or children sold by their parents. the captor of a prisoner of war had an undisputed right to doom his prize to be sacrificed to the gods; this power he almost invariably exerted, and it was held a punishable crime for another to deprive him of it by rescuing the prisoner or setting him free.[ ] sahagun tells us that the captor could, if he chose, either sell or hold his prisoners as slaves; and if among them any man or woman showed unusual ability in music, embroidering, weaving, or other domestic occupation, he or she was frequently purchased by the king or some noble or wealthy man, and employed in his house, and thus saved from the sacrifice.[ ] the offences which the aztecs punished with slavery were the following: firstly, failure on the part of any relation of a person convicted of high treason, to give timely information of the plot to the proper authorities, provided he or she had knowledge of it, the wives and children of the traitor being also enslaved; secondly, the unauthorized sale of a free man or woman or of a free child kidnapped or found astray, the kidnapper fraudulently asserting such person to be a slave, or such child to be his own; thirdly, the sale or disposal, by a tenant or depositary, of another's property, without the permission of the owner or his representative, or of a proper legal authority; fourthly, hindering a collared slave from reaching the asylum of the sovereign's palace, provided it was the act of one who was not the owner or the owner's son; fifthly, stealing things of value, or being an inveterate thief; sixthly, stealing from a field a certain number of ears of corn or of useful plants, exception being made to this law when the act was committed by a child under ten years of age, or when the stolen property was paid for; seventhly, the impregnating, by a free man, of another's female slave, if the woman died during her pregnancy, or in consequence of it. this latter statement is contradicted by torquemada, upon the strength of information given him, as he alleges, by aztecs well acquainted with the laws of their country.[ ] gomara asserts, though he allows that others deny it, that when a man died insolvent, his son or his wife became the property of his creditors.[ ] torquemada affirms that it was customary for a creditor to look for payment of his claim to the estate, real or personal, if any there was, but no member of the debtor's family was awarded to him to cancel the debt.[ ] it sometimes happened that persons too poor to pay their taxes were put up for sale, but this mostly occurred in conquered provinces. penal slaves did not become the property of the king or the state, but were publicly sold to private persons, or assigned to the parties whom they had injured; nor were such offenders held to be slaves, or their punishment considered to have commenced until they had been formally delivered to the new owner. [sidenote: penal and voluntary slavery.] among those who voluntarily surrendered their freedom for a consideration, besides such as were driven by extreme poverty to do so, were the indolent who would not trust to their own exertions for a livelihood, gamesters, to obtain the wherewithal to satisfy their passion for gambling,[ ] and harlots, to provide themselves with showy clothing and finery. the two latter classes were not obliged to go into service until after the expiration of a year from the time of receiving the consideration for which they sold themselves. slaves were continually offered for sale in the public market-place of every town, but the principal slave-mart in the mexican empire seems to have been the town of azcapuzalco, which was situated about two leagues from the city of mexico; it occupied the site of the ancient capital of the tepanec kingdom, which was destroyed by king nezahualcoyotl of tezcuco. great numbers of slaves were brought to azcapuzalco from all the provinces; and it is said that the merchants who traded in them had to adopt great precautions to prevent their property from being stolen or rescued on the journey. with a view to advantageous sales the slaves thus exposed in the public markets were kept well clothed and fed, and were forced to dance and look cheerful. parents could pawn, or sell a son as a slave, but were allowed to take him back on surrendering another son to serve in his stead; on such occasions the master was wont to show his generosity by allowing an extra compensation for the new servant. there was yet another kind of slavery, called by the mexicans _huehuetlatlacolli_, meaning 'ancient servitude.' when one or more families were entirely destitute and famine-stricken, they sold a son to some noble, and bound themselves to always 'keep that slave alive,' that is to say, to supply another to fill his place if he died or became incapacitated. this obligation was binding upon each member of the families making the contract, but was null and void if the man who was actually serving died in his master's house, or if his employer took from him anything that he had lawfully acquired; therefore, to prevent this forfeiture of ownership, the master neither took from his slave anything but personal service, nor allowed him to dwell in his house. it frequently happened that as many as four or five families were bound in this manner to supply a noble and his heirs with a slave. but in or , a year of famine in the country, nezahualpilli of tezcuco, foreseeing the evils that this system of perpetual contract would entail upon his subjects if the scarcity of food continued long, repealed the law, and declared all families exempt from its obligations; it is recorded that montezuma ii. soon after followed his example.[ ] [sidenote: condition and treatment of slaves.] slavery in mexico was, according to all accounts, a moderate subjection, consisting merely of an obligation to render personal service, nor could that be exacted without allowing the slave a certain amount of time to labor for his own advantage. slaves were kindly treated and were allowed far greater privileges than any in the old world; they could marry and bring up families, hold property, including other slaves to serve them, and their children were invariably born free. there is, however, some obscurity on this point, as sahagun tells us that in the year ce tochtli, which came round every fifty-two years, there was generally a great famine in the land, and at that time many persons, driven to it by hunger, sold not only themselves as slaves, but also their children and descendants for countless generations.[ ] very young or poor slaves lived at the home of their master, and were treated almost as members of the family; the other slaves lived independently, either on their owner's land, or upon their own. it frequently happened that a master succumbed to the charms of one of his female slaves and made her his wife, or that a comely bondman found favor in the sight of his mistress, and became her lord; nor was this so strange as it may at first appear, there being no difference of race or color to make such alliances repugnant or shameful. feelings of affection and respect existed, as a rule, between master and servant. a slave who had served long and faithfully was often entrusted with the stewardship of his owner's household and property, and, on the other hand, if the master through misfortune should become poor, his bondmen would cheerfully labor for his support. no well-behaved slave could be sold without his consent unless his owner could prove that poverty or debt made such sale unavoidable; nor could such faults as laziness, disobedience, or running away, be punished without due warning, which the master for his own justification usually gave in the presence of respectable witnesses. if after this had occurred two or three times the slave continued refractory, a wooden collar was placed on his neck, and then his master was authorized to transfer him against his will. purchasers of a collared slave always inquired how many times he had been so disposed of before, and if after two or three such sales he continued incorrigible, he could be sold for the sacrifice. but even yet he has one chance left; if he can escape from his master's premises and gain the courtyard of the royal palace, he not only avoids punishment, but he is from that day forth a free man; moreover, no person, save his owner or his owner's sons, is allowed in any manner to prevent him from reaching the asylum, under penalty of being made the slave of him whom he attempts to deprive of his chance for freedom. the sale of a slave was conducted with much formality, and must be made in the presence of at least four respectable witnesses; in cases of self-sale the witnesses acted as conscientious arbitrators to secure the highest price and most favorable conditions for him who sold himself. the usual price for an average slave was twenty mantles, equivalent to one load of cotton cloth; some were worth less, while others brought as many as forty mantles. slavery among the nahua nations appears, then, to have been only a partial deprivation of a freeman's rights. as a slave was permitted to possess property and even other slaves of his own, and as his children were born free and he had complete control of his own family, we can scarcely say he lost his citizenship, although it is true he was not eligible for public office. it was a common practice for a master during his lifetime, or on his death-bed, to emancipate his slaves, but if no such provision were made they went to the heirs with the rest of the property. murder of a slave, even by his master, was a capital offence. yet in spite of all this testimony in favor of the mildness of slavery among the nahua nations, there is still room for some reasonable doubt concerning the patriarchal character of the system; inasmuch as we are told that many slaves, not mentioned as being prisoners of war or criminals, as well as servants, dwarfs, or deformed persons, and purchased children, were put to death at religious feasts and royal funerals.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: tenure of lands.] the lands were divided between the crown, the nobility, the various tribes or clans of the people, and the temples. the division, however, was by no means equal, by far the greater portion being appropriated by the king and the aristocracy.[ ] all landed property was duly surveyed, and each estate was accurately marked out on maps, or paintings, kept on file by a competent officer in the district where they were situated. the crown lands were painted in purple, those of the nobility in scarlet, and those of the _calpullis_, or wards, in light yellow. certain portions of the crown property called _tecpantlalli_, or 'lands of the palace,' were granted to nobles of the rank of tecuhtli, who were called _tecpanpouhque_ or _tecpantlaca_, 'people of the palace.' they had the free use and enjoyment of such lands, and in return certain services were expected of them. it was their duty to attend to the repairs and proper arrangement of the royal residences, and to cultivate and keep in order the royal gardens, for all of which they had to provide the necessary number of workmen; besides this they were obliged to wait on the king and accompany him whenever he appeared in public. although in consideration of these services the 'people of the palace' paid no rent, yet the eminent domain of their lands was vested in the sovereign. when one of them died his eldest son inherited his privileges, subject to the same obligations, but if he changed his residence to another part of the country, or died without male issue, the usufruct was forfeited and the land reverted to the sovereign, who transferred it to another usufructuary, or left the choice of one to the community in whose district the property was situated.[ ] the produce of other lands belonging to the crown was set apart for the support of the royal household, and for benevolent purposes. [sidenote: landed property of the nobles.] in conquered provinces, the habits and customs and established form of government of the vanquished were usually respected. the sovereigns of anáhuac retained the native princes in power, and allowed the people to keep their property; but they invariably set apart a certain part of the territory, proportioned to the conquest, which became the property of the conquering monarch. these lands, called _yaotlalli_, which means 'war lands,' were cultivated by the conquered people for the benefit of their conqueror. if they belonged to mexico their name was _mexica-tlalli_; if to acolhuacan, _acolhua-tlalli_, and so on.[ ] [sidenote: inheritance of estates.] the lands of the nobility were called _pillalli_, and were either ancient possessions of the nobles transmitted by inheritance from father to son, or were rewards of valor granted by the king. they were held by various tenures; some of them could be alienated at the will of the owner, subject only to the restriction that they should not pass into the hands of a plebeian; others were entailed upon the eldest male issue and could not be otherwise disposed of. many of the aztec estates were of very ancient origin. after the chichimecs obtained undisputed possession of the valley of mexico, their chief or sovereign xolotl made grants of land to his own people, and to others who acknowledged him as their supreme lord, under the condition that the grantees should render service to the crown with their persons, vassals, and estates, whenever he should require it of them, and the same policy was adopted by his successors.[ ] sons generally inherited their father's estates by right of primogeniture, but if the eldest son was judged incapable of taking proper care of the property, the father left it to whichever son he pleased, stipulating, however, that the heir should insure a competency to him he had supplanted.[ ] in the republic of tlascala daughters could not inherit an estate, the object being to prevent landed property from going into the hands of strangers. in the kingdoms of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan it is probable that the law was the same in this respect, but the authorities give us no information concerning the matter.[ ] these feudatories paid no rent for their lands, but were bound to assist their suzerain, the king, with their persons, vassals, and fortunes in all cases of foreign or civil war. each king, on his accession, confirmed the investiture of estates derived from the crown.[ ] the lands of the people were called _calpulli_, and every city was divided into as many of these as there were wards in it, and the whole number of calpulli being collectively named _altepatlalli_. the calpulli, as well as the _tlaxicalli_, or streets, were all measured out and their boundaries marked, so that the inhabitants of one ward or street could not invade the possessions of another. each of these divisions belonged to its respective community, and was of greater or less extent and importance according to the partition which had been made by the first settlers in anáhuac. the owners of a calpulli were all members of the same clan or tribe, and their district bore their name. the right of tenure was perpetual and inalienable, and was the common property of the community and not of individuals. any member of the community not possessed of any land, had the right to ask for a portion suitable to his position and requirements, which was granted him. this portion he was entitled to hold as long as he cultivated and improved it, and he could transmit it to his heirs; he had no authority to sell his portion, but he could let it to another for a number of years. if he neglected to cultivate it for two years the head man of the calpulli remonstrated with him; if he paid no heed to this warning he was ousted the following year in favor of some other person; a reasonable excuse for such neglect was, however, always accepted. if the land assigned to anyone proved unfruitful and barren, he was at liberty to abandon it and another portion was granted him. under no pretext whatever could any person settle upon the land lawfully occupied by another, nor could the authorities of the calpulli deprive the latter of his right. if a land-owner died without heirs, his portion was considered vacant and assigned to the first applicant for it. if a calpulli was in great need the authorities were allowed to lease its lands, but under no circumstances were the inhabitants permitted to work on the lands of another district. the elders of the tribe formed the council of the calpulli; this body elected a principal, called _calpullec_, whose duty it was to watch over the interests of the community; he acted only with the advice and consent of the council. each city set apart a piece of land in the suburbs wherefrom to supply the needs of the army in time of war. these portions were called _milchimalli_, or _cacalomilli_, according to the kind of grain they produced, and were cultivated jointly by all the calpullis. it was not unusual for the kings to make a life-grant of a portion of the people's property to some favorite noble, for though there is no doubt that the calpulli lands of right belonged to the people, yet in this respect as in others, the kings were wont to usurp a power not their own.[ ] every temple, great and insignificant, had its own lands and country estates, the produce of which was applied to the support of the priests and of public worship; the tenants who occupied these lands were looked upon as vassals of the temples. the chief priests, who, on the temple lands, exercised a power similar to that of the royal governors, frequently visited these estates to inspect their condition and to administer justice to their tenants. the temple of huitzilopochtli was considered the wealthiest in mexico. torquemada says that in tezcuco fifteen large cities furnished the temples of that kingdom with wood, provisions, and other necessaries.[ ] clavigero makes the number of towns twenty-nine.[ ] throughout zapotecapan and miztecapan landed property was invariably transmitted from male to male, females being excluded from the succession. no one had the right to sell his land in perpetuity; the law forbade its transfer out of a family either by marriage or otherwise; and if a proprietor was compelled by the force of necessity to dispose of his real estate, it returned after the lapse of some years to his son or his nearest relative, who paid to the holder the consideration for which it had been pledged or its equivalent.[ ] in miztecapan the first-born son, before taking possession of his inheritance, had to do penance for a year; he was confined in a religious house, clothed in rags, daubed with india-rubber juice, and his face and body rubbed with fetid herbs; during that time he had to draw blood repeatedly from his body and limbs, and was subjected to hard labor and privation. at the expiration of the year he was washed with odorous water by four girls, and then conducted by friends to his house with great pomp and festivity.[ ] [sidenote: estates in michoacan.] early writers say nothing about the tenure of lands among the tarascos of michoacan, but merely state in general terms that the sovereign's power over the lives and property of his subjects was unlimited.[ ] the tenure of lands in the republic of tlascala had its origin in the division made at the time when the country was first settled; which was as follows: any tecuhtli who established an entail, called _teccalli_, or _pilcalli_, took for his own use the best and largest part of the lands that fell to his lot or were awarded to him in the partition, including woods, springs, rivers, and lakes; of the remainder a fair division was made among his servitors and vassals, or, in other words, his soldiers, friends, and kinsmen. all were bound to keep the manor-house in repair and to supply their lord with game, flowers, and other comforts, and he in his turn, was expected to entertain, protect, and feed them in his house. to these kinsmen, friends, and servitors, was given the name of _teixhuihuan_, meaning the 'grand-children of the manor-house.' in this manner all the nobles divided their land. all were greatly respected by their vassals. they derived their income from the taxes that their tenants paid them out of what they obtained from the chase, from the soil, and by raising domestic animals.[ ] no information has reached us respecting the provisions under which land was held in cholula and huexotzinco, or among the totonacs. in the province of pánuco, the eldest son was the sole inheritor of land and, therefore, the only one that paid tribute; the other sons had to rent land from those who were in possession of it.[ ] there can be no doubt that in all this there is, as so many writers have observed, a strong resemblance to the feudal systems of europe. the obligation of military service, and other relations of lord and vassal smack strongly of the institutions of the middle ages, but, as mr prescott says, the minor points of resemblance "fall far short of that harmonious system of reciprocal service and protection, which embraced, in nice gradation, every order of a feudal monarchy. the kingdoms of anáhuac were, in their nature, despotic, attended, indeed, with many mitigating circumstances, unknown to the despotisms of the east; but it is chimerical to look for much in common--beyond a few accidental forms and ceremonies--with those aristocratic institutions of the middle ages, which made the court of every petty baron the precise image in miniature of that of his sovereign." i have no inclination to draw analogies, believing them, at least in a work of this kind, to be futile; and were i disposed to do so, space would not permit it. nations in their infancy are almost as much alike as are human beings in their earlier years, and in studying these people i am struck at every turn by the similarity between certain of their customs and institutions and those of other nations; comparisons might be happily drawn between the division of lands in anáhuac and that made by lycurgus and numa in laconia and rome, or between the relations of aztec master and slave and those of roman patron and client, for the former were nearly as mild as the latter; but the list of such comparisons would never be complete, and i am fain to leave them to the reader. [sidenote: system of taxation.] the people of anáhuac and of the surrounding countries paid taxes to the crown and to the temples, either with personal service or with the productions or results of their labor; in short, with everything useful. we have seen that in the kingdom of tezcuco twenty-nine cities were appointed to provide the king's household with everything requisite of food, furniture, and so forth, and were, consequently, exempt from all other taxes. fourteen of these cities served in this manner during one half of the year, and fifteen during the other half. they likewise furnished the workingmen and laborers, such as water-carriers, sweepers, tillers of the palace lands, and gardeners. boys who were too young to do men's work were required to provide annually four hundred armfuls of wood for the fires which were kept up day and night in the principal rooms of the palace. the young men of tollantzinco, either themselves or through their servants supplied fine rushes for mats, stools, or seats, called _icpalli_, pine-wood splinters for lighting fires, other wood for torches, _acayetl_, or pipes with tobacco, various kinds of dyes, liquid amber both in cakes and in vessels, copal incense in their golden cylinders, and a large quantity of other articles, which it is unnecessary to specify.[ ] manufacturers paid their taxes with the objects produced by their industry. journeymen mechanics, such as carpenters, masons, workers in feathers and precious metals, and musicians, were, according to oviedo, exempt from such tax, and in lieu thereof rendered personal service to the sovereign without remuneration.[ ] merchants paid their taxes with such articles as they traded in. the last class of tribute-payers were the _tlamaitl_, tenants attached to a nobleman's land, who tilled the same for their own benefit. they were obliged to do a certain amount of work every year for the landlord, and to render military service when it was required of them by the sovereign. brasseur says that these tenants paid no tribute to the king, but his statement is contradicted by clavigero.[ ] taxes paid in fruit and grain were collected immediately after harvest; other tributes were collected at different times through the year. in each town there was a magazine for storing the revenues, from which supplies were drawn as required. in the vicinity of mexico it was customary to convey the agricultural produce into the capital, in order that the inhabitants, who, being surrounded with the waters of the lake, had no land of their own to cultivate, might be regularly supplied with food. there was no uniform system of collecting taxes from the merchants and manufacturers. payments were made by them in accordance with their circumstances and the nature of the articles they contributed. there were about three hundred and seventy tributary towns in the mexican empire, some of which paid their taxes every twenty days, and some every four days, while others only did so once in six months, or even only once a year. the people of tlatelulco, says purchas,[ ] "were charged for tribute, alwayes to repaire the church called huiznahuac. item, fortie great baskets (of the bignesse of half a bushell) of cacao ground, with the meale of maiz (which they called _chianpinoli_,) and euery basket had sixteene hundred almonds of cacao. item, other fortie baskets of chianpinoli. item, eight hundred burthens of great mantels. item, eightie pieces of armour, of slight feathers, and as many targets of the same feathers, of the deuices & colours as they are pictured. all the which tribute, except the said armes and targets they gaue euery . dayes,[ ] and the said armes and targets they gaue for tribute but once in the whole yeere. the said tribute had his beginning since the time of quauhtlatoa and moquihuix, which were lords of tlatilulco. the lords of mexico, which first enioyned to those of tlatilulco, to pay tribute, and to acknowledge their subiection, were yzcoatçi and axiacaçi." sometimes merchants' guilds or individuals did not pay their taxes at the regular assessment of the town in which they lived, but did so according to prior arrangement made with the revenue officers. [sidenote: taxes paid by cities.] [sidenote: taxes paid in vermin.] in addition to the taxes levied upon private individuals, each town contributed a large number of cotton garments, with a certain quantity of breadstuffs and feathers and such other productions as were a specialty of the province in which it was situated. mazatlan, xoconocho, huehuetlan, and other towns on the pacific coast, paid, besides the cotton garments, four thousand bundles of fine feathers of divers colors, two hundred sacks of cocoa, forty tiger-skins, and one hundred and sixty birds of a certain species. coyolapan, atlacuechahuaxan, huaxyacac, and other towns of the zapotecs, forty pieces of gold of a specified size, and twenty sacks of cochineal. tlachquiauhco, ayotlan, and teotzapotlan, twenty vessels of a fixed size filled with gold dust. tochtepec, otlatitlan, cozamalloapan, michapan and other places on the gulf of mexico, besides cotton garments, cocoa, and gold, paid twenty-four thousand bundles of exquisite feathers of various qualities and colors, six necklaces, two of which were of the finest emerald, and four of the commoner description, twenty ear-rings of amber set in gold, and an equal number made of crystal rock, one hundred pots of liquid amber, and sixteen thousand loads of india-rubber. tepeyacac, quecholac, tecamachalco, acatzinco and other towns of that region of country, each contributed four thousand sacks of lime, four thousand loads of solid reed for building purposes, with as many of smaller reed for making darts, and eight thousand loads of reeds filled with aromatic substances. malinaltepec, tlalcozauhtitlan, olinallan, ichcatlan, qualac, and other southern towns situated in the warm region, paid each six hundred measures of honey, forty large jars of yellow ochre for paint, one hundred and sixty copper shields, forty round plates of gold of fixed dimensions, ten small measures of fine turquoises, and one load of smaller turquoises. quauhnahuac, panchimalco, atlacholoayan, xiuhtepec, huitzilac, and other towns of the tlahuicas, paid each sixteen thousand large leaves of paper, and four thousand _xicalli_, or gourds, of different sizes. quauhtitlan, tehuilloyocan, and other neighboring towns, each gave eight thousand mats and eight thousand _icpalli_, or stools. some cities paid their taxes with fire-wood, stone, and beams for building; others with copal-gum; others sent to the royal houses and forests a certain number of birds and animals, such as xilotepec, michmaloyan, and other cities of the otomís, which were each compelled to furnish yearly forty live eagles to the king. after the matlaltzincas were made subject to the mexican crown by king axayacatl, they were required not only to pay a heavy tax in kind, but also to keep under cultivation a field of seven hundred _toesas_[ ] by three hundred and fifty, for the benefit of the army. as the saxon king imposed a tax of wolves' heads upon his subjects for the purpose of ridding his kingdom of those ravenous animals, so did the mexican monarchs exact from those who were too poor to pay the regular taxes a certain quantity of snakes, scorpions, centipedes and other obnoxious creatures. lice, especially, were contributed in large numbers in mexico.[ ] it is related that soon after cortés arrived in the city of mexico, certain cavaliers of his force, among whom were alonso de ojeda and alonso de mata, were roaming through the royal palace, admiring its great extent and all its wonders, doubtless with an eye to plunder, when they came across some bags, filled with some soft, fine, and weighty material; never doubting but that it must be valuable, they hastened to untie the mouth of one of the sacks, when to their disgust and disappointment they found its contents to consist of nothing but lice, which, as they afterwards ascertained, had been paid as tribute by the poor.[ ] duties were levied upon property, manufactures, and articles exposed for sale in the market-places, in proportion to the wealth of the person taxed or the value of the merchandise sold. produce and merchandise of every description, carried into the city of mexico, was subject to toll duties, which were paid into the royal treasury. the proportion in which taxes were paid is stated at from thirty to thirty-three per cent., or about one third of everything made and produced. oviedo affirms that each taxpayer, in addition to one third of his property, delivered one out of every three of his children, or in lieu thereof a slave, for the sacrifice; if he failed to do this he forfeited his own life.[ ] the government had in the head town of each province large warehouses for the storage of breadstuffs and merchandise received by the tax-gatherers; also auditing offices to which the _calpixques_, or stewards of the revenue, were required to render a very strict account of their collections, and such as were convicted of embezzlement, were immediately put to death and their property confiscated.[ ] in the royal treasury were paintings by which were recorded the tributary towns, and the quantity and kind of tribute paid by each. in the codex mendoza may be seen thirty-six such paintings, each one of which represents the principal towns of one or of several provinces of the empire, together with the quantity and quality of the taxes and the time when they were paid.[ ] the personal and ordinary service consisted in providing every day the water and wood needed at the chiefs' houses; this was distributed from day to day among the towns or wards, and thus each individual was occupied in rendering such service once or twice in the year at the utmost. residents in the vicinity were the only ones so subjected, and then, in consideration of such service, were exempted from paying a portion of the imposts. other labor was mostly done by slaves, of whom there were large numbers. foreign provinces subjected by the empire without having made any resistance, were not required to pay a fixed tribute, but sent several times in the year whatever they thought proper, as a present to the king, who showed himself more or less gracious according to the value of the presents. no calpixques or tax-gatherers were placed in such provinces by the mexican sovereign, but they continued under the rule of their own chiefs. such countries as were reduced by war, had to submit to the rigorous conditions imposed by the conqueror, and bore the name of _tequitin tlacotl_, which means 'paying tribute like slaves.' over them were stationed stewards and calpixques, who had authority even over the lords of the country, and who besides recovering the tributes forced men to cultivate land, and women to spin, weave, and embroider for their private benefit; indeed, so great was their tyranny, that whatever they coveted they were sure to obtain by fair means or foul. the kings of tezcuco and tlacopan, and other sovereign lords, allies of the king of mexico, shared these tributes if they aided in the conquest.[ ] [sidenote: taxation under montezuma ii.] the sovereigns selected the calpixques from among the aztec _pilli_, or nobles of inferior rank. they were under the supervision of the chief treasurers or _hueycalpixques_, who resided at the several capitals, and it was their duty to gather the tributes or taxes, and to see that the lands belonging to the municipalities or to private persons were kept under cultivation. the duties of these calpixques were not very arduous at first, as the people generally hastened to pay their taxes before being called upon; but during the reign of montezuma ii. the taxes increased so enormously, owing to the great extravagance of the court, that this commendable zeal cooled down very considerably. the bulk of the immense wealth which the conquerors saw with so much admiration at montezuma's court was the result of this excessive taxation, and it was one of the main causes of that alienation of the people from their sovereign which rendered the conquest a possible achievement. notwithstanding the easy disposition of the taxpayers, they could not submit patiently to a yoke so onerous. the merchants, whose trading expeditions had been so useful to the state in former times, were no less overwhelmed by the taxes than the inhabitants of conquered provinces by the tributes. it was among that powerful class that the first symptoms of defection were noticed. to the main grievance was added the tyranny and harshness exhibited by the revenue officers in collecting the taxes. they carried a small rod in one hand and a feather fan in the other, and, accompanied by a large retinue of understrappers, went through cities and fields, unmercifully maltreating the unfortunate beings who could not promptly comply with their demands, and even selling them into slavery; at least it is certain that such sales occurred in conquered provinces. [sidenote: selfishness of montezuma ii.] from the first years of his reign montezuma ii. began to oppress the merchants with heavy taxation, even upon the most trifling things. the greatest sufferers were the retail dealers, who had to pay excessive duties upon the merchandise they introduced into the principal _tianguez_, or market-place, from which such merchandise was taken to the lesser market-places. but the king and his creatures finding that this did not directly injure the wholesale traders, among whom were the judges of the mercantile court,--that is to say, the consuls and syndics, so to name them, of the company of tlatelulco,--witnesses were soon found to trump up charges of high treason against them, which ended in their being put to death, and their goods and chattels confiscated and distributed among the people of the royal household. a very large portion of the taxes and tributes was expended in supporting the army, the public employees, the poor and destitute, such as widows, orphans, and the aged, and also in providing food for the people in times of great scarcity, but almost as large a portion was appropriated by the king to his own uses.[ ] it was by such acts as these that montezuma ii. undid the work of his fathers, and spoiled the harmony of his realm by caring only for his own glory and that of his court. footnotes: [ ] see page of this volume. [ ] _acosta_, _de procuranda, indorum salute_; quoted in _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. . [ ] _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _cortés_, _carta inéd._, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. - ; see also, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. - , lib. ix., pp. , . the anonymous conqueror agrees with sahagun: 'tutti quei che si pigliauano nella guerra, ò erano màgiati da loro, ò erano tenuti per schiaui.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . motolinia, however, asserts that _all_ prisoners of war were sacrificed: 'por que ningun esclavo se hacian en ellas, ni rescataban ninguno de los que en las guerras prendian, mas todos los guardavan para sacrificar.' _carta al emperador cárlos v._, jan. , , in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . gomara also confirms this with a grim joke: 'los catiuos en guerra no siruian de esclauos, sino de sacrificados: y no hazian mas de comer para ser comidos.' _conq. mex._, fol. - ; see also fol. . [ ] 'algunos quisieron decir, que si vn libre tenia acceso à alguna esclava, y quedaba preñada de la copula, era esclavo el varon que cometiò acto con esclava, y servia al señor de la esclava; pero esto no fue asi, segun confesion de los mismos indios sabios, que sabian sus leies, y las practicaban.' _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., cap. xxii., xxiii. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. . brasseur de bourbourg asserts that these contracts remained in force down to the time of the spanish conquest. _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'y cuando acontecia la dicha hambre, entónces se vendian por esclavos muchos pobres hombres y mugeres, y comprábanlos los ricos que tenian muchas provisiones allegadas, y no solamente los dichos pobres se vendian a sí mismos, sino que tambien vendian á sus hijos, y á sus descendientes, y á todo su linaje, y así eran esclavos perpetuamente, porque decian que esta servidumbre que se cobraba en tal tiempo, no tenia remedio para acabarse en algun tiempo, porque sus padres se habian vendido por escapar de la muerte, ó por librar su vida de la última necesidad.' _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. - . [ ] 'vendian niños recien nacidos, y de dos años, para cumplir sus promesas, y ofrecer en los templos, como nosotros las candelas, y sacrificarlos para alcançar sus pretensiones.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi. 'porque como andaban todos los reinos, con sus mercancias, traìan de todos ellos muchos esclavos, los quales, si no eran todos, à lo menos, los mas, sacrificaban.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'porque casi todos los que sacrificaban á los idolos eran los que prendian en las guerras ... mui poquitos eran los otros que sacrificavan.' _motolinia_, _carta al emperador cárlos v._, jan. , , in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. , . 'luego proponian un parlamento á los esclavos, enanos y corcobados, diciendo: hijos mios, id á la buena ventura con vuestro señor axayaca á la otra vida.... luego le abrieron el pecho, teniendolo seis ó siete sacerdotes, y el mayoral le sacaba el corazon, y todo el dia y toda la noche ardía el cuerpo del rey, con los corazones de los miserables esclabos que morian sin culpa.' _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , . 'sacrificando en sus honras doscientos esclavos, y cien esclavas.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chichimeca_, in _id._, pp. , . 'quando moria algun principal, matavan juntamente con él un esclavo, y enterravan con él para que le fuese á servir.' _codex telleriano-remensis_, in _id._, vol. v., p. . 'avec lui, de jeunes filles, des esclaves et des bossus.' _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . 'se quemaba junto con sus cuerpos y con los corazones de los cautivos y esclavos que mataban.' _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. , - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. , ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. ; among those who in later times have treated of slavery among the nahua nations are the following: _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, p. ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, pp. - ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _simon's ten tribes_, p. . [ ] _toribio and olarte_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, p. ; _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. . [ ] _boturini_, _idea_, p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , , - , ; _id._, _relaciones_, in _id._, pp. - , , , - , , , ; _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon_, ms., pp. - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro, mex._, pt ii., pp. - . [ ] herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii., says that brothers inherited estates and not sons; but this assertion is not borne out by any other authority. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _fuenleal_, _lettre_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _witt_, _lettre_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - , ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro, mex._, pt ii., pp. - . [ ] 'ce n'est pas qu'ils eussent ces terres en propre; car, comme les seigneurs exerçaient un pouvoir tyrannique, ils disposaient des terrains et des vassaux suivant leur bon plaisir. les indiens n'étaient donc, proprement dit, ni propriétaires ni maîtres de ces villages; ils n'étaient que les laboureurs ou les amodiateurs des seigneurs terriers, de telle façon que l'on pourrait dire que tout le territoire, soit des plaines, soit des montagnes, dépendait du caprice des seigneurs et qu'il leur appartenait, puisqu'ils y exerçaient un pouvoir tyrannique, et que les indiens vivaient au jour le jour; les seigneurs partageant entre eux tous leurs produits.' _simancas_, _de l'ordre de succession_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. - ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _id._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - ; _fuenleal_, _lettre_, in _id._, tom. v., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _variedades civ._, tom. i., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - . [ ] _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . see further: _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, p. ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., p. ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, p. ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, pp. - . [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - . [ ] _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. . [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _witt_, _lettre_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. - . [ ] _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , - . [ ] 'nè i vasalli de' feudatari erano esenti da' tributi, che pagavano al re gli altri vassalli della corona.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. . [ ] in the _codex mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. , we read that it was paid every eighty days. [ ] the toesa is the same thing as the french toise, which is . english feet, or seven castilian feet. [ ] _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. ; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _cortés_, _hist. n. españa_, p. . [ ] torquemada adds: 'ai quien diga, que no eran piojos, sino gusanillos; pero alonso de ojeda en sus memoriales, lo certifica de vista, y lo mismo alonso de mata.' _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'dábanle sus vassallos en tributo ordinario de tres hijos uno, y el que no tenia hijos avia de dar un indio ó india para sacrificar á sus dioses, é si no lo daban, avian de sacrificarle á él.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . nowhere else do i find mention of such a custom, although in michoacan the despotic power of the king, and his tyrannous abuse of it, led to almost the same results. in michoacan: 'tributauan al rey quanto tenian y el queria, hasta las mugeres y hijos, si los queria; de manera que eran mas que esclauos, y viuian en terrible seruidumbre.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. 'si bien todas las atenciones dedicadas á los decorosos mugeriles privilegios destruian la sujecion del tributo á sus monarcas, sirviendolos en la ceguedad de ofrecerles no solo la hacienda, y la vida, sino á sus proprias mugeres, en caso de discurrir aceptable el vergonzoso obsequio.' _salazar y olarte_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. . [ ] _codex mendoza_, in _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. - ; _id._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., pp. - , vol. i., plates xix-lvii; _cortés_, _hist. n. españa_, p. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] _tápia_, _relacion_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , , , , tom. ii., pp. - , ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxli.; _toribio and olarte_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. - ; _fuenleal_, in _id._, pp. - ; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _id._, série ii., tom. v., p. ; _simancas_, in _id._, série i., tom. x., pp. - ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. , - ; _witt_, _lettre_ in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - , - ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - ; _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , , , , - , , tom. ii., p. ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _dicc. univ._, tom. x., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, pp. , - , ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, pp. - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, pp. , , - , ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., p. ; _lang's polynesian nat._, p. ; _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - , ; _monglave_, _résumé_, pp. , . chapter vii. education, marriage, concubinage, childbirth, and baptism. education of the nahua youth--manner of punishment--marriage preliminaries--nuptial ceremony--observance after marriage--mazatec, otomÍ, chichimec, and toltec marriages--divorce--concubinage--ceremonies preliminary to childbirth--treatment of pregnant woman--proceedings of midwife--superstitions with regard to women who died in childbed--abortion--baptism--speeches of midwife--naming of children--baptism among the tlascaltecs, miztecs, and zapotecs--circumcision and scarification of infants. in examining the domestic customs of the nahua nations it will be as well to first inquire how their children were reared and instructed. the education of a child was commenced by its parents as soon as it was able to walk, and was finished by the priests. aside from the superstitious and idolatrous flavor with which everything aztec was more or less tainted, the care taken to mold aright the minds of the youth of both sexes is worthy of admiration. both parents and priests strenuously endeavored to inspire their pupils with a horror of vice and a love of truth. respect for their elders and modesty in their actions was one of their first lessons, and lying was severely punished. [sidenote: education of youth.] in a series of ancient aztec paintings, which give a hieroglyphical history of the aztecs, are represented the manner in which children were brought up, the portion of food allowed them, the labors they were employed in, and the punishments resorted to by parents for purposes of correction. purchas relates that the book containing this picture-history with interpretations made by natives, was obtained by the spanish governor, who intended it for a present to the emperor charles v. the ship on which it was carried was captured by a french man-of-war, and the book fell into the hands of the french king's geographer, andrew thevet. at his death it was purchased for twenty french crowns by richard hakluyt, then chaplain to the english ambassador at the french court, and was left by him in his last will and testament to samuel purchas, who had woodcut copies made from the original and published them, with explanatory text, for the benefit of science and learning. in that part of the work which relates to the bringing up and education of children,--a specimen page of which is given in the chapter of this volume which treats of hieroglyphics,--a boy and girl with their father and mother are depicted; three small circles, each of which represents one year, show that the children are three years of age, while the good counsel they are receiving issues visibly from the father's lips; half an oval divided in its breadth shows that at this age they were allowed half a cake of bread at each meal. during their fourth and fifth years the boys are accustomed to light bodily labor, such as carrying light burdens, while the girl is shown a distaff by her mother, and instructed in its use. at this age their ration of bread is a whole cake. during their sixth and seventh years the pictures show how the parents begin to make their children useful. the boy follows his father to the market-place, carrying a light load, and while there occupies himself in gathering up grains of corn or other trifles that happen to be spilt about the stalls. the girl is represented as spinning, under the close surveillance of her mother, who lectures and directs her at the same time. the allowance of bread is now a cake and a half, and continues to be so until the children have reached their thirteenth year. we are next shown the various modes of punishing unruly children. when eight years old they are merely shown the instruments of punishment as a warning. at ten, boys who were disobedient or rebellious were bound hand and foot and pricked in different parts of the body with thorns of the maguey; girls were only pricked in the hands and wrists; if this did not suffice they were beaten with sticks. if they were unruly when eleven years old they were held over a pile of burning chile, and forced to inhale the smoke, which caused great pain.[ ] at twelve years of age a bad boy was bound hand and foot and exposed naked in a damp place during an entire day; the naughty girl of the same age was obliged to rise in the night and sweep the whole house.[ ] from the age of thirteen years the allowance of bread was increased to two cakes. between the ages of thirteen and fifteen the boys were employed in bringing wood from the mountains by land or in canoes, or in catching fish; the girls spent their time in grinding corn, cooking, and weaving. at fifteen, the boys were delivered to the priests to receive religious instruction, or were educated as soldiers by an officer called achcauhtli.[ ] [sidenote: schools for youth.] the schools and seminaries were annexed to the temples, and the instruction of the young of both sexes was a monopoly in the hands of the priests. in general boys were sent to the colleges between the ages of six and nine years; they were dressed in black, their hair was left uncut,[ ] and they were placed under the charge of priests specially appointed for that purpose, who instructed them in the branches most suitable to their future calling. all were instructed in religion and particular attention was given to good behavior and morals. no women were permitted to enter the college, nor could the youths on any account have communication with the other sex. at certain seasons they were required to abstain from various kinds of food. the schools, or colleges, were of two distinct classes. those attended by the common people were called _telpochcalli_, or 'houses of the youths;' there was one of these in each quarter of the city, after the manner of our public schools, and the parents of the district were required to enter their children at the age of four or five years. the telpochtlato, or 'chief of youth,' instructed them how to sweep the sanctuary, to replenish the fire in the sacred censers, to clean the schoolhouse, to do penance, more or less severe according to their age, and to go in parties to the forest to gather wood for the temple. each pupil took his meals at the house of his parents, but all were obliged to sleep in the seminary. at nightfall all assembled in the _cuicacalco_, or 'house of song,' and were there taught the arts of singing and dancing, which formed part of a mexican education; they were also exercised here in the use of arms.[ ] at the age of fifteen or sixteen, or sometimes earlier, it was customary for the parents to withdraw their children from the telpochcalli that they might follow a trade or profession, but this was never done without first making a present to the telpochtlato. the schools at which the sons of the nobility and those destined to be priests were educated, were called _calmecac_, which means a college, or monastery. the pupils did not do as much manual labor as those educated in the telpochcalli, nor did they take their meals at home, but in the building. they were under the supervision of priests of the tlamacazqui order, who instructed them in all that the plebeians learned, besides many of the arts and sciences, such as the study of heroic songs and sacred hymns, which they had to learn by heart, history, religion, philosophy, law, astronomy, astrology, and the writing and interpreting of hieroglyphics. if not quick and diligent, they were given less food and more work; they were admonished to be virtuous and chaste, and were not allowed to leave the temple, until with their father's permission they went out from it to be married, or, in the case of a youth of strength and courage, to go to the wars; those who showed qualities fitted for a military life were exercised in gymnastics and trained to the use of weapons, to shoot with the bow, manage the shield, and to cast darts at a mark. their courage, strength, and endurance underwent severe tests; they were early afforded opportunities of realizing the hardships of camp life, and, while boys, were sent to carry provisions to the soldiers, upon which occasions their behavior was closely watched, and a display of courage met with suitable promotion and reward.[ ] [sidenote: female seminaries.] annexed to the temples were large buildings used as seminaries for girls. the maidens who were educated in them were principally the daughters of lords and princes. they were presided over by matrons or vestal priestesses, brought up in the temple, who watched over those committed to their care with great vigilance. day and night the exterior of the building was strictly guarded by old men, to prevent any intercourse between the sexes from taking place; the maidens could not even leave their apartments without a guard; if any one broke this rule and went out alone, her feet were pricked with thorns till the blood flowed. when they went out, it was together and accompanied by the matrons; upon such occasions they were not allowed to raise their eyes, or in any way take notice of anyone; any infringement of these rules was visited with severe punishment. the maidens had to sweep those precincts of the temple occupied by them, and attend to the sacred fire; they were taught the tenets of their religion and shown how to draw blood from their bodies when offering sacrifice to the gods. they also learned how to make feather-work, and to spin, and weave mantles; particular attention was given to their personal cleanliness; they were obliged to bathe frequently, and to be skilful and diligent in all household affairs. they were taught to speak with reverence, and to humble themselves in the presence of their elders, and to observe a modest and bashful demeanor at all times. they rose at day-break, and whenever they showed themselves idle or rude, punishment was inflicted. at night the pupils slept in large rooms in sight of the matrons, who watched them closely. the daughters of nobles, who entered the seminaries at an early age, remained there until taken away by their parents to be married.[ ] children brought up in the house of their parents were taught the worship of the gods, and were frequently conducted to the temple in order that they might witness the religious performances. military men instructed their sons in the use of weapons and the art of war, and lost no opportunity of inuring them to danger, always endeavoring to inspire courage and daring. laborers and artisans usually taught their children their own trade. the sons of the nobles who were placed in the seminaries were never permitted to go out unless accompanied by one of the superiors of the temple; their food was brought to them by their parents. the punishments inflicted were excessively severe. liars had thorns thrust into their lips; and sometimes, if the fault was frequent, their lips were slightly split. those who were negligent or disobedient were bound hand and foot, and pricked with thorns or badly pinched. a girl who was detected looking at or speaking to a man was severely punished; and if addicted to walking the streets, her feet were tied together, and pricked with sharp thorns.[ ] there was in tezcuco, during the reign of nezahualcoyotl, a large seminary, built upon the west side of the temple, which consisted of several spacious halls and rooms, with a courtyard, and was called the _tlacoteo_. here the king's sons were brought up and instructed. the guardians and tutors who had charge of them took much pains to instruct them in everything becoming their high estate. besides the use of arms, they were taught all the arts and sciences as far as then known, and were made fully acquainted with the practical working of precious metals and stones. separate rooms were devoted to the use of the king's daughters, where they were given an education fitting their station. in accordance with a law of the realm, the king, his children and relatives, with their guardians and masters, and the grandees of the kingdom, came together every eighty days, in a large hall of the tlacoteo; all were seated according to rank; the males on one side, and the females on the other. all the men, even those of royal blood, were dressed in coarse garments of _nequen_, or maguey-fibre. an orator ascended a sort of pulpit and commenced a discourse, in which he censured those who had done badly during the last eighty days, and praised those who had done well; this he did without favor, not even hesitating to blame the king if he saw fit. the discourse was delivered with such eloquence and feeling as generally to move the audience to tears.[ ] [sidenote: a parent's discourse to his sons.] sahagun, motolinia, mendieta, and other early writers, who were well acquainted with the mexican language, give us specimens of the exhortations delivered by parents to their children. i select one from the first-mentioned author, as an example: "give ear unto me and hearken, o my sons," says the mexican parent, "because i am your father; and i, though unworthy, am chosen by the gods to rule and govern this city. thou who art my first-born and the eldest of thy brothers; and thou the second, and thou the third, and thou the last and least--know that i am anxious and concerned, lest some of you should prove worthless in after life; lest, peradventure, not one among you should prove worthy to bear my dignities and honors after me; perhaps it is the will of the gods that the house which i have with so great labor built up, shall fall to the ground and remain a ruin and a dung-hill; that my name shall be no more remembered among men; that after my death no man shall speak well of me. hear now the words that i shall speak unto you, that you may learn how to be of use in the world, and how to draw near unto the gods that they may show favor to you; for this i say unto you, that those who weep and are grieved; those who sigh, pray and ponder; those who are watchful at night, and wakeful in the morning; those who diligently keep the temples cleanly and in order; those who are reverent and prayerful--all these find favor with the gods; to all such the gods give riches, honor, and prosperity, even as they give them to those who are strong in battle. it is by such deeds the gods know their friends, and to such they give high rank and military distinctions; success in battle, and an honorable place in the hall of justice; making them parents of the sun, that they may give meat and drink not only to the gods of heaven, but also to the gods of hell; and such as are thus honored are revered by all brave men and warriors: all men look on them as their parents, because the gods have shown them favor; and have rendered them fit to hold high offices and dignities and to govern with justice; they are placed near the god of fire, the father of all the gods, whose dwelling is in the water surrounded by turreted walls of flowers, and who is called ayamictlan and xiuhtecutli; or they are made lords of the rank of tlacatecutli or tlacochtecutli, or they are given some lower post of honor. perchance they are given some such office as i now hold, not through any merit of my own, but because the gods know not my unworthiness. i am not what i am by my own asking; never did i say, i wish to be so and so, i desire this or that honor; the gods have done me this honor of their own will, for surely all is theirs, and all that is given comes from their hand; nor shall any one say, i desire this or that honor, for the gods give as they please and to whom they please, and stand in need of counsel from none. harken, my sons, to another sorrow that afflicts me when i arise at midnight to pray and do penance. then i ponder many things, and my heart rises and sinks even as one who goes up and down mountains, for i am satisfied with no one of you. thou, my eldest son, dost not give any sign of improvement, i see in thee nothing manly, thou remainest ever a boy, thy conduct does not become an elder brother. and thou, my second son, and thou, my third, i see in you no discretion or manliness; peradventure it is because you are second and third that you have become careless. what will become of you in the world? lo, now, are you not the children of noble parents? your parents are not tillers of the soil or wood-cutters. what, i say again, will become of you? do you wish to be nothing but merchants, to carry a staff in your hands and a load on your backs? will you become laborers and work with your hands? harken, my sons, and give heed unto my words, and i will point out to you those things which you shall do. see to the proper observance of the dances, and the music, and the singing, for thus will you please both the people and the gods; for with music and singing are favors and riches gained. endeavor to learn some honorable trade or profession, such as working in feathers or precious metals; for by such means bread can be obtained in time of necessity. pay attention to every branch of agriculture, for the earth desires not food or drink, but only to bring forth and produce. your fathers sought to understand these things, for though they were gentlemen and nobles they took care that their estate should be properly cultivated. if you think only of your high rank and are unmindful of these things, how will you support your family, in no part of the world does anyone support himself by his gentility only. but above all study well to provide all those things which are necessary for the sustenance of the body, for these are the very foundation of our being, and rightly are they called _tonacaiutltomio_, that is to say our flesh and bones, because it is by them that we work, live, and are strong. there is no man in the world but what eats, for each one has a stomach and intestines. the greatest lords need food, the most valiant warrior must carry a bag of victuals. by the sustenance of the body life is upheld, by it the world is peopled. see, therefore, my sons, that you be careful to plant the corn and the magueys, for do we not know that fruit is the delight of children; truly it cools and quenches the thirst of the little ones. and you, boys, do you not like fruit? but how will you get it if you do not plant and grow it. give heed, my sons, to the conclusion of my discourse, and let it be written upon your hearts. many more things could i say, but my task would never be ended. a few more words only will i add that have been handed down to us from our forefathers. firstly, i counsel you to propitiate the gods, who are invisible and impalpable, giving them your whole soul and body. look to it that you are not puffed up with pride, that you are neither obstinate, nor of a weak, vacillating mind, but take heed to be meek and humble and to put your trust in the gods, lest they visit your transgressions upon you, for from them nothing can be hidden, they punish how and whom they please. secondly, my sons, endeavor to live at peace with your fellow-men. treat all with deference and respect; if any speak ill of you answer them not again; be kind and affable to all, yet converse not too freely with any; slander no man; be patient, returning good for evil, and the gods will amply avenge your wrongs. lastly, my children, be not wasteful of your goods nor of your time, for both are precious; at all seasons pray to the gods and take counsel with them; be diligent about those things which are useful. i have spoken enough, my duty is done. peradventure you will forget or take no heed of my words. as you will. i have done my duty, let him profit by my discourse who chooses."[ ] [sidenote: marriage.] the customary marrying-age for young men was from twenty to twenty-two, and for girls from eleven to eighteen.[ ] marriages between blood relations or those descended from a common ancestor were not allowed. a brother could, and was enjoined to, marry his deceased brother's wife, but this was only considered a duty if the widow had offspring by the first marriage, in order that the children might not be fatherless.[ ] when a youth reached a marriageable age, he or his parents asked permission of his teacher. he seldom was allowed any choice of his own, but was expected to abide by the selection of his parents. it rarely happened that a marriage took place without the sanction of parents or relatives, and he who presumed to choose his own wife, or married without such consent, had to undergo penance, and was looked upon as ungrateful, ill-bred, and apostate. in some parts the high priest commanded them to marry when they arrived at the proper age, and he who refused to comply was obliged to remain continent through life, and dedicate the remainder of his days to the service of the gods. should he afterward repent and desire to marry, he was despised by all his friends and publicly denounced as infamous, inasmuch as he had shown himself to be devoid of firmness, and unable to keep the vow of chastity to which he had voluntarily bound himself; nor would any respectable woman afterward accept him as a husband. in tlascala, if any one carelessly allowed the time to pass by without taking a wife, or deciding upon a life of chastity, his hair was cut short and he was driven out from the company of the youths with whom he was educated. cutting the hair formed a part of the marriage ceremony, but the mode of cutting was different from that of the penalty.[ ] when the time came for the parents to choose a wife for their son, all the relations were called together and informed by the father that the youth had now reached an age when he should be provided with a wife; for that he was now a man, and must learn how to perform the duties of a man, and refrain from boyish tricks and promiscuous intercourse with women. the youth was then summoned before his parents, and his father addressed him, saying: "my son, thou art now a man, and it seems to us proper to search among the maidens for a wife for thee. ask thy tutors for permission to separate thyself from thy friends, the youths with whom thou hast been educated. make known our wishes to those called telpuchtlatoque, who have the charge of thee." the youth in answer expressed his willingness and desire to enter into their plans. the parents then set about preparing a quantity of food, such as tamales, chocolate, and other dishes; and also provided a small axe, which was to bear a part in the next proceeding. the repast being prepared, an invitation was sent to the priests who were instructors of the youth, accompanied with presents of food and pipes of tobacco; all the relations were also invited. when the meal was finished, the relations, and guardians of the ward in which the parents of the pair lived, seated themselves. then one of the youth's relations, addressing the priestly instructors of the youth said: "here, in the presence of all, we beg of you not to be troubled because this lad, our son, desires to withdraw from your company, and to take a wife; behold this axe, it is a sign that he is anxious to separate from you; according to our mexican custom, take it, and leave us the youth." then the priest answered: "i, and the young men with whom your son has been educated have heard how that you have determined to marry him and that from henceforward, forever, he will be parted from us; let everything be done as you wish." the tutor of the youth next addressed him, entreating him to persevere in the paths of virtue, not to forget the teachings he has received, and to continue to be a zealous servant of the gods; he advised him that as he was now about to take a wife he must be careful to provide for her support, and to bring up and instruct his children in the same manner as he had been educated. he adjured him to be courageous in battle, to honor and obey his parents, to show respect to his seniors and all aged persons; and so the speaker ambled morally along at some length, but i spare the reader the remainder of the discourse.[ ] the priests then took their leave, bearing the axe with them, and the young man remained in his father's house. [sidenote: preliminaries to marriage ceremony.] soon after this the parents called the relations together once more to consult upon the selection of a maiden suitable to be the wife of their son. their first act, and one that was of paramount importance, was to ascertain the day and sign of his birth. if they were unable to remember or calculate the sign they called in the aid of astrologers, or soothsayers, who by certain reckonings and ceremonies interpreted all they sought to know. the birthday and sign of the damsel were in like manner ascertained. if the horoscope of both was favorable, the astrologers predicted a happy union with prosperity and good fortune to both, but if the signs did not agree they foretold adversity and evil fortune, and it became necessary to choose another maiden. once assured of a favorable combination according to the auguries, steps were taken to obtain the consent of the girl's parents. for this purpose the parents and relatives of the youth commissioned two old women, chosen from among the most discreet and virtuous of the district, who were to act as negotiators in the affair; these were called _cihuatlanque_. they went on the part of the bridegroom and conveyed the message to the parents or nearest relatives of the young girl. their first visit was made shortly after midnight or upon the following morning, upon which occasion they took with them some presents to offer to the girl's parents. upon their arrival they commenced a suitable address, in which they formally solicited the hand of the girl in marriage. the first overture was invariably rejected and some frivolous excuse given, even though the girl's relatives might be more desirous of the match than those who solicited it. the embassy was told that the girl was not yet of an age to marry, or that she was not worthy of the honor offered her. after some few more such compliments had been paid, the matrons returned to those who had sent them. a few days having elapsed, the old women were sent back bearing more presents, and with instructions to again solicit the alliance, and to define clearly the position of the suitor, his qualifications and riches. upon this second interview the negotiations assumed a more business-like aspect; the conversation turned upon the portion that each would bring to the other, and finally the relatives of the girl consented to consider the affair; yet they still maintained a semblance of reluctance, insisting that the girl was not worthy to become the wife of so estimable a young man; but adding that, as the matter was urged with so much importunity, they would on the morrow assemble all the relations of the young woman, that they might consult together about the affair; they then closed the conference by inviting their visitors to be present on that occasion and receive their final decision. [sidenote: marriage ceremonies.] the next day the parents of the girl called a meeting of all her relatives, at which the proposed alliance was discussed with due deliberation; and the girl being called before them, much good advice was given her; her duties as a wife were defined, she was charged to serve and please her husband, and not bring disgrace upon her parents. information of their decision was then sent to the parents of the young man, and preparations for a fitting celebration of the wedding commenced. the augurs were consulted and requested to name a lucky day for the ceremony; the signs _acatl_, _ozomatli_, _cipactli_, _quauhtli_, or _calli_, were deemed most favorable, and one or other of them was generally selected for the celebration of the nuptials. several ensuing days were spent by both families in preparing for the marriage celebration, and in issuing invitations to friends and relations. the ceremony was always performed at the house of the bridegroom's parents, where the best room was put in order for the occasion; the roof and walls were festooned with green branches and garlands of flowers, disposed with great taste, and the floor was strewn with the same. in the centre stood a brazier containing fire. when all the arrangements were completed, certain of the bridegroom's friends and relatives went to the house of his intended to conduct her to the room. if the distance was great, or the bride the daughter of a lord or great personage, she was borne upon a litter, otherwise she was carried on the back of the bride's-woman, or sponsor, accompanied by a large concourse of people, disposed in two rows and bearing torches. the bride occupied the centre of the procession, and immediately about her walked her nearest relatives. as the procession passed, many of the lookers-on profited by the occasion, to point her out to their own daughters as an example worthy of emulation. [sidenote: consummation of marriage.] [sidenote: dancing the chemise.] the bridegroom met his betrothed at the entrance of his house, preceded by four women bearing lighted torches; in his hands he carried a censer with burning incense, and another was given to the bride; with these they at once perfumed each other, and the groom, taking her by the hand, led her into the room prepared for the ceremony. they were then seated upon an ornamented and painted mat spread close to the fireplace, the woman being placed on the left of the man.[ ] the bridegroom's mother then came forward with presents for her daughter-in-law, and dressed her in a _huipil_, or short chemise, at the same time laying at her feet a _cuatli_, or skirt, richly embroidered and worked. next the bride's mother gave presents to the bridegroom; she covered him with a mantle, which she fastened at the shoulder, and placed a maxtli or breech-clout at his feet. the most important part in the ceremony was next performed by the priest, who made a long address to the betrothed couple, in which he defined the duties of the married state, and pointed out to them the obedience a wife should observe towards her husband, and the care and attention the latter should give to her, how that he was bound to maintain and support her, and the children they might have. he was enjoined to bring up and educate his children near him, teaching all according to their abilities, to make them useful members of society, and to instruct them in habits of industry. a wife's duties, he said, were to labor and aid her husband in obtaining sustenance for their family. both were exhorted to be faithful to one another, to maintain peace and harmony between themselves, to overlook each other's failings, and to help one another, ever bearing in mind that they were united for life by a tie which only death could sever. the rites of marriage were always conducted with much solemnity, and during the ceremony nothing was said or done contrary to the rules of modesty and decorum. at the conclusion of the address the couple stood up, and the priest tied the end of the man's mantle to the dress of the woman; they then walked seven times round the fire, casting therein copal and incense, and giving presents to each other, while their friends and relatives threw chains of flowers about their necks and crowned them with garlands.[ ] the mother-in-law of the bride now brought some food, and gave four mouthfuls to the bride to eat and afterwards gave the same quantity to the bridegroom. they then received the congratulations of their friends, while at the same time a dance was performed to the sound of musical instruments. accompanied by the dancers and musicians, the newly wedded pair was conducted to the temple, at the door of which the tlamacaxques, or priests, appeared to receive them. while the company remained below, the wedded couple with their sponsors and parents ascended the steps of the temple. the priest wore his robes of ceremony, and carried in his hand an incensory filled with incense, with which he proceeded to perfume them. he then placed himself between the two, with the man on his right and the woman on his left, and taking them by the hands led them to the altar of the idol, muttering prayers as he went. the altar reached, he placed upon each of the parties a very fine and showy shawl woven and variegated with many colors, in the centre of which was painted a skeleton, as a symbol that death only could now separate them from each other. he then perfumed them again with the incensory, and led them back to the door of the temple, where they were received by the assemblage and accompanied to their home with dancing and music. the marriage ceremonies being finished, the relatives and friends partook of a banquet, and amidst much rejoicing congratulated each other on the new relations they had acquired. in the feasting, drinking, and dancing the bridal pair took no part; they had now to enter upon a season of fasting and penance, which lasted four days, in the strict retirement of their room, where they were closely guarded by old women; on no account were they permitted to leave their room except for the necessary calls of nature, or to offer sacrifice to the gods; the time was to be passed in prayer, and on no account were they to allow their passions to get the better of them or indulge in carnal intercourse. such weakness on their part would, they believed, bring discord or death or some other dire misfortune between them. the close confinement, the watchful guard and imposed penances were intended to calm their passions and purify their minds, whereby they would be more fitted to undertake the duties before them, and not be led astray by unruly desires. what small supply of sustenance they received in the four days of their retirement was carried to them by the old women who had charge of them, and during this time they neither washed nor bathed themselves; they were dressed in new garments and wore certain charms and regalia pertaining to their patron idol. at midnight they came forth to offer sacrifice and burn incense on the altar in their house, in front of which they also left food offerings for their god; this they did during the four days of abstinence, while their friends and relatives continued their rejoicings, festivities, and dancing.[ ] upon the fourth night, when the marriage was to be consummated, two priests of the temple prepared a couch of two mats, between which were placed some feathers and a stone somewhat the color of an emerald, called _chalchiuite_; underneath they put a piece of tiger-skin, and on top of all they spread some cotton cloths. at the four corners of the bed were placed green reeds perfumed, and thorns of the maguey with which the pair were to draw blood from their tongues and ears when they sacrificed to the gods.[ ] the following morning the bridal pair took the bed on which they had lain, with the cloths, reeds, and food they had offered to their god during the four days of penance, to the temple and left them as a thanksgiving offering.[ ] if any charcoal or ashes were found in the bridal chamber they considered it an evil omen, but if, on the other hand, a grain of corn or other seed was found, they considered it a sign of a long and prosperous life and a happy union. a baptismal ceremony was next performed, the wedded pair being placed on green reed mats, while the priests poured water over them. nobles received four ablutions with water in honor of _chalchihuitlicue_, the goddess of waters, and four of wine, in reverence to _tezcatzoncatl_, the god of wine. after the bath they were dressed in new vestments, the bride's head was adorned with white feathers and her hands and feet with red. to her husband was given a thurible, filled with incense wherewith to perfume his household gods. at the conclusion of these ceremonies a further distribution of dresses and presents was made, and the company partook of food and wine, while the scene was enlivened with songs and dances. some more good advice, of which the aztecs seem to have had a never-failing store, was then given to the wedded pair by the mothers-in-law or nearest relatives, and thus ended the nuptial ceremonies, which were conducted in accordance with the means of the principal parties concerned.[ ] in some places, proof of the maiden's virginity was required on the morning following the consummation of the marriage. in such case the sponsors entered the room where the wedded pair had passed the night and demanded the bride's chemise; if they found it stained with blood they brought it out, placed it on a stick, and exhibited it to all present as an evidence that the bride was a virgin; then a dance was formed and the procession went through all the place, carrying the chemise on a stick, dancing and expressing their joy, and this was called 'dancing the chemise.' if it happened that the chemise was unstained, tears and lamentations took the place of rejoicing, abuse and insults were heaped upon the bride, and her husband was at liberty to repudiate her.[ ] in the kingdom of miztecapan, before the ceremony of tying their mantles together was performed it was customary to cut a lock of hair from the bridegroom's head and from the bride's, after which they took each other by the hand and their dresses were tied by the ends. the man then took the girl on his back and carried her a short distance; which proceeding terminated the nuptials. in ixcatlan, he who desired to get married presented himself before the priests, and they took him to the temple, where in presence of the idols he worshiped they cut off some of his hair, and showing it to the people, shouted "this man wishes to get married." from thence he was obliged to descend and take the first unmarried woman he met, in the belief that she was especially destined for him by the gods. they were then married according to the customary mexican rites. the mazatec bridegroom abstained for the first fifteen days of his wedded life from carnal knowledge of his wife, and both spent the time in fasting and penance. among the otomís it was not considered an offence for an unmarried man to deflour a single woman. the husband was permitted to repudiate the woman the day following his marriage if she did not please him; but if he remained satisfied upon that occasion he was not afterwards allowed to send her away. they had then to undergo a period of penance and abstinence and remain secluded for twenty or thirty days, during which time they were to abstain from all sexual intercourse, to draw blood from themselves as a sacrifice, and to bathe frequently. the chichimecs, although they contracted marriage at a very early age, could not have legitimate connection with their wives until the woman was forty years old. after their intercourse with the toltecs this custom began to be abolished, although the princes and nobles observed it rigorously for some time longer. marriage with near relatives was never permitted among them, and polygamy was strictly prohibited.[ ] [sidenote: divorce and division of property.] among the mexicans divorce was permitted, but as a general rule was discouraged. in the event of discord arising between man and wife so that they could not live together peacefully, or where one or other of the parties had just cause of complaint, they applied to a judge for permission to separate. such permission was not granted unless good and sufficient cause was shown in support of the application. the judge investigated the case with much care and attention, closely examining the parties in reference to their marital relations; whether they had been married with the consent of their parents, and if all the ceremonies of marriage had been fully observed. if the answers proved that the parties had not been married according to the usual rites and ceremonies, or if they had been living together in a state of fornication, the judge refused to interfere between them; but if he found they had properly complied with the regulations governing marriage, he used his best efforts to reconcile them; he reminded them of the solemn obligations appertaining to the marriage contract, and warned them not to bring disgrace upon themselves and their parents by breaking the bonds by which they were united, thereby creating a scandal in the community. if his endeavors to effect a reconciliation were of no avail, and he found that one or other of the parties had just cause of complaint, a license to separate could be issued, but more frequently the judge refused to interfere in the matter, and dismissed them with a stern reproval. marriage was looked upon as a solemn and binding tie only to be dissolved by death, and any attempt or desire to annul the contract was deemed a disgrace and a bad example. under these circumstances divorce was always discouraged both by the magistrates and the community. a judge was generally unwilling to sanction with the authority of the law the annulment of so binding an engagement; therefore only a tacit consent was given by the court, by which the whole onus of the disgrace attending a separation was thrown upon the parties themselves. when a dissolution took place between man and wife, they could not again under any circumstances be united; the divorce once effected, no subsequent condonation could authorize their living together.[ ] we have no information how or on what terms a division of property was made in the event of a dissolution of marriage, or to which of the parties the custody of the children belonged. the ancient historians throw no light upon the subject. as much deference and respect was shown to old age, it is probable that the decision of such matters was left to the influence and wisdom of the friends and relatives, and that through their intervention equitable arrangements were made. [sidenote: concubines in mexico.] concubinage, of which there were three classes, was permitted throughout the mexican empire. the first class was the union of young men with unmarried women, before they arrived at the age when they were expected to marry. all young men, with the exception of those who were consecrated to a perpetual chastity, were allowed to have concubines. the youth usually asked his parents to select a girl for him, and the one upon whom their choice fell cohabited with him. such women were called _tlacacavili_. no contract was made nor any ceremony performed; the connection was a simple private arrangement of the relatives on both sides. when a girl lived with an unmarried man as his concubine without the consent of her parents she was called _temecauh_, which had a more general signification. it does not appear, however, that concubinage among the unmarried men was common; on the contrary, the manner in which parents are reputed to have brought up their children, and the care taken by the priests in their education would seem to show that such a practice was discouraged, or rather tolerated than allowed, and it is probable the custom was chiefly confined to the sons of nobles and wealthy men. when a young man arrived at the age when he should marry, he was expected to dispense with his concubine that he might marry the girl selected by his parents to be his lawful wife. he could, however, legitimatize the connection between his concubine and himself by notifying his parents of his wishes and having the usual marriage ceremonies performed; she then became his lawful wife and was called _ciuatlantli_. if while they lived together in concubinage the woman had a child, her parents then required that he should at once restore her to them, or make her his wife, as they considered it proper that having a child she should also have a husband as a legal protector. young women were not dishonored by living in a state of concubinage, nor were their chances of contracting advantageous marriages in any degree lessened. the second order of concubines might rather be termed, perhaps, the less legitimate wives of married men; with them the tying of garments constituted the entire marriage ceremony; the husband could not repudiate them without just cause and the sanction of the courts, but neither they nor their children could inherit property; in this respect they were treated as concubines, but nevertheless they were called _ciuatlantli_, which corresponds with the latin word _uxor_, and was the title borne by the first and legitimate wife. the third class of concubines were merely kept mistresses; with them no marriage rite of any kind was performed. they were kept usually by the nobles and chief men who could afford to maintain large establishments; they occupied a third rank in the domestic circle after the principal wife and less legitimate ones, and were called _ciuanemactli_, or _tlaciuantli_, if their master had obtained them from their parents; those whom he took without such permission were called _tlaciuaantin_.[ ] the toltec kings could only marry one woman, and in case of her death could not marry again or live in concubinage with any woman; the same rule held good with their queens in the event of the king dying first. prostitution among the mexicans was tolerated, but at the same time was restrained within certain bounds; that is, the law took cognizance of the practice as regarded the women engaged in such traffic. it was looked upon as a necessary evil, and the law did not interfere with men who consorted with prostitutes; but the latter, if they plied their traffic too openly, or with too great frequency, so as to create a public scandal and become a nuisance, were punished according to the extent of the offence.[ ] * * * * * we may suppose that, the marriage ceremonies being concluded, the young couple were left in peace, and that for a time there was a truce to the speech-making and ever-ready advice of anxious parents and meddling relatives. but this respite was generally of brief duration. as soon as the woman found herself to be pregnant, all her friends and relations were immediately upon the tiptoe of expectation and interest again. the parents were at once informed of the interesting event, and a feast was prepared, of which all who had been present at the wedding partook. after the repast the inevitable speeches commenced. an old man, squatting on his hams, first spoke in behalf of the husband, referring to the precious burden carried by the pregnant woman and to the future prospects of the child; after a while another relieved the speaker and pursued the subject in the same strain; the man and his wife then responded, dwelling upon the pleasure in store for them, and expressing their hopes that, with the favor of the gods, it might be realized. the parents of the pair were next addressed directly by one of the guests upon the same theme and made a reply. certain elderly relatives then seized the opportunity to admonish and instruct the young woman, to which she made a suitable answer, thanking them for their solicitude on her behalf.[ ] [sidenote: pregnancy and childbirth.] during the months of her pregnancy the mother was very careful to insure the safety and health of the child, though many of the rules observed for this purpose were of a partly superstitious nature. thus, sleeping in the day-time would contort the child's face; approaching too near the fire or standing in the hot sun would parch the foetus; hard and continued work, lifting weights, running, mental excitement, such as grief, anger, or alarm, were particularly avoided; in case of an earthquake all the pots in the house were covered up or broken to stop the shaking; eating _tzictli_, or _chicle_, was thought to harden the palate of the unborn child, and to make its gums thick so that it would be unable to suck, and also to communicate to it a disease called _netentzzoponiztli_; neither must the edible earth, of which, as we shall see in a future chapter, the mexicans were very fond, be eaten by the mother, lest the child should prove weak and sickly; but everything else the woman fancied was to be given her, because any interference with her caprices might be hurtful to her offspring.[ ] moderation in sexual connection with her husband was recommended to a woman from one to three months advanced in pregnancy, but total abstinence in this respect was thought to be injurious to the unborn child; during the later stages of the woman's pregnancy, however, the husband abstained entirely from having intercourse with her.[ ] when the time for the confinement drew near another feast was prepared and the usual invitations were issued. when all were gathered an old man was the first to speak, on behalf of the married couple. by virtue of his long experience in these matters he recommended that the pregnant woman be placed in the _xuchicalli_, or bath, under the protection of xuchicaltzin, the god of the bath, and of yoalticitl, goddess of the bath and of childbirth. he further advised the parents to select a competent _ticitl_, or midwife. this functionary having been named, a female relative of the husband addressed her, asking her to accept the trust, praising her qualifications, and exhorting her to exert her utmost skill and care. the mother and relatives of the wife also made brief speeches to the same purpose. the midwife-elect then expressed her wish and intention to do all in her power.[ ] wealthy people frequently employed several midwives, who for some days prior to the birth busied themselves in waiting on their patient and putting everything in readiness for the important hour. zuazo states that some of these acted merely as witnesses to the fact of the birth.[ ] the 'hour of death,' as the time of confinement was named, having arrived, the patient was carried to a room previously set in order for the purpose; here her hair was soaped and she was placed in a bath to be washed. care was taken that the water should not be too hot, lest the foetus should be scalded; in some cases the woman was beaten on the back with maize leaves which had been boiled in the water used for the bath. the midwife next proceeded to rub and press the abdomen of the patient in order to set the child in place. if the pain grew worse, soothing remedies were administered. a decoction of _cihoapatli_ herbs was given to promote the delivery; should this not prove effective, however, a small piece, about an inch and a half long, of the tail of the _tlaquatzin_, or _tlaquatl_, was given, which is a very powerful emetic. if after all the woman got no ease, it was concluded that she would die. in cases of great danger prayers were addressed to cioacoatl, quilaztli, yoalticitl, and other deities. should the child die in the womb it was removed piecemeal, unless the parents objected, in which case the mother was left to die. [sidenote: ghastly talismans.] mocioaquezqui, 'brave woman,' was the name given to her who died in childbed. after death the body was washed, dressed in good, new clothes, and buried with great ceremony in the courtyard of the temple dedicated to the 'celestial women.'[ ] talismanic virtues were supposed to reside in the corpse; thus, the middle fingers of the left hand, and the hair, were thought to make their possessor irresistible in battle; soldiers, therefore, sought by every means, fair or foul, to procure them. thieves believed that the left hand and arm of the corpse would strike terror into their victims, and they therefore engaged sorcerers to procure it. the birth of twins was believed to foretell the death of one of the parents at the hands of their child; to prevent this, one of the infants was killed.[ ] abortion was not unusual, and was procured by taking a decoction of certain herbs; the crime was nevertheless punished with death.[ ] if everything went well, and the woman was easily delivered, the midwife gave a loud cry of triumph. she next addressed some words of counsel to the child, and then proceeded to wash it. turning to the water, she addressed the goddess of waters, chalchihuitlicue, asking her favor and protection for the child. then taking some water, the midwife breathed upon it, gave some to the infant to taste, and then touched its head and chest therewith, saying: "come, my son (or daughter) to chalchihuitlicue; it is for her to bear you on the back and in her arms throughout this life!" then, placing the infant in the water, she continued: enter thou into the water called _metlalac_ and _tuspalac_; may it wash thee, and may the omnipotent cleanse from thee all ill that is inherent in thee from the beginning of the world and from before the beginning. begone, all evil imparted to thee by thy father and thy mother.[ ] having washed the child, the midwife clothed it, addressing it meanwhile in whispers of welcome and admonition. then, raising her voice, she complimented the mother on her bravery and endurance.[ ] a female relative next praised the fortitude of the patient, who in her response dilated on the trouble and pain she had gone through, and expressed her joy at the treasure vouchsafed her by the gods. the midwife then closed the ceremony by congratulating the grandparents and assembled friends. a few days after the confinement the mother took a bath in the temazcalli, and indulged in rich food and wine; on this occasion a feast was also tendered to invited friends, who partook of it near the spot where the woman bathed. all these elaborate preparations and midwife ceremonies at birth could, however, only have been in vogue among the well-to-do classes, for the mexican women, were, as a rule, little affected by the troubles of child-bearing; their training and manner of life were not calculated to make them delicate. motolinia, and many with him, say, for instance, that the tlascaltec women delivered themselves, the mother applying to a neighbor only at the birth of her first child.[ ] [sidenote: casting the nativity of infants.] it was now time to cast the nativity of the infant. for this purpose the services of a _tonalpouhqui_, or horoscopist, were engaged. these tonalpouhquis were a highly respected class, and were therefore approached with much respect and liberally fed with mantles, food, and other articles. having been told the hour of birth, the horoscoper consulted his book for the sign of the day on which the infant was born.[ ] if the birth had taken place exactly at midnight, the signs for the closing and breaking day were combined. comparing the birthday sign with the other twelve signs, as well as with the principal sign of the group, he deduced the required fortune, and, if the augury was favorable, dwelt on the honors and happiness in store for the infant. should the augury prove unfavorable, as well as the sign for the fifth day after birth, which was the occasion of the second bath, or baptism, this ceremony was postponed to another day, generally the most favorable of the thirteen, in order to moderate, if possible, the threatened misfortune. the fortune-teller dilated upon the troubles in store for the infant and the vices it would develop, but 'hedged' his oracle by adding that the adjoining signs contained certain redeeming features which might have power to counterbalance the evil import of the birthday sign.[ ] [sidenote: baptism of infants.] preparations are now made for the baptism. the portals of the dwelling are decorated with green branches, flowers, and sweet-smelling herbs are scattered over the floors and courtyard, and the approaches to the house are carefully swept; tamales are cooked, maize and cacao ground, and delicacies of every description prepared for the table, not forgetting the liquors; for any shortcoming in this respect would reflect severely on the hospitality of the host.[ ] the relatives of the family assemble before sunrise, and other friends drop in as the day advances; each, as he congratulates the host, presents a gift of clothing for the infant, and receives in his turn a present of mantles, flowers, and choice food.[ ] in the course of the morning the midwife carries the infant to the courtyard, and places it upon a heap of leaves, beside which are set a new _apaxtle_, or earthenware vessel, filled with clear water, and several miniature implements, insignia of the father's trade or profession. if he is a noble or a warrior, the articles consist of a small shield, and a bow with arrows of a corresponding size, placed with their heads directed toward the four cardinal points. another set of arms made from dough of amaranth-seed, and bound together with the dried navel-string of the child, is also prepared. if the child is a girl, there are placed beside it, instead of the little weapons, a spindle and distaff, and some articles of girl's clothing. when the sun rises the midwife sets her face and the face of the child toward the west, and addressing the infant, says: "o eagle, o tiger, o brave little man and grandson of mine, thou hast been brought into the world by thy father and mother, the great lord and the great lady. thou wast created in that house which is the abode of the supreme gods that are above the nine heavens. thou art a gift from our son quetzalcoatl, the omnipresent; be joined to thy mother, chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of water." then placing her dripping fingers on the lips of the child, she continues: "take this, for upon it thou hast to live, to wax strong, and flourish; by it we obtain all necessary things; take it!" then touching the child on the breast with her moistened fingers, she says: "take this holy and pure water that thine heart may be cleansed." then the midwife pours water on the child's head, saying: "receive, o my son, the water of the lord of the world, which is our life, with which we wash and are clean; may this celestial light-blue water enter into thy body, and there remain; may it destroy and remove from thee all evil and adverse things that were given thee before the beginning of the world; behold, all of us are in the hands of chalchihuitlicue, our mother." she now washes the body of the child, exclaiming: "evil, wheresoever thou art, begone, avaunt; for the child liveth anew and is born again; once more it is purified; a second time is it renewed of our mother, chalchihuitlicue." then lifting up the little one toward heaven, she addresses ometochtli and omecioatl:[ ] "behold, o lord, the creature which thou hast sent to this place of sorrow, affliction, and anguish, to this world; give it, o lord, of thy gifts and inspiration, for thou art the great god and the great goddess." then stooping as if to set the child down, she raises it a second time, crying upon the goddess of the waters:[ ] "o lady goddess, mother of the gods, inspire this child with thy virtue." a third time she stoops and raising the child toward heaven, addresses the gods: "o lords celestial, and gods who dwell in heaven, behold this creature whom ye have sent among men, fill it with your spirit and mercy, that it may live." a fourth time she sets down and raises the babe, and calling now upon the sun and the earth she says:[ ] "o our lord, sun, father of all, and thou, o earth, our mother, take ye this child for your own, and, as it is born for war,[ ] so let it die defending the cause of the gods, and be permitted to enjoy the delights prepared in heaven for the brave." the midwife now takes the implements and prays to the patron deity of the trade or profession they represent on behalf of the child; then she places the mantle upon the shoulders of the infant, girds on the little maxtli, and asks the boys present to give the child a name. this was, however, merely a matter of form; the parents really had the choosing of the name and told it to the boys. it was usually taken either from the sign of the day, or from a bird or animal, in the case of a boy; the girls were named from flowers, and this rule was especially observed by the toltecs and miztecs. sometimes a child took its name from some important event which occurred at the time of its birth; as when the tlascaltec chief citlalpopoca, 'smoking star,' was so named because at his birth a flaming comet was seen in the sky. sometimes children were named after the feast held at the time of their nativity; thus, boys born during the festival of the renewal of the sacred fire, called _toxilmolpilia_, were named _molpilli_, 'a tied object,' and girls _xiuhnenetl_, 'little doll of the year of fire.' occasionally a child was named after some renowned ancestor. a second name could be acquired by valiant deeds in battle. motolinia adds that sons of prominent men took a surname from the dignity or office held by the father, either in youth or manhood; or they inherited it with the estate at the death of the parent. children born during the last five days of the year, called _nemontemi_, 'unlucky days,' were considered unfortunate; boys born under such circumstances were often named _nemoquichtli_, 'unlucky man,' and girls _nencihuatl_, 'unlucky woman.'[ ] the midwife, having baptized the child, now calls upon it three times by its new name; admonishing it to make good use of the implements or weapons placed in its hands.[ ] it is thereupon carried into the house, preceded by torch-bearers, and placed in the cradle, before which the midwife offers prayers to yoalticitl, 'goddess of the cradle,' commending the child to her care, and beseeching her to nourish and protect it; then, turning to the cradle, she adds: "o thou, the mother of the child, receive this babe with gentleness, taking heed not to injure it." then she places the child in the cradle, the parents meanwhile calling upon yoalticitl to protect it, and upon yoaltecutli, 'the god of night,' to lull it to sleep. during this ceremony, which is termed _tlacoculaquilo_, or 'the act of placing the child in the cradle,' the boys of the village, dressed to imitate soldiers, enter the house, seize certain food previously prepared for them, called the 'child's navel,' scatter the rest, and rush forth, munching and shouting the child's name and future destinies. the lights, called _ocote_, which have been used during the ceremonies, must be left to burn out, and the fire that was lighted on the birthday must be kept brightly burning until after the baptizing, nor is any one allowed to borrow from its flame, for that would injure the prospects of the child. the umbilical cord is buried with the mimic weapons in a place where a battle may be expected to take place on a future day. the girl's instruments and navel-string are buried under a metate. the afterbirth is interred in a corner of the house. after the cradling ceremony the guests proceed to the banqueting-room, where they seat themselves according to age and rank. the festivities lasted twenty days,[ ] or even longer, if the father was wealthy, during which time the house was kept open to all comers. each visitor presented his gifts and made a speech to the infant on the duties, honors, and happiness in store for it, and adorning his discourse according to the rank of the parents, or his own courtesy. he next congratulated the mother, then the midwife, urging her further care of the infant, and lastly the father, referring to his character and services, and wishing him joy. if the father was a lord, the neighboring princes sent an embassy, preceded by numerous presents, and a chosen orator delivered a congratulatory address before the father and those present, to which an old man responded on behalf of all, commenting upon the good wishes of the neighboring nobles. the orator of the embassy then begged that the shortcomings of his former speech might be excused, and was answered by the oldest or most respected person present, on the parent's behalf. the female friends who came to inspect the infant, rubbed the joints of the body, especially the knees, with ashes, thinking that this would strengthen them and prevent the bones from becoming loose. the same was done to the children who accompanied them.[ ] in some parts the baptismal ceremony consisted in putting some quicklime upon the child's knee, and saying to it: "o thou little one, that hast come into the world to suffer, suffer and be silent. thou livest, but thou shalt die; much pain and anguish shall come upon thee; thou shalt become dust, even as this lime, which was once stone."[ ] if a boy, an arrow or dart was then placed in the child's left hand, to indicate that he must be brave and defend his country; if a girl, she was given a distaff, as a sign that she must become industrious in all womanly pursuits.[ ] in tlascala and miztecapan the infant was bathed in a sacred spring, which, it was thought, would avert misfortune. mendieta says that the midwife merely sprinkled the child a certain number of times, first with wine and then with water.[ ] among the zapotecs both mother and child were washed in a river, and invocations were addressed to all land and aquatic animals, entreating their favor and deprecating their anger;[ ] it was also customary to assign some animal or bird to a child, as its _nagual_, or tutelary genius, and with the fortune of such creature its fate was supposed to be so intimately connected, that the death of one involved the death of the other.[ ] burgoa adds further that this was assigned by lot, but it is stated elsewhere, and with greater probability if we may judge by similar superstitions in the old world, that the first bird or beast that appeared after the birth of the child was appointed its spiritual protector.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: circumcision and scarification.] whether the custom of circumcision, which has been the great prop of argument in favor of the jewish origin of the aztecs, really obtained among these people, has been doubted by numerous authors. although circumcision was certainly not by any means general, yet sufficient proof exists to show that it was in use in some form among certain tribes. las casas and mendieta state that the aztecs and totonacs practiced it, and brasseur de bourbourg has discovered traces of it among the mijes. las casas affirms that the child was carried to the temple on the twenty-eighth or twenty-ninth day after birth; there the high-priest and his assistant placed it upon a stone, and cut off the prepuce at the root; the part amputated they afterward burned to ashes. girls of the same age were defloured by the finger of the priest, who ordered the mother to repeat the operation at the sixth year. zuazo adds that these rites were only performed upon the children of great men, and that there was no compulsion in the matter, the parents having the option of having their children defloured or circumcised at any time within five years.[ ] in the fifth month, at huitzilopochtli's festival, all children born during the year were scarified on the breast, stomach, or arms, and by this means received as followers of their god.[ ] at the festival in honor of teteionan or toci, 'mother of the gods,' in the eleventh month, the women delivered during the year underwent purification and presented their children. in the evening a signal was sounded from the temple, and the mothers, dressed in their best, accompanied by friends, and preceded by torch-bearers and servants carrying the babes, made the tour of the town or quarter; a halt was made at every temple to leave an offering and a lighted torch for the presiding goddess. at the temple of toci extra offerings were made, including _tzocoyotl_, cakes of flour and honey; and here the priest performed the ceremony of purification by pronouncing certain prayers over the women.[ ] in the eighteenth month of every fourth year, the children born since the last corresponding feast, were taken to the temple, where their ears were pierced with a sharp bone, and macaw-feathers, _tlachcayotl_, inserted; the god-father and god-mother, or, as they are termed, uncles and aunts, whose duty it was to initiate the children into the service of the gods, holding them during the operation.[ ] an offering of flour of the _chian_ seed was made, and the god-father was presented with a red robe, the god-mother with a huipil. each child was then passed through the flames of a fire prepared for the purpose; the priest next took its head between his hands, and in that manner lifted it bodily from the ground. everyone thereupon went home to feast, but at noon the god-father and god-mother returned to the temple and executed a dance, holding the children on their backs, and giving them pulque to drink, in very small cups. this went on till dusk, when they retired to their houses to continue the dancing and drinking. this feast and month, itzcalli, 'growth,' obtained its name from the ceremony of squeezing the heads of children, which, it was thought, would make them grow; but it was also called the 'feast of the intoxication of boys and girls.'[ ] [sidenote: head-flattening.] among the miztecs, the mother took hot baths for twenty days after delivery, at the end of which time a feast was held in honor of the goddess of the bath, the child sharing in the honors of the occasion.[ ] they also gave the child a feast on its first birthday. great care was exercised to make children hardy and strong, and no mother, however high in rank, allowed her child to be given to a nurse, unless her own health demanded such a step. the test of a wet nurse was to press out a drop of milk upon the nail, when if it did not run the milk was considered good.[ ] no food was given to the child the first day, in order to create an appetite.[ ] it was suckled for three years, in some places much longer;[ ] and, during this time the mother adhered to a diet that would keep up the quality of the milk; many abstained from intercourse with their husbands for the same period, to prevent the possibility of another child interfering with the proper nurture of the first one. another feast was given at the weaning of the child. gomara mentions that a kind of head-flattening was practiced; he says that the infants were so placed in the cradle as not to allow the occiput to grow, for such a development was considered ugly.[ ] humboldt, however, says that the aztecs never flattened the head. that it was practiced to a considerable extent in remote times by people inhabiting the country, seems to be shown by the deformed skulls found in their graves, and by the sculptured figures upon the ruins. klemm states that the cradle consisted of a hard board to which the infant was bound in such a manner as to cause the malformation. the cradle among the poor aztecs was generally of light cane, and could be tied to the back of the mother.[ ] footnotes: [ ] clavigero writes: 'nella dipintura cinquantesimaseconda si rappresentano due ragazzi d'undici anni, ai quali per non essersi emendati con altri gastighi, fanno i lor padri ricevere nel naso il fumo del _chilli_, o sia peverone.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . but this is a mistake; in this picture we see a girl being punished by her mother in the manner described, and a boy by his father. [ ] clavigero mentions this girl as 'una putta ... cui fa sua madre spazzar la notte tutta la casa, e parte della strada.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] for these picture-writings and the interpretations of them, see: _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. - ; _codex bodleian_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. i., plates - ; _codex mendoza_, in _id._, vol. i., and vol. v., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'tenian estas gentes tambien por ley que todos los niños llegados à los seis años hasta los nueve habian de enviar los padres à los templos para ser instruidos en la doctrína y noticia de sus leyes las cuales contenian casi todas las virtudes esplicadas la en ley natural.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxv., ccxv. 'todos estos religiosos visten de negro y nunca cortan el cabello ... y todos los hijos de las personas principales, así señores como ciudadanos honrados, estan en aquellas religiones y hábito desde edad de siete ú ocho años fasta que los sacan para los casar.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . 'cuando el niño llegaba á diez ó doce años, metíanle en la casa de educacion ó _calmecac_.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] a native author asserts that this 'house of song' was frequently the scene of debauch and licentiousness. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'los hijos de los nobles no se libraban tampoco de faenas corporales, pues hacian zanjas, construian paredes y desempeñaban otros trabajos semejantes, aunque tambien se les enseñaba á hablar bien, saludar, hacer reverencias y, lo que es mas importante, aprendian la astronomía, la historia y demas conocimientos que aquellas gentes alcanzaban.' _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - . [ ] 'iban tan honestas que no alzaban los ojos del suelo, y si se descuidaban, luego les hacian señal que recogiesen la vista ... las mujeres estaban por si en piezas apartadas, no salian las doncellas de sus aposentos á la huerta ó verjeles sin ir acompañadas con sus guardas.... siendo las niños de cinco años las comenzaban á enseñar á hilar, tejer y labrar, y no las dejaban andar ociosas, y á la que se levantaba de labor fuera de tiempo, atábanle los piés, porque asentase y estuviese queda.' _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - . [ ] see further, for information on the education of the mexicans: _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - ; _fuenleal_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv.; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, pp. - . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., pp. - . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - . a literal translation of sahagun would be unintelligible to the reader. i therefore have merely followed as closely as possible the spirit and sense of this discourse. for further exhortations and advice to children see _id._, pp. - ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] although gomara says 'casan ellos a los veinte años, y aun antes: y ellas á diez.' _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, p. . [ ] 'por otro respecto no era pena trasquilar los tales mancebos, sino ceremonia de sus casamientos: esto era, por que dejando la cabellera significaba dejar la lozania y liviandad de mancebo; y asi como desde adelante habia de criar nueva forma de cabellos, tuviese nueva seso y cordura para regir su muger y casa. bien creo que debia de haber alguna diferencia en estos trasquilados cuando se trasquilaban por ceremonia ó por pena.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxxix.; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i. p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxxix. [ ] 'venian los de la casa del mozo á llevar á la moza de parte de noche: llevábanla con gran solemnidad _acuestas_ de una matrona, y con muchas hachas de teas encendidas en dos rencles delante de ella.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. , . 'pronuba, quam _amantesam_ vocabant, sponsam tergo gestans, quatuor foeminis comitantibus quæ pineis tædis, prælucerent, illam post solis occasum, ad limen domus in qua parentes sponsi manebant, sistebat.' _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . 'la celebracion era que la desposada la llevaba á cuestas á prima noche una amanteca, que es medica, é hiban con ellas cuatro mujeres con sus achas de pino resinado encendidas, con que la hiban alumbrando, y llegada á casa del desposado, los padres del desposado la salian á recibir al patio de la casa, y la metian en una sala donde el desposado la estava aguardando.' _codex mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. . [ ] 'un sacerdote ataba una punta del _hueipilli_, ó camisa de la doncella, con otra del _tilmatli_, ó capa del jóven.' _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'al tiempo que los novios se avian de acostar é dormir en uno, tomaban la halda delantera de la camisa de la novia, é atábanla á la manta de algodon que tenia cubierta el novio.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . 'unas viejas que se llaman titici, ataban la esquina de la manta del mozo, con la falda del vipil de la moza.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . 'hechos los tratados, comparecian ambos contrayentes en el templo, y uno de los sacerdotes examinaba su voluntad con preguntas rituales; y despues tomaba con una mano el velo de la muger, y con otra el manto del marido, y los añudaba por los extremos, significando el vínculo interior de las dos voluntades. con este género de yugo nupcial volvian á su casa, en compañia del mismo sacerdote: donde ... entraban á visitar el fuego doméstico, que á su parecer, mediaban en la paz de los casados, y daban siete vueltas á él siguiendo al sacerdote.' _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] 'quedando los esposos en aquella estancia durante los cuatro dias siguientes, sin salir de ella, sino á media noche para incensar á los ídolos y hacerles oblaciones de diversas especies de manjares.' _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'Á la media noche y al medio dia salian de su aposento á poner encienso sobre un altar que en su casa tenian.' _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . 'los padrinos llevaban á los novios á otra pieza separada, donde los dejaban solos, encerrándolos por la parte de afuera, hasta la mañana siguiente, que venian á abrirles, y todo el concurso repetia las enhorabuenas, suponiendo ya consumado el matrimonio.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] the position of the tiger-skin is doubtful: 'ponian tambien vn pedaço de cuero de tigre, debajo de las esteras.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'ponian un pedazo de cuero de tigre encima de las esteras.' _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . 'la estera sobre que habian dormido, que se llamaba _petatl_, la sacaban al medio del patio, y allí la sacudian con cierta ceremonia, y despues tornaban á ponerla en el lugar donde habian de dormir.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. . [ ] 'otra ceremonia, casi como esta, vsaban los del pueblo de israèl, acerca del acostar los novios, la primera noche de sus bodas, que les ponian vna sabana, ó lienço, para que en èl se estampase el testimonio de la virginidad, que era la sangre, que del primer acto se vertìa, la qual se quitaba de la cama delante de testigos, que pudiesen afirmar haverla visto, con la señal de la sangre, que comprobaba la corrupcion de la doncella y embuelta, ó doblada, la ponian en cierto lugar, diputado para esto, donde quedaba guardada, en memoria de la limpieça, y puridad, con que la dicha doncella venia á poder de su marido. seria posible, que quisiese significar entre estos indios lo mismo, este cuidado de los viejos, de traer manta, ó sabana, y tenderla sobre la cama de los desposados, para los primeros actos matrimoniales; y es creible, que seria este el intento, pues la ropa, y esteras, que sirvieron en este sacrificio, se llevaban al templo, y no servian mas en casa, como ni mas, ni menos la ceremonia antigua de guardar la sabana, con sangre, entre los hebreos, en lugar particular, y seguro.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - , - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, p. . [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] for further information relating to marriage ceremonies and customs see _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. , , - , - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - , tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., pp. - , ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxxix., clxxv.; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _id._, _relaciones_, in _id._, pp. , , , ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. , tom. iii., pp. , - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. , - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. ; _alegre_, _hist. comp. de jesus_, tom. i., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _simon's ten tribes_, pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , . [ ] 'nunca sentenciaban en disfavor del matrimonio, ni consentian, que por autoridad de justicia, ellos se apartasen; porque decian ser cosa ilicita, y de mucho escandalo para el pueblo, favorecer, con autoridad publica, cosa contraria à la raçon; pero ellos se apartaban de hecho, y este hecho se toleraba, aunque no en todos, segun el mas, ò menos escandalo, que se engendraba en el pueblo. otros dicen, que por sentencia difinitiva, se hacia este repudio, y divorcio ... los jueces sentenciaban (si acaso concedemos, que havia sentencia) que se apartasen, y quedasen libres, y sin obligacion el vno, al otro; pero no de la murmuracion del pueblo, que buelto contra ellos, decian ser dignos de grandisima pena, por haver quebrado la fè è integridad del matrimonio, y haver dado tan mal exemplo à la republica.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, pp. - ; _monglave_, _résumé_, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'tengono molte moglie, & tante quante ne possono mantenere come i mori, però come si è detto, vna è la principale & patrona & i figliuoli di qsta hereditano, & quei dell'altre no, che non possono anzi son tenuti per bastardi. nelle nozze di questa patrona principale fanno alcune cirimonie, il che non si osserua nelle nozze dell'altre.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . see further, _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. - ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, pp. - ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. , ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x. [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] i have thought it unnecessary to give these speeches in full, but the reader can find them all together in _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - . [ ] sahagun adds: 'mandaba que á la preñada la diesen de comer suficientemente y buenos manjares, calientes y bien guisados, con especialidad cuando á la preñada le viene su purgacion, ó como dicen la regla, y esto llaman que la criatura se laba los pies, porque no se halle ésta en vacio, ó haya alguna vaciedad ó falta de sangre ó humor necesario, y así reciba algun daño.' _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. . [ ] sahagun's original ms. contains twenty-four additional lines on this subject, but these his editor deems too indelicate to print. _id._, p. . [ ] for these addresses see _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - . [ ] 'se llegan algunas mujeres como parteras, y otras como testigos para ver si el parto es supuesto ó natural; y al tiempo del nacer no permiten que la criatura llegue á la tierra con la vida; é antes que se la cortenle hacen ciertas señales en el corpezuelo.' _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _cihuapipiltin_, or _ciuapipilti_. a long description of the burial rites upon these occasions in _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - . these will, however, be described in a future chapter. [ ] motolinia, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. , and torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , who seems to have copied from him, are the authorities for this, but the custom could not have been very general, for it is said that in tlascala the mother assigned a breast to each of the twins. [ ] the principal authority on the matter of pregnancy and childbirth, and the one whom i have thus far followed, is sahagun, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - . [ ] clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , differs from sahagun in these prayers or invocations; torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , klemm, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., p. , and brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , follow clavigero more or less closely. [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] the teochichimec husband undertook the office of midwife when the birth took place on the road. he heated the back of his wife with fire, threw water over her in lieu of a bath, and gave her two or three kicks in the back after the delivery, in order to promote the issue of superfluous blood. the new-born babe was placed in a wicker basket, and thrown over the back of the mother, who proceeded on her journey. _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - ; also _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , , etc. the utensils which served at the birth of the child were, according to las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxix., offered at the fountain or river where the mother washed herself. [ ] by sahagun, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. - , and duran, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., cap. ii., the signs of the calendar and their subdivisions are described at length. each sign had thirteen sub-signs, representing the same number of days, by whom its good or bad import was moderated to a certain extent. under certain signs the child was liable to become a drunkard, under another a jester, under a third a warrior, and so on. brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , and espinosa, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , state that the sign which had been most frequent at this period during the past thirteen years was also considered by the astrologer. [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] a long description of this feast, the table, attendance, etc., is given by sahagun, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. - , and by torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . i shall have occasion to describe it in a future chapter of this volume, devoted to such matters. [ ] the poorer classes contented themselves with an interchange of flowers and food. [ ] a dual deity, uniting both sexes in one person. [ ] sahagun, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. , makes the midwife, in this instance, call upon citlalatonac. this goddess was, however, identical with ometochtli and omecioatl (see, more especially, _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ), to whom the preceding prayer was directed. clavigero and torquemada assert that the prayer was addressed to the water-goddess. [ ] sahagun addresses the sun-god only. [ ] we may presume that the midwife is here addressing the child of a warrior. [ ] clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , and brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , translate nemoquichtli and nencihuatl 'useless man' and 'useless woman.' torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. - , discusses names, why and how they were applied, in mexico and elsewhere. motolinia, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. , states that the name given at baptism was discarded for one applied by the priest, when the parents carried the child to the temple in the third month. see also _ritos antiguos_, p. , in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix. gomara, _conq. mex._, fol. , says that the name given by the priest was the surname, nobles sometimes taking a third name. brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , says that several additional names could be taken under various circumstances. in _codex mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. , it is stated that the name was given by three boys who sat by eating _yxcue_. [ ] boturini states that the infant is thereupon passed four times through the fire. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; but this ceremony is described elsewhere in this volume as taking place in the temple. [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. - . [ ] it was believed, says torquemada, that this rubbing of their own limbs had a strengthening effect upon the new-born. _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _hist. ecles._, p. . [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. . [ ] _id._, fol. . [ ] the following are contradictory accounts of baptism. on the fourth day the child and mother took a purification bath, and the assembled guests were feasted on zamorra, a dish made from maize and the flesh of hens, deer, etc. three days after, the mother carried the child to the adjoining ward, accompanied by six little boys, if it was a male child, otherwise six girls went with her, to carry the implements or insignia of the father's trade. here she washed the child in a stream, and then returned home. two years after a feast was served in the house of the most intimate neighbor, who was asked to name the child, and with him it remained and was held as a member of his family. _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. - . the infant was carried to the temple, where the priest made an oration on the miseries to be endured in this world, and placed a sword in the right hand of the child and a buckler in the left; or, if it was destined to be a mechanic, an artisan's tool; if a girl it received a distaff. the priest then took the child to the altar and drew a few drops of blood from its body with a maguey-thorn or knife, after which he threw water over it, delivering certain imprecations the while. _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - . the implements were placed in the hands of the child by the priest before the idol. _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . also _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. the child underwent three baptisms or baths. _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . on the seventh day the baptism took place, and a dart was placed in the hand of the child to signify that he should become a defender of his country. _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _id._, p. . in _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), tav. xxxi., in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. , it is stated that the child was sprinkled with a bunch of ficitle dipped in water, and fumigated with incense before receiving its name. offerings were made at the temple which the priest divided among the school children. tylor, in his _anahuac_, p. , and _primitive culture_, vol. ii., pp. - gives short reviews of the baptismal ceremony and its moral import. [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxv.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , reviews the subject of circumcision and denies that it was ever practiced. ternaux-compans, _voy._, série i., p. , tom. x., referring to diaz' statement that all indians of the vera cruz islands are circumcised, says that he must have confounded the custom of drawing blood from the secret organs with circumcision. cogolludo, _hist. yuc._, p. , says circumcision was unknown to the indians of yucatan. duran and brasseur evidently consider the slight incisions made for the purpose of drawing blood from the prepuce or ear, in the eleventh month, as the act. carbajal espinosa, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , following clavigero, holds the scarification of breast, stomach and arms to be the circumcision referred to by other authors. herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and especially acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , consider the incision on the prepuce and ear to have been mistaken for circumcision, and state that it was chiefly performed upon sons of great men; they do not state when the ceremony took place. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] this rite was followed by another, which usually took place in the temple of huitzilopochtli. the priest made a slight incision on the ear of the female child, and on the ear and prepuce of the male, with a new obsidian knife handed to him by the mother, then, throwing the knife at the feet of the idol, he gave a name to the infant, at the request of the parent, after duly considering the horoscope and signs of the time. _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., cap. iii., quoted by _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . duran really states that these ceremonies took place in the fourth month, but as toci's festival occurs in the eleventh month, brasseur alters the evident mistake. the naming of the infant may have been a mere confirmation of the name given by the midwife. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii. p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - . sahagun translates itzcalli by 'growth,' but other authors differ from him, as we shall see in a future chapter on the calendar. [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. [ ] _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] the authorities on childbirth, baptism, and circumcision are: _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , lib. iv., pp. - , tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - , tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , , , - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib. iii., cap. xii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxv., clxxix.; _codex mendoza_, pp. - , in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v.; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - , , ; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _id._, pp. - ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - , ; _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. , ; _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , - , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., pp. , - , - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. , - ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _d'avity_, _l'amérique_, tom. ii., p. ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _ritos antiguos_, pp. - , in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix.; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _adair's amer. ind._, p. ; _müller_, _reisen_, tom. iii., pp. - ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. - , ; _carli_, _cartas_, pt i., p. ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., cap. iii.; _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _morton's crania amer._, p. ; _delafield's antiq. amer._, p. . chapter viii. nahua feasts and amusements. excessive fondness for feasts--manner of giving feasts--serving the meal--professional jesters--parting presents to guests--royal banquets--tobacco smoking--public dances--manner of singing and dancing--the neteteliztli--the drama among the nahuas--music and musical instruments--nahua poetry--acrobatic feats--the netololiztli, or 'bird dance'--professional runners--the game of tlactli--games of chance--the patoliztli, or 'bean game'--totoloque, montezuma's favorite game. [sidenote: feasts and entertainments.] the excessive fondness of the aztecs for feasts and amusements of every kind seems to have extended through all ranks of society. every man feasted his neighbor and was himself in turn feasted. birthdays, victories, house-warmings, successful voyages or speculations, and other events too numerous to enumerate were celebrated with feasts. every man, from king to peasant, considered it incumbent upon him to be second to none among his equals in the giving of banquets and entertainments, and as these involved the distribution of costly presents among his guests, it often happened that the host ruined himself by his hospitality; indeed, it is said that many sold themselves into slavery that they might be able to prepare at least one feast that would immortalize their memory.[ ] moreover the priests, with the subtle policy characteristic of their class, took advantage of this disposition to ordain long and frequent celebrations in honor of innumerable gods; in short, it is difficult to conceive what part of the year could have been saved for business from what seems to have been a continual round of merry-making. the grandeur of the feast depended, of course, upon the wealth of the host, the rank of the guests, and the importance of the event celebrated. for many days before a noble or wealthy man entertained his friends, an army of servants were employed in sweeping the approaches to the house, decorating the halls and courts with branches and garlands, erecting _chinamas_, or arbors, and strewing the floors with flowers and sweet herbs; others prepared the table service, killed and dressed dogs, plucked fowls, cooked tamales, baked bread, ground cacao, brewed drinks, and manufactured perfumed cigarettes. invitations were in the meantime sent to the guests. these on their arrival were presented with flowers as a token of welcome. those of a superior condition to the host were saluted after the aztec fashion by touching the hand to the earth and then carrying it to the lips. on some occasions garlands were placed upon the heads of the guests and strings of roses about their necks, while copal was burnt before those whom the host delighted specially to honor. while waiting for the meal the guests employed their time in walking freely about the place, complimenting their host on the tasteful manner in which the house was decorated, or admiring the fine shrubbery, green grass plats, well-kept flower-beds, and sparkling fountains in the gardens. dinner being announced, all took their seats, according to rank and age, upon mats or _icpalli_, stools, ranged close along the walls.[ ] servants then entered with water and towels, with which each guest washed his hands and mouth. smoking-canes were next presented on _molcaxetes_, or plates, to stimulate the appetite. the viands, kept warm by chafing dishes, were then brought in upon artistically worked plates of gold, silver, tortoise-shell, or earthenware. each person before beginning to eat threw a small piece of food into a lighted brazier, in honor of xiuhtecutli, the god of fire,[ ] probably by way of grace. the numerous highly seasoned dishes of meat and fish having been duly discussed, the servants cleared the tables and feasted upon the remains of the banquet in company with the attendants of the guests.[ ] vessels called _teutecomatls_, filled with chocolate, each provided with a spoon to stir the fluid with, were then brought on, together with water for washing the hands and rinsing the mouth. the women who were present on these occasions, although they sat apart from the men, received a kind of spiced gruel instead of cacao. the old people, however, were plied with _octli_, a very potent beverage, until they became drunk, and this was held to be an indispensable part of the ceremony. the smoking-canes were now once more produced, and while the guests reclined luxuriously upon their mats enjoying the grateful influence of the fragrant leaf which we are told by bernal diaz they called 'tobacco,' and sipping their drinks, the music suddenly struck up, and the young folks, or perhaps some professionals, executed a dance, singing at the same time an ode prepared for the occasion, as well as other songs. dwarfs, deformed beings, and curious objects were also introduced to vary the entertainment; but the professional jesters were the favorites, and the jokes made by them raised many a laugh, though this was rather forced perhaps by those at whose expense said jokes were cracked, for these fools were fully as privileged as their contemporary european brothers of motley, and sometimes spoke very biting truths in the shape of a jest; in some cases they were disguised in the costume of a foreign nation, whose dialect and peculiarities they imitated; at other times they would mimic old women, well-known eccentric individuals, and so forth. the nobles kept a number of these jesters for their own amusement, and often sent them to a neighboring brother-noble to propound riddles; taking care to provide them with means to pay forfeit should the riddle be solved.[ ] these private banquets generally lasted till midnight, when the party broke up. each guest received at parting presents of dresses, gourds, cacao-beans, flowers, or articles of food. should any accident or shortcoming have marred the pleasure of the party, the host would sooner repeat the entertainment than have any slur rest upon his great social venture. in any case it was doubtless difficult for the good man to escape censure either for extravagance or stinginess. at the royal feasts given when the great vassals came to the capital to render homage to their sovereign, the people flocked in from the provinces in great numbers to see the sights, which consisted of theatrical representations, gladiatorial combats, fights between wild beasts, athletic sports, musical performances, and poetical recitations in honor of kings, gods, and heroes. the nobles, in addition to this, partook daily of banquets at the palace, and were presented by the monarch with costly gifts.[ ] [sidenote: tobacco in the new world.] to the tobacco-loving reader it will be interesting to learn how the weed was smoked in the new world before it was introduced into the old by the immortal jean nicot, whose name be forever blessed. the habit of smoking did not possess among the nahuas the peculiar character attached to it by the north american natives, as an indispensable accessory to treaties, the cementing of friendship, and so forth, but was indulged in chiefly by the sick, as a pastime and for its stimulating effect. the origin of the custom among the nahuas may be traced to the use of reed-grass, filled with aromatic herbs, which was lighted and given to guests that they might diffuse the perfume about them; gradually they came to puff the reeds and swallow the smoke, pretending to find therein a remedy against headache, fatigue, phlegm, sleeplessness, etc. three kinds of tobacco were used, the _yetl_, signifying tobacco in general, obtained from a large leaved plant, the _picyetl_, from a small but stronger species, and _quauyetl_, a less esteemed kind known later on as wild tobacco. clavigero asserts that the _picyetl_ and _quauyetl_ were the only species known among the mexicans. it was generally smoked after dinner in the form of paper, reed, or maize-leaf cigarettes, called _pocyetl_, 'smoking tobacco,' or _acayetl_, 'tobacco-reed,' the leaf being mixed in a paste, says veytia, with _xochiocotzotl_, liquid amber, aromatic herbs, and pulverized charcoal, so as to keep smouldering when once lighted, and shed a perfume. the picyetl tobacco was smoked later in the day, without admixture, and somewhat in the shape of cigars. the smoke was inhaled, and the nose closed, in order that none of the grateful qualities should be lost. wooden, metal, or bamboo tubes were sometimes used instead of cigarettes. snuffing the pulverized leaf is an ancient custom which we owe to them.[ ] dancing was the favorite aztec amusement, and the fanciful arrangement of their dances, as well as the peculiar grace of their motions, is highly praised by all the old chroniclers. dancing, and especially religious dances, formed an important part of an aztec youth's education, and much trouble was taken by the priests to instruct them in it. [sidenote: the mitote and ribbon dance.] the preparations for the great public dances, when the performers numbered thousands,[ ] were on an immense scale. the choirs and bands attached to the service of the various temples were placed under the supervision of a leader, usually a priest, who composed the ode of the day, set it to music, instructed the musicians, appointed the leaders of the dance, perfected the arrangements generally, observed that all did their duty, and caused every fault or negligence to be severely punished.[ ] the _neteteliztli_ dance took place either in the plaza or in the courtyard of the temple, in the centre of which mats were spread for the musicians. the nobles and aged men formed a circle nearest to the drums, the people of less importance formed another circle a little distance behind, and the young people composed the third ring. two leading dancers directed the movements, and whatever steps they made were imitated by the performers. when all was ready, a whistle gave the signal and the drums were beaten lightly to a well-known tune started by the leaders and taken up by the dancers, who at the same time began to move their feet, arms, heads and bodies in perfect accord. each verse or couplet was repeated three or four times, the dancers keeping time with their _ayacachtli_, or rattles. each must keep his relative position in the circle, and complete the circuit at the same time; the inner circle, therefore, moved at a slow, dignified pace, suited to the rank and age of the men composing it; the second proceeded somewhat faster, while the dancers in the outer circle approached a run as the dance became livelier. the motions were varied; at one time the dancers held one another by the hand, at another, round the waist; now they took the left hand neighbor for partner, now the right, sometimes facing one way, sometimes another. the first song ended, which referred to the event of the day, a popular ode, treating of their gods, kings, or heroes, was taken up and sung in a higher scale and to a livelier measure, the dance meanwhile constantly increasing in animation. this was the case with all the succeeding songs, each one becoming higher and shriller as it proceeded; flutes, trumpets, and sharp whistles were sometimes added to the band to increase the effect. when one set of dancers became tired, another took its place, and so the dance continued through the whole day, each song taking about an hour. jesters and clowns in various disguises circulated between the lines, cutting capers, cracking jokes, and serving refreshments. herrera states that the solemn _mitote_ was danced by twos in the outer circle.[ ] at private dances, two parallel lines were usually formed, the dancers turning in various directions, changing partners, and crossing from line to line.[ ] sometimes one stepped from each line, and performed a pas de deux while the others looked on. the 'ribbon dance,' resembled the english may-pole dance to a certain extent. a pole, fifteen to twenty feet high, was erected on a smooth piece of ground, and twenty or more persons, each seizing the end of a colored ribbon attached to its summit, began to dance about the mast, crossing each other and winding in apparent confusion, until the pole was covered with a motley texture of a certain design. when the band became too short, the plaiting was unwound by reversing the order of the dance. they had a number of other mitotes, or dances, varying chiefly in the colors worn by the dancers, the finery, painting, and disguises, and conforming to the text of the songs, such as the _huexotzincaiutl_, _anaoacaiutl_, _cuextecaiutl_, _tocotin_, and others to be described under religious festivals.[ ] children from four to eight years of age, the sons of nobles, took part in some dances and sang the soprano, and the priests joined in the solemn performances. certain dances, as the _netecuitotoli_,[ ] could only be performed by the king and nobles,[ ] a space being always set apart for the sovereign when he danced. women joined the men in some dances, but generally danced apart. certain dancing-houses of bad repute termed _cuicoyan_, 'great joy of women,' were open to females at night, and were then scenes of unmitigated debauch.[ ] great pains was taken to appear as fine as possible at the dances; noted warriors appeared magnificently dressed, and occasionally bearing shields set with feathers; nobles in court dress of rich mantles knotted at the shoulders, fanciful maxtlis round the loins, tassels of feathers and gold in the hair, lip-ornaments of gold and precious stones, gold rings in the ears, bracelets of the same metal set with plumes, or strings of chalchiuites and turquoises round the wrists and other parts of the arms, and some had gold bells attached to the ankles; the gaily colored dresses of the lower class were decorated with feathers and embroidery; garlands and flowers encircled the head, necklaces of shells and beans hung about the neck, bracelets clasped the arms and legs, and all carried nosegays. the women also shone in huipiles, gaily colored, fancifully embroidered, and set with fringes.[ ] [sidenote: the aboriginal drama.] the drama scarcely equaled in excellence the choral dance, yet in this respect, as in others, the nahuas showed considerable advancement. thalia presided more frequently than melpomene over the play, which generally took the character of a burlesque. the performers mostly wore masks of wood, or were disguised as animals. no special building was devoted to the drama, but the lower porch of a temple usually served as the stage; some large towns, however, boasted of a permanent stage, erected in the centre of the plaza. the principal of these was at tlatelulco, and consisted of a terrace of stone and lime, thirteen feet high, by thirty in breadth. when in use it was decorated with foliage, and mats of various colors, whereon was emblazoned the coat of arms of the city, were hung all round it. at cholula the porch of the temple of quetzalcoatl served as a stage; this was whitewashed and adorned with arches of branches, feathers, and flowers, from which hung birds, rabbits, and other curious objects. here the people congregated after dinner on gala-days to witness the performance, in which deaf, lame, blind, deformed, or sick people, or, sometimes, merchants, mechanics, or prominent citizens, were mimicked, burlesqued, and made fun of. each actor endeavored to represent his rôle in the most grotesque manner possible. he who was for the moment deaf gave nonsensical answers to questions put to him; the sick man depicted the effects of pain, and so forth. when these had exhausted their stock of jokes, others entered as beetles, frogs, or lizards, croaking, whistling, and skipping about the stage after the manner of the creatures they represented. the boys from the temples also appeared as birds and butterflies, and flocked into the trees in the courtyard. each performer rehearsed his part before appearing in public, and great care was taken that no blunder should mar the beauty of the plot. the priests added to the fun by blowing mud-balls at the actors through wooden tubes, and praising or censuring the performance in a jocular manner. the entertainment concluded with a ball, which was attended by all the actors.[ ] some authors have spoken very favorably of the dramatic skill of the nahuas. clavigero is not inclined to indorse this opinion, although he thinks a great advance would have been made in this direction had the mexican empire survived another century; a very natural conclusion, certainly. the ceremonies at the religious festivals often partook of a dramatic character, as will be seen presently.[ ] music, a principal attraction at our theatrical entertainments, did not play an important part on the nahua stage, and, though we hear of singers appearing, instrumental concert is not mentioned. aside from this, the high importance attached to music is evident from the myth of its origin. according to this myth no less a personage than tezcatlipoca[ ] brought, or sent for, music from the sun, and constructed a bridge of whales and turtles, symbols of strength, by which to convey it to the earth. [sidenote: musical instruments.] drums, horns, shells, trumpets, and shrill whistles made from cleft bones were the instruments most used. the drum was the favorite, and the beating of several in nice accord sufficed alone for an accompaniment to the song and the dance. two kinds of drum are mentioned; of these, the _huehuetl_[ ] was a hollow cylinder of wood, about three feet high, and a foot and a half in diameter, curiously carved and painted, and having its upper end covered with a dressed deer-skin, tightened or loosened in tuning, and played upon with the hands. the other kind of drum was called the _teponaztli_, 'wing of the stone-vapor;' this was entirely of wood, and had no opening but two parallel slits in one side, the enclosed piece being divided in the centre so as to form two tongues, each of which increased in thickness towards its extremity; the drum was placed in a horizontal position and the sound was produced by beating the tongues with sticks tipped with rubber balls. this drum varied in length from a toy of a few inches to five feet. sometimes it was carved in the shape of a man, woman, or animal, and lay lengthways on trestles. the huehuetl gave forth a dull sound resembling that of the east indian tom-tom. these drums, when of the largest size, could be heard at a distance of two miles.[ ] the teponaztli produced a melancholy sound, which is considered by brasseur de bourbourg to have been a symbol of the hollow warning noise preceding the annihilation of earth, which was symbolized by the instrument itself.[ ] the _tetzilacatl_ was a kind of gong made of copper and struck with a hammer of the same material. the _ayacachtli_ was a rattle of copper, perforated and filled with pebbles, used by dancers. the ancient writers unite in praising the perfect unison and good time observed by the singers, both in solo and quartette, with chorus and responses, and they mention particularly the little boys of from four to eight years of age, who rendered the soprano in a manner that reflected great credit on the training of their priestly tutors. each temple, and many noblemen kept choirs and bands of professional musicians, usually led by a priest, who composed odes appropriate to every occasion, and set them to music. bass singers were rare, and were prized in proportion to their rarity. they had a great number of popular songs or ballads, which were well known in all classes. young people were obliged to learn by heart long epics, in which were recounted the glorious deeds of heroes in battle and the chase; or didactic pieces, pointing some moral and inculcating a useful lesson; or hymns of praise and appeal for sacred festivals. clavigero, pimentel, and other authors extol the aboriginal muse highly, and describe the language used as pure, brilliant, figurative, and interwoven with allusions to the beauties of nature; unmeaning interjections scattered here and there to assist the metre, evince a lack of finish, however, and the long, compound words, a single one of which often formed a whole verse, certainly did not add to the harmony, yet they observed good metre and cadence.[ ] the art of music was under royal protection, and singers as well as musicians were exempt from taxation. nezahualcoyotl, the great tezcucan patron of art, himself composed a number of odes and elegies, and founded an academy of sciences and music, where the allied kings of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan presided, and distributed prizes to the successful competitors. toltec songs are highly praised for their beauty and variety. the totonacs and tepanecs are said to have been as far advanced in music and singing as the aztecs;[ ] but concerning these arts i shall speak more at length in a future chapter. [sidenote: gymnastic performances.] the acrobatic feats performed by the nahuas excited the surprise and admiration of the conquerors, and the court of spain, before which some of these athletes were introduced, was no less astounded at the grace, daring, and strength displayed by them. some of these gymnastic performances have only of late become known to us; thus, the so-called chinese foot-balancing trick, in which a man lying on his back spins a heavy pole on the soles of his raised feet, throws it up, catches it, and twirls it in every direction, was a common feat with the nahua acrobat, who, indeed, excelled the circus-man of to-day, in that he twirled the pole while a man sat at each end of it. another feat was performed by three. one having braced himself firmly, another mounted on his shoulders, while the third climbed up and stood upon the head of the second. in this position the human column moved slowly about, the man on the top performing a kind of dance at the same time. again, a man would dance on the top of a beam, the lower end of which was forked and rested upon the shoulders of two other dancers. some raised a stick from the ground while a man balanced at the end of it; others leaped upon a stick set upright in the ground, or danced upon the tight-rope. another game involving an equal display of grace and daring was the _netotoliztli_, or 'bird dance,' known to the spaniards as the 'flying-game,' and performed especially during the laymen's feast. in the centre of an open place, generally a public square, a lofty pole was erected. on the top of this pole was placed a wooden, moveable cap, resembling an inverted mortar; to this were fastened four stout ropes which supported a wooden frame about twelve feet square. four other, longer ropes were carefully wound thirteen times about the pole just below the cap, and were thence passed through holes made one in each of the four sides of the frame. the ends of these ropes, while wound about the pole, hung several feet below the frame. four gymnasts, who had practiced some time previously, and were disguised as birds of different form, ascended by means of loops of cord tied about the pole, and each having fastened one of the ropes round his waist, they started on their circular flight with spread wings. the impulse of the start and the weight of the men set the frame in motion, and the rope unwound quicker and quicker, enabling the flyers to describe larger and larger circles. a number of other men, all richly dressed, sat perched upon the frame, whence they ascended in turn to the top of the revolving cap, and there danced and beat a drum, or waved a flag, each man endeavoring to surpass his predecessor in daring and skill.[ ] as the flyers neared the ground, and the ropes were almost untwisted, the men on the frame glided down the ropes so as to gain the ground at the same time, sometimes passing from one rope to the other in their descent and performing other tricks. the thirteen turns of the rope, with the four flyers, represented the cycle with its four divisions of thirteen years. running was practiced, not only for exercise, but as a profession; as the government employed a large number of couriers to run with messages, who were trained for the purpose from early childhood. to these i shall have occasion to refer again. races were held at the chief temple in mexico under the auspices of the priests,[ ] at which prizes were awarded to the four competitors who succeeded in first gaining the topmost of the one hundred and twenty steps. the nahuas must have been able swimmers, too, for it is said that travelers usually took to the water when crossing rivers, leaving the bridges to those who carried burdens. there were also sham fights and public reviews, both for the exercise of the army and the delectation of the masses. at these times the soldiers competed for prizes in shooting with the arrow or throwing the dart.[ ] on grand occasions, such as the coronation of a king, soldiers fought with wild beasts, or wrestled with one another, and animals were pitted against each other in fenced enclosures.[ ] [sidenote: the tlachtli, or national game.] [illustration: h] the national game of the nahuas was the _tlachtli_, which strongly resembled in many points our game of football, and was quite as lively and full of scuffle. it was common among all the nations whose cult was similar to the toltec, and was under special divine protection, though what original religious significance it had is not clear. indeed, for that matter, nearly every game enjoyed divine patronage, and _ometochtli_, 'two rabbits,' the god of games, according to duran, was generally invoked by athletes as well as gamblers, in conjunction with some special god. instruments of play, and natural objects were also conjured to grant good luck to the applicant. as an instance of the popularity of the game of tlachtli,[ ] it may be mentioned that a certain number of towns contributed annually sixteen thousand balls in taxes, that each town of any size had a special play-ground devoted to the game, and that kings kept professionals to play before them, occasionally challenging each other to a game besides. the ground in which it was played, called the _tlachco_,[ ] was an alley whose shape is shown in the cut; one hundred feet long[ ] and half as wide, except at each end where there were rectangular nooks, which doubtless served as resting-places for the players. the whole was enclosed by smooth whitewashed walls, from nine to twelve feet high on the sides, and somewhat lower at the ends, with battlements and turrets, and decreasing in thickness toward the top.[ ] at midnight, previous to the day fixed for the game, which was always fixed favorably by the augurs, the priests with much ceremony placed two idols--one representing the god of play, the other the god of the tlachtli[ ]--upon the side walls, blessed the edifice, and consecrated the game by throwing the ball four times round the ground, muttering the while a formula. the owner of the tlachco, usually the lord of the place, also performed certain ceremonies and presented offerings, before opening the game. the balls, called _ullamaloni_, were of solid india-rubber, three to four inches in diameter. the players were simply attired in the maxtli, or breech-clout, and sometimes wore a skin to protect the parts coming in contact with the ball, and gloves; they played in parties, usually two or three on each side. the rule was to hit the ball only with knee, elbow, shoulder, or buttock, as agreed upon, the latter was however the favorite way, and to touch the wall of the opposite side with the ball, or to send it over, either of which counted a point. he who struck the ball with his hand or foot, or with any part of his body not previously agreed upon, lost a point; to settle such matters without dispute a priest acted as referee. on each side-wall, equidistant from the ends, was a large stone, carved with images of idols, pierced through the centre with a hole large enough to just admit the passage of the ball;[ ] the player who by chance or skill drove the ball through one of these openings not only won the game for his side, but was entitled to the cloaks of all present, and the haste with which the spectators scrambled off in order to save their garments is said to have been the most amusing part of the entertainment. a feat so difficult was, of course, rarely accomplished, save by chance, and the successful player was made as much of as a prize-winner at the olympic games, nor did he omit to present thank offerings to the god of the game for the good fortune vouchsafed him. the possession of much property depended upon the issue of the game; the rich staked their gold and jewels, the poor their dresses, their food, or even their liberty.[ ] [sidenote: ball-playing and gambling.] gambling, the lowest yet most infatuating of amusements, was a passion with the nahuas, and property of all kinds, from ears of corn or cacao-beans, to costly jewelry and personal liberty, were betted upon the issue of the various games. professional gamesters went from house to house with dice and play-mats, seeking fresh victims. all gambling tools were formally charmed, and this charm was renewed and strengthened at intervals by presenting the instruments in the temple, with prayers that the blessing of the idol might descend upon them. [sidenote: popular amusements.] _patoliztli_, which somewhat resembled our backgammon, appears to have been the most popular game of chance. _patolli_, or large beans marked with dots, like dice, were shaken in the hand and thrown upon a mat, upon which was traced a square marked with certain transverse and diagonal lines. the thrower of the beans marked his points on these lines according to the number of spots which fell upward. he who first gained a certain score won the game. the players were usually surrounded by a crowd of interested spectators, who betted heavily on the result, and called loudly for the favor of macuilxochitl, the patron deity of the game. golden and jewelled dice were often used instead of beans by the rich.[ ] they had another game in which reeds took the place of dice. two players, each with ten pebbles by his side, shot split reeds in turn towards small holes made in the ground, by bending them between the fingers; if a reed fell over a hole a marker was placed on a square; this continued until the markers were all exhausted by the winner.[ ] montezuma's favorite game was called _totoloque_, and consisted in throwing small golden balls at pieces of the same metal set up as targets at a certain distance. five points won the stakes. peter martyr jumps at the conclusion that chess must have been known to the nahuas, because they possessed checkered mats.[ ] footnotes: [ ] _ritos antiguos_, p. , in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix. [ ] the highest in rank or consideration sat on the right side, and those of inferior degree on the left; young men sat at the ends on both sides, according to their rank. _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. - . [ ] speaking of this xiuhtecutli, torquemada says: 'honrabanlo como à dios, porque los calentaba, cocia el pan y guisaba la carne, y por esto en cada casa le veneraban; y en el mismo fogòn, ò hogar, quando querian comer, le daban el primer bocado de la vianda, para que alli se quemase; y lo que avian de beber, lo avia de gustar primero, hechando en el fuego parte de el licor.' _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . sahagun says the morsel of food was thrown into the fire in honor of the god tlaltecutli: 'antes que comenzasen á comer los convidados la comida que les habian puesto, tomaban un bocado de la comida, y arrojábanlo al fuego á honra del dios tlaltecutli, y luego comenzaban á comer.' _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. . [ ] for description of feasts see: _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. - , tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. - , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clix., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, p. ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _ritos antiguos_, p. , in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix. [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . _hernandez_, _nova plant._, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - . [ ] 'iuntauanse a este bayle, no mil hombres, como dize gomara, pero mas de ocho mil.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii. [ ] sahagun, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. , ever prepared with capital punishment, states that 'el señor les mandaba prender, y otro dia los mandaba matar.' [ ] _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix. [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] netecuhytotiliztli, according to _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . [ ] _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'i plebei si travestivano in varie figure d'animali con abiti fatti di carta, e di penne, o di pelli'--no doubt to distinguish them from the gentry when they joined in the dance. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , and others who follow him. in _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , is a long description of feast-day dress. for description of dances see _id._, tom. ii., lib. viii. pp. - , - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _d'avity_, _l'amérique_, tom. ii., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix., and translation, lond. , vol. iii., p. , with cut. [ ] klemm, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , has it that the audience also attended this ball. [ ] _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] for an account of tezcatlipoca see vol. iii. of this work. [ ] called _tlapanhuehuetl_ by tezozomoc and brasseur de bourbourg. [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , etc. [ ] _quatre lettres_, p. . [ ] gomara, _conq. mex._, fol. , states, 'y esto va todo en copla por sus consonantes,' but it is not likely that they were anything else than blank verse, for such a thing as rhyme is not mentioned by any other writer. [ ] concerning music and singing see: _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., pp. , , - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. - ; _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. ; _ranking's hist. researches_, p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - , ; _lenoir_, _parallèle_, p. ; _dupaix_, _rel., de expéd._, pl. - , in _antiq. mex._, tom. iii.; _fuenleal_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. - ; _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - . [ ] espinosa seems to think that one man did all the dancing on the summit, and brasseur says that each of the flyers performed on the top of the mast before taking their flight. [ ] _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] sahagun calls it _tlaxtli_, or _tlachtl_; and tezozomoc _tlachco_, but this is shown by others to be the name of the play-ground. [ ] gomara says _tlachtli_, or _tlachco_; herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., _tlachtli_. [ ] duran makes it one hundred to two hundred feet, espinosa fifty varas, brasseur, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , sixty to eighty feet. [ ] carbajal espinosa, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , says that the side walls are lowest, 'de ménos altura los laterales que los dos de los extremos,' but this agrees neither with other statements, nor with the requirements of the play. sahagun's description of the tlachco gives two walls, forty to fifty feet long, twenty to thirty feet apart, and about nine feet high. [ ] carbajal espinosa thinks that one of them was _omeacatl_, 'the god of joy.' [ ] carbajal espinosa, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , states that the stones were in the centre of the ground, 'en el espacio que mediaba entre los jugadores,' but no other author confirms this. it is not unlikely that these stones are the idols placed upon the walls by the priests, for they are described as being decorated with figures of idols. for description and cuts of the ruins of what seem to have been similar structures in yucatan, see vol. iv., pp. , - , of this work. [ ] veytia, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. , says that the ball had to be kept up in the air a long time, and he who let it drop lost, which is unlikely, since the point was to drive it against the opponent's wall; it is possible, however, that this trial of skill formed a part of the play, at times. he also states that in the centre of the play-ground was a hole filled with water, and the player who sent the ball into it lost his clothes and had opprobrious epithets hurled at him, among which 'great adulterer' was the most frequent; moreover, it was believed that he would die by the hand of an injured husband. a hole filled with water does not, however, seem appropriate to a nice play-ground; besides, the ball would be very likely to roll into the pool, for the opponents would not prevent it. camargo, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. , and brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. , say that nobles only were allowed to play the game, which can only refer to certain play-grounds or occasions, for the number of the balls paid in taxes proves the game too general to have been reserved for nobles. [ ] gomara, _conq. mex._, fol. , is the authority for the names of the game and beans. torquemada affirms, however, 'y dicenle juego patolli, porque estos dados, se llaman asi.' _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . clavigero, on the other hand, says: 'patolli è un nome generico significante ogni sorta di giuoco.' carbajal espinosa translates him. referring to the dice, sahagun says that they were 'cuatro frisoles grandes, y cada uno tiene un ahugero;' afterwards he contradicts this by saying that they consisted of three large beans with 'ciertos puntos en ellos.' _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. , . brasseur de bourbourg describes the playing process as follows: 'ils jetaient les dés en l'air avec les deux mains, marquant les cases avec de petits signaux de diverses couleurs, et celui qui retournait le premier dans les cases gagnait la partie,' which agrees with torquemada's account. _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'hacian encima de un encalado unos hoyos pequeñitos ... y con unas cañuelas hendidas por medio daban en el suelo y saltaban en alto, y tantas cuantas en las cañuelas caian lo hueco por arriba tantas casas adelantaba sus piedras.' _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., cap. xxii. [ ] for nahua games and amusements, see: _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , , tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - , - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., cap. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. vii-viii.; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. , , tom. iii., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ; _west und ost indischer lustgart_, pt i., pp. - ; _cortés_, _aven. y conq._, p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _dilworth's conq. mex._, p. ; _lenoir_, _parallèle_, pp. - , quoting _picart_, _cérémonies relig._, tom. ii., p. . chapter ix. public festivals. frequent occurrence of religious feasts--human sacrifices--feasts of the fourth year--monthly festivals--sacrifice of children--feast of xipe--manner of sacrifice--feasts of camaxtli, of the flower-dealers, of centeotl, of tezcatlipoca, and of huitzilopochtli--festival of the salt-makers--the sacrifice by fire--feast of the dead--the coming of the gods--the footprints on the mat--hunting feast--the month of love--hard times--nahua lupercalia--feasts of the sun, of the winter solstice--harvest and eight-year festivals--the binding of the sheaf. [sidenote: religious festivals.] the amusements described in the preceding chapter were chiefly indulged in during the great religious festivals, when the people flocked together from all quarters to propitiate or offer up thanks to some particular god. these festivals were of very frequent occurrence. the nahuas were close observers of nature; but like other nations in a similar or even more advanced stage of culture, the greeks and northmen for example, they entirely misunderstood the laws which govern the phenomena of nature, and looked upon every natural occurrence as the direct act of some particular divinity. the coming of the rains was held to be the coming of the rain-gods, with their heralds the thunder and lightning; the varying condition of the crops was ascribed to their ceres; drought, storms, eclipses, all were considered the acts of special deities. the religious machinery required to propitiate the anger, humor the whims, and beseech the favor of such a vast number of capricious divinities, was as intricate as it was ponderous. besides the daily services held in the various temples, prayers were offered several times during each day in that of the sun, special rites attended every undertaking, from the departure of a private traveler to the setting forth of an army for war, and fixed as well as movable feasts were held, the number of which was continually increased as opportunity offered. the priests observed fasts among themselves, attended with penance, scarifications, and mutilations sometimes so severe as to result fatally. thus, at the festival in honor of camaxtli, the priests fasted one hundred and sixty days, and passed several hundred sticks, varying in thickness from half an inch to an inch and a half through a hole freshly made in the tongue.[ ] the people imitated these penances in a less degree, and scarified the members of their bodies that had been the means of committing a sin. blood was drawn from the ears for inattention, or for conveying evil utterances to the mind; from the tongue for giving expression to bad words; the eyes, the arms, the legs, all suffered for any reprehensible act or neglect. the people of each province, says las casas, had a manner of drawing blood peculiar to themselves.[ ] at the public festivals each private person brought such offering to the god as his means allowed. the poor had often nothing to give but a flower, a cake, or personal service, but the wealthy gave rich robes, jewels, gold, and slaves. but no great feast seems to have been complete without human sacrifice. this was always the great event of the day, to which the people looked eagerly forward, and for which victims were carefully preserved. most of these miserable beings were captives taken in war, and it was rarely that the supply failed to be sufficient to the occasion, especially among the mexicans, since, as i have before said, there was nearly always trouble in some part of the empire, if not, a lack of victims for sacrifice was held good cause for picking a quarrel with a neighboring nation; besides, if the number of war prisoners was not sufficient there were never wanting refractory slaves to swell the number. we have it upon good authority that upon almost every monthly feast, and upon numerous other grand celebrations, several hundred human hearts were torn hot from living breasts as an acceptable offering to the nahua gods and a pleasant sight to the people.[ ] the grandest festivals were celebrated during the fourth year, called teoxihuitl, or 'divine year,' and at the commencement of every thirteenth year. on these occasions a greater number of victims bled and the penances were more severe than at other times. the nahuas also observed a grand festival every month in the year; but, as these feasts were closely connected with their religion, and therefore will be necessarily described at length in the next volume, i will confine myself here to such an outline description of them as will suffice to give the reader an idea of what they were.[ ] [sidenote: religious feasts.] the aztec feast that is mentioned first by the old writers, namely that of the month atlcahualco, 'the diminishing of the waters,' or, as it was called in some parts, quahuitlehua, 'burning of the trees or mountains,' was celebrated in honor of the tlalocs, gods of rains and waters. at this feast a great number of sucking infants were sacrificed, some upon certain high mountains, others in a whirlpool in the lake of mexico. the little ones were mostly bought from their mothers, though sometimes they were voluntarily presented by parents who wished to gain the particular favor of the god. those only who had two curls on the head, and who had been born under a lucky sign were thought acceptable to the gods. the sacrifices were not all made in one place, but upon six several mountains and in the lake. these were visited one after another by a great procession of priests attended by the music of flutes and trumpets, and followed by a vast multitude of people thirsting for the sight of blood; nay, more, literally hungering for the flesh of the babes, if we may credit the assertion of some authors, that the bodies were actually brought back and the flesh eaten as a choice delicacy by the priests and chief men. but of cannibalism more anon. the little ones were carried to their death upon gorgeous litters adorned with plumes and jewels, and were themselves dressed in a splendid manner in embroidered and jeweled mantles and sandals, and colored paper wings. their faces were stained with oil of india-rubber, and upon each cheek was painted a round white spot. no wonder that, as the old chroniclers say, the people wept as the doomed babes passed by; surely there was good cause for weeping in such a sight. gladiatorial combats and sacrifice of prisoners of war at the temple completed this feast.[ ] the next feast, that in the month of tlacaxipehualiztli, 'the flaying of men,' was held in honor of xipe, who was especially the patron deity of the goldsmiths.[ ] this god was thought to inflict sore eyes, itch, and other diseases upon those who offended him, and they were therefore careful to observe his feast with all due regularity and honor. on this occasion thieves convicted for the second time of stealing gold or jewels[ ] were sacrificed, besides the usual number of prisoners of war. the vigil of the feast, on the last day of the preceding month, began with solemn dances. at midnight the victims were taken from the chapel, where they had been compelled to watch, and brought before the sacred fire. here the hair was shaven from the top of their heads, the captors at the same time drawing blood from their own ears in honor of the idol; the severed topknot of each war prisoner was afterwards hung up at the house of his captor as a token and memorial of the father's bravery. towards daybreak some of the prisoners were taken up to the great temple to be sacrificed. but before we proceed farther it will be necessary to see how these human offerings were made. [sidenote: sacrificial rites.] sacrifices varied in number, place, and manner, according to the circumstances of the festival. in general the victims suffered death by having the breast opened, and the heart torn out; but others were drowned, others were shut up in caves and starved to death, others fell in the gladiatorial sacrifice, which will be described elsewhere. the customary place was the temple, on the topmost platform of which stood the altar used for ordinary sacrifices. the altar of the great temple at mexico, says clavigero, was a green stone, probably jasper, convex above, and about three feet high and as many broad, and more than five feet long. the usual ministers of the sacrifice were six priests, the chief of whom was the topiltzin, whose dignity was preëminent and hereditary; but at every sacrifice he assumed the name of that god to whom it was made. when sacrificing he was clothed in a red habit, similar in shape to a modern scapulary, fringed with cotton; on his head he wore a crown of green and yellow feathers, from his ears hung golden ear-ornaments and green jewels, and from his under lip a pendant of turquoise. his five assistants were dressed in white habits of the same make, but embroidered with black; their hair was plaited and bound with leather thongs, upon their foreheads were little patches of various-colored paper; their entire bodies were dyed black. the victim was carried naked up to the temple, where the assisting priests seized him and threw him prostrate on his back upon the altar, two holding his legs, two his feet, and the fifth his head; the high-priest then approached, and with a heavy knife of obsidian cut open the miserable man's breast; then with a dexterity acquired by long practice the sacrificer tore forth the yet palpitating heart, which he first offered to the sun and then threw at the foot of the idol; taking it up he again offered it to the god and afterwards burned it, preserving the ashes with great care and veneration. sometimes the heart was placed in the mouth of the idol with a golden spoon. it was customary also to anoint the lips of the image and the cornices of the door with the victim's blood. if he was a prisoner of war, as soon as he was sacrificed they cut off his head to preserve the skull, and threw the body down the temple steps, whence it was carried to the house of the warrior by whom the victim had been taken captive, and cooked and eaten at a feast given by him to his friends; the body of a slave purchased for sacrifice was carried off by the former proprietor for the same purpose. this is clavigero's account. the same writer asserts that the otomís having killed the victim, tore the body in pieces, which they sold at market. the zapotecs sacrificed men to their gods, women to their goddesses, and children to some other diminutive deities. at the festival of teteionan the woman who represented this goddess was beheaded on the shoulders of another woman. at the feast celebrating the arrival of the gods, the victims were burned to death. we have seen that they drowned children at one feast in honor of tlaloc; at another feast of the same god several little boys were shut up in a cavern, and left to die of fear and hunger.[ ] [sidenote: sacrifices in honor of xipe.] let us now proceed with the feast of xipe. we left a part of the doomed captives on their way to death. arrived at the summit of the temple each one is led in turn to the altar of sacrifice seized by the grim, merciless priests, and thrown upon the stone; the high priest draws near, the knife is lifted, there is one great cry of agony, a shuffle of feet as the assistants are swayed to and fro by the death struggles of their victim, then all is silent save the muttering of the high-priest as high in air he holds the smoking heart, while from far down beneath comes a low hum of admiration from the thousands of upturned faces. the still quivering bodies were cast down the temple steps, as at other times, but on this occasion they were not taken away until they had been flayed, for which reason these victims were called _xipeme_, 'flayed,' or _tototecti_, 'one who dies in honor of totec.' the remains were then delivered over to the captor by certain priests, at the chapel where he had made his vow of offering, a vow which involved a fast of twenty days previous to the festival. a thigh was sent to the king's table, and the remainder was cooked with maize and served up at the banquet given by the captors, to which their friends were invited. this dish was called _tlacatlaolli_; the giver of the feast, says sahagun, did not taste the flesh of his own captive, who was held, in a manner, to be his son, but ate of others. [sidenote: ghastly beggars.] [sidenote: the feast of camaxtli.] the next day another batch of prisoners, called _oavanti_, whose top hair had also been shaved, were brought out for sacrifice. in the meantime a number of young men also termed _tototecti_, began a gladiatorial game, a burlesque on the real combat to follow; dressing themselves in the skins of the flayed victims, they were teased to fight by a number of their comrades; these they pursued and put to flight, and thereupon turned against one another, dragging the vanquished to the guard-house, whence they were not discharged until a fine had been paid. a number of priests, each representing a god, now descended from the summit of the temple, and directed their steps to the stone of sacrifice, which stood below and must not be confounded with the altar, and seated themselves upon stools round about it, the high-priest taking the place of honor. after them came four braves, two disguised as eagles, and two as tigers, who performed fencing tactics as they advanced, and were destined to fight the captives. a band of singers and musicians, who were seated behind the priests, and bore streamers of white feathers mounted on long poles which were strapped to their shoulders, now began to sound flutes, shells, and trumpets, to whistle and to sing, while others approached, each dragging his own captive along by the hair. a cup of pulque was given to each of these poor wretches, which he presented toward the four quarters of the earth, and then sucked up the fluid by means of a tube. a priest thereupon took a quail, cut off its head before the captive, and taking the shield which he carried from him he raised it upwards, at the same time throwing the quail behind him--a symbol, perhaps, of his fate. another priest arrayed in a bear-skin, who stood as god-father to the doomed men, now proceeded to tie one of the captives to a ring fixed in the elevated flat stone upon which the combat took place; he then handed him a sword edged with feathers instead of flint, and four pine sticks wherewith to defend himself against the four braves who were appointed to fight with him, one by one. these advanced against him with shield and sword raised toward the sky, and executing all manner of capers; if the captive proved too strong for them, a fifth man who fought both with the right and left hand was called in.[ ] those who were too faint-hearted to attempt this hopeless combat, had their hearts torn out at once, whilst the others were sacrificed only after having been subdued by the braves. the bleeding and quivering heart was held up to the sun and then thrown into a bowl, prepared for its reception. an assistant priest sucked the blood from the gash in the chest through a hollow cane, the end of which he elevated towards the sun, and then discharged its contents into a plume-bordered cup held by the captor of the prisoner just slain. this cup was carried round to all the idols in the temples and chapels, before whom another blood-filled tube was held up as if to give them a taste of the contents; this ceremony performed, the cup was left at the palace. the corpse was taken to the chapel where the captive had watched, and there flayed, the flesh being consumed at a banquet as before.[ ] the skin was given to certain priests, or college youths, who went from house to house dressed in the ghastly garb, with the arms swinging, singing, dancing, and asking for contributions; those who refused to give anything received a stroke in the face from the dangling arm. the money collected was at the disposal of the captor, who gave it to the performers, and, no doubt, it eventually found its way to the temple or school treasury.[ ] after the sacrifice, the priests, chiefs, and owners of the captives commenced to dance the _motzontecomaitotia_, circling round the stone of combat, weeping and lamenting as if going to their death, the captors holding the heads of the dead men by the hair in their right hands, and the priests swinging the cords which had held them toward the four quarters of the compass, amid many ceremonies. the next morning solemn dances were held everywhere, beginning at the royal palaces, at which everybody appeared in his best finery, holding tamales or cakes in his hands in lieu of flowers, and wearing dry maize, instead of garlands, as appropriate to the season. they also carried imitations of amaranths made of feathers and maize-stalks with the ears. at noon the priests retired from the dance, whereupon the lords and nobles arranged themselves in front of the palace by threes, with the king at their head, holding the lord of tezcuco by the right hand and the lord of tlacopan by the left, and danced solemnly till sunset. other dances by warriors, and women, chiefly prostitutes, followed at the temple and lasted till midnight, the motions consisting of swinging of arms and interwinding. the festivities were varied by military reviews, sports, and concerts, and extended over the whole month. it was held incumbent upon everyone at this time to eat a kind of uncooked cake called _huilocpalli_. the tlascaltecs called this month cohuailhuitl, 'feast of the snake,' a name which truly indicates rejoicings, such as carnivals, sports, and banquets, participated in by all classes. celebrations in honor of camaxtli were also held at this time here as well as in huexotzinco and many other places, for which the priests prepared themselves by a severe fast. the ceremonies when they took place in the fourth year, called 'god's year,' were especially imposing. when the time came for the long fast which preceded the feast to begin, those of the priests who had sufficient courage to undergo the severe penance then exacted from the devout were called upon to assemble at the temple. here the eldest arose and exhorted them to be faithful to their vows, giving notice to those who were faint-hearted to leave the company of penance-doers within five days, for, if they failed, after that time by the rules of the fast they would be disgraced and deprived of their estates. on the fifth day they again met to the number of two or three hundred, although many had already deserted, fearing the severity of the rules, and repaired to mount matlalcueje, stopping half-way up to pray, while the high-priest ascended alone to the top, where stood a temple devoted to the divinity of this name. here he offered chalchiuite-stones and quetzal-feathers, paper and incense, praying to matlalcueje and camaxtli to give his servants strength and courage to keep the fast. other priests belonging to various temples in the meantime gathered loads of sticks, two feet long and as thick as the wrist, which they piled up in the chief temple of camaxtli. these were fashioned to the required form and size and polished by carpenters who had undergone a five days' fast, and were, in return for their services, fed outside the temple. flint-cutters, who had also undergone a fast to ensure the success of their work, were now summoned to prepare knives, which were placed upon clean cloths, exposed to the sun and perfumed; a broken blade was held as a sign of bad fasting, and the one who broke it was reprimanded. at sunset, on the day of the great penance, the _achcauhtli_, 'eldest brothers,' began chanting in a solemn tone and playing upon their drums.[ ] on the termination of the last hymn, which was of a very lugubrious character and delivered without accompaniment, the self-torture commenced. certain penance-doers seized each a knife and cut a hole in the tongue of each man, through which the prepared sticks were inserted, the smaller first and then the stouter, the number varying according to the piety and endurance of the penitent. the chief set the example by passing four hundred and fifty through his tongue,[ ] singing a hymn at the same time in spite of all. this was repeated every twenty days during the fast, the sticks decreasing in size and number as the time for the feast drew near. the sticks which had been used were thrown as an offering to the idol within a circle formed in the courtyard of the temple with a number of poles, six fathoms in height, and were afterwards burnt. after the lapse of eighty days, a branch was placed in the temple-yard, as a sign that all the people had to join in the fast for the remaining eighty days, during which nothing but maize-cakes, without chile--a severe infliction, indeed, for this people--were to be eaten, no baths taken and no communion with women indulged in.[ ] fires were to be kept alight the whole time, and so strict was this rule that the life of the slaves in great houses depended upon the proper attention paid to it. the chief achcauhtli went once more to the matlalcueje mountain[ ] escorted by four others, where, alone and at night, he offered copal, paper, and quails; he also made a tour round the province, carrying a green branch in his hand, and exhorting all to observe the fast. the devout seized this opportunity to make him presents of clothes and other valuables. shortly before the end of the fast all the temples were repaired and adorned, and three days previous to the festival the achcauhtlis painted themselves with figures of animals in various colors, and danced solemnly the whole day in the temple-yard. afterwards they adorned the image of camaxtli, which stood about seventeen feet high, and dressed the small idol by his side in the raiments of the god quetzalcoatl, who was held to be the son of camaxtli. this idol was said to have been brought to the country by the first settlers. the raiment was borrowed from the cholultecs, who asked the same favor when they celebrated camaxtli's feast. camaxtli was adorned with a mask of turquoise mosaic,[ ] green and red plumes waved upon his head, a shield of gold and rich feathers was fastened to his left arm, and in his right hand he held a dart of fine workmanship pointed with flint. he was dressed in several robes and a _tecucxicolli_, like a priest's vestment, open in front and finely bordered with cotton and rabbit-hair, which was spun and dyed like silk. a number of birds, reptiles, and insects were killed before him, and flowers offered. at midnight, a priest dressed in the vestments of the idol lighted a new fire, which was consecrated with the blood of the principal captive, called the son of the sun. all the other temples were supplied from this flame. a great number of captives were thereupon sacrificed to camaxtli as well as to other gods, and the bodies consumed at the banquets that followed. the number killed in the various towns of the province amounted to over one thousand, a number greatly increased by the numerous sacrifices offered at the same time in other places where camaxtli was worshiped.[ ] [sidenote: feast of the flower-dealers.] the next feast, which was that of the month called tozoztontli, or 'short vigil,' was characterized by a constant night watch observed by the priests in the various temples, where they kept fires burning and sounded the gongs to prevent napping. more of the children bought in the first month were now sacrificed, and offerings of fruit and flowers were made to induce the tlalocs to send rain.[ ] the chief event, however, of this month, was a fast given in honor of cohuatlicue, or coatlantona, by the _xochimanques_, or flower-dealers, of mexico. the celebration took place in the temple of yopico, which was under the special care and protection of the people of xochimilco and quauhnahuac, whose lands were renowned for the beauty and abundance of their flowers. here were offered the first flowers of the season, of which hitherto none might inhale the perfume, and here the people sat down and chanted hymns of praise to the goddess. cakes made of wild amaranth or savory, called _tzatzapaltamale_, were also offered. in this temple of yopico was a grotto in which the skins of the victims sacrificed at the feast of the preceding month were now deposited by the priests who had worn them continuously until this time. these marched in solemn procession to the grotto, accompanied by a number of people whom the angered xipe had smitten with itch, or eye diseases; this act of devotion would, it was thought, induce the god to relent and remove the curse. the owners of the captives to whom the skins had belonged, and their families, of whom none was permitted to wash his head during the month, in token of sorrow for the slain, followed the procession. the priests doffed their strange and filthy attire and deposited it in the grotto; they were then washed in water mixed with flour, their bodies at the same time being belabored and slapped with the moist hands of their assistants, to bring out the unhealthy matter left by the rotting skins. this was followed by a lustration in pure water. the diseased underwent the same washing and slapping. on returning home feasting and amusements broke out anew. among other sports the owners of the late prisoners gave the paper ornaments which had been worn by them to certain young men, who, having put them on, took each a shield in one hand and a bludgeon in the other; thus armed they ran about threatening to maltreat those whom they met. everybody fled before them, calling out "here comes the _tetzonpac_." those who were caught forfeited their mantles, which were taken to the house of the warrior, to be redeemed, perhaps, after the conclusion of the game. the paper ornaments were afterwards wrapped in a mat and placed upon a tripod in front of the wearer's house. by the side of the tripod a wooden pillar was erected, to which the thigh-bone of a victim, adorned with gaudy papers, was attached amid many ceremonies, and in the presence of the captor's friends. both these trophies commemorated the bravery of the owner. this lasted six days. about this time, says duran, certain old diviners went about provided with talismans, generally small idols, which they hung round the necks of boys by means of colored thread, as a security against evil, and for this service received presents from the parents.[ ] [sidenote: feast of centeotl.] the following month, which was called huey-tozoztli, 'great vigil,'[ ] a feast was celebrated in honor of centeotl, the god of cereals, and chicomecoatl, goddess of provisions. at this time both people and priest fasted four days. offerings of various kinds were made to the gods of the feast, and afterwards a procession of virgins strangely and gaudily attired carried ears of corn to be used as seed, to the temple to be blessed.[ ] the first half of the succeeding month, called toxcatl, was, among the mexicans, taken up with a continuous series of festivals in honor of tezcatlipoca; the latter half of the month was devoted to the worship of his brother-god huitzilopochtli. ten days before the feast began, a priest, arrayed in the vestments of tezcatlipoca, and holding a nosegay in one hand and a clay flute in the other, came out from the temple, and turning first to the east and then to the other three quarters, blew a shrill note on his instrument; then, stooping, he gathered some dust on his finger and swallowed it, in token of humility and submission. on hearing the whistle all the people knelt, ate dust, and implored the clemency and favor of the god. on the eve of the festival the nobles brought to the temple a present of a new set of robes, in which the priests clothed the idol, adorning it besides with its proper ornaments of gold and feathers; the old dress was deposited in the temple coffers as a relic. the sanctuary was then thrown open to the multitude. in the evening certain fancifully attired priests carried the idol on a litter round the courtyard of the temple, which was strewn with flowers for the occasion. here the young men and maidens devoted to the service of the temple formed a circle round the procession, bearing between them a long string of withered maize as a symbol of drought. some decked the idol with garlands, others strewed the ground with maguey-thorns, that the devout might step upon them and draw blood in honor of the god. the girls wore rich dresses, and their arms and cheeks were dyed; the boys were clothed in a kind of net-work, and all were adorned with strings of withered maize. two priests marched beside the idol, swinging their lighted censers now towards the image, now towards the sun, and praying that their appeals might rise to heaven, even as the smoke of the burning copal; and as the people heard and saw they knelt and beat their backs with knotted cords. as soon as the idol was replaced, offerings poured in of gold, jewels, flowers, and feathers, as well as toasted quails, corn, and other articles of food prepared by women who had solicited and obtained the privilege. this food was afterwards divided among the priests, who, in fact, seem to have really reaped the benefit on most religious occasions. it was carried to them by a procession of virgins who served in the temple. at the head of the procession marched a priest strangely attired in a white-bordered surplice, reaching to the knee, and a sleeveless jacket of red skin, with a pair of wings attached, to which hung a number of ribbons, suspending a gourd filled with charms. the food was set down at the temple stairway, whence it was carried to the priests by attendant boys. after a fast of five days these divine viands were doubtless doubly welcome. [sidenote: feast of tezcatlipoca.] among the captives brought out for sacrifice at the same festival a year before, the one who possessed the finest form, the most agreeable disposition, and the highest culture, had been selected to be the mortal representative of the god till this day. it was absolutely necessary, however, that he should be of spotless physique, and, to render him still more worthy of the divine one whom he personated, the calpixques, under whose care he was placed, taught him all the accomplishments that distinguished the higher class. he was regaled upon the fat of the land, but was obliged to take doses of salted water to counteract any tendency toward obesity; he was allowed to go out into the town day and night, escorted by eight pages of rank dressed in the royal livery, and received the adoration of the people as he passed along. his dress corresponded with his high position; a rich and curiously bordered mantle, like a fine net, and a maxtli with wide, embroidered margin, covered his body; white cock-feathers, fastened with gum, and a garland of _izquixuchitl_ flowers, encircled the helmet of sea-shells which covered his head; strings of flowers crossed his breast; gold rings hung from his ears, and from a necklace of precious stones about his neck dangled a valuable stone; upon his shoulders were pouch-like ornaments of white linen with fringes and tassels; golden bracelets encircled the upper part of his arms, while the lower part was almost covered with others of precious stones, called _macuextli_; upon his ankles golden bells jingled as he walked, and prettily painted slippers covered his feet. twenty days before the feast he was bathed, and his dress changed; the hair being cut in the style used by captains, and tied with a curious fringe which formed a tassel falling from the top of the head, from which two other tassels, made of feathers, gold, and _tochomitl_, and called _aztaxelli_, were suspended. he was then married to four accomplished damsels, to whom the names of four goddesses, xochiquetzal, xilonen, atlatonan, and huixtocioatl were given, and these remained with him until his death, endeavoring to render him as happy as possible. the last five days the divine honors paid to him became still more imposing, and celebrations were held in his honor, the first day in the tecanman district, the second in the ward where the image of tezcatlipoca stood, the third in the woods of the ward of tepetzinco, and the fourth in the woods of tepepulco; the lords and nobles gave, besides, solemn banquets followed by recreations of all kinds. at the end of the fourth feast, the victim was placed with his wives in one of the finest awning-covered canoes belonging to the king, and sent from tepepulco to tlapitzaoayan, where he was left alone with the eight pages who attended him during the year. these conducted him to the tlacochcalco, a small and plain temple standing near the road, about a league from mexico,[ ] which he ascended, breaking a flute against every step of the staircase. at the summit he was received by the sacrificing ministers, who served him after their manner, and held up his heart exultingly to the sun; the body was carried down to the courtyard on the arms of priests, and the head having been cut off was spitted at the tzompantli, or 'place of skulls;' the legs and arms were set apart as sacred food for the lords and people of the temple. this end, so terrible, signified that riches and pleasures may turn into poverty and sorrow; a pretty moral, truly, to adorn so gentle a tale. after the sacrifice, the college youths, nobles, and priests commenced a grand ball for which the older priests supplied the music; and at sunset the virgins brought another offering of bread made with honey. this was placed upon clay plates, covered with skulls and dead men's bones, carried in procession to the altar of tezcatlipoca, and destined for the winners in the race up the temple steps, who were dressed in robes of honor, and, after undergoing a lustration, were invited to a banquet by the temple dignitaries. the feast was closed by giving an opportunity to boys and girls in the college, of a suitable age, to marry. their remaining comrades took advantage of this to joke and make sport of them, pelting them with soft balls and reproving them for leaving the service of the god for the pleasures of matrimony.[ ] tezcatlipoca's representative was the only victim sacrificed at this festival, but every leap-year the blood flowed in torrents. [sidenote: feast of huitzilopochtli.] [sidenote: incensing of huitzilopochtli.] after this celebration commenced the festival in honor of the younger brother of tezcatlipoca, huitzilopochtli, the mexican god of war. the priests of the god prepared a life-size statue like his original image, the bones of which were composed of mezquite-wood, the flesh of _tzoalli_, a dough made from amaranth and other seeds. this they dressed in the raiments of the idol, viz: a coat decorated with human bones, and a net-like mantle of cotton and nequen, covered by another mantle, the _tlaquaquallo_, adorned with feather-work, and bearing a gold plate upon its front; its wide folds were painted with the bones and members of a human being, and fell over a number of men's bones made of dough, which represented his power over death. a paper crown, very wide at the top and set with plumes, covered this head, and attached to its feather-covered summit was a bloody flint-knife, signifying his fury in battle. the image was placed upon a stage of logs, formed to resemble four snakes whose heads and tails protruded at the four corners, and borne by four of the principal warriors[ ] to the temple of huitznahuac, attended by a vast number of people, who sang and danced along the road. a sheet of maguey-paper, twenty fathoms in length, one in breadth, and one finger in thickness, upon which were depicted the glorious deeds of the god, was carried before the procession on the points of darts ornamented with feathers, the bearers singing the praises of the deity to the sound of music.[ ] at sunset the stage was raised to the summit of the temple by means of ropes attached to the four corners, and placed in position. the paper painting was then rolled up in front of it, and the darts made into a bundle. after a presentation of offerings consisting of tamales and other food, the idol was left in charge of its priests. at dawn the next morning similar offerings, accompanied with incense, were made to the family image of the god at every house. that day the king himself appeared in the sacerdotal character. taking four quails, he wrenched their heads off one after another, and threw the quivering bodies before the idol; the priests did the same, and then the people. some of the birds were prepared and eaten by the king, priest, and principal men at the feast, the rest were preserved for another occasion. each minister then placed coals and _chapopotli_ incense[ ] in his _tlemaitl_,[ ] and wafted the disagreeable odor towards the idol. the ashes were then emptied from the censers into an immense brazier, called the _tlexictli_, or 'fire-navel.' this ceremony gave the name to the festival, which was known as the 'incensing of huitzilopochtli.' the girls devoted to the service of the temple now appeared, having their arms and legs decorated with red feathers, their faces painted, and garlands of toasted maize on their heads; in their hands they held split canes, upon which were flags of paper or cloth painted with vertical black bars. linking hands they joined the priests in the grand dance called _toxcachocholoa_. upon the large brazier, round which the dancers whirled, stood two shield-bearers with blackened faces, who directed the motions. these men had cages of candlewood tied to their backs after the manner of women. the priests who joined in the dance wore paper rosettes upon their foreheads, yellow and white plumes on their heads, and had their lips and their blackened faces smeared with honey. they also wore undergarments of paper, called _amasmaxtli_, and each held a palm wand in his hand, the upper part of which was adorned with flowers, while the lower end was tipped with a ball, both balls and flowers being made of black feathers; the part of the wand grasped in the hand was rolled in strips of black-striped paper. when dancing, they touched the ground with their wands as if to support themselves. the musicians were hidden from view in the temple. the courtiers and warriors danced in another part of the courtyard, apart from the priests, with girls attired somewhat like those already described. at the same time that the representative of tezcatlipoca was chosen, the year before, another youth was appointed to represent huitzilopochtli, to whom was given the name of ixteocale, that is, 'eyes of the lord of the divine house.'[ ] he always associated with the other doomed one of tezcatlipoca, and shared his enjoyments; but, as the representative of a less esteemed god, he was paid no divine honors. his dress was characteristic of the deity for whom he was fated to die. papers painted with black circles covered his body, a mitre of eagle-feathers, with waving plumes and a flint knife in the centre adorned his head, and a fine piece of cloth, a hand square, with a bag called _patoxin_ above it, was tied to his breast; on one of his arms he had an ornament made of the hair of wild beasts, like a maniple, called _imatacax_, and golden bells jingled about his ankles. thus arrayed he led the dance of the plebeians,[ ] like the god conducting his warriors to battle. this youth had the privilege of choosing the hour of his death, but any delay involved the loss to him of a proportionate amount of glory and happiness in the other world. when he delivered himself up to the sacrificers, they raised him on their arms, tore out his heart, beheaded him, and spitted the head at the place of skulls. after him several other captives were immolated, and then the priests started another dance, the _atepocaxixilihua_, which lasted the remainder of the day, certain intervals being devoted to incensing the idol. on this day the male and female children born during the year were taken to the temple and scarified on the chest, stomach, and arms, to mark them as followers of the god. the feast in honor of quetzalcoatl, as it was celebrated during this month in cholula, and the feast of the following month, called etzalqualiztli, dedicated to the tlalocs, or rain gods, the reader will find fully described in the next volume.[ ] [sidenote: small feast of the lords.] the next month was one of general rejoicing among the nahuas, and was for this reason called tecuilhuitzintli, or tecuilhuitontli, 'small feast of the lords.' the nobles and warriors exercised with arms to prepare for coming wars; hunting parties, open-air sports, and theatricals divided the time with banquets and indoor parties; and there was much interchanging of roses out of compliment. yet the amusements this month were mostly confined to the lower classes, the more imposing celebrations of the nobility taking place in the following month. the religious celebrations were in honor of huixtocihuatl, the goddess of salt, said to have been a sister to the rain gods, who quarreled with her, and drove her into the salt water, where she invented the art of making salt. her chief devotees were, of course, the salt-makers, mostly females, who held a ten-days' festival in her temple, singing and dancing every evening from dusk till midnight in company with the doomed captives. they were all adorned with garlands of a sweet-smelling herb called _iztauhiatl_, and danced in a ring formed by cords of flowers, led by some of their own sex; the music was furnished by two old men. the female who represented the goddess and was to die in her honor danced with them, generally in the centre of the circle, and accompanied by an old man holding a beautiful plume, called _huixtopetlacotl_; if very nervous she was supported by old women.[ ] she was dressed in the yellow robes of the goddess, and wore on her head a mitre surmounted by a number of green plumes; her huipil and skirt with net covering were worked in wavy outlines, and bordered with chalchiuites; ear-rings of gold in imitation of flowers hung from her ears; golden bells and white shells held by straps of tiger-skin, jingled and clattered about her ankles; her sandals were fastened with buttons and cords of cotton. on her arm she bore a shield painted with broad leaves, from which hung bits of parrot-feathers, tipped with flowers formed of eagle-plumage; it was also fringed with bright quetzal-feathers. in her hand she held a round bludgeon, one or two hands broad at the end, adorned with rubber-stained paper, and three flowers, at equal distances apart, filled with incense and set with quetzal-feathers; this shield she flourished as she danced. the priests who performed the sacrifice were dressed in an appropriate costume; on the great day, the priests performed another and solemn dance, devoting intervals to the sacrifice of captives, who were called huixtoti in honor of the deity. finally, towards evening, the female victim was thrown upon the stone by five young men, who held her while the priests cut open her breast, pressing a stick or a swordfish-bone against her throat to prevent her from screaming. the heart was held up to the sun and then thrown into a bowl. the music struck up and the people went home to feast.[ ] [sidenote: great feast of the lords.] the feast of the following month, hueytecuilhuitl, or 'great feast of the lords,' occurred at the time of the year when food was most scarce, the grain from the preceding harvest being nearly exhausted and the new crop not yet ripe for cutting. the nobles at this time gave great and solemn banquets among themselves, and provided at their personal expense feasts for the poor and needy. on the eleventh day a religious celebration took place in honor of centeotl, under the name of xilonen, derived from _xilotl_, which means a tender maize-ear, for this goddess changed her name according to the state of the grain. on this occasion, a woman who represented the goddess and was dressed in a similar manner, was sacrificed. the day before her death a number of women took her with them to offer incense in four places, which were sacred to the four characters of the divisions of the cycle, the reed, the flint, the house, and the rabbit. the night was spent in singing, dancing, and praying before the temple of the goddess.[ ] on the day of sacrifice certain priestesses and lay women whirled in a ring about the victim, and a number of priests and principal men who danced before her. the priests blew their shells and horns, shook their rattles and scattered incense as they danced, the nobles held stalks of maize in their hands which they extended toward the woman. the priest who acted as executioner wore a bunch of feathers on his shoulders, held by the claws of an eagle inserted in an artificial leg. towards the close of the dance this priest stopped at the foot of the temple, shook the rattle-board before the victim, scattered more incense, and turned to lead the way to the summit. this reached, another priest seized the woman, twisted her shoulders against his, and stooped over, so that her breast lay exposed. on this living altar she was beheaded and her heart torn out. after the sacrifice there was more dancing, in which the women, old and young, took part by themselves, their arms and legs decorated with red macaw-feathers, and their faces painted yellow and dusted with marcasite. the whole pleasantly finished with a feast. offerings were also presented to the household gods. this festival inaugurated the eating of corn.[ ] during the next month, which was called tlaxochimaco, or 'the distribution of flowers,'[ ] gifts of flowers were presented to the gods and mutually interchanged among friends. at noon on the day of the great feast, the signal sounded and a pompous dance was begun in the courtyard of the temple of huitzilopochtli, to whom the honors of the day were paid, in which the performers consisted of various orders of warriors led by the bravest among them. public women joined these dances, one woman going hand in hand with two men, and the contrary, or with their hands resting on each other's shoulders, or thrown round the waist.[ ] the musicians were stationed at a round altar, called _momuztli_. the motions consisted of a mere interwinding walk, to the time of a slow song. at sunset, after the usual sacrifices, the people went home to perform the same dance before their household idol; the old indulging in liquor as usual. the festival in honor of iyacacoliuhqui, the god of commerce, was, however, the event of the month, owing to the number and solemnity of the sacrifices of slaves, brought from all quarters by the wealthy merchants for the purpose, and the splendor of the attendant banquets. the tlascaltecs called this month miccailhuitzintli, 'the small festival of the dead,' and gathered in the temples to sing sorrowful odes to the dead, the priests, dressed in black mantles, making offerings of food to the spirit of the departed. this seems to have been a commemoration of the ordinary class only, for the departed heroes and great men were honored in the following month. duran and others assert, however, that the festival was devoted to the memory of the little ones who had died, and adds that the mothers performed thousands of superstitious ceremonies with their children, placing talismans upon them and the like, to prevent their death.[ ] [sidenote: feast of the fall of fruit.] the feast of the next month, called xocotlhuetzin, 'fall, or maturity of fruit,' was dedicated to xiuhtecutli, the god of fire. at the beginning of the month certain priests went out into the mountains and selected the tallest and straightest tree they could find. this was cut down and trimmed of all except its top branches.[ ] it was then moved carefully into the town upon rollers, and set up firmly in the courtyard of the temple, where it stood for twenty days. on the eve of the feast-day the tree was gently lowered to the ground; early the next morning carpenters dressed it perfectly smooth, and fastened a cross-yard five fathoms long, near the top, where the branches had been left. the priests now adorned the pole with colored papers, and placed upon the summit a statue of the god of fire, made of dough of amaranth-seeds, and curiously dressed in a maxtli, sashes, and strips of paper. three rods were stuck into its head, upon each of which was spitted a tamale, or native pie. the pole was then again hoisted into an erect position. those who had captives to offer now appeared, dancing side by side with the victims, and most grotesquely dressed and painted. at sunset the dance ceased, and the doomed men were shut up in the temple, while their captors kept guard outside, and sang hymns to the god. about midnight every owner brought out his captive and shaved off his top hair, which he carefully kept as a token of his valor. at dawn the human offerings were taken to the tzompantli, where the skulls of the sacrificed were spitted, and there stripped by the priests of their dress and ornaments. at a certain signal each owner seized his captive by the hair and dragged or led him to the foot of the temple-steps. thereupon those priests who were appointed to execute the fearful sacrifice descended from the temple, each bearing in his hand a bag filled with certain stupefying powder extracted from the _yiauhtli_ plant, which they threw into the faces of the victims to deaden somewhat the agony before them. each naked and bound captive was then borne upon the shoulders of a priest up to the summit of the temple, where smoldered a great heap of glowing coal. into this the bearers cast their living burdens, and when the cloud of dust was blown off the dull red mass could be seen to heave, human forms could be seen writhing and twisting in agony, the crackling of flesh could be distinctly heard.[ ] but the victims were not to die by fire; in a few moments, and before life was extinct, the blackened and blistered wretches were raked out by the watching priests, cast one after another upon the stone of sacrifice, and in a few moments all that remained upon the summit of the temple was a heap of human hearts smoking at the feet of the god of fire. these bloody rites over, the people came together and danced and sang in the courtyard of the temple. presently all adjourned to the place where the pole before mentioned stood. at a given signal the youths made a grand scramble for the pole, and he who first reached the summit and scattered the image and its accoutrements among the applauding crowd below, was reckoned the hero of the day. with this the festival ended, and the pole was dragged down by the multitude amid much rejoicing. [sidenote: feasts of tepanecs and tlascaltecs.] the tepanecs, according to duran, had a very similar ceremony. a huge tree was carried to the entrance of the town, and to it offerings and incense were presented every day during the month preceding the festival. then it was raised with many ceremonies, and a bird of dough placed at the top. food and wine were offered, and then the warriors and women, dressed in the finest garments and holding small dough idols in their hands, danced round the pole, while the youths struggled wildly to reach and knock down the bird image. lastly, the pole was overthrown.[ ] the tlascaltecs called the same month hueymiccailhuitl, 'the great festival of the dead,' and commemorated the event with much solemnity, painting their bodies black and making much lamentation. both here and in other parts of mexico the priests and nobles passed several days in the temple, weeping for their ancestors and singing their heroic deeds. the families of lately deceased persons assembled upon the terraces of their houses, and prayed with their faces turned towards the north, where the dead were supposed to sojourn. heroes who had fallen in battle, or died in captivity, defunct princes, and other persons of merit were, in a manner, canonized, and their statues placed among the images of the gods, whom, it was believed, they had joined to live in eternal bliss.[ ] the festival of the next month, called ochpaniztli, was held in honor of centeotl, the mother-goddess. fifteen days before the festival began those who were to take part in it commenced a dance, which they repeated every afternoon for eight days. at the expiration of this time the medical women and midwives brought forth the woman who was to die on this occasion, and dividing themselves into two parties, fought a sham battle by pelting each other with leaves. the doomed woman, who was called 'the image of the mother of the gods,' placed herself at the head of one party of the combatants, supported by three old women who guarded and attended upon her continually. this was repeated during four successive days. on the fifth day the unfortunate creature was conducted by her guardians and the medical women through the market-place. as she walked she scattered maize, and at the end of her journey she was received by the priests, who delivered her again to the women that they might console her (for it was necessary that she should be in a good humor, say the old chroniclers) and adorn her with the ornaments of the mother-goddess. at midnight she was carried to the summit of the temple, caught up upon the shoulders of a priest, and in this position beheaded. the body while yet warm was flayed, and the skin used in certain religious ceremonies which will be described at length elsewhere.[ ] in this month the temples and idols underwent a thorough cleansing and repairing, a sacred work in which everyone was eager to share according to his means and ability, believing that divine blessings would ensue. to this commendable custom is no doubt to be attributed the good condition in which the religious edifices were found by the conquerors. roads, public buildings, and private houses also shared in this renovation, and special prayers were offered up to the gods for the preservation of health and property. the festival of the succeeding month, called teotleco, 'coming of the gods,' was sacred to all the deities, though the principal honors were paid to tezcatlipoca as the supreme head. fifteen days of the month being passed, the college-boys prepared for the great event by decorating the altars in the temples, oratories, and public buildings, with green branches tied in bunches of three. in the same manner they decked the idols in private houses, receiving from the inmates, as their reward, baskets containing from two to four ears of maize; this gift was called _cacalotl_. [sidenote: footsteps of the gods.] tezcatlipoca, being younger and stronger than the other gods, and therefore able to travel faster, was expected to arrive during the night of the eighteenth. a mat, sprinkled with flour, was therefore placed on the threshold of his temple, and a priest set to watch for the footprints which would indicate the august arrival.[ ] he did not, however, remain constantly close to the mat; had he done so he would probably never have seen the longed-for marks, but he approached the spot from time to time, and immediately on perceiving the tracks he shouted: "his majesty has arrived;" whereupon the other priests arose in haste, and soon their shells and trumpets resounded through all the temples, proclaiming the joyful tidings to the expectant people. these now flocked in with their offerings, each person bringing four balls made of roasted and ground amaranth-seed kneaded with water; they then returned to their homes to feast and drink pulque. others beside the old people appear to have been permitted to indulge in libations on this occasion, which they euphoniously called 'washing the feet of the god' after his long journey. on the following day other deities arrived, and so they kept coming until the last divine laggard had left his footprints on the mat. every evening the people danced, feasted, 'washed the feet of the gods,' and made a sacrifice of slaves, who were thrown alive upon a great bed of live coal which glowed on the _tecalco_.[ ] at the head of the steps leading up to the place of sacrifice stood two young men, one of whom wore long, false hair, and a crown adorned with rich plumes; his face was painted black, with white curved stripes drawn from ear to forehead, and from the inner corner of the eye to the cheek; down his back hung a long feather, with a dried rabbit attached to it. the other man was dressed to resemble an immense bat, and held rattles like poppy-heads in his hands. whenever a victim was cast into the fire these weird figures danced and leaped, the one whistling with his fingers and mouth, the other shaking his rattles.[ ] after the sacrificing was ended, the priests placed themselves in order, dressed in paper stoles which crossed the chest from shoulder to armpit, and ascended the steps of the small edifice devoted to fire sacrifices; hand in hand they walked round, and then rushed suddenly down the steps, releasing each other in such a manner as to cause many to tumble. this game, which certainly was not very dignified for priests to play at, was called _mamatlavicoa_, and gave rise to much merriment, especially if any of the reverend players should lose his temper, or limp, or make a wry face after a fall. the festival closed with a general dance, which lasted from noon till night. at this season all males, young and old, wore feathers of various colors gummed to the arms and body, as talismans to avert evil.[ ] the festival of the next month, called tepeilhuitl, was sacred to the tlalocs, and is fully described elsewhere.[ ] the mexican bacchus, centzontotochtin, was also especially honored during this month, according to torquemada, and slaves were sacrificed to him. a captive was also sacrificed by night to a deity named nappatecutli.[ ] [sidenote: festival of the month quecholli.] the festivals of the ensuing month, which was called quecholli,[ ] were devoted to various deities, though mixcoatl, god of the chase, seems to have carried the honors in most parts of mexico. the first five days of the month were passed in repose, so far as religious celebrations were concerned, but on the sixth day the authorities of the city wards ordered canes to be gathered and carried to the temple of huitzilopochtli; there young and old assembled during the four days following, to share in the sacred work of making arrows. the arrows, which were all of uniform length, were then formed into bundles of twenty, carried in procession to the temple of huitzilopochtli, and piled up in front of the idol. the four days were, moreover, devoted to fasting and penance, involving abstinence from strong liquors, and separation of husbands from wives. on the second day of the fast, the boys were summoned to the temple, where, having first blown upon shells and trumpets, their faces were smeared with blood drawn from their ears. this sacrifice, called _momacaico_, was made to the deer which they proposed to hunt. the rest of the people drew blood from their own ears, and if any one omitted this act he was deprived of his mantle by the overseers. on the second day following, darts were made to be used in games and exercises, and shooting matches were held at which maguey-leaves served for targets. the next day was devoted to ceremonies in honor of the dead by rich and poor. the day after, a great quantity of hay was brought from the hills to the temple of mixcoatl. upon this certain old priestesses seated themselves, while mothers brought their children before them, accompanied by five sweet tamales. on this day were also ceremonies in honor of the god of wine, to whom sacrifices of male and female slaves were made by the pulque-dealers. on the tenth day of the month a number of hunters set out for mount cacatepec, near tacubaya, to celebrate the hunting festival of mixcoatl, god of the chase. on the first day they erected straw huts, in which they passed the night. the next morning, having broken their fast, they formed themselves into a great circle, and all advancing toward a common centre, the game was hemmed in and killed with ease. the spirits of the children sacrificed to the rain-gods, whose dwelling was upon the high mountains, were supposed to descend upon the hunters and make them strong and fortunate. having secured their game, the hunters started for home in grand procession, singing songs of triumph, and hymns to the mighty mixcoatl. after a solemn sacrifice of a portion of the game to the god, each took his share home and feasted upon it.[ ] the tlascaltecs sacrificed to the god at the place where the hunt took place, which was upon a neighboring hill. the way leading to the spot was strewn with leaves, over which the idol was carried with great pomp and ceremony.[ ] towards the close of the month male and female slaves were sacrificed before mixcoatl.[ ] in tlascala and the neighboring republics this was the 'month of love,' and great numbers of young girls were sacrificed to xochiquetzal, xochitecatl, and tlazolteotl, goddesses of sensual delights. among the victims were many courtesans, who voluntarily offered themselves, some to die in the temple, others on the battle-field, where they rushed in recklessly among the enemy. as no particular disgrace attended a life of prostitution, it seems improbable that remorse or repentance could have prompted this self-sacrifice; it must therefore be attributed to pure religious fervor. as a recompense for their devotion, these women before they went to their death had the privilege of insulting with impunity their chaster sisters. it is further said that a certain class of young men addicted to unnatural lusts, were allowed at this period to solicit custom on the public streets. at quauhtitlan, every fourth year, during this month, a festival was celebrated in honor of mitl, when a slave was bound to a cross and shot to death with arrows.[ ] the feast of the next month, called panquetzaliztli, was dedicated to huitzilopochtli, god of war; that of the following month, called atemoztli, was sacred to the tlalocs. both these festivals will be described elsewhere.[ ] [sidenote: feast of the month of hard times.] the ensuing month was named tititl, or the month of 'hard times,' owing to the inclement weather. the celebrations of this period were chiefly in honor of an aged goddess, named ilamatecutli, to whom a female slave was sacrificed. this woman represented the goddess and was dressed in white garments decorated with dangling shells and sandals of the same color; upon her head was a crown of feathers; the lower part of her face was painted black, the upper, yellow; in one hand she carried a white shield ornamented with feathers of the eagle and the night-heron, in the other she held a knitting stick. before going to her death she performed a dance, and was permitted, contrary to usual custom, to express her grief and fear in loud lamentations. in the afternoon she was conducted to the temple of huitzilopochtli, accompanied by a procession of priests, among whom was one dressed after the manner of the goddess ilamatecutli. after the heart of the victim had been torn from her breast, her head was cut off and given to this personage, who immediately placed himself at the head of the other priests and led them in a dance round the temple, brandishing the head by the hair the while. as soon as the performers of the _vecula_, as this dance was named, had left the summit of the temple, a priest curiously attired descended, and, proceeding to a spot where stood a cage made of candlewood adorned with papers, set fire to it. immediately upon seeing the flames the other priests, who stood waiting, rushed one and all up again to the temple-top; here lay a flower, which was secured by the first who could put hands upon it, carried back to the fire, and there burned. on the following day a game was played which resembled in some respects the roman lupercalia. the players were armed with little bags filled with paper, leaves, or flour, and attached to cords three feet long. with these they struck each other, and any girl or woman who chanced to come in their way was attacked by the boys, who, approaching quietly with their bags hidden, fell suddenly upon her, crying out: "this is the sack of the game." it sometimes happened, however, that the woman had provided herself with a stick, and used it freely, to the great discomfiture and utter rout of the urchins.[ ] a captive was sacrificed during this month to mictlantecutli, the mexican pluto, and the traders celebrated a grand feast in honor of yacatecutli.[ ] during the last aztec month, which was called itzcalli, imposing rites were observed throughout mexico in honor of xiuhtecutli, god of fire;[ ] in the surrounding states, such as tlacopan, coyuhuacan, azcapuzalco,[ ] quauhtitlan,[ ] and tlascala,[ ] ceremonies more or less similar were gone through, accompanied by much roasting and flaying of men and women. [sidenote: miscellaneous feasts.] besides these monthly festivals there were many others devoted to the patron deities of particular trades, to whom the priests and people interested in their worship made offerings, and, in some cases, human sacrifices. there were also many movable feasts, held in honor of the celestial bodies, at harvest time, and on other like occasions. these sometimes happened to fall on the same day as a fixed festival, in which case the less important was either set aside or postponed. it is related of the culhuas that on one occasion when a movable feast in honor of tezcatlipoca chanced to fall upon the day fixed for the celebration of huitzilopochtli, they postponed the former, and thereby so offended the god that he predicted the destruction of the monarchy and the subjugation of the people by a strange nation who would introduce a monotheistic worship.[ ] one of the most solemn of the movable feasts was that given to the sun, which took place at intervals of two or three hundred days, and was called netonatiuhqualo, or 'the sun eclipsed.' another festival took place when the sun appeared in the sign called nahui ollin tonatiuh,[ ] a sign much respected by kings and princes, and regarded as concerning them especially. at the great festival of the winter solstice, which took place either in the month of atemoztli or in that of tititl, all the people watched and fasted four days, and a number of captives were sacrificed, two of whom represented the sun and moon.[ ] about the same time a series of celebrations were held in honor of iztacacenteotl, goddess of white maize; the victims sacrificed on this occasion were lepers and others suffering from contagious diseases.[ ] whenever the sign of ce miquiztli, or one death, occurred, mictlantecutli, god of hades, was fêted, and honors were paid to the dead.[ ] of the heavenly bodies, they esteemed next to the sun a certain star, into which quetzalcoatl was supposed to have converted himself on leaving the earth. it was visible during about two hundred and sixty days of the year, and on the day of its first appearance above the horizon, the king gave a slave to be sacrificed, and many other ceremonies were performed. the priests, also, offered incense to this star every day, and drew blood from their bodies in its honor, acts which many of the devout imitated.[ ] at harvest-time the first-fruits of the season were offered to the sun. the sacrifice on this occasion was called tetlimonamiquian, 'the meeting of the stones.' the victim, who was the most atrocious criminal to be found in the jails, was placed between two immense stones, balanced opposite each other; these were then allowed to fall together. after the remains had been buried, the principal men took part in a dance; the people also danced and feasted during the day and night.[ ] every eight years a grand festival took place, called atamalqualiztli, 'the fast of bread and water,' the principal feature of which was a mask ball, at which people appeared disguised as various animals whose actions and cries they imitated with great skill.[ ] [sidenote: the binding of the years.] the most solemn of all the mexican festivals was that called xiuhmolpilli, that is to say, 'the binding-up of the years.' every fifty-two years was called a 'sheaf of years,' and it was universally believed that at the end of some 'sheaf' the world would be destroyed. the renewal of the cycle was therefore hailed with great rejoicing and many ceremonies.[ ] footnotes: [ ] see the totonac daily temple service, in _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxv. 'luego aquel viejo mas principal metia y sacaba por su lengua en aquel dia cuatro cientos y cincuenta palos de aquellos ... otros no tan viejos sacaban trescientos.... estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano ... y otros tanto gruezos como las dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _id._, cap. clxxii. [ ] 'en cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre porque unos de los brazos y otros de los pechos y otros de los muslos, &c. y en esto se cognoscian tambien de que provincia eran.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxx. [ ] 'en esta fiesta, y en todas las demàs, donde no se hiciere mencion de particulares sacrificios de hombres, los avia, por ser cosa general hacerlos en todas las festividades, y no era la que carecia de ello.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'le feste, che annualmente si celebravano, erano più solenni nel _teoxihuitl_, o anno divino, quali erano tutti gli anni, che aveano per carattere il coniglio.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'en cada principio del mes en el dia que nombramos cabeza de sierpe celebraban una fiesta solemnisima ... la cual era tan guardada y festejada que ni aun barrer la casa ni hacer de comer no se permitia.' _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., cap. ii. [ ] sahagun in his short résumé of the festival states that some hold this celebration to have been in honor of chalchihuitlicue, the water-goddess, and others in honor of quetzalcoatl; but thinks that it might have been in honor of all these deities, namely, the tlalocs, chalchihuitlicue, and quetzalcoatl. _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , - . see also _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , . [ ] although sahagun states that huitzilopochtli also received honors this month, yet no direct ceremonies were observed before his image. the large number of captives sacrificed, however, the universality and length of the festivities, the royal dance, etc., would certainly point to a celebration in honor of a greater deity than xipe. he also says: 'en esta fiesta mataban todos los cautivos, hombres, mugeres, y niños,' which is not very probable. _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . [ ] thieves convicted the second time of stealing gold articles were sacrificed. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . the same author says with regard to the number of sacrifices made annually in the mexican empire, that he can affirm nothing, as the reports vary greatly. 'zumárraga, the first bishop of mexico, says, in a letter of the th of june, , addressed to the general chapter of his order, that in that capital alone twenty thousand human victims were annually sacrificed. some authors quoted by gomara, affirm that the number of the sacrificed amounted to fifty thousand. acosta writes that there was a certain day of the year on which five thousand were sacrificed in different places of the empire; and another day on which they sacrificed twenty thousand. some authors believe, that on the mountain tepeyacac alone, twenty thousand were sacrificed to the goddess tonantzin. torquemada, in quoting, though unfaithfully, the letter of zumárraga, says, that there were twenty thousand infants annually sacrificed. but, on the contrary, las casas, in his refutation of the bloody book, wrote by dr. sepulveda, reduces the sacrifices to so small a number, that we are left to believe, they amounted not to fifty, or at most not to a hundred. we are strongly of opinion that all these authors have erred in the number, las casas by diminution, the rest by exaggeration of the truth.' _id._, translation, lond. , vol. i., p. . [ ] this farce differed from the regular gladiatorial combat which will be described elsewhere. [ ] 'quedauan las cabeças coraçones para los sacerdotes.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] 'guardaban alguno que fuese principal señor para este dia; el cual dessolaban para que se vestiese montezuma gran rey de la tierra y con él baylaba con sus reales contenencias.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxx. 'embutian los cueros de algodon o paja, y, o los colgauan en el templo, o en palacio,' in the case of a prisoner of rank. _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . it is not stated that the persons who wore the skins and made the collection were connected with the temple, but this was no doubt the case, especially as many authors mention that priests had to dress themselves in the ghastly garb for a certain time. for representation of priest dressed in a flayed skin see _nebel_, _viaje_, pl. xxxiv. [ ] 'cuatro de ellos cantaban á las navajas.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano, y otros como el dedo pulgar del pie: y otros tanto gruezos como los dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxii. [ ] motolinia conveys the idea that the people also performed the infliction on the tongue: 'aquella devota gente ... sacaban por sus lenguas otros palillos de á jeme y del gordor de un cañon de pato.' _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'cada dia de estos iba el viejo de noche á la sierra ya dicha y ofrecia al demonio mucho papel, y copalli, y cordonices.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'la cual decian que habia venido con el ídolo pequeño, de un pueblo que se dice tollan, y de otro que se dice poyauhtlan, de donde se afirma que fué natural el mismo ídolo.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] see also _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , - , . [ ] 'echaban por el pueblo cierto pecho ó derrama recogiendo tanto haber que pudiesen comprar cuatro niños esclavos de cinco á seis años. estos comprados ponianlos en una cueva y cerrabanla hasta otro año que hacian otro tanto.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxx. [ ] duran adds that all male children under twelve years of age were punctured in the ears, tongue, and leg, and kept on short allowance on the day of festival, but this is not very probable, for other authors name the fifth month for the scarification of infants. _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii. for particulars of the feast see _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , ; _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - . [ ] boturini, _idea_, p. , translates this name as 'the great bleeding,' referring to the scarifications in expiation of sins. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - . according to duran, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii., the tlalocs were worshiped this month also, and this involved bloody rites. _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. vii., pp. - . motolinia states that food was offered to the stalks: 'delante de aquellas cañas ofrecian comida y atolli.' _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . for a more detailed description of this feast see vol. iii. of this work, pp. - . [ ] 'le tlacochcalco, ou maison d'armes, était un arsenal, consacré à huitzilopochtli, dans l'enceinte du grand temple. il se trouvait à côté un teocalli où l'on offrait des sacrifices spéciaux à ce dieu et à tetzcatlipoca.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . this sanctuary outside the town was also dependent on the great temple, and, as the fate of the youth was to illustrate the miserable end to which riches and pleasures may come, it is, perhaps, more likely that this poor and lonely edifice was the place of sacrifice. clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , says 'conducevanlo ... al tempio di tezcatlipoca.' [ ] brasseur de bourbourg indicates that the race in the temple, and the liberation of the marriageable took place in leap-years only, but he evidently misunderstands his authority. prescott, _mex._, vol. i., pp. - , gives an account of this festival. [ ] contrary to the statement of others, brasseur de bourbourg says that the stage was borne by temple officers; surely, warriors were the fit persons to attend the god of war. [ ] 'llevábanle entablado con unas saetas que ellos llamaban _teumitl_, las cuales tenían plumas en tres partes junto el casquillo, y en el medio, y el cabo, iban estas saetas una debajo, y otra encima del papel; tomábanlas dos, uno de una parte, y otro de otra, llevándolas asidas ambas juntas con las manos, y con ellas apretaban el papelon una por encima, y otra por debajo.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'el incienso no era del ordinario, que llaman copal blanco, ni de el incienso comun ... sino de vna goma, ò betun negro, à manera de pez, el qual licor se engendra en la mar, y sus aguas, y olas, lo hechan en algunas partes à sus riberas, y orillas, y le llaman chapopotli, el qual hecha de sì mal olor, para quien no le acostumbra à oler, y es intenso, y fuerte.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] a kind of perforated and ornamented censer, shaped like a large spoon. [ ] clavigero writes: '_ixteocale_, che vale, savio signor del cielo.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . several other names are also applied to him. [ ] 'mischiavasi nel ballo de'cortigiani.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] pp. - , - . [ ] 'se juntauan todos los caualleros y principales personas de cada prouincia ... vestian vna muger de la ropa y insignias de la diosa de la sal, y baylauan con ella todos.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] 'era esta fiesta de muy poca solemnidad y sin ceremonias, ni comidas, y sin muertes de hombres; en fin no era mas de una preparacion para la fiesta venidera del mes que viene.' _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] duran says that the women took the victim to mount chapultepec, to the very summit, and said, 'my daughter, let us hasten back to the place whence we came,' whereupon all started back to the temple, chasing the doomed woman before them. _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii. [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , - ; brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , says: 'les rois eux-mêmes prenaient alors part à la danse, qui avait lieu dans les endroits où ils pouvait s'assembler le plus de spectateurs.' [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'salian los hombres nobles, y muchas mugeres principales, y asianse de las manos los vnos, de los otros, mezclados hombres, y mugeres mui por orden, y luego se hechaban los braços al cuello, y asi abraçados, començaban à moverse mui paso à paso.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , - . [ ] 'cortaban un gran árbol en el monte, de veinte y cinco brazas de largo.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . 'l'emportaient (the tree) processionnellement au temple de huitzilopochtli, sans rien lui enlever de ses rameaux ni de son feuillage.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] clavigero says that the captors sprinkled the victims and threw them into the fire. _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii. [ ] 'c'était l'époque où la noblesse célébrait la commémoration des princes et des guerriers qui les avaient précédés.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. , - ; _codex telleriano-remensis_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. v., pp. - . [ ] see volume iii., of this work, pp. - , where a detailed description of this festival is given. [ ] sahagun writes: 'Á la media noche de este mismo dia, molian un poco de harina de maíz, y hacian un montoncillo de ella bien tupida: y lo fabricaban de harina, redondo como un queso, sobre un petate. en el mismo veían cuando habian llegado todos los dioses, porque aparecia una pisada de un pie pequeño sobre la harina.' _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . [ ] these sacrifices by fire appear to have been made upon the summit of a small temple which stood within the courtyard of the larger one. [ ] 'ballavano attorno ad un gran fuoco molti giovani travestiti in parecchie forme di mostri, e frattanto andavano gettando de'prigionieri nel fuoco.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] the burning and dancing took place on the first two days of the following month, according to sahagun. 'estos dos dias postreros eran del mes que se sigue.' _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] see vol. iii., p. - . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] the name of a bird with red and blue plumage. [ ] 'al undécimo dia de este mes, iban á hacer una casa á aquella sierra que estaba encima de _atlacuioayan_, y esta era fiesta por sí, de manera que en este mes habia dos fiestas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . 'no sacrificaban este dia hombres sino caza, y asi la caza servia de victimas á los dioses.' _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv. [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] see vol. iii. of this work, pp. - , - , - . [ ] gomara says men and women danced two nights with the gods and drank until they were all drunk. _conq. mex._, fol. . according to duran, camaxtli was fêted in this month, and a bread called _yocotamally_ was eaten exclusively on the day of the festival. _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] see vol. iii. of this work, pp. - . [ ] see _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxi. [ ] see _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxi.; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] see _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxi.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] '_nahui ollin tonatiuh_, esto es, el sol en sus cuatro movientos, acompañado de la _via lactea_.' _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., p. . [ ] 'mataban quatro cautivos de los que se llamaban chachame, que quiere decir: tontos; y mataban tambien la imagen del sol, y de la luna, que eran dos hombres.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'on immolait ensuite un grand nombre de captifs, dont les principaux, appelés chachamé, figuraient le soleil et la lune.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'creen que topilcin su rey primero se conuertio en aquella estrella.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxiv. [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - . 'papahua-tlamacazqui, ou ministres aux longs cheveux. c'est par leurs mains que passaient les prémices des fruits de la terre qu'on offrait aux astres du jour et de la nuit.... on immolait un grand nombre de captifs et, à leur défaut, les criminels.... sur leur sépulture on exécutait un ballet.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. - . for description of zapotec harvest-feast see _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - . [ ] for description of this feast see vol. iii. of this work, pp. - . the authorities on aztec festivals are: _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , lib. i., pp. - ; _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. vii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxix-clxxvii.; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.,; _leon_, _camino del cielo_, pp. - ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., pp. - ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - , - , - , - ; _boturini_, _idea_, pt i., pp. - , - ; _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; _purchas his pilgrimes_, tom. iv., pp. - ; _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , , - ; _west und ost indischer lustgart_, pt i., pp. - ; _codex telleriano-remensis_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. - , - , tom. ii., pp. - , tom. iii., pp. - , - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _lenoir_, _parallèle_, pp. - . chapter x. food of the nahua nations. origin of agriculture--floating gardens--agricultural products--manner of preparing the soil--description of agricultural implements--irrigation--granaries--gardens--the harvest feast--manner of hunting--fishing--methods of procuring salt--nahua cookery--various kinds of bread--beans--pepper--fruit--tamales--miscellaneous articles of food--eating of human flesh--manufacture of pulque--preparation of chocolatl--other beverages--intoxicating drinks--drunkenness--time and manner of taking meals. [sidenote: agriculture and civilization.] hunting, fishing, and agriculture furnished the nahua nations with means of subsistence, besides which they had, in common with their uncivilized brethren of the sierras and forests, the uncultivated edible products of the soil. among the coast nations, the dwellers on the banks of large streams, and the inhabitants of the lake regions of anáhuac and michoacan, fish constituted an important article of food. but agriculture, here as elsewhere, distinguished savagism from civilization, and of the lands of the so-called civilized nations few fertile tracts were found uncultivated at the coming of the spaniards. cultivation of the soil was doubtless the first tangible step in the progressive development of these nations, and this is indicated in their traditionary annals, which point, more or less vaguely, to a remote period when the quinames, or giants, occupied the land as yet untilled; which means that the inhabitants were savages, whose progress had not yet exhibited any change sufficiently marked to leave its imprint on tradition. at a time still more remote, however, the invention of bows and arrows is traditionally referred to.[ ] the gradual discovery and introduction of agricultural arts according to the laws of development, were of course unintelligible to the aboriginal mind; consequently their traditions tell us wondrous tales of divine intervention and instruction. nevertheless, the introduction of agriculture was doubtless of very ancient date. the olmecs and xicalancas, traditionally the oldest civilized peoples in mexico, were farmers back to the limit of traditional history, as were the lineal ancestors of all the nations which form the subject of this volume. indeed, as the nahua nations were living when the spaniards found them, so had they probably been living for at least ten centuries, and not improbably for a much longer period. it was, however, according to tradition, during the toltec period of nahua culture that husbandry and all the arts pertaining to the production and preparation of food, were brought to the highest degree of perfection. many traditions even attribute to the toltecs the invention or first introduction of agriculture.[ ] but even during this toltec period hunting tribes, both of nahua and other blood, were pursuing their game in the forests and mountains, especially in the northern region. despised by their more civilized, corn-eating brethren, they were known as barbarians, dogs, chichimecs, 'suckers of blood,' from the custom attributed to them of drinking blood and eating raw flesh. many tribes, indeed, although very far from being savages, were known to the aristocratic toltecs as chichimecs, by reason of some real or imaginary inferiority. by the revolutions of the tenth century, some of these chichimec nations, probably of the nahua blood and tillers of the soil, although at the same time bold hunters and valiant warriors, gained the ascendancy in anáhuac. hence the absurd versions of native traditions which represent the valley of mexico as occupied during the chichimec period by a people who, until taught better by the acolhuas, lived in caverns and subsisted on wild fruits and raw meat, while at the same time they were ruled by emperors, and possessed a most complicated and advanced system of government and laws. their barbarism probably consisted for the most part in resisting for a time the enervating influences of toltec luxury, especially in the pleasures of the table.[ ] [sidenote: chinampas, or floating gardens.] the aztecs were traditionally corn-eaters from the first, but while shut up for long years on an island in the lake, they had little opportunity for agricultural pursuits. during this period of their history, the fish, birds, insects, plants, and mud of the lake supplied them with food, until floating gardens were invented and subsequent conquests on the main land afforded them broad fields for tillage. as a rule no details are preserved concerning the pre-aztec peoples; where such details are known they will be introduced in their proper place as illustrative of later nahua food-customs. the _chinampas_, or floating gardens, cultivated by the aztecs on the surface of the lakes in anáhuac, were a most extraordinary source of food. driven in the days of their national weakness to the lake islands, too small for the tillage which on the main had supported them, these ingenious people devised the chinampa. they observed small portions of the shore, detached by the high water and held together by fibrous roots, floating about on the surface of the water. acting on the suggestion, they constructed rafts of light wood, covered with smaller sticks, rushes, and reeds, bound together with fibrous aquatic plants, and on this foundation they heaped two or three feet of black mud from the bottom of the lake. thus the broad surface around their island home was dotted with fertile gardens, self-irrigating and independent of rains, easily moved from place to place according to the fancy of the proprietor. they usually took the form of parallelograms and were often over a hundred feet long. all the agricultural products of the country, particularly maize, chile, and beans were soon produced in abundance on the chinampas, while the larger ones even bore fruit and shade trees of considerable size, and a hut for the convenience of the owner, or gardener. the floating gardens have remained in use down to modern times, but since the waters of the lakes receded so much from their former limits, they have been generally attached to the shore, being separated by narrow canals navigated by the canoes which bear their produce to the markets. in later times, however, only flowers and garden vegetables have been raised in this manner.[ ] on the mainland throughout the nahua territory few fertile spots were left uncultivated. the land was densely populated, and agriculture was an honorable profession in which all, except the king, the nobility, and soldiers in time of actual war, were more or less engaged.[ ] [sidenote: aboriginal agriculture.] agricultural products in the shape of food were not a prominent feature among articles of export and import, excepting, of course, luxuries for the tables of the kings and nobles. each province, as a rule, raised only sufficient supplies for its own ordinary necessities; consequently, when by reason of drought or other cause, a famine desolated one province, it was with the greatest difficulty that food could be obtained from abroad. the mexicans were an improvident people, and want was no stranger to them.[ ] the chief products of nahua tillage were maize, beans, magueyes, cacao, chian, chile, and various native fruits.[ ] the maize, or indian corn, the dried ears of which were called by the aztecs _centli_, and the dried kernels separated from the cob, _tlaolli_,[ ] was the standard and universal nahua food. indigenous to america, in the development of whose civilization, traditionally at least, it played an important part, it has since been introduced to the world. it is the subject of the new world traditions respecting the introduction of agriculture among men. tortillas, of maize, accompanied by the inevitable frijoles, or beans, seasoned with chile, or pepper, and washed down with drinks prepared from the maguey and cacao, were then, as now, the all-sustaining diet, and we are told that corn grew so strong and high in the fields that covered the surface of the country in some parts, as to seriously embarrass the conqueror cortés in his movements against the natives hidden in these natural labyrinths.[ ] [sidenote: cornfields and granaries.] respecting the particular methods of cultivation practiced by the nahuas, except in the raising of corn, early observers have left no definite information.[ ] the valleys were of course the favorite localities for cornfields, but the highlands were also cultivated. in the latter case the trees and bushes were cut down, the land burned over, and the seed put in among the ashes. such lands were allowed to rest several years--torquemada says five or six--after each crop, until the surface was covered with grass and bushes for a new burning. no other fertilizer than ashes, so far as known, was ever employed. fields were enclosed by stone walls and hedges of maguey, which were carefully repaired each year in the month of panquetzaliztli. they had no laboring animals, and their farming implements were exceedingly few and rude. three of these only are mentioned. the _huictli_ was a kind of oaken shovel or spade, in handling which both hands and feet were used. the _coatl_, or _coa_ (serpent), so called probably from its shape, was a copper implement with a wooden handle, used somewhat as a hoe is used by modern farmers in breaking the surface of the soil. another copper instrument, shaped like a sickle, with a wooden handle, was used for pruning fruit-trees. a simple sharp stick, the point of which was hardened in the fire, or more rarely tipped with copper, was the implement in most common use. to plant corn, the farmer dropped a few kernels into a hole made with this stick, and covered them with his foot, taking the greatest pains to make the rows perfectly straight and parallel; the intervals between the hills were always uniform, though the space was regulated according to the nature and fertility of the soil. the field was kept carefully weeded, and at a certain age the stalks were supported by heaping up the soil round them. at maturity the stalks were often broken two thirds up, that the husks might protect the hanging ear from rain. during the growth and ripening of the maize, a watchman or boy was kept constantly on guard in a sheltered station commanding the field, whose duty it was to drive away, with stones and shouts, the flocks of feathered robbers which abounded in the country. women and children aided the men in the lighter farm labors, such as dropping the seeds, weeding the plants, and husking and cleaning the grain. to irrigate the fields the water of rivers and of mountain streams was utilized by means of canals, dams, and ditches. the network of canals by which the cacao plantations of the tierra caliente in tabasco were watered, offered to cortés' army even more serious obstructions than the dense growth of the maizales, or cornfields. granaries for storing maize were built of _oyametl_, or _oxametl_, a tree whose long branches were regular, tough, and flexible. the sticks were laid in log-house fashion, one above another, and close together, so as to form a tight square room, which was covered with a water-tight roof, and had only two openings or windows, one at the top and another at the bottom. many of these granaries had a capacity of several thousand bushels, and in them corn was preserved for several, or, as brasseur says, for fifteen or twenty, years. besides the regular and extensive plantations of staple products, gardens were common, tastefully laid out and devoted to the cultivation of fruits, vegetables, medicinal herbs, and particularly flowers, of which the mexicans were very fond, and which were in demand for temple decorations and bouquets. the gardens connected with the palaces of kings and nobles, particularly those of tezcuco, iztapalapan, and huaxtepec, excited great wonder and admiration in the minds of the first european visitors, but these have been already mentioned in a preceding chapter.[ ] we shall find the planting and growth of maize not without influence in the development of the nahua calendars, and that it was closely connected with the worship of the gods and with religious ideas and ceremonies. father burgoa relates that in oajaca, the cultivation of this grain, the people's chief support, was attended by some peculiar ceremonies. at harvest-time the priests of the maize god in quegolani, ceremonially visited the cornfields followed by a procession of the people, and sought diligently the fairest and best-filled ear. this they bore to the village, placed it on an altar decked for the occasion with flowers and precious chalchiuites, sang and danced before it, and wrapped it with care in a white cotton cloth, in which it was preserved until the next seed-time. then with renewed processions and solemn rites the magic ear with its white covering was wrapped in a deer-skin and buried in the midst of the cornfields in a small hole lined with stones. when another harvest came, if it were a fruitful one, the precious offering to the earth was dug up and its decayed remains distributed in small parcels to the happy populace as talismans against all kinds of evil.[ ] [sidenote: the chase in anÁhuac.] the game most abundant was deer, hare, rabbits, wild hogs, wolves, foxes, jaguars, or tigers, mexican lions, coyotes, pigeons, partridges, quails, and many aquatic birds. the usual weapon was the bow and arrow, to the invention of which tradition ascribes the origin of the chase; but spears, snares, and nets were also employed, and the sarbacan, a tube through which pellets or darts were blown, was an effective bird-killer. game in the royal forests was protected by law, and many hunters were employed in taking animals and birds alive for the king's collections. among the peculiar devices employed for taking water-birds was that already mentioned in connection with the wild tribes; the hunter floating in the water, with only his head, covered with a gourd, above the surface, and thus approaching his prey unsuspected. young monkeys were caught by putting in a concealed fire a peculiar black stone which exploded when heated. corn was scattered about as a bait, and when the old monkeys brought their young to feed they were frightened by the explosion and ran away, leaving the young ones an easy prey. the native hunters are represented as particularly skillful in following an indistinct trail. according to sahagun, a superstition prevailed that only four arrows might be shot at a tiger, but to secure success a leaf was attached to one of the arrows, which, making a peculiar whizzing sound, fell short and attracted the beast's attention while the hunter took deliberate aim. crocodiles were taken with a noose round the neck and also, by the boldest hunters, by inserting a stick sharpened and barbed at both ends in the animal's open mouth. it is probable that, while a small portion of the common people in certain parts of the country sought game for food alone, the chase among the nahuas was for the most part a diversion of the nobles and soldiers. there were also certain hunts established by law or custom at certain periods of the year, the products of which were devoted to sacrificial purposes, although most likely eaten eventually. in the month quecholli a day's hunt was celebrated by the warriors in honor of mixcoatl. a large forest--that of zacatepec, near mexico, being a favorite resort--was surrounded by a line of hunters many miles in extent. in the centre of the forest various snares and traps were set. when all was ready, the living circle began to contract, and the hunters with shouts pressed forward toward the centre. to aid in the work, the grass was sometimes fired. the various animals were driven from their retreats into the snares prepared for them, or fell victims to the huntsmen's arrows. immense quantities of game were thus secured and borne to the city and to the neighboring towns, the inhabitants of which had assisted in the hunt, as an offering to the god. each hunter carried to his own home the heads of such animals as he had killed, and a prize was awarded to the most successful. in the month tecuilhuitontli also, while the warriors practiced in sham fights for actual war, the common people gave their attention to the chase. large numbers of birds were taken in nets spread on poles like spear-shafts. in earlier times, when the chase was more depended on for food, the first game taken was offered to the gods; or, by the chichimecs and xochimilcas, to the sun, as ixtlilxochitl informs us.[ ] [sidenote: fisheries and salt.] fish was much more universally used for food than game. torquemada tells us that the aztecs first invented the art of fishing prompted by the mother of invention when forced by their enemies to live on the lake islands; and it was the smell of roasted fish, wafted to the shore, that revealed their presence. this tradition is somewhat absurd, and it is difficult to believe that the art was entirely unknown during the preceding toltec and olmec periods of nahua civilization. besides the supply in lake and river, artificial ponds in the royal gardens were also stocked with fish, and we have seen that fresh fish from the ocean were brought to mexico for the king's table. respecting the particular methods employed by the nahua fishermen, save that they used both nets and hooks, the authorities say nothing. the tarascos had such an abundance of food in their lakes that their country was named michoacan, 'land of fish'; and the rivers of huastecapan are also mentioned as richly stocked with finny food.[ ] the nahuas had, as i have said, no herds or flocks, but besides the royal collections of animals, which included nearly every known variety of quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles, the common people kept and bred _techichi_ (a native animal resembling a dog), turkeys, quails, geese, ducks, and many other birds. the nobles also kept deer, hares, and rabbits.[ ] next to chile, salt, or _iztatl_, was the condiment most used, and most of the supply came from the valley of mexico. the best was made by boiling the water from the salt lake in large pots, and was preserved in white cakes or balls. it was oftener, however, led by trenches into shallow pools and evaporated by the sun. the work would seem to have been done by women, since sahagun speaks of the women and girls employed in this industry as dancing at the feast in honor of the goddess of salt in the month tecuilhuitontli. a poor quality of salt, _tequizquitl_, brick-colored and strongly impregnated with saltpetre, was scraped up on the flats around the lakes, and largely used in salting meats. las casas mentions salt springs in the bed of fresh-water streams, the water of which was pumped out through hollow canes, and yielded on evaporation a fine white salt; but it is not certain what part of the country he refers to. the aztec kings practically monopolized the salt market and refused to sell it to any except tributary nations. in consequence of this disposition, republican tlascala, one of the few nations that maintained its independence, was forced for many years to eat its food unsalted; and so habituated did the people become to this diet, that in later times, if we may credit camargo, very little salt was consumed.[ ] [sidenote: the nahua cuisine.] we now come to the methods adopted by the nahuas in preparing and cooking food. maize, when in the milk, was eaten boiled, and called _elotl_; when dry it was often prepared for food by simply parching or roasting, and then named _mumuehitl_. but it usually came to the aztec table in the shape of _tlaxcalli_, the spanish tortillas, the standard bread, then as now, in all spanish america. it would be difficult to name a book in any way treating of mexico in which tortillas are not fully described. the aborigines boiled the corn in water, to which lime, or sometimes nitre, was added. when sufficiently soft and free from hulls it was crushed on the _metlatl_, or metate, with a stone roller, and the dough, after being kneaded also on the metate, was formed by the hands of the women into very thin round cakes which were quickly baked on earthen pans, or _comalli_, and piled up one on another that they might retain their warmth, for when cold they lost their savor. peter martyr speaks of these tortillas as "bread made of maizium." they were sometimes, but rarely, flavored with different native plants and flowers. there was, however, some variety in their preparation, according to which they bore different names. for example _totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli_ were very white, being folded and covered with napkins; _huietlaxcalli_ were large, thin, and soft; _quauhtlaqualli_ were thick and rough; _tlaxcalpacholli_, grayish; and _tlacepoallitlaxcalli_ presented a blistered surface. there were many other kinds. in addition to the tlaxcalli, thicker corn-bread in the form of long cakes and balls were made. _atolli_ varied in consistency from porridge, or gruel, to mush, and may consequently be classed either as a drink or as food. to make it, the hulled corn was mashed, mixed with water, and boiled down to the required consistency; it was variously sweetened and seasoned, and eaten both hot and cold. according to its condition and seasoning it received about seventeen names; thus _totonquiatolli_ was eaten hot, _nequatolli_ was sweetened with honey, _chilnequatolli_ was seasoned with chile, and _quauhnexatolli_ with saltpetre. beans, the _etl_ of the aztecs, the frijoles of the spaniards, were while yet green boiled in the pod, and were then called _exotl_; when dry they were also generally boiled; but ixtlilxochitl mentions flour made from beans. _chilli_, chile, or pepper, was eaten both green and dry, whole and ground. a sauce was also made from it into which hot tortillas were dipped, and which formed a part of the seasoning in nearly every nahua dish. "it is the principal sauce and the only spice of the indias," as acosta tells us. flesh, fowl, and fish, both fresh and salted, were stewed, boiled, and roasted, with the fat of the techichi, and seasoned with chile, _tomatl_ (since called tomatoes), etc. the larger roasted game preserved for eating from the sacrifices in the month of itzcalli is termed _calpuleque_ by sahagun. _pipian_ was a stew of fowl with chile, tomatoes, and ground pumpkin-seeds. deer and rabbits were barbecued. peter martyr speaks of "rost and sodden meates of foule." fruits, for the most part, were eaten as with us, raw, but some, as the plantain and banana, were roasted and stewed. so much for the plain nahua cookery. into the labyrinthine mysteries of the mixed dishes i shall not penetrate far. it is easier for the writer, and not less satisfactory to the reader, to dismiss the subject with the remark that all the articles of food that have been mentioned, fish, flesh, and fowl, were mixed and cooked in every conceivable proportion, the product taking a different name with each change in the ingredients. the two principal classes of these mixed dishes were the pot-stews, or cazuelas, of various meats with multitudinous seasonings; and the _tamalli_, or tamales, meat pies, to make which meats were boiled, chopped fine, and seasoned, then mixed with maize-dough, coated with the same, wrapped in a corn-husk, and boiled again. these also took different names according to the ingredients and seasoning. the tamale is still a favorite dish, like tortillas and frijoles. miscellaneous articles of food, not already spoken of, were _axayacatl_, flies of the mexican lakes, dried, ground, boiled, and eaten in the form of cakes; _ahuauhtli_, the eggs of the same fly, a kind of native caviar; many kinds of insects, ants, maguey-worms, and even lice; _tecuitlatl_, 'excrement of stone,' a slime that was gathered on the surface of the lakes, and dried till it resembled cheese; eggs of turkeys, iguanas, and turtles, roasted, boiled, and in omelettes; various reptiles, frogs, and frog-spawn; shrimps, sardines, and crabs; corn-silk, wild-amaranth seeds, cherry-stones, tule-roots, and very many other articles inexpressible; yucca flour, potoyucca, tunas; honey from maize, from bees, and from the maguey; and roasted portions of the maguey stalks and leaves. the women did all the work in preparing and cooking food; in tlascala, however, the men felt that an apology was due for allowing this work to be done by women, and claimed, as sahagun says, that the smoke of cooking would impair their eye-sight and make them less successful in the hunt. all these articles of food, both cooked and uncooked, were offered for sale in the market-places of each large town, of which i shall speak further when i come to treat of commerce. eating-houses were also generally found near the markets, where all the substantials and delicacies of the nahua cuisine might be obtained.[ ] [sidenote: eating of human flesh.] one article of nahua food demands special mention--human flesh. that they ate the arms and legs of the victims sacrificed to their gods, there is no room for doubt. this religious cannibalism--perhaps human sacrifice itself--was probably not practiced before the cruel-minded aztec devotees of huitzilopochtli came into power, or at least was of rare occurrence; but during the aztec dominion, the custom of eating the flesh of sacrificed enemies became almost universal. that cannibalism, as a source of food, unconnected with religious rites, was ever practiced, there is little evidence. the anonymous conqueror tells us that they esteemed the flesh of men above all other food, and risked their lives in battle solely to obtain it. bernal diaz says that they sold it at retail in the markets; and veytia also states that this was true of the otomís. father gand assures us that there were many priests that ate and drank nothing but the flesh and blood of children. but these ogreish tales are probably exaggerations, since those who knew most of the natives, sahagun, motolinia, and las casas, regard the cannibalism of the nahuas rather as an abhorrent feature of their religion than as the result of an unnatural appetite. that by long usage they became fond of this food, may well be believed; but that their prejudice was strong against eating the flesh of any but their sacrificed foes, is proven, as gomara says, by the fact that multitudes died of starvation during the siege of mexico by cortés. even the victims of sacrifice seem only to have been eaten in banquets, more or less public, accompanied with ceremonial rites. a number of infants sacrificed to the tlalocs were eaten each year, and the blood of these and of other victims was employed in mixing certain cakes, some of which were at one time sent as a propitiatory offering to cortés.[ ] [sidenote: drinks and drunkenness.] the most popular nahua beverages were those since known as pulque and chocolate. the former, called by the natives _octli_--pulque, or pulcre, being a south american aboriginal term applied to the liquor in some unaccountable way by the spaniards--was the fermented juice of the maguey. one plant is said to yield about one hundred pounds in a month. a cavity is cut at the base of the larger leaves, and allowed to fill with juice, which is removed to a vessel of earthen ware or of skin, where it ferments rapidly and is ready for use. in a pure state it is of a light color, wholesome, and somewhat less intoxicating than grape wine; but the aborigines mixed with it various herbs, some to merely change its color or flavor, and others to increase its intoxicating properties. this national drink was honored with a special divinity, ometochtli, one of the numerous nahua gods of wine. according to some traditions the quinames, or giants, knew how to prepare it, but its invention is oftener attributed to the toltecs, its first recorded use having been to aid in the seduction of a mighty monarch from his royal duties.[ ] _chocolatl_--the foundation of our chocolate--was made by pounding cacao to a powder, adding an equal quantity of a seed called _pochotl_, also powdered, and stirring or beating the mixture briskly in a dish of water. the oily foam which rose to the surface was then separated, a small quantity of maize flour was added, and the liquid which was set before the fire. the oily portion was finally restored and the beverage was drunk lukewarm, sweetened with honey and often seasoned with vanilla. this drink was nutritious, refreshing, and cooling, and was especially a favorite with those called upon to perform fatiguing labor with scant food.[ ] miscellaneous drinks were water, plantain-juice, the various kinds of porridge known as _atolli_, already mentioned, the juice of maize-stalks, those prepared from chian and other seeds by boiling, and fermented water in which corn had been boiled--a favorite tarasco drink. among the ingredients used to make their drinks more intoxicating the most powerful was the _teonanacatl_, 'flesh of god,' a kind of mushroom which excited the passions and caused the partaker to see snakes and divers other visions.[ ] the aztec laws against drunkenness were very severe, yet nearly all the authors represent the people as delighting in all manner of intoxication, and as giving way on every opportunity to the vice when the power of their rulers over them was destroyed by the coming of the spaniards. drinking to excess seems to have been with them a social vice, confined mostly to public feasts and private banquets. it may have been chiefly against intemperance among the working classes, and officials when on duty, that the stringent laws were directed. mendieta speaks of the people as very temperate, using pulque only under the direction of the chiefs and judges for medicinal purposes chiefly. the nobles made it a point of honor not to drink to excess, and all feared punishment. but motolinia and other good authorities take an opposite view of the native character in this respect.[ ] [sidenote: meals of the common people.] concerning the manner of serving the king's meals, as well as the banquets and feasts of nobles and the richer classes, enough has been already said. of the daily meals among the masses little is known. the nahuas seem to have confined their indulgence in rich and varied viands to the oft-recurring feasts, while at their homes they were content with plain fare. this is a peculiarity that is still observable in the country, both among the descendants of the nahuas and of their conquerors. the poorer people had in each house a metate for grinding maize, and a few earthen dishes for cooking tortillas and frijoles. they ate three meals a day, morning, noon, and night, using the ground for table, table-cloth, napkins, and chairs, conveying their tlaxcalli and chile to the mouth with the fingers, and washing down their simple food with water or atole. the richer nahuas were served with a greater variety on palm-mats often richly decorated, around which low seats were placed for their convenience; napkins were also furnished.[ ] footnotes: [ ] 'dicen que en aquellos principios del mundo se mantenian los hombres solamente con frutas y yerbas, hasta que uno á quien llaman tlaominqui, que quiere decir, _el que mató con flecha_ halló la invencion del arco y la flecha, y que desde entónces comenzaron á ejercitarse en la caza y mantenerse de carnes de los animales que mataban en ella.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. . the giants lived 'mas como brutos que como racionales: su alimento eran las carnes crudas de las aves y fieras que cazavan sin distincion alguna, las frutas y yerbas silvestres porque nada cultivaban;' yet they knew how to make pulque to get drunk with. _id._, p. . [ ] the olmecs raised at least maize, chile, and beans before the time of the toltecs. _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. . the toltec 'comida era el mismo mantenimiento que ahora se usa del maíz que sembraban y beneficiaban así el blanco como el de mas colores.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . to the toltec agriculture 'debitrici si riconobbero le posteriori nazioni del frumentone, del cotone, del peverone, e d'altri utilissimi frutti.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . the toltecs 'truxeron mays, algodon, y demas semillas.' _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. . 'tenian el maiz, algodon, chile, frijoles y las demas semillas de la tierra que hay.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., pp. , - . [ ] 'su comida era toda especie de caza, tanto cuadrúpeda como volátil, sin distincion ni otro condimento que asada, y las frutas ... pero nada sembraban, ni cultivaban.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. . 'no sembraban, ni cocian, ni asaban las carnes de la caza.' their kings and nobles kept forests of deer and hare to supply the people with food, until in nopaltzin's reign they were taught to plant by a descendant of the toltecs. _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , - , , . they were the first inhabitants of the country and 'solo se mantenian de caça.' 'caçauan venados, liebres, conejos, comadrejas, topos, gatos monteses, paxaros, y aun inmundicias como culebras, lagartos, ratones, langostas, y gusanos, y desto y de yeruas rayzes se sustentauan.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - . and to the same effect _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. ; _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon_, p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. , ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. . they began to till the ground in hotzin's reign, but before that they roasted their meat and did not, as many claim, eat it raw. _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - ; _id._, _relaciones_, p. . agriculture introduced in nopaltzin's reign. _id._, p. . but sahagun, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. , says some of the chichimecs 'hacian tambien alguna sementerilla de maíz.' [ ] 'sobre juncia y espadaña se echa tierra en tal forma, que no la deshaga el agua, y allí se siembra, y cultiua, y crece, y madura, y se lleua de vna parte á otra.' the products are maize, chile, wild amaranth, tomatoes, beans, chian, pumpkins, etc. _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . 'la lor figura regolare è quadrilunga: la lunghessa, e la larghezza son varie; ma per lo più hanno, secondo che mi pare, otto pertiche in circa di lunghezza, non più di tre di larghezza, e meno d'un piede d'elevazione sulla superficie dell'acqua.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . produce not only plants useful for food, dress, and medicine, but flowers and plants that serve only for decoration and luxury. _id._, tom. iv., p. . carbajal espinosa, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , translates clavigero's description. 'fairy islands of flowers, overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable size.' 'that archipelago of wandering islands.' or feet long, or feet deep. _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., pp. , - . the black mud of the chinampas is impregnated with muriate of soda, which is gradually washed out as the surface is watered. _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., pp. - . mention by gayangos in _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon_, pp. - . 'camellones, que ellos llaman chinampas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _carli_, _cartas_, pt i., pp. - . [ ] 'es esta provincia (tlascala) de muchos valles llanos y hermosos, y todos labrados y sembrados.' in cholula 'ni un palmo de tierra hay que no esté labrado.' _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , . 'tout le monde, plus ou moins, s'adonnait à la culture, et se faisait honneur de travailler à la campagne.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'hasta los montes y sierras fragosas las tenian ocupadas con sembrados y otros aprovechamientos.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] a full list and description of the many edible mexican plants which were cultivated by the nahuas in the sixteenth and earlier centuries, as they have been ever since by their descendants, is given by the botanist, hernandez, in his _nova plantarum_; see also _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - ; repeated in _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , et seq. maize, maguey, cacao, bananas, and vanilla. _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - . the totonacs raised fruits, but no cacao or _veinacaztli_. _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . the people of michoacan raised 'maíz, frisoles, pepitas y fruta, y las semillas de mantenimientos, llamados _oauhtli, y chian_.' _id._, p. . the matlaltzincas also raised the _hoauhtli_. _id._, p. . besides corn, the most important products were cotton, cacao, maguey (metl), frijoles, chia, and chile. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'les mexicains cultivaient non-seulement toutes les fleurs et toutes les plantes que produit leur pays, mais encore une infinité d'autres qu'ils y avaient transplantées des contrées les plus éloignées.' _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . _id._, _crónica_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . 'hay frutas de muchas maneras, en que hay cerezas, y ciruelas que son semejables á las de españa.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . fruit was more abundant among the huastecs than elsewhere. _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'they haue also many kindes of pot herbes, as lettice, raddish, cresses, garlicke, onyons, and many other herbes besides.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. edible fruits. _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. . [ ] _molina_, _diccionario_. 'centli, o tlaulli, que otros dizen mayz.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, p. . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . in tlascala 'no tienen otra riqueza ni granjeria, sino centli que es su pan.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] peter martyr and the anonymous conqueror say, however, that cacao-trees were planted under larger trees, which were cut down when the plant gained sufficient strength. dec. v., lib. iv.; _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] on the culture of maize and other points mentioned above see _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , , tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - , tom. iv., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.; _gagern_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] on hunting see _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. , tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. - , including a full list and description of mexican animals; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. , ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii.; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , , ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . list of mexican animals in _id._, tom. i., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , - , with same list; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - , tom. ii., p. , with list and description of mexican fishes, of which over varieties fit for food are mentioned; repeated in _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . list of fishes in _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. - . [ ] 'crian muchas gallinas ... que son tan grandes como pavos.' 'conejos, liebres, venados y perros pequeños, que crian para comer castrados.' _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , , , . 'young whelpes flesh is vsuall there ... which they geld and fatte for foode.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. the same author, dec. v., lib. iii., gives some queer information respecting the turkeys. 'the femalles sometimes lay . or . egges, so that it is a multiplying company. the males, are alwayes in loue, and therefore they say, they are very light meate of digestion.' a certain priest reports that 'the male is troubled with certayne impedimentes in the legges, that he can scarse allure the henne to treade her, vnlesse some knowne person take her in his hand, and hold her.... as soone as hee perceiueth the henne which he loueth, is held, hee presently commeth vnto her, and performes his businesse in the hand of the holder,' see _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , tom. iv., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; _albornoz_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] on the preparation of food, and for mention more or less extensive of miscellaneous articles of food, see _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , - , tom. ii., lib. vii., p. , tom. viii., pp. , - , tom. iii, lib. x., pp. - , , ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - , - , , - ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , , - ; _relacion de algunas cosas_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , , , tom. ii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. , - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. , , etc., tom. iv., p. ; _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , - , , , , - ; _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , - , - ; _diaz_, _itinerario_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _id._, pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., pp. , - ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. , - . [ ] 'oi dezir, que le (for montezuma) solian guisar carnes de muchachos de poca edad.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. , , . a slave 'elaborately dressed' was a prominent feature of the banquet. _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . they ate the arms and legs of the spaniards captured. _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. . 'they draw so much blood, as in stead of luke warme water may suffice to temper the lumpe, which by the hellish butchers of that art, without any perturbation of the stomacke being sufficiently kneaded, while it is moyst, and soft euen as a potter of the clay, or a wax chandler of wax, so doth this image maker, admitted and chosen to be maister of this damned and cursed worke.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv., i. 'cocian aquella carne con maíz, y daban á cada uno un pedazo de ella en una escudilla ó cajete con su caldo, y su maíz cocida, y llamaban aquella comida _tlacatlaolli_.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. , , , , . 'la tenian por cosa, como sagrada, y mas se movian à esto por religion, que por vicio.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . see also _albornoz_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _id._, pp. , ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _id._, pp. - , ; _relacion de algunas cosas_, in _id._, p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _gand_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _bologne_, in _id._, p. ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _carbajal_, _discurso_, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - , tom. iv., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. - . [ ] _texcalcevia_, _texcalcevilo_, and _mataluhtli_ are some of the names given to pulque according to its hue and condition. _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. , , . pulque from chilian language. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . see _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - , tom. i., pp. - ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. . 'antes que á su vino lo cuezan con unas raices que le echan, es claro y dulce como aguamiel. despues de cocido, hácese algo espeso y tiene mal olor, y los que con él se embeodan, mucho peor.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; and _ritos antiguos_, pp. - , in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix. 'no hay perros muertos, ni bomba, que assi hiedan como el haliento del borracho deste vino.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] 'esta bebida es el mas sano y mas sustancioso alimento de cuantos se conocen en el mundo, pues el que bebe una taza de ella, aunque haga una jornada, puede pasarse todo el dia sin tomar otra cosa; y siendo frio por su naturaleza, es mejor en tiempo caliente que frio.' _relacion de algunas cosas_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . 'la mejor, mas delicada y cara beuida que tienen es de harina de cacao y agua. algunas vezes le mezclan miel, y harina de otras legumbres. esto no emborracha, antes refresca mucho.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'of certaine almondes ... they make wonderfull drinke.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iv. 'cierta bebida hecha del mismo cacao, que dezian era para tener acceso con mugeres.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . red, vermilion, orange, black, and white. _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - . see _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _chicha_ and _sendechó_, fermented drinks. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . sendechó, an otomí drink, for a full description see _mendoza_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. ii., pp. - . 'ale, and syder.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. 'panicap que es cierto brebaje que ellos beben.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . see besides references in note ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. , ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , - . [ ] _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - . 'comunmente comenzaban á beber despues de vísperas, y dábanse tanta prisa á beber de diez en diez, ó quince en quince, y los escanciadores que no cesaban, y la comida que no era mucha, á prima noche ya van perdiendo el sentido, ya cayendo ya asentado, cantando y dando voces llamando al demonio.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. , . 'beben con tanto exceso, que no paran hasta caer como muertos de puro ebrios, y tienen á grande honra beber mucho y embriagarse.' _relacion de algunas cosas_, in _id._, pp. , . drinkers and drunkards had several special divinities. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . drank less before the conquest. _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'comen en el suelo, y suziamente ... parten los hueuos en vn cabello que se arrancan,' whatever that operation may be. _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'es gente que con muy poco mantenimiento vive, y la que menos come de cuantas hay en el mundo.' _relacion de algunas cosas_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - . 'molto sobrj nel mangiare.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . 'it is not lawfull for any that is vnmaried to sit at table with such as are maried, or to eate of the same dish, or drinke of the same cup, and make themselues equall with such as are married.' _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv. the nobles gave feasts at certain periods of the year for the relief of the poor. _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . see also _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . additional references for the whole subject of nahua food are:--_montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , , , ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, pp. , , - , ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , - , , , - , , ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, pp. - ; _tylor's anahuac_, pp. , , - , - ; _fossey_, _mexique_, pp. , , - ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _monglave_, _résumé_, pp. - , ; _delaporte_ _reisen_, tom. x., pp. , - ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, p. ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien y mod._, pp. - ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pp. - ; _macgregor's progress of amer._, vol. i., p. ; _gibbs_, in _hist. mag._, vol. vii., p. ; _hazart_, _kirchen-geschichte_, tom. ii., p. ; _helps' span. conq._, tom. ii., p. ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., p. ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - , , ; _lenoir_, _parallèle_, p. ; _long, porter, and tucker's america_, p. ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., pp. - . chapter xi. dress of the nahua nations. progress in dress--dress of the pre-aztec nations--garments of the chichimecs and toltecs--introduction of cotton--the maxtli--the tilmatli--dress of the acolhuas--origin of the tarascan costume--dress of the zapotecs and tabascans--dress of women--the huipil and cueitl--sandals--manner of wearing the hair--painting and tattooing--ornaments used by the nahuas--gorgeous dress of the nobles--dress of the royal attendants--names of the various mantles--the royal diadem--the royal wardrobe--costly decorations. with but few exceptions the dress of all the civilized nations of mexico appears to have been the same. the earliest people, the historians inform us, went entirely naked or covered only the lower portion of the body with the skins of wild animals. afterwards, as by degrees civilization advanced, this scanty covering grew into a regular costume, though still, at first, made only of skins. from this we can note a farther advance to garments manufactured first out of tanned and prepared skins, later of maguey and palm-tree fibres, and lastly of cotton. from the latter no further progress was made, excepting in the various modes of ornamenting and enriching the garments with feather-work, painting, embroidery, gold-work, and jewelry. the common people were obliged to content themselves with plain clothing, but the dress of the richer classes, nobles, princes, and sovereigns, was of finer texture and richer ornamentation.[ ] the descriptions of the dresses of the nations which occupied the valley of mexico before the aztecs vary according to different authors. while some describe them as gorgeously decked out in painted and embroidered garments of cotton and nequen, others say, that they went either wholly naked or were only partially covered with skins. thus sahagun and brasseur de bourbourg describe the toltecs as dressed in undergarments and mantles on which blue scorpions were painted,[ ] while the latter author in another place says that they went entirely naked.[ ] veytia goes even farther than sahagun, affirming that they knew well how to manufacture clothing of cotton, that a great difference existed between the dress of the nobles and that of the plebeians, and that they even varied their clothing with the seasons. he describes them as wearing in summer a kind of breech-cloth or drawers and a square mantle tied across the breast and descending to the ankles, while in winter in addition to the above they clothed themselves in a kind of sack, which reached down as far as the thighs, without sleeves but with a hole for the head and two others for the arms.[ ] [sidenote: dress of the aztecs, tarascos, and huastecs.] the chichimecs, generally mentioned as the successors of the toltecs, are mostly described as going naked, or only partly dressed in skins.[ ] this appears, however, only to relate to the people spoken of as wild chichimecs; those who inhabited tezcuco and others in that neighborhood as civilized as the aztecs, dressed probably in a similar fashion to theirs; at least, as we shall presently see, this was the case with their sovereigns and nobles. all the nahuas, with the exception of the tarascos and huastecs, made use of the breech-cloth, or maxtli.[ ] this with the mexicans in very early times is said to have been a kind of mat, woven of the roots of a plant which grew in the lake of mexico, and was called _amoxtli_.[ ] later, the fibre of the palm-tree and the maguey furnished the material for their clothing, and it was only during the reign of king huitzilihuitl that cotton was introduced.[ ] the maxtli was about twenty-four feet long and nine inches wide, and was generally more or less ornamented at the ends with colored fringes and tassels, the latter sometimes nine inches long. the manner of wearing it was to pass the middle between the legs and to wind it about the hips, leaving the ends hanging one in front and the other at the back, as is done at this day by the malays and other east indian natives. it was at the ends usually that the greatest display of embroidery, fancy fringes, and tassels was made.[ ] [sidenote: garments of the tarascos.] as a further covering the men wore the _tilmatli_, or _ayatl_, a mantle, which was nothing more than a square piece of cloth about four feet long. if worn over both shoulders, the two upper ends were tied in a knot across the breast, but more frequently it was only thrown over one shoulder and knotted under one of the arms. sometimes two or three of these mantles were worn at one time. this, however, was only done by the better classes. the older spanish writers generally compare this mantle to the moorish albornoz. it was usually colored or painted, frequently richly embroidered or ornamented with feathers and furs. the edges were scalloped or fringed with tufts of cotton and sometimes with gold. rich people had, besides these, mantles made of rabbit or other skins, or of beautiful feathers, and others of fine cotton into which was woven rabbit-hair, which latter were used in cold weather.[ ] in only one instance garments with sleeves are mentioned. ixtlilxochitl, in describing the dress of the acolhuas, says that they wore a kind of long coat reaching to the heels with long sleeves.[ ] the dress of the tarascos differed considerably from that of the other nahua nations. this difference is said to have originated in ancient times, when they together with other tribes, as the legend relates, immigrated into mexico. while on their wanderings being obliged to cross a river, and having no ropes with which to construct rafts, they used for this purpose their maxtlis and mantles. not being able to procure other clothing immediately, they were under the necessity of putting on the _huipiles_, or chemises, of the women, leaving to the latter only their _naguas_, or petticoats. in commemoration of this event, they later adopted this as their national costume, discarding the maxtli and wearing the huipil and a mantle.[ ] the tilmatli, or ayatl, was by the tarascos called _tlanatzi_. it was worn over one shoulder and was knotted under the other arm. they frequently trimmed it with hare-skins and painted it gaudily. the young wore it considerably shorter than old people. the manufacture of feather garments seems to have been a specialty of the tarascos.[ ] the zapotecs chiefly dressed in skins, while others in oajaca are said to have worn small jackets, and cortés reports these people to have been better dressed than any he had previously seen.[ ] in tabasco but little covering was used, the greater part of the population going almost naked.[ ] [sidenote: dress of women.] there was no difference in the dress of the women throughout anáhuac. the huipil and _cueitl_ were the chief articles, and were universally used. besides these, mantles of various shapes and materials were worn. the huipil was a kind of chemise, with either no sleeves at all or very short ones; it covered the upper part of the body to a little below the thighs. the lower part of the body was covered by the cueitl, a petticoat, reaching to about half-way between the knees and ankles, and often nicely embroidered and ornamented. skins, _ixcotl_, or palm-fibre, nequen, and cotton were the materials used for these garments. out of doors they frequently put on another over-dress similar to the huipil, only longer and with more ornamental fringes and tassels. sometimes they wore two or three of these at the same time, one over the other, but in that case they were of different lengths, the longest one being worn underneath. a mantle similar in size and shape to that used by the men, white and painted in various designs on the outside, was also used by the females. to the upper edge of this, on that portion which was at the back of the neck, a capuchin, like that worn by the dominican and other monks, was fastened, with which they covered their head.[ ] to protect their feet they used sandals, by the aztecs called _cactli_, which were made of deer or other skins, and frequently also of nequen and cotton. the strings or straps used to fasten them were of the same material.[ ] i do not find any description of the manner in which they were fastened, but in an old mexican manuscript on maguey paper, in which some of the natives are painted in various colors, i find that the sandals were fastened in three places; first by a strap running across the foot immediately behind the toes, then another over the instep and running toward the heel, and lastly by a strap from the heel round the ankle. [sidenote: hair-dressing and painting.] as a general thing mexicans wore the hair long, and in many parts of the empire it was considered a disgrace to cut the hair of a free man or woman.[ ] unlike most of the american natives they wore moustaches, but in other parts of the body they eradicated all hair very carefully.[ ] there were public barber-shops and baths in all the principal cities.[ ] the aztecs had various ways of dressing the hair, differing according to rank and office. generally it was left hanging loose down the back. the women also frequently wore it in this way, but oftener had it done up or trimmed after various fashions; thus some wore it long on the temples and had the rest of the head shaved, others twisted it with dark cotton thread, others again had almost the whole head shaved. among them it was also fashionable to dye the hair with a species of black clay, or with an herb called _xiuhquilitl_, the latter giving it a violet shade. unmarried girls wore the hair always loose; they considered it as especially graceful to wear the hair low[ ] on the forehead. the virgins who served in the temples had their hair cut short.[ ] the otomís shaved the fore part of the heads of children, leaving only a tuft behind, which they called _piochtli_, while the men wore the hair cut short as far as the middle of the back of the head, but left it to grow long behind; and these long locks they called _piocheque_. girls did not have their hair cut until after marriage, when it was worn in the same style as by the men.[ ] the tarascos, or as they were also called quaochpanme, derived this last name from an old fashion of having their heads shaved, both men and women.[ ] later they wore the hair long, the common people simply letting it hang down the back, while the rich braided it with cotton threads of various colors.[ ] the miztecs wore the hair braided, and ornamented with many feathers.[ ] the nahua women used paint freely to beautify their person, and among some nations they also tattooed. among the aztecs they painted their faces with a red, yellow, or black color, made, as sahagun tells us, of burnt incense mixed with dye. they also dyed their feet black with the same mixture. their teeth they cleaned and painted with cochineal; hands, neck, and breast were also painted.[ ] among the tlascaltecs the men painted their faces with a dye made of the _xagua_ and _bixa_.[ ] the otomís tattooed their breasts and arms by making incisions with a knife and rubbing a blue powder therein. they also covered the body with a species of pitch called _teocahuitl_, and over this again they applied some other color. their teeth they dyed black.[ ] the nahuas, like all semi-barbarous people, had a passion for loading themselves with ornaments. those worn by the kings, nobles, and rich persons, were of gold or silver, set with precious stones; those of the poorer classes were of copper, stone, or bone, set with imitations in crystal of the rarer jewels. these ornaments took the shape of bracelets, armlets, anklets, and rings for the nose, ears, and fingers. the lower lip was also pierced, and precious stones, or crystals, inserted. the richer classes used principally for this purpose the chalchiuite, which is generally designated as an emerald. there existed very stringent laws regarding the class of ornaments which the different classes of people were allowed to wear, and it was prohibited, on pain of death, for a subject to use the same dress or ornaments as the king. duran relates that to certain very brave but low-born warriors permission was accorded to wear a cheap garland or crown on the head, but on no account might it be made of gold.[ ] gomara tells us that the claws and beaks of the eagle and also fish-bones were worn as ornaments in the ears, nose, and lips.[ ] the otomís used ear-ornaments made of burned clay, nicely browned, and others of cane.[ ] the tarascos chiefly relied on feathers for their personal adornment.[ ] of the natives encountered by cortés when he landed at vera cruz, peter martyr tells us that in the "hole of the lippes, they weare a broad plate within fastened to another on the outside of the lippe, and the iewell they hang thereat is as great as a siluer caroline doller and as thicke as a mans finger."[ ] in oajaca more ornaments were worn than in any other part of the country, owing, perhaps, as the abbé brasseur de bourbourg remarks, to the plentiful supply of precious metals in that state.[ ] [sidenote: dress of the nobles.] the dress of the nobles and members of the royal household differed from that of the lower classes only in fineness of material and profusion of ornaments. the kings appear to have worn garments of the same shape as those of their subjects, but, in other respects, a particular style of dress was reserved for royalty, and he who presumed to imitate it was put to death. on occasions, however, when the monarch wished to bestow a special mark of favor upon a brave soldier or distinguished statesman, he would graciously bestow upon him one of his garments, which, even though the recipient were a great noble, was received with joy, and the wearer respected as a man whom the king delighted to honor.[ ] in tlascala differences of rank among the nobles were easily recognized by the style of dress. the common people were strictly forbidden to wear cotton clothes with fringes or other trimmings, unless with special permission, granted in consideration of services rendered.[ ] the court laws of etiquette prescribed the dress to be worn by the royal attendants, who could only appear without sandals, barefooted, and in coarse mantles before the king, and even the apparel of the sovereign was in like manner fixed by custom, if not by law. the different kinds of tilmatlis, or mantles, had each its appropriate name, and varied in material as well as in ornament and color. the cotton mantles are described as being of exceeding fineness of texture, so much so that it required an expert to determine whether they were cotton or silk.[ ] the mantle worn as every-day dress in the palace was white and blue and called the _xiuhtilmatli_.[ ] there were many other kinds of mantles, of which the following are the principal: a yellowish, heavily fringed mantle, on which monstrous heads were painted, was called _coazayacaiotilmatli_; another, blue, ornamented with red shells, with three borders, one light, another dark blue, and a third of white feather-work, and fringed with the same kind of shells, was named _tecuciciotilmatli_; another, dark yellow, with alternate black and white circles painted on it, and a border representing eyes, was the _temalcacaiotilmatlitenisio_; a similar one, differing only in the figures and shape of the ornaments, was the _itzcayotilmatli_; a very gaudy one, worked in many colors, was the _umetechtecomaiotilmatli_; another, with a yellow ground, on which were butterflies made of feathers, and with scalloped edges, was called _papaloiotilmatlitenisio_; the _xaoalquauhiotilmatlitenisio_, was embroidered with designs representing the flower called _ecacazcatl_, and further ornamented with white feather-work and feather edges; the _ocelotentlapalliyiticycacocelotl_ was an imitation of a tiger-skin, also ornamented with an edge of white feathers; the _ixnextlacuilolli_ was worked in many colors, and had a sun painted on it.[ ] other mantles, differing mainly in their style of ornamentation, were the _coaxacayo_ and _tlacalhuaztilmatli_, the latter worn when the king went into his gardens or to the chase. in the same manner there are also various kinds of maxtlis mentioned, such as the _ynyaomaxaliuhqui_, _ytzahuazalmaxtlatl_ and _yacahualiuqui_.[ ] in fact there appears to have been a different dress for every occasion. we are told, for instance, that when going to the temple the king wore a white mantle, another when going to preside at the court of justice, and here he again changed his dress, according as the case before the court was a civil or criminal suit.[ ] the sandals of the kings were always richly ornamented with precious stones, and had golden soles.[ ] [sidenote: dress of the kings.] whenever the sovereign appeared in public he wore the royal crown, called _copilli_, which was of solid gold, and is described by most writers as having been shaped like a bishop's mitre; but in the hieroglyphical paintings, in which the mexican kings are represented, it is simply a golden band, wider in front than at the back, the front running up to a point; on some occasions it was ornamented with long feathers.[ ] the following description of ornaments, worn by the mexican kings and nobles, i extract from sahagun:-- [sidenote: aboriginal dress.] the _quetzalalpitoai_ consisted of two tassels of fine feathers garnished with gold, which they wore bound to the hair on the crown of the head, and hanging down to the temples. the _tlauhquecholtzontli_ was a handsome garment of feathers worn on the shoulders. on the arms they placed gold rings; on the wrists a thick black strap made soft with balsam, and upon it a large chalchiuite or other precious stone. they also had a _barbote_, or chin-piece, of chalchiuite or other precious stone, set in gold, inserted in the chin. these chin-ornaments were made long, of crystal, with some blue feathers in the centre, which made them look like sapphire. the lip had a hole bored in it, from which precious stones or gold crescents were suspended. the great lords likewise had holes in their nose, and placed therein very fine turquoises or other precious stones, one on each side of the nose. on their necks they wore strings of precious stones, or a medal suspended by a gold chain, with pearl pendants hanging from its edge, and a flat jewel in the centre of it. they used bracelets of mosaic work made with turquoises. on their legs they wore, from the knee down, greaves of very thin gold. they carried in the right hand a little golden flag with a tuft of gaudy feathers on the top. upon their heads they wore a bird made of rich feathers, with its head and beak resting on the forehead, its tail toward the back of the head, its wings falling over the temples.[ ] footnotes: [ ] 'la gente pobre vestia de nequen, que es la tela que se haze del maguey, y los ricos vestian de algodon, con orlas labradas de pluma, y pelo de conejos.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii. [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . 'maxtli enrichi de broderies, et ... tunique d'une grande finesse.' _id._, p. . 'en tiempo de calor con sus mantas y pañetes de algodon, y en tiempo de frio se ponian unos jaquetones sin mangas que los llevaban hasta las rodillas con sus mantas y pañetes.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] 'nu suivant la coutume des indigènes qui travaillaient aux champs.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'algodon, que sabian beneficiar y fabricar de él las ropas de que se vestian.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. ; _id._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'su vestuario eran las pieles ... que las ablandaban y curaban para el efecto, trayendo en tiempo de frios el pelo adentro, y en tiempo de calores ... el pelo por la parte afuera.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'por lo frio de su clima vestian todos pieles de animales adobadas y curtidas, sin que perdiesen el pelo, las que acomodaban á manera de un sayo, que por detras les llegaba hasta las corvas, y por delante á medio muslo.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. , tom. i., p. . 's'habillaient ... de peaux de bêtes fauves, le poil en dehors durant l'été, vieillard en hiver.... chez les classes aisées ... ces peaux étaient tannées ou maroquinées avec art; on y usait aussi des toiles de nequen, et quelquefois des cotonnades d'une grande finesse.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'maxtlatl, bragas, o cosa semejante.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. the tarascos 'n'adoptèrent jamais l'usage des caleçons.' _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . the maxtli is frequently spoken of as drawers or pantaloons. the huastecs 'no traen maxtles con que cubrir sus vergüenzas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'cominciarono in questo tempo a vestirsi di cotone, del quale erano innanzi affatto privi per la loro miseria, nè d'altro vestivansi, se non delle tele grosse di filo di maguei, o di palma salvatica.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . 'les mexicains, les tecpanèques et les autres tribus qui restèrent en arrière, conservèrent l'usage des étoffes de coton, de fil de palmier, de maguey ixchele, de poil de lapin et de lièvre, ainsi que des peaux d'animaux.' _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . 'non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino, nè canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' _icxotl_, o palma montana, col _quetzalichtli_, col _pati_, e con altre spezie di maguei.... il modo, che avevano di preparar questi materiali, era quello stesso, che hanno gli europei nel lino, e nella canapa. maceravano in acqua le foglie, e poi le nettavano, le mettevano al sole, e le ammaccavano, finattantochè le mettevano in istato di poterle filare.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . ycçotl, palma montana. 'non videtur filendum, è folijs huius arboris fila parari, linteis, storisq. intexendis perquam accommoda, politiora, firmioraq. eis quæ ex metl passim fieri consueuere, madentibus in primis aqua, mox protritis, ac lotis, iterumq. et iterum maceratis, et insolatis, donec apta reddantur, vt neri possint, et in usus accommodari materies est leuis, aclenta.' _hernandez_, _nova plant._, p. . [ ] '_maxtles_, c'est ainsi qu'on nomme en langue mexicaine des espèces _d'almaysales_ qui sont longues de quatre brasses, larges d'une palme et demie et terminées par des broderies de diverses couleurs, qui ont plus d'une palme et demie de haut.' _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . 'cuoprono le loro parti vergogno se cosi di dietro come dinanzi, con certi sciugatoi molto galanti, che sono come gran fazzuoli che si legano il capo per viaggio, di diuersi colori, e orlati di varie foggie, e di colori similmente diuersi, con i suoi fiocchi, che nel cingersegli, viene l'un capo dauanti e l'altro di dietro.' _relatione fatta par vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . in meztitlan, 'les uns et les autres couvraient leur nudités d'une longue bande d'étoffe, semblable à un almaizar, qui leur faisait plusieurs fois le tour du corps et passait ensuite entre les jambes, les extrémités retombant par-devant jusqu'aux genoux.' _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. . 'los vestidos que traen (totonacs) es como de almaizales muy pintados, y los hombres traen tapadas sus verguenzas.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . in oajaca, 'maxtles conque se cubrian sus vergüenzas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. , , . the miztecs 'por çaraguelles trahian matzles; que los castellanos dizen mastiles.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'il tilmatli era un mantello quadro, lungo quattro piedi in circa; due estremità d'esso annodavano sul petto, o sopra una spalla.... gli uomini solevano portar due, o tre mantelli.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , and plate, p. . 'i vestimenti loro son certi manti di bambagia come lenzuola, ma non cosi grande, lauoratori di gentili lauori di diuerse maniere, e con le lor franze e orletti, e di questi ciascun n 'ha duoi ò tre e se gli liga per dauanti al petto.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . 'todos traen albornoces encima de la otra ropa, aunque son diferenciados de los de africa, porque tienen maneras; pero en la hechura y tela y los rapacejos son muy semejables.' _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , . 'leur vêtement consistait anciennement dans deux ou trois manteaux d'une vare et demi en carré, noués, par en haut, le noeud se mettant pour les uns sur la poitrine, pour les autres à l'épaule gauche, et souvent par derrière.' _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. - . 'ningun plebeyo vestia de algodon, con franja, ni guarnicion, ni ropa rozagante, sino senzilla, llana, corta, y sin ribete, y assi era conocido cada vno en el trage.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . 'otras hacian de pelo de conejo, entretexido de hilo de algodon ... con que se defendian del frio.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _diaz_, _itinerario_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . the totonacs; 'algunos con ropas de algodon, ricas a su costumbre. los otros casi desnudos.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. , ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . huastecs 'andan bien vestidos: y sus ropas y mantas son muy pulidas y curiosas con lindas labores, porque en su tierra hacen las mantas que llaman _centzontilmatli, cenzonquaehtli_, que quiere dezir, mantas _de mil colores_: de allá se traen las mantas que tienen unas cabezas de monstruos pintadas, y las de remolinos de agua engeridas unas con otras, en las cuales y en otras muchas, se esmeraban las tejedoras.' _id._, p. . 'una manta cuadrada anudada sobre el pecho, hácia el hombro siniestro, que descendia hasta los tobillos; pero en tiempo de invierno cubrian mas el cuerpo con un sayo cerrado sin mangas, y con una sola abertura en la sumida para entrar la cabeza, y dos á los lados para los brazos, y con él se cubrian hasta los muslos.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. ; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'vestíanse, unas túnicas largas de pellejos curtidos hasta los carcañales, abiertas por delante y atadas con unas á manera de agugetas, y sus manos que llegaban hasta las muñecas, y las manos.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. - ; _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. [ ] 'el trage de ellos era de diversas maneras, unos traían mantas, otros como unas xaquetillas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . 'era mas vestida que estotra que habemos visto.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . 'la mayor parte andauan en cueros.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv. the miztecs 'vestian mantas blancas de algodon, texidas, pintadas, y matizadas con flores, rosas, y aves de diferentes colores: no trahian camisas.' _id._, cap. xii. [ ] 'andan casi desnudos.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] 'traen camisas de medias mangas.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . in jalisco they had 'vn huipilillo corto, que llaman ixquemitl, ò teapxoloton.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'una sopravvesta ... con maniche più lunghe.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. , tom. i., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . in michoacan 'no traían vipiles.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. , ; _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. , ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _id._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix., xii.; _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'aveano a disonore l'esser tosati.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . 'ni bien baruados, porque se arrancan y vntan los pelos para que no nazcan.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . the mistecs 'las barbas se arrancauan con tenazillas de oro.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'hazen lo negro con tierra por gentileza y porque les mate los piojos. las casadas se lo rodean a la cabeça con vn ñudo a la frente. las virgines y por casar, lo traen suelto, y echado atras y adelante. pelan se y vntan se todas para no tener pelo sino en la cabeça y cejas, y assi tienen por hermosura tener chica frente, y llena de cabello, y no tener colodrillo.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - , tom. iii., lib. x., pp. , , tom. xi., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. . the chichimecs wore it, 'largo hasta las espaldas, y por delante se lo cortan.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . [ ] 'llámase tambien quaochpanme, que quiere decir hombres de cabeza rapada ó raida, porque antiguamente estos tales no traían cabellos largos, antes se rapaban la cabeza así los hombres, como las mugeres.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv. [ ] 'se raiaban las caras.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - . [ ] _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xxvi. [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , describes the ornaments, but in his accompanying plate fails to show any of them. _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix. pp. - ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. . [ ] 'de barro cocido bien bruñidas, ó de caña.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . [ ] _id._, p. . the totonacs 'traian vnos grandes agujeros en los beços de abaxo, y en ellos vnas rodajas de piedras pintadillas de azul, y otros con vnas hojas de oro delgadas, y en las orejas muy grandes agujeros, y en ellos puestas otras rodajas de oro, y piedras.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vii. [ ] the miztecs 'traen imán, axorcas muy anchas de oro, y sartales de piedra á las muñecas, y joyeles de éstas y de oro al cuello.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'ninguna persona (aunque fuesen sus propios hijos) podia vestirlo, so pena de la vida.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xxvi. [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . [ ] 'tan delgadas y bien texidas que necesitaban del tacto para diferenciarse de la seda.' _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp - . [ ] _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] 'para salir de palacio los reies à visitar los templos, se vestian de blanco; pero para entrar en los consejos, y asistir en otros actos publicos, se vestian de diferentes colores, conforme la ocasion.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'les rois s'habillaient tantôt de blanc, tantôt d'étoffes d'un jaune obscur ornées de franges de mille couleurs.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. , tom. iv., pp. - . 'mantas de á dos haces, labradas de plumas de papos de aves, tan suaves, que trayendo la mano por encima á pelo y á pospelo, no era mas que una marta cebellina muy bien adobada: hice pesar una dellas, no pesó mas de seis onzas.' _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . 'vestidos de pelo de conejo y de algodon de mucha curiosidad, y estas eran vestiduras de caciques y de gente muy principal' in michoacan. _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., pp. - ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , , ; _id._, _relaciones_, in _id._, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . description of montezuma's dress when meeting cortés, in _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. iii., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. . representations of the dresses of the mexican kings and nobles are also in the _codex mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. i. [ ] 'traia calçados vnos como cotaras, que assi se dize lo que se calçan, las suelas de oro, y muy preciada pedreria encima en ellas.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . 'portoit une chaussure de peau de chevreuil.' _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xxiv., p. . 'Çapatos de oro, que ellos llaman zagles, y son a la manera antigua de los romanos, tenian gran pedreria de mucho valor, las suelas estauan prendidas con correas.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'cotaras de cuero de tigres.' _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., pp. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., pp. - , . [ ] 'la corona de rey, que tiene semejança a la corona de la señoria de venecia.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . 'unas tiaras de oro y pedrería.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . 'en la cabeça vnos plumajes ricos, que ataban tantos cabellos de la corona, quanto toma el espacio de la corona clerical: estos plumajes prendian y ataban con vna correa colorada, y de ella colgaban con sus pinjantes de oro, que pendian à manera de chias de mitra de obispo.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'era di varie materie giusta il piacere dei re, or di lame sottili d'oro or tessuta di filo d'oro, e figurata con vaghe penne.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , tom. iii., p. . 'before like a myter, and behinde it was cut, so as it was not round, for the forepart was higher, and did rise like a point.' _purchas his pilgrimes_, tom. iv., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. vii., lib. ii., pp. - ; _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _id._, p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., p. . further mention of ornaments in the enumeration of presents given by montezuma to cortés in _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. iii., pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , , , , ; _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., pp. , - ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. - , ; _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., pp. , , , - ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. . among the modern authors who have written upon the subject of dress may be mentioned: _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , - , tom. ii., pp. , - , with numerous cuts; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, p. ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, pp. - ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , , , ; _monglave_, _résumé_, p. ; _brownell's ind. races_, pp. , ; _baril_, _mexique_, p. ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. . chapter xii. commerce of the nahua nations. the main features of nahua commerce--commerce in pre-aztec times--outrages committed by aztec merchants--privileges of the merchants of tlatelulco--jealousy between merchants and nobles--articles used as currency--the markets of anÁhuac--arrangement and regulations of the market-places--number of buyers and sellers--transportation of wares--traveling merchants--commercial routes--setting out on a journey--caravans of traders--the return--customs and feasts of the merchants--nahua boats and navigation. [sidenote: commerce in pre-aztec times.] traditional history tells us but little respecting american commerce previous to the formation of the great aztec alliance, or empire, but the faint light thrown on the subject would indicate little or no change in the system within the limits of nahua history. the main features of the commercial system in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, were: markets in one or more of the public squares of every town, where eatables and other articles of immediate necessity were daily sold--shops proper being unknown; frequently recurring fairs in each of the large towns, where the products of agriculture, manufacture, and art in the surrounding country were displayed before consumers and merchants from home and from abroad; similar fairs but on a grander scale in the great commercial centres, where home products were exchanged for foreign merchandise, or sold for export to merchants from distant nations who attended these fairs in large numbers; itinerant traders continually traversing the country in companies, or caravans; and the existence of a separate class exclusively devoted to commerce. from the earliest times the two southern anáhuacs of ayotlan and xicalanco, corresponding to what are now the southern coast of oajaca and the tierra caliente of tabasco and southern vera cruz, were inhabited by commercial peoples, and were noted for their fairs and the rich wares therein exposed for sale. these nations, the xicalancas, mijes, huaves, and zapotecs even engaged to some extent in a maritime coasting trade, mostly confined, however, as it would appear, to the coasts of their own territories and those immediately adjacent; and in this branch of commerce little or no advance had been made at the time when the spaniards came.[ ] the toltecs are reported to have excelled in commerce as in all other respects, and the markets of tollan and cholula are pictured in glowing colors; but all traditions on this subject are exceedingly vague.[ ] in the new era of prosperity that followed the toltec disasters cholula seems to have held the first place as a commercial centre, her fairs were the most famous, and her merchants controlled the trade of the southern coasts on either ocean. after the coming of the teo-chichimec hordes to the eastern plateau, tlascala became in her turn the commercial metropolis of the north, a position which she retained until forced to yield it to the merchants of the mexican valley, who were supported by the warlike hordes of the aztec confederacy. before the aztec supremacy, trade seems to have been conducted with some show of fairness, and commerce and politics were kept to a great extent separate. but the aztecs introduced a new order of things. their merchants, instead of peaceful, industrious, unassuming travelers, became insolent and overbearing, meddling without scruple in the public affairs of the nations through whose territory they had to pass, and trusting to the dread of the armies of mexico for their own safety; caravans became little less than armed bodies of robbers. the confederate kings were ever ready to extend by war the field of their commerce, and to avenge by the hands of their warriors any insult, real or imaginary, offered to their merchants. the traveling bands of traders were instructed to prepare maps of countries traversed, to observe carefully their condition for defence, and their resources. if any province was reported rich and desirable, its people were easily aggravated to commit some act of insolence which served as a pretext to lay waste their lands, and make them tributary to the kings of anáhuac. within the provinces that were permanently and submissively tributary to mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan, traffic may be supposed to have been as a rule fairly conducted. the merchants had in turn to pay into the royal treasury a large percentage of their gains, but this, under the circumstances, they could well afford. tlatelulco while an independent city was noted for her commerce, as was tenochtitlan for the prowess of her warriors, and when mercantile enterprise was forced to yield to the power of arms, tlatelulco, as a part of mexico, retained her former preëminence in trade, and became the commercial centre of anáhuac. her merchants, who were a separate class of the population, were highly honored, and, so far as the higher grades were concerned, the merchant princes, the _pochtecas_, dwellers in the aristocratic quarter of pochtlan, had privileges fully equal to those of the nobles. they had tribunals of their own, to which alone they were responsible, for the regulation of all matters of trade. they formed indeed, to all intents and purposes, a commercial corporation controlling the whole trade of the country, of which all the leading merchants of other cities were in a sense subordinate members. jealousy between this honored class of merchants and the nobility proper, brought about the many complications during the last years of the aztec empire, to which i have referred in a preceding chapter. throughout the nahua dominion commerce was in the hands of a distinct class, educated for their calling, and everywhere honored both by people and by kings; in many regions the highest nobles thought it no disgrace to engage in commercial pursuits. [sidenote: the tlatelulcan company.] besides the pochtecas, two other classes of merchants are mentioned in tlatelulco, the _nahualoztomecas_, those who made a specialty of visiting the lands of enemies in disguise, and the _teyaohualohuani_ or traders in slaves.[ ] the merchants were exempt from military and other public service, and had the right not only to make laws for the regulation of trade, but to punish even those who were not of their class for offenses against such laws. sahagun gives an account of the gradual development and history of the tlatelulcan company, stating the names of the leading merchants under the successive kings, with details respecting the various articles dealt in at different periods, all of which is not deemed of sufficient interest to be reproduced in these pages. nahua trade was as a rule carried on by means of barter, one article of merchandise being exchanged for another of equivalent value. still, regular purchase and sale were not uncommon, particularly in the business of retailing the various commodities to consumers. although no regular coined money was used, yet several more or less convenient substitutes furnished a medium of circulation. chief among these were nibs, or grains, of the cacao, of a species somewhat different from that employed in making the favorite drink, chocolate. this money, known as _patlachté_, passed current anywhere, and payments of it were made by count up to eight thousand, which constituted a _xiquipilli_. in large transactions sacks containing three xiquipilli were used to save labor in counting. _patolquachtli_ were small pieces of cotton cloth used as money in the purchase of articles of immediate necessity or of little value. another circulating medium was gold-dust kept in translucent quills, that the quantity might be readily seen. copper was also cut into small pieces shaped like a t, which constituted perhaps the nearest approach to coined money. cortés, in search of materials for the manufacture of artillery, found that in several provinces pieces of tin circulated as money, and that a mine of that metal was worked in taxco. sahagun says the mexican king gave to the merchant-soldiers, dispatched on one of their politico-commercial expeditions, sixteen hundred _quauhtli_, or eagles, to trade with. bustamante, sahagun's editor, supposes these to have been the copper pieces already mentioned, but brasseur believes, from the small value of the copper and the large amount of rich fabrics purchased with the eagles, that they were of gold. the same authority believes that the golden quoits with which montezuma paid his losses at gambling also served as money.[ ] [sidenote: the markets of anÁhuac.] the nahuas bought and sold their merchandise by count and by measures both of length and capacity, but not by weight; at least, such is the general opinion of the authorities. sahagun, however, says of the skillful merchant that he knows "the value of gold and silver, according to the weight and fineness, is diligent and solicitous in his duty, and defrauds not in weighing, but rather gives overweight," and this too in the "time of their infidelity." native words also appear in several vocabularies for weights and scales. brasseur de bourbourg regards this as ample proof that scales were used. clavigero thinks weights may have been employed and mention of the fact omitted in the narratives.[ ] the market, _tianquiztli_, of tlatelulco was the grandest in the country and may be taken as a representative of all. its grandeur consisted, however, in the abundance and variety of the merchandise offered for sale and in the crowd of buyers and sellers, not in the magnificence of the buildings connected with it; for the market-place was simply an open plaza, surrounded as all the authorities say with 'porticoes' where merchandise was exhibited. what these porticoes were we are left to conjecture. probably they were nothing more than simple booths arranged in streets and covering the whole plaza, where merchants and their wares were sheltered from the rays of a tropical sun. whatever may have been the nature and arrangement of these shelters, we know that the space was systematically apportioned among the different industries represented. fishermen, hunters, farmers, and artists, each had their allotted space for the transaction of business. hither, as torquemada tells us, came the potters and jewelers from cholula, the workers in gold from azcapuzalco, the painters from tezcuco, the shoe-makers from tenayocan, the huntsmen from xilotepec, the fishermen from cuitlahuac, the fruit-growers of the tierra caliente, the mat-makers of quauhtitlan, the flower-dealers of xochimilco, and yet so great was the market that to each of these was afforded an opportunity to display his wares. all kinds of food, animal and vegetable, cooked and uncooked, were arranged in the most attractive manner; eating-houses were also attached to the tianquiztli and much patronized by the poorer classes. here were to be found all the native cloths and fabrics, in the piece and made up into garments coarse and fine, plain and elaborately embroidered, to suit the taste and means of purchasers; precious stones, and ornaments of metal, feathers, or shells; implements and weapons of metal, stone, and wood; building material, lime, stone, wood, and brick; articles of household furniture; matting of various degrees of fineness; medicinal herbs and prepared medicines; wood and coal; incense and censers; cotton and cochineal; tanned skins; numerous beverages; and an infinite variety of pottery; but to enumerate all the articles noticed in the market-place by the conquerors would make a very long list, and would involve, beside, the repetition of many names which have been or will be mentioned elsewhere. cortés speaks of this market as being twice as large as that of salamanca, and all the conquistadores are enthusiastic in their expressions of wonder not only at the variety of products offered for sale, but at the perfect order and system which prevailed, notwithstanding the crowd of buyers and sellers. the judges of the commercial tribunal, twelve in number according to torquemada, four, according to zuazo, held their court in connection with the market buildings, where they regulated prices and measures, and settled disputes. watchmen acting under their authority, constantly patrolled the tianquiztli to prevent disorder. any attempt at extortionate charges, or at passing off injured or inferior goods, or any infringement on another's rights was immediately reported and severely punished. the judges had even the right to enforce the death penalty. other markets in the nahua regions were on a similar plan, those of tlascala and tezcuco coming next to that of tlatelulco in importance.[ ] [sidenote: buyers and sellers.] trade was carried on daily in the tianquiztli, chiefly for the convenience of the inhabitants of the city, but every fifth day was set apart as a special market-day, on which a fair was held, crowded not only by local customers, but by buyers and sellers from all the country round, and from foreign lands. in tlatelulco these special market-days were those that fell under the signs calli, tochtli, acatl, and tecpatl. in other large cities, days with other signs were chosen, in order that the fairs might not occur on the same day in neighboring towns. las casas says that each of the two market-places in the city of mexico would contain , persons, , being present each fifth day; and cortés tells us that more than , persons assembled daily in the tlatelulco market. according to the same authority , was the number of daily visitors to the market of tlascala. perhaps, however, he refers to the fair-days, on which occasion at tlatelulco, the anonymous conqueror puts the number at , , limiting the daily concourse to about , .[ ] considering the population of the cities and surrounding country, together with the limited facilities for transportation, these accounts of the daily attendance at the markets, as also of the abundance and variety of the merchandise, need not be regarded as exaggerations. on the lakes about the city of mexico merchandise of all kinds was transported to and from the markets by boats, , of which, as zuazo tells us, were employed daily in bringing provisions to the city.[ ] the heavier or more bulky articles of trade, such as building material, were often offered for sale in the boats to save the labor of repeated handling. boats were also used for transportation on the southern coasts, to some extent on navigable rivers, and also by traveling merchants in crossing such streams as could not conveniently be bridged. the only other means of transportation known in the country was that afforded by the carriers. large numbers of these carriers, or porters, were in attendance at the markets to move goods to and from the boats, or to carry parcels to the houses of consumers. for transportation from town to town, or to distant lands, merchandise was packed in bales, wrapped in skins and mats, or in bamboo cases covered with skin, known as _petlacalli_. cases, or cages, for the transportation of the more fragile wares were called _cacaxtli_. the _tlamama_, or regular carriers, were trained to their work of carrying burdens from childhood, seventy or eighty pounds was the usual burden carried, placed on the back and supported by the _mecapalli_, a strap passing round the forehead; twelve or fifteen miles was the ordinary day's journey. the tlamama, clad in a maxtli, carried on long trips, besides his bale of merchandise, a sort of palm-leaf umbrella, a bag of provisions, and a blanket. [sidenote: traveling merchants.] expeditions to distant provinces were undertaken by the company of tlatelulco for purposes of commercial gain; or by order of the king, when political gains were the object in view, and the traders in reality armed soldiers; or more rarely by individual merchants on their own private account. for protection large numbers usually traveled in company, choosing some one of the company to act as leader. previous to departure they gave a banquet to the old merchants of the town, who by reason of their age had ceased to travel; at this feast they made known their plans, and spoke of the places they intended to visit and roads by which they would travel. the old merchants applauded the spirit and enterprise of those who were going on the expedition, and, if they were young and inexperienced, encouraged them and spoke of the fame they would gain for having left their homes to undertake a dangerous journey and suffer privations and hardships. they reminded them of the wealth and honored name acquired by their fathers in similar expeditions, and gave them advice as to the best manner of conducting themselves on the road.[ ] on the route the carriers marched in single file, and at every camping-place the strictest watch was kept against enemies, and especially against robbers, who then as now infested the dangerous passes to lie in wait for the richly laden caravans. rulers of the different friendly provinces, mindful of the benefits resulting from such expeditions, constructed roads and kept them in repair; furnished bridges or boats for crossing unfordable streams; and at certain points, remote from towns, placed houses for the travelers' accommodation. expeditions in hostile provinces were undertaken by the nahualoztomecas, who disguised themselves in the dress of the province visited, and endeavored to imitate the manners and to speak the language of its people, with which it was a qualification of their profession to make themselves acquainted. extraordinary pains was taken to guard against robbers on the return to mexico, and it is also said to have been customary for the merchants on nearing the city, to dress in rags, affecting poverty, and an unsuccessful trip. the motive for this latter proceeding is not very apparent, nor for the invariable introduction of goods into the city by night; they had not even the hope of evading the payment of taxes which in later times prompts men to similar conduct, since merchandise could only be sold in the public market, where it could not be offered without paying the royal percentage of duties. the usual route of commercial expeditions was south-eastward to tochtepec near the banks of the rio alvarado, whence the caravans took separate roads according as their destination was the coast region of goazacoalco, the miztec and zapotec towns on the pacific, or the still more distant regions across the isthmus of tehuantepec. the southern limit reached by the traders of the aztec empire, it is impossible accurately to determine. the merchants of xicalanco furnished cortés, when about to undertake the conquest of honduras, tolerably correct maps of the whole region as far south as the isthmus of panamá;[ ] the raiders from anáhuac are known to have penetrated to chiapa, soconusco, and guatemala; it is by no means improbable that her merchants reached on more than one occasion the isthmus.[ ] the preceding pages contain all that has been preserved concerning nahua trade and traders except what may be termed the mythology of commerce, a branch of the subject not without importance, embracing the ceremonies, sacrifices, and superstitions connected with the setting-out, journey, and return of the tlatelulcan caravans. commerce, like every other feature of nahua civilization, was under the care of a special deity, and no merchant dared to set out on an expedition in quest of gain, without fully complying with all the requirements of the god as interpreted by the priesthood. the particular divinity of the traders was iyacatecutli, or iyacacoliuhqui, 'lord with the aquiline nose'--that nasal type being, as the abbé brasseur thinks, symbolic of mercantile cunning and skill. services in his honor were held regularly in the month of tlaxochimaco; but the ceremonies performed by traveling merchants, seem to have been mostly devoted to the god of fire and the god of the roads. [sidenote: setting-out of the merchants.] first a day was selected for the start whose sign was deemed favorable--ce cohuatl, 'one serpent,' was a favorite. the day before they departed the hair was cropped close, and the head soaped; during all their absence, even should it last for years, these operations must not be repeated, nor might they wash more than the neck, face, and hands, bathing the body being strictly prohibited. at midnight they cut flag-shaped papers for xiuhtecutli, the god of fire, fastened them to sticks painted with vermilion, and marked on them the face of the god with drops of melted _ulli_, or india-rubber. other papers also marked with ulli, were cut in honor of tlaltecutli, to be worn on the breast. others, for the god of the merchants, were used to cover a bamboo stick, which they worshiped and carried with them. the gods of the roads, zacatzontli and tlacotzontli, also had their papers ornamented with ulli-drops and painted butterflies; while the papers for cecoatlutlimelaoatl, one of the signs of the divining art, were decorated with snake-like figures. when all the papers were ready, those of the fire-god were placed before the fire in the house, the others being arranged in systematic order in the courtyard. then the merchants, standing before the fire, offered to it some quails which they first beheaded, and forthwith, drawing blood from their own ears and tongue, they repeated some mystic word and sprinkled the blood four times on the fire. blood was then sprinkled in turn on the papers in the house, towards the heavens and cardinal points, and finally on the papers in the courtyard. the fire-god's papers, after a few appropriate words to the deity, were burned in a brazier with pure white copal. if they burned with a clear flame, it was a good omen; otherwise ill fortune and disaster were betokened. the papers left outside were burned together--save those of the merchants' god--in a fire which was kindled in the court, and the ashes were carefully buried there. all this at midnight. at early dawn the principal merchants of the city or of the neighborhood, or simply friends and relatives of the party about to set out on the journey, according to the wealth of the party, with youths and old women, were invited to assemble and, after a washing of mouths and hands, to partake of food. after the repast, concluded by another washing and by smoking of pipes and drinking of chocolate, the host spoke a few words of welcome to the guests, and explained his plans. to this some one of the chief merchants briefly responded with wishes for the success of the expedition, advice respecting the route to be followed and behavior while abroad, applause for the spirit and enterprise shown, and words of encouragement to those about to undertake their first commercial journey, picturing to them in vivid colors both the hardships and the honors that were before them. then the merchandise and provisions for the trip were made ready in bales and placed in the canoes, if the start was to be made by water, under the direction of the leader who, after attending to this matter, made a farewell address of thanks for advice and good wishes, recommending to the care of those that remained behind their wives and children. the friends again replied briefly and all was ready for the departure. a fire was built in the courtyard and a vase of copal was placed near it. as a final parting ceremony each of the departing merchants took a portion of the copal and threw it on the fire, stepping at once toward his canoe. not another word of farewell must be spoken, nor a parting glance be directed backward to friends behind. to look back or speak would be a most unpropitious augury. [sidenote: caravans of traders.] thus they set out, generally at night, as sahagun implies. on the journey each merchant carried continually in his hand a smooth black stick representing his god iyacatecutli--probably the same sticks that have been mentioned as being covered with papers in honor of this god the night before the departure from home. when they halted for the night the sticks of the company were bound together in a bundle, forming a kind of combination divinity to whose protecting care the encampment was piously entrusted. to this god offerings of ulli and paper were made by the leaders, and to the gods of the roads as well. blood must also be drawn and mingled with the offering, else it were of no avail; and, a most inconvenient rule for poor weak humanity, the sacrificial offering had to be repeated twice again each night, so that one or another of the chiefs must be continually on the watch. the caravans, when their destination was a friendly province, usually bore some presents from the sovereigns of mexico as tokens of their good will, and they were received by the authorities of such provinces with some public ceremonies not definitely described. when the merchants returned home, after consultation with a _tonalpouhqui_, they awaited a favorable sign, such as ce calli, or chicome calli, 'one, or seven house,' and then entered the city under shade of night. they repaired immediately to the house of the leading merchant of the corporation, or to that of the merchant under whose direction their trip had been made, formally announcing their safe arrival, and also their intention to invite all the merchants on the following day to partake of "a little chocolate in their poor house," that is, to be present at a most sumptuous banquet. papers were then cut and at midnight offered with ulli, much after the manner already described, to the gods as a thank-offering for their protection. the feast that took place next day, when all the guests were assembled, was accompanied by additional offerings to the gods of fire and trade, and, of course, by speeches of the returned travelers and their guests, but presented no particularly noticeable contrasts with the many feasts that have been described. not only was the traveler obliged, according to the nahua superstition, to abstain from baths during his absence, but even his family during the same period, while allowed to bathe the body, must not wash the head or face oftener than once in eighty days; thus were the gods propitiated to watch kindly over their absent relative wandering in distant lands. if a merchant died while on a journey, his body, at least if he belonged to the highest rank, was neither buried nor burned, but, clad in fine apparel, and decorated with certain mystical papers and painted devices, it was put in a wooden cage, or cacaxtli, and secured to a tree on the top of a high mountain. advice of the death was forwarded to the old merchants, who in turn informed the family of the deceased, and regular funeral ceremonies were performed either immediately or on the return of the caravan. if the deceased met his death at the hands of an enemy, a wooden image was prepared, dressed in the clothing of the dead merchant, and made the subject of the usual funeral rites. [sidenote: feasts of the merchants.] besides the regular feasts attending the departure and return of caravans, many others took place under the auspices of the mercantile class. we have noticed the fondness of the nahua people for entertainments of this kind, and it is natural that the merchants, as the richest class in the community, should have been foremost in contributing to this popular taste. each merchant, when he had acquired great wealth by good fortune in his trading ventures, deemed it, as sahagun tells us, a most disgraceful thing "to die without having made some splendid expenditure" by entertaining his friends and fellow-merchants in a banquet, which should be remembered as _the_ event of his career. a long time was devoted to making ready for the feast, to the purchase of provisions and decorations, and to engaging dancers and singers, that no item might be neglected, nor any oversight be allowed to mar the perfect enjoyment of the invited guests. all being ready, a propitious sign was selected, and invitations issued. the object of the display of hospitality being not only the entertainment of friends, but a thanksgiving to the gods for favors shown to the host, the first ceremonies were naturally in honor of the deities. these began in the night preceding the feast-day, with offerings of flowers in the shrine of huitzilopochtli, in the chapels of other gods, and finally in the courtyard of the host, where were placed drums and two plates, on which perfumed canes were burning. those officiating whistled in a peculiar manner, and all, stooping, put some earth in their mouth, crying "our lord has sounded." then all burned perfumed copal, and a priest beheaded a quail before the drum, throwing it on the ground and watching in what direction it might flutter. if northward, it was a bad omen, foretelling sickness, or perhaps death. but the west and south were fortunate directions, indicating a peaceful and friendly disposition on the part of the gods. incense was burned toward the cardinal points, the burning coals were thrown from the censer into the fire, and then the performers engaged for the _areito_, including, it would seem, soldiers of several classes, led by the _tlacatecatl_, began to dance and sing. neither the host nor merchant guests joined in the dance, but remained in the house to receive the company and present them with bouquets of flowers. at midnight ulli-marked paper was offered to the gods, and its ashes buried to promote the prosperity of future generations. before the light of day chocolate was drunk and the _nanacatl_, or intoxicating mushroom, was eaten, which caused some to dance, others to sing, and yet others to sit pensive in their rooms dreaming dreams and seeing visions of horrid import, whose narration at a later hour, when the effects of the drug had passed away, formed a prominent feature of the entertainment. at the appearance of the morning star all the ashes of the sacrifices, the flowers, the burning canes, and all the implements used in the foregoing ceremonies, were buried, that they might not be seen by any visitor polluted by any kind of vice or uncleanness. the rising sun was greeted with songs, dancing, and beating of the teponaztli. the day was passed in feasting and music, and at the close of the day's banquet food was distributed to the common people. the banquet was often continued more than one day, and if after the first day's feast the provision of food was exhausted, it was regarded by the guests as a bad sign--a very sensible superstition truly. [sidenote: sacrifice of slaves.] there was another merchant's feast in the month of panquetzaliztli, in which a number of slaves were killed and eaten. the victims were purchased sometime beforehand at the slave mart in azcapuzalco, kept clean,--being therefore called _tlaaltilzin_, 'washed'--and fattened for the occasion. the male slaves meantime had no work but to dance daily on the housetop, but the women had to spin. the articles collected for this feast embraced large numbers of rich mantles, maxtlis, and huipiles, which were to be presented to guests. not only the residents of mexico were invited but members of the tlatelulcan company who lived in other towns. the giver of the feast went personally to many towns, especially to tochtepec, to issue invitations and distribute gifts. on his arrival he went first to the shrine of iyacatecutli, before whose image he performed certain ceremonies and left some offerings. then he went to the house of the tlatelulcan company, prepared a feast and summoned the rich traders, who came at midnight. washing of the hands and mouth preceded and followed the eating, presents were made, chocolate drunk, pipes smoked, quails offered in the courtyard, and incense burned. one of the best speakers then announced the purpose of their visitor to kill a few slaves in honor of huitzilopochtli, and in his name invited the company to be present at the pleasing spectacle, and partake of the human flesh and other choice viands. another speaker responded in a speech of acceptance, and the feast-giver directed his steps homeward to mexico. after resting awhile the merchant ceremonially invited those of his own city to be present at the feast, and the latter, after many precautions, including an inspection by the older merchants to satisfy themselves that food enough had been provided and that the affair could not be a failure, deigned to accept, although they warned the would-be host of the fearful responsibility he would incur should the feast be in any respect improperly managed, through his unwillingness to spend money enough. ce calli, ome xochitl, and ome ozomatli, were good signs for this feast. on the first day the male slaves, richly attired and decorated, were made to dance and perform the areito, carrying garlands of flowers and also pipes from which they were continually puffing smoke. the females, in equally rich attire were stationed with plenty of food in one of the rooms where all could readily see them. the eating, drinking, and distribution of gifts were kept up all night. the following day's feast was a repetition of the first, and was called _tlaixnexia_; that of the third day was called _tetevaltia_, and on this day they made many changes in the dress of the slaves, putting on wigs of many-colored feathers, painted ear-flaps, stone nose-ornaments like butterflies, jackets with fringed borders and death's heads for decoration, hawks' wings, _tlomaitl_, on the shoulders, rings, _matacaxtli_, on the arms, stained sandals, and girdles called _xiuhtlalpilli_. from this time forward strict guard was kept over them day and night until their death. on yet a fourth occasion, apparently some days, or perhaps weeks, later, the merchant assembled his guests, and then just before sunset the victims were made drunk with _teuvetli_, and carried to huitzilopochtli's temple, where they were made to dance and sing, and kept awake all night. at midnight they were placed on a mat before the fire, and the master of the banquet, dressed much like the slaves themselves, put out the fire, and in the darkness gave to each four mouthfuls of a dough moistened with honey, called _tzoalli_. then a man dancing before them played upon an instrument called _chichtli_, hairs were pulled out of the top of each slave's head and put in a plate, _quacaxitl_, held by the dancer, and the master threw incense toward the east, west, north, and south. the slaves were offered food, but could not be induced to eat, expecting each moment the messenger of death. they were first taken to the ward of coatlan, and in the courtyard of the temple of huitzcalco were forced to fight against certain persons, the most valiant of whom were called _tlaamaviques_. if by force of arms these persons captured any of the slaves, they were entitled to receive their full value from the owner, or in default of such payment to take the bodies after the sacrifice and eat the same. after the contest the victims were sacrificed on the shrine of huitzilopochtli, the complicated details of the ceremonies which followed differing only very slightly from those of similar sacrifices already several times described. the bodies were thrown down the steps as usual, carried home by the owner, cooked with maize, seasoned with salt without chile, and were finally eaten by the guests. with this horrible repast the great feast of the month of panquetzaliztli ended; but he who had given it carefully preserved the clothing, and other relics of the slaughtered slaves, guarding them in a basket as most precious and pleasant souvenirs all the days of his life; and after his death the basket and its contents were burned at his obsequies. acosta tells us that in cholula the merchants, especially those that dealt in slaves, furnished each year a slave of fine physique to represent their god quetzalcoatl, in whose honor he was sacrificed, with appropriate and complicated ceremonies, his flesh being afterwards eaten in a banquet.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: boats and navigation.] the little to be said of nahua watercraft may be as appropriately inserted here as elsewhere. i have already referred to the important use made of canoes in the transportation of merchandise upon the lakes of anáhuac. in the art of navigation, however, no progress was made by the nahuas at all in proportion to their advancement in other respects. as navigators they were altogether inferior to their savage brethren of the columbian and hyperborean groups on the north-west coasts, whose skill in the manufacture and management of boats has been described in a preceding volume of this work. the reason is obvious: their progress in agriculture enabled them to obtain a food supply without risking their lives habitually on the sea; their sunny clime obviated the necessity of whale-blubber and seal-skins. in the earlier stages of civilization men make progress only when impelled by some actual necessity; consequently among the nahuas, when means were supplied of crossing streams, and of transporting goods on the lakes and for short distances along the coast at the mouth of large rivers, progress in this direction ceased. clavigero's investigations led him to believe that the use of sails was unknown, and although brasseur de bourbourg in one place speaks of such aids to navigation, yet he gives no authority for his statement.[ ] rafts and 'dug-out' canoes were the vessels employed; the former were used for the most part in crossing streams and were of various material and construction. those of the ruder kind were simply a number of poles tied together with strings.[ ] those called by the spaniards _balsas_ were of superior construction, made of _otlatl_ reeds, or _tules_, and rushes of different kinds in bundles. the best balsas were about five feet square, made of bamboos and supported by hollow gourds closed by a water and air tight covering. the rafts were propelled by swimmers, one in front and another behind.[ ] the canoes--_acalli_, 'water-houses' among the aztecs, called also _tahucup_ in tabasco--were hollowed out from the trunk of a single tree, were generally flat-bottomed and without keel, somewhat narrower at the bow than at the stern as las casas says, and would carry from two to sixty persons. as to the instruments employed in hollowing out and finishing the acalli we have no information, neither do we know whether fire was one of the agents made use of.[ ] [sidenote: boats used in war.] the use of boats was not altogether confined to traffic, but extended to war and the transportation of troops. fierce conflicts on the waters of the lakes are recorded in the ancient annals of anáhuac; canoe fleets of armed natives came out to meet the spaniards at various points along the coast; and we read of the vain efforts to defend the approaches to the aztec capital, by thousands of boats which could offer little resistance to the advance of cortés' brigantines.[ ] these fleets, so inefficient against spanish vessels and arms, must have been of great service to the aztecs in maintaining their domination over the many towns on the lake shores. to increase the efficiency of boats and boatmen, races and sham fights were established, which, besides affording useful training to paddlers and warriors, furnished an additional means of entertainment to the people who gathered in crowds to watch the struggles of the competitors, applaud the ducking of each vanquished boat's crew, and to reward the victors with honors and prizes.[ ] footnotes: [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. - ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] 'teyaoyaualoani, el que cerca a los enemigos.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. [ ] the toltecs 'usaban de una cierta moneda de cobre de largo de dos dedos y de ancho uno á manera de achitas pequeñas, y de grueso, como un real de á ocho. esta moneda no ha mucho tiempo que la han dejado los de tutupec del mar del sur.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . 'no saben que cosas es moneda batida de metal ninguno.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. , . the cacao nibs 'val ciascuno come vn mezzo marchetto (about three cents) fra noi.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . see _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _id._, _quatre lettres_, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . salt used as money. _chaves_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. . i omit a long list of references to authors who merely mention cacao and the other articles as used for money. [ ] 'no tenian peso (que yo sepa) los mexicanos, falta grandissima para la contratacion. quien dize que no lo vsauan por escusar los engaños, quien por que no lo auian menester, quien por ignorancia, que es lo cierto. por donde parece que no auian oido como hizo dios todos las cosas en cuento, peso, y medida.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] on the nahua markets and the articles offered for sale, see: _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , - ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - , tom. ix., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxx.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. , - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - , - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv., xvi.; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . 'es tanta la gente que concurre á vender y comprar, que no puede facilmente declararse.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxx. [ ] _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . 'sobre cincuenta mill canoas y cient mill segun se cree.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxx. 'the lake day and night is plyed with boates going and returning.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. [ ] for specimens of the exhortations of old merchants to young men see _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] a very full account of the nahua commerce is given in _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , and the same is translated with slight changes, in _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - , and in _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clix., pp. - . see also _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _gage's new survey_, pp. - ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _west-indische spieghel_, pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - . see also note . [ ] on merchants' feasts, ceremonies, and superstitions, see _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. - , tom. i., lib. iv., pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . see also account of a feast of flower-dealers in this volume, p. , and account of the cholultec feast in honor of quetzalcoatl in vol. iii., pp. - of this work. [ ] clavigero's description of nahua boats and navigation is in his _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . 'leurs barques, dont les plus grandes mesuraient jusqu'à soixante pieds de longueur, couvertes et abritées contre le mauvais temps, marchaient à la voile et à la rame,' probably referring to a boat met by columbus some distance out at sea. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] invented, according to tradition, by the tarascos of michoacan during their early migrations. _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. - . [ ] 'mettevansi a sedere in questa macchina quattro, o sei passaggieri alla volta.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . 'ces radeaux sont fort légers et très-solides; ils sont encore en usage dans l'amérique, et nous avons passé ainsi plus d'une rivière.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxx: 'en cada vna cabian sesenta hombres.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , and _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv. 'the canowes are litle barkes, made of one tree.' _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iii. called _acates_. _id._, dec. v., lib. ii. 'estas acallis ó barcas cada una es de una sola pieza, de un arbol tan grande y tan grueso como lo demanda la longitud, y conforme al ancho que le pueden dar, que es de lo grueso del árbol de que se hacen, y para esto hay sus maestros como en vizcaya los hay de navíos.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'the sides of the indian boats were fortified with bulwarks.' _prescott's mex._, vol. iii., p. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] 'spesso s'esercitavano in questo genere di combattimenti.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _west-indische spieghel_, p. . , canoes on the lake about mexico. _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . see also note of this chapter. additional notes on nahua boats. 'habia en méxico muchas acallis ó barcas para servicio de las casas, y otras muchas de tratantes que venian con bastimentos á la ciudad, y todos los pueblos de la redonda, que están llenos de barcas que nunca cesan de entrar y salir á la ciudad, las cuales eran innumerables.' 'con estas salen á la mar, y con las grandes de estas acallis navegan de una isla á otra, y se atreven á atravesar algun golfo pequeño.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. , . 'lo mas del trato, y camino de los indios, en aquella tierra, es por agua, en acales, ò canoas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv.; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - . chapter xiii. war customs of the nahuas. importance of the military profession--indications of rank--education of warriors--rewards for valor--military orders and their dress--gorgeous war-dresses of montezuma and the aztec nobility--dress of the common soldiers--armor and defensive weapons--offensive weapons--standards--ambassadors and couriers--fortifications--the military council--articles of war--declaration of war--spies--order of march and battle--war customs of the tlascaltecs and tarascos--return of the conquering army--celebration of feats of arms. [sidenote: the military profession.] as might be expected from a people so warlike and ambitious as the nahuas, the profession of arms ranked high above all other callings, save that of the priests. this was especially the case in the later days, under the aztec kings, whose unscrupulous ambition and passion for conquest could only be gratified by their warriors. huitzilopochtli, god of war, protector of the empire, was glorified and honored above all other gods; his altars must be red with blood, for blood alone could extort his favor, and wars were frequently waged solely for his propitiation; valor was the loftiest virtue, the highest honors were paid to those who distinguished themselves in battle; no dignities, positions, or decorations, under the government, were given to any but approved soldiers. children were taught by parent and priest the chivalrous deeds of their ancestors, whom they were urged to emulate in daring; titles, rewards, and posts of honor were offered to stimulate the ambition of the young men. the king might not receive his crown until with his own hand he had taken captives to be sacrificed at the feast of his coronation. the priests were the foremost inciters to war and carnage. all wars were religious crusades. the highest earthly rewards were in store for the victor, while the soul of him that fell in battle took immediate flight to heaven. only defeat and cowardice were to be dreaded. the nahua warrior's services were rewarded only by promotion, since no paid troops were employed. but promotion was sure to follow brilliant exploits performed by even the humblest soldier, while without such daring deeds the sons of the highest nobles could hope for no advancement. dress and ornaments were the indications of rank, and were changed in some detail for every new achievement. to escape from the coarse nequen garments of the common soldier, and to put on successively the decorative mantles of the higher grades, was deemed a sufficient reward and incentive. the costume of each warrior indicated the exact number of prisoners captured by the wearer. especial care was taken, however, with the sons of lords intended for the profession of arms. at an early age their heads were shaved, except a tuft on the back of the head called _mocuexpaltia_, a designation changed to _cuexpatchicuepul_ when the boy was fifteen years old. at this age he was sent to war in charge of veteran warriors, and if with their aid he took a prisoner, the tuft was cut off and another given to be worn over the ear with feather plumes; on his return he was addressed after the following manner by his grandparents or uncles: "my child, the sun and the earth have washed and renewed thy face, because thou didst dare to attempt the capture of an enemy in company with others. lo, now it were better to abandon thee to the mercies of the enemy than that thou shouldst again take a prisoner with the aid of others, because, should it so happen, they will place another tuft over thine other ear and thou wilt appear like a girl; truly, it were better thou shouldst die than that this should happen to thee." if after a fair trial the youth failed to take a captive, he was disgraced, and ceased to be a warrior in the eyes of his comrades: but if, unaided, he was successful, he was called a warlike youth, _telpuchtlitaquitlamani_, and was presented to the king, whose stewards dyed his face red, his temples and body yellow, and bestowed upon him mantles and maxtlis of the colors and designs which his achievements gave him the right to wear. if he took two captives, the honors were of course greater; three entitled him to a command over others; four made him a captain who might wear long lip-ornaments, leathern ear-rings, and gaudy tassels. with five prisoners the young man became a _quauhiacatl_, 'eagle that guides,' with corresponding insignia, a head-plume with silver threads, the mantle called _cuechintli_, another called _chicoapalnacazminqui_ of two colors, and still another decorated with straps. the prisoners must, however, be from nations of acknowledged prowess, such as those of atlixco, the huexotzincas, or tlascaltecs; double or triple the number of cuextecas or tenimes must be captured, and no number of these could entitle a youth to the highest honors.[ ] in the mexican picture-writings are delineated the successive grades by which a graduate from the temple school advanced, with the costumes and defensive armor he was permitted to wear. first we see him leaving for the war, carrying the _impedimenta_ of the chief priest, who goes into the field to embolden the troops, enforce orders, and perform other duties. the pictures that follow portray the devices on the shields, manner of painting, armor, head-dresses, and ornaments they were allowed to assume, according to the number of captives each had taken. the warrior-priests were rewarded, in like manner, with accoutrements and insignia of peculiar designs, and with important commands in the army.[ ] [sidenote: three military orders.] three military orders were established by the aztec monarchs, the members of which were granted certain privileges, and entitled to wear badges of distinction; they also had apartments allotted to them in the royal palace and formed the royal guard. promotion to the order was open to all, but could only be won by some notable feat of arms. the members of the first of these three orders were called achcauhtin, or princes, of the second, quauhtin, or eagles, of the third, ocelome, or tigers. the distinctive mark of the princes was their manner of dressing the hair, which was tied on the crown of the head with a red thong, and worked into as many braids, each terminating in a cotton tassel, as were the deeds of valor performed by the wearer; the eagles wore a kind of casque, in the form of an eagle's head; the tigers wore a particular armor, spotted like the skin of the animal whose name they bore. these insignia were only used in war; at court all military officers wore the _tlachquauhyo_, a dress of many colors. the members of these three military orders had the privilege of wearing garments of much finer texture than the common people, as well as such feathers and jewels as they could afford to buy. an inferior order of knighthood appears also to have existed, the members of which had their hair cropped close about their ears, and wore skull-caps and split collars; these were only armed for defence from the girdle upwards, whereas their superiors fought in complete armor. all these privileged warriors were permitted to use painted and gilt vessels, but the common soldiers might use none but plain earthen ones.[ ] montezuma, who was a member of the order of princes, when he went in person against the enemy, wore upon his legs greaves of gold, and upon his arms thin plates of the same metal, as well as bracelets; about his neck were a collar and chains of gold and precious stones; from his ears and lower lip hung ornaments of gold set with precious chalchiuites; and from the back of his head to his waist was suspended the glittering decoration of royalty, only worn by kings, the _quachictli_. this was an ornament of exquisite workmanship, wrought with great labor of costly feathers and jewels, and shaped somewhat like a butterfly. in addition to this he was distinguished from his retinue by a shield upon which was displayed the royal coat of arms in feather-work; and he carried also a small drum, upon which he beat the signal for battle.[ ] [sidenote: military dress and ornaments.] on the occasion when the sovereigns and nobility of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan came out to receive cortés, there was little, so far as dress was concerned, by which king might be distinguished from subject; the only difference was that the monarchs wore crowns of gold and precious stones, bejeweled sandals with golden soles, and tassels at the end of the ribbon with which their hair was bound.[ ] a prince of the blood-royal, on his début upon the battle-field, was clad in plain white; his behavior was closely watched, and after the action such insignia and colors as he had merited by his conduct were bestowed upon him. sahagun gives an extended description of the gorgeous war-costumes of the noble aztec warriors, with the native name for each fraction of the equipments. here are described head-dresses composed of rich feathers, prominent among which were the quetzal; corselets of red and green feathers, worked with gold thread; head-dresses of green feathers set in gold bands, or of tiger-skin; helmets of silver; a garment called _tocivitl_ reaching to the knees, made of yellow macaw-feathers, embroidered with gold, and worn with a golden casque plumed with quetzal-feathers; and other equally gorgeous attire. as a means of directing their men some officers bore small drums, painted and ornamented with feathers so as to correspond with their dress, in a net at their backs; others carried little flags made of feathers held together with bands of gold or silver. many noble warriors had their armorial bearings, devils, monsters, and what not, painted or embroidered upon their backs. truly such _spolia opima_ were worthy of a hero's toil.[ ] the rank and file of the aztec army wore no clothing but the maxtli in battle, but by painting their faces and bodies in grotesque patterns with brilliant colors, and covering their heads with raw cotton, they presented a sufficiently fierce and gaudy appearance.[ ] the tlascaltec leaders wore a quilted cotton tunic two fingers in thickness that fitted closely to the body and also protected the shoulders and thighs; the wealthier class wore over the tunic a cuirass of thin gold or silver plates, and over all they threw a rich mantle of feather-work elegantly embroidered; to protect their legs they put on leathern boots or wooden greaves ornamented with gold. on their heads they wore a morion made of hide or wood representing the head of some animal, bird, or serpent. from the crown waved a magnificent tuft of richly variegated plumes, a conspicuous mark, that served to denote the warrior's rank. [sidenote: armor and defensive weapons.] the armor and defensive weapons of the nahua knights, though of little service against the firearms and swordsmanship of the spaniards, yet were admirably suited for protection from the weapons in use among themselves. the _chimalli_, or mexican shield, was made of various materials and in divers forms; sometimes it was round, sometimes oval, sometimes rounded only on the lower side; it was commonly constructed of flexible bamboo canes, bound firmly together, and covered with hide. the face of the shield was ornamented according to the rank and taste of the bearer; that of a noble was generally covered with thin plates of gold, with a heavy boss in the centre. in tabasco, and along the coast, tortoise-shells, inlaid with gold, silver, or copper, were commonly used as shields. reed-grass, hides, or nequen-cloth, coated with india-rubber, served to protect an aztec common soldier. some shields were of an ordinary size, others were intended to cover the entire body, and were so constructed that when not in use they could be folded up and carried under the arm. the body-armor of the nobles and higher grades of warriors consisted of a breast-piece made of quilted cotton, one or two fingers in thickness, called _ichcahuepilli_; over this was a thick cotton coat, which covered part of the arms and thighs, made in one piece, fastened behind, and decorated with feathers of whatever colors the uniform of the company to which the wearer belonged might be. this cotton armor was completely arrow-proof, and was of great service to the spanish conquerors, who lost no time in adopting it in place of their heavy steel armor. arm and leg guards made of wood covered with leather or gold plates and trimmed with feathers, and morions of the same material shaped and painted to represent the head of a tiger, serpent, or monster, with mouth open and teeth bared, complete the defensive equipment. over a cuirass of gold and silver plates some lords wore a garment of feathers which is said to have been proof against arrows and javelins. nobles and officers also wore lofty plumes so as to present the appearance of increased stature.[ ] the shields used by the toltecs were made of skins ornamented with feathers of various colors; on their heads they wore helmets of gold, silver, or skins. the body-armor worn by the principal warriors was made of double cloth padded with cotton; it differed from that of the aztecs inasmuch as it reached down to the ankles and was worn over a thin white tunic. the private soldiers, like those of the aztec army, also painted the upper part of the body to represent armor, but from the waist to the thighs they wore short drawers and over them, fastened round the waist, a kind of kilt that reached to the knees and availed them somewhat for defence. across the body was a sash made of feathers that passed from the right shoulder to the left side of the waist. they wore sandals on their feet and had feather-ornaments upon their heads, more or less rich according to the quality of the warrior. when going to battle they adorned their necks, breasts, arms, and legs with their most valuable trinkets of gold or precious stones.[ ] tezozomoc mentions that the tarascos wore steel helmets, but, as i have already stated, none of these nations were acquainted with the use of iron in any shape.[ ] some of the armor in use among the tabascans must have been exceedingly rich, judging by that which was presented to juan de grijalva by the cacique of that province. it consisted of greaves for the knees and legs made of wood and covered with sheets of gold, head-pieces covered with gold plates and precious stones, among which was a visor, of which the upper half was of jewels linked together, and the lower half of gold plates; then there were cuirasses of solid gold, besides a quantity of armor-plates sufficient to cover the whole body.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: offensive weapons.] the offensive weapons of the aztecs consisted of bows and arrows, slings, clubs, spears, light javelins, and swords; and in the use of all of these the soldiers were well skilled. the bows were made of tough, elastic wood, and were about five feet in length; for strings they used the sinews of animals or stags' hair twisted. the arrows were light canes, with about six inches of oak or other hard wood inserted in the end; at the extremity a piece of iztli was fastened with twisted nequen-fibre, and further secured by a paste of resin or other adhesive substance. sometimes instead of iztli they used the bones of animals or fish; the bone of a fish called _libisa_ is said to have caused by its venomous properties[ ] a wound very difficult to heal. it is well known that none of the nahua nations used poisoned arrows; such weapons would have defeated the object for which they often engaged in war, namely that of taking their enemies alive for the purpose of immolating them upon the altars of their gods. it is reasonable to believe that many of them attained to great accuracy in shooting with the bow, but there is room to doubt the assertion that some of them were able to shoot with three or four arrows at a time; or to throw an ear of corn into the air and pierce every kernel before it reached the ground; or to throw up a coin of the size of half a dollar, and keep it in the air as long as they pleased with their arrows.[ ] the sling was a braid of pita-thread or other fibre, broader in the middle than at the ends, with which stones were thrown with much force and accuracy; the missiles were carried in a pouch filled with stones and suspended from the waist in front. the _maza_ was a club similar to the roman _clava_, tapering from the handle towards the end and terminating in a knotty head, filled with points of iztli or tempered copper.[ ] the _macana_, or _macuahuitl_, called by the spaniards _espada_, a sword, was made of tough wood, about three and a half feet long, with a flat blade four fingers in width armed upon both sides with sharp pieces of iztli about three fingers long by three wide, which were inserted into the grooved edge at intervals, and cemented with some adhesive compound.[ ] this weapon, when not in immediate use, was carried slung to the arm with a cord. many of these swords were two-handed and very heavy, and it is asserted that with them the aztec warrior could at one blow cut a man in two or sever a horse's head. the one with which the famous tlascaltec commander tlahuicol fought was so weighty that a man of ordinary strength could hardly raise it from the ground.[ ] the mexican spears were very strong, and were pointed with iztli or copper. spears were the principal weapon used by the zapotecs and other tribes of oajaca. the _tlacochtli_, or mexican javelin, was like a long arrow made of otlatl or bamboo; the point was usually hardened in the fire or armed with iztli, copper, or bone; many had three points, thus inflicting a very severe wound; they were hurled with great force, and had a cord attached, so that when thrown they could be recovered for another cast. some writers mention a ballista as being used with which to launch the javelin, but i do not find any description of its form or of the manner of using it;[ ] certainly the javelin was projected with great velocity, if it be true, as asserted, that they would pass through a man's body; they were much dreaded by the spanish conquerors. [sidenote: the blow-pipe and standards.] when the chichimecs first settled in the valley of anáhuac the only weapons were the bow and arrow and blow-pipe, in the use of which they were very expert. the blow-pipe was a long hollow tube through which clay pellets were projected, and it is affirmed that with them the chichimecs could kill a man or wild beast at a moderate distance; afterwards this weapon came to be generally used by other nations, but was only employed for shooting small birds. among other things, cortés was presented by montezuma with a dozen blow-pipes beautifully ornamented and painted with figures of birds and animals; the mouth-piece of each was made of gold, five or six inches long; they were also ornamented in the centre with gold, and accompanying them were gold net-work pouches to carry the pellets.[ ] the matlaltzincas and tabascans used weapons similar to those of the nations of the anáhuac valley; the former were especially dexterous in their practice with the sling, which, when not in actual use, was carried wound about the head.[ ] the fighting men among the jaliscans were similarly armed, but the lords and captains carried only long staves with which to urge their men to fight and punish any who were disorderly or showed symptoms of cowardice.[ ] each nation had its own particular standard on which were painted or embroidered the armorial bearings of the state. that of the mexican empire, as we have seen, bore an eagle in the act of seizing a tiger, or jaguar. that of the republic of tlascala, a bird with its wings spread as in the act of flying, which some authors call an eagle, others a white bird or crane. each of the four lordships of the republic had also its appropriate ensign; tizatlan had a crane upon a rock, tepeticpac a wolf with a bunch of arrows in his paws, ocotelulco a green bird upon a rock, and quiahuiztlan a parasol made of green feathers.[ ] each company or command had also a distinct standard, the colors of which corresponded to that of the armor and plumes of the chief. the great standard of the tlascaltec army was carried by the general commanding, and the smaller banners of the companies by their respective captains; they were carried on the back and were so firmly tied there that they could not be detached without great difficulty.[ ] when upon a march and not in presence of the enemy the standard of the tlascaltecs was carried in the van, but in action it was always placed in the rear. the mexican standard was borne in the centre of the army. instruments of music, consisting of drums, horns, and large sea-shells, were sounded while fighting to encourage and animate the men. [sidenote: ambassadors and couriers.] the office of ambassador was one of much consequence, and persons of the highest rank, selected for their courteous manners and oratorical powers, were appointed to the position. their persons were held sacred and they were usually received by those to whom they were sent with honor and respect, perfumed with incense, presented with flowers, and well lodged and entertained; in case any insult or indignity was offered them, it constituted a sufficient cause of war. such an instance occurred when the tepanecs, during the reign of their king maxtlaton, invited the mexican monarch itzcoatl and his chiefs to visit their province and partake of their hospitality. itzcoatl declined at the advice of his chiefs, but the latter went, carrying presents. they were accepted by the tepanecs and the chiefs sent back in women's apparel, which they were compelled to wear; the indignity brought about a war between the two nations. the proper courtesy and protection due to their position was, however, only accorded them when on the high road that led to their destination; if they deviated from it they lost their rights and privileges as ambassadors. when on duty they wore a special garb that denoted their office; it consisted of a green habit resembling a scapulary, or small cloak; handsome feathers were twisted in the hair with tufts of divers colors; in the right hand they carried an arrow with the point towards the ground, and in the left a shield; a small net containing provisions hung from the left arm. a complete courier-system was established throughout the empire; these couriers were employed to carry messages in peace and war, and fresh provisions for the king's table; as we have seen in a former chapter, it is asserted that montezuma had fresh fish brought to his palace daily from the gulf coast. they were exceedingly swift runners, being exercised from childhood and encouraged by rewards to excel in speed. stations were fixed at distances of about six miles apart, where small towers were built, in which dwelt one or more couriers ready at all times to set out with dispatches. as soon as a courier arrived at one of these towers, one of those waiting received from him the message he bore, usually expressed in paintings, and at once started for the next stage, and thus the tidings were conveyed to the capital in an incredibly short time. when the dispatches were of an important nature, the courier wore some badge or was dressed in a manner indicative of the intelligence entrusted to him. for instance, if it related to a defeat in battle, he traveled with hair dishevelled, preserving a strict silence until the message was delivered to the person to whom it was directed; on the other hand, if he brought news of a victory, his hair was neatly tied with a colored string, about his body was wrapped a white cotton cloth, on his left arm he carried a shield and in his right hand a sword which he brandished as if in combat, singing at the same time the glorious deeds of the victors.[ ] [sidenote: nahua fortifications.] the mexicans and other nahua nations, favored by the general features of the country, adopted a system of fortifications and entrenchments admirably adapted to secure them from the attacks of internal enemies, though insufficient as a defense against the superior tactics and indomitable perseverance of cortés. the position of the city of tenochtitlan, or mexico, gave it all the advantages of a fortified town. there was no avenue of approach to it but the causeways, which were defended by towers and ditches spanned by draw-bridges; it was the untimely raising of one of these draw-bridges that caused such destruction to the spaniards and their allies on the 'noche triste.' besides this, the inhabitants prepared themselves to defend their city by means of boats, and were frequently exercised in sham naval engagements. the temples of mexico served all the purposes of citadels, especially the great temple built by the emperor tizoc. it occupied the centre of the city and was surrounded by a stone wall eight feet high and very thick, having turrets and stone figures upon it; the wall was pierced by four principal entrances, over each of which were fortified apartments, well stocked with weapons, offensive and defensive, ready for immediate service; here, in case of a revolt or sudden alarm, the garrison went and armed themselves.[ ] one of the royal palaces also contained a large armory where great quantities of arms were kept and armorers employed in their manufacture. the peculiar architecture of the temple rendered the ascent to its top very slow and difficult; during the battles of the mexicans with cortés' troops after montezuma's death, five hundred mexican nobles took possession of this summit, whence they hurled darts, arrows, and stones against the spaniards, many of whom lost their lives during the assault before the position was taken by cortés in person. in his dispatch to the emperor charles the fifth he says: "so arduous was the attempt to take this tower that if god had not broken their spirits, twenty of them would have been sufficient to resist the ascent of a thousand men, although they fought with the greatest valor even unto death."[ ] besides the arsenal and general rendezvous there were many turreted towers and strong buildings throughout the city, from the top of which men could shoot their arrows and hurl darts and stones with great effect. the lofty teocalli served as watch-towers, whence the movements of the enemy could be observed. naturally impregnable localities, such as the vicinity of impassable rivers or ravines were selected as sites for cities, which they further strengthened with forts or surrounded with stone walls. the city of guacachula, taken by cortés shortly after his retreat from mexico on the 'noche triste,' is thus described by him in his letter to charles the fifth: "this city of guacachula is situated upon a plain bounded upon one side by some very lofty and craggy hills; encircling the plain, on the other sides, about two cross-bow shots apart, are two rivers that run through large and deep ravines. there are but few means of entrance to the city, and those extremely difficult both in the ascent and descent so that they can hardly be passed on horseback. the whole city is surrounded by a very strong wall of stone and lime about twenty-two feet high on the outside and almost level with the ground upon the inside. around the whole wall runs a battlement, half the height of a man, as a protection when fighting; it has four entrances of sufficient width to admit a man on horseback, and in each entrance are three or four curves in the wall that lap one over the other and in the course of the curves, on the top of the wall are parapets for fighting. in the whole circuit of the wall is a large quantity of stones large and small and of different shapes for use in action." four leagues distant from guacachula was another city called izucan, also strongly fortified with breastworks, towers, and a deep river that encircled a great part of the city.[ ] one of the most celebrated structures built for defence was the stone wall erected by the tlascaltecs to secure themselves from the incursions of the mexicans. this wall was six miles long, extending across a valley from one mountain to another; it was nearly nine feet high and twenty feet thick, surmounted along its whole length by a breastwork that enabled its defenders to fight in comparative security from the top. there was only one entrance, about ten paces wide, where one part of the wall overlapped the other in curvilinear form in the manner of a ravelin for a distance of forty paces. bernal diaz and cortés differ as to the materials of which the wall was built. the former affirms that it was built of stones cemented together with lime and a bitumen so strongly that it was necessary to use pick-axes to separate them, while the latter says it was built of dry stone. cortés, describing the residence of the cacique of iztacmaxtitlan, a garrison of the mexicans, says it was situated on a lofty eminence, with a better fortress than there was in half spain, defended by a wall, barbican, and moats.[ ] in many other parts of the country were stone fortifications, wooden stockades and intrenchments. a short distance from the village of molcaxac stood a strong fortress built on the top of a mountain; it was surrounded by four walls, erected at certain intervals between the base of the mountain and the top. twenty-five miles from córdova was the fortress of quauhtochco, now guatusco, encircled by high stone walls in which were no entrance gates; the interior could only be gained by means of steep narrow steps, a method commonly adopted in the country.[ ] the nations of michoacan and jalisco employed heavy tree-trunks in fortifying their positions against the spanish invaders, or cut deep intrenchments in which they fixed sharpened stakes. previous to an attack led by pedro alvarado against the inhabitants of jalisco, the latter took up a strong position on a hill which they fortified by placing large stones in such a manner, that upon cutting the cords that held them they would be precipitated upon the assailants; in the assault many spaniards were killed and alvarado was thrown from his horse with such violence that he died two days afterwards.[ ] * * * * * under the tripartite treaty made by the kingdoms of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan, a military council was established consisting of a president and twenty-one members. during the reign of the emperor nezahualcoyotl their deliberations were held in a hall of his palace in tezcuco. the president belonged to the highest rank of the nobility and commanders of the army, the other members were composed of six of the principal men of tezcuco, three nobles and three commoners, and fifteen selected from the other chief provinces. all were veteran officers of recognized courage and good conduct. to this court were referred all matters relating to war. the council assembled when required, to discuss and decide all affairs of the service, whether for the punishment of offenses subversive of military discipline, or to transact the business relative to a declaration of war against other powers. in the latter case the consultation always took place in presence of the sovereign, or of the three heads of the empire. all ambassadors and soldiers were subject to this tribunal, which meted out reward as well as punishment. the following were the articles of war: [sidenote: articles of war.] first: any general or other military officer who, accompanying the king on a campaign, should forsake him, or leave him in the power of the enemy, thereby failing in his duty, which was to bring back his sovereign dead or alive, suffered death by decapitation. second: any officer who formed the prince's guard and deserted his trust, suffered death by decapitation. third: any soldier who disobeyed his superior officer, or abandoned his post, or turned his back upon the enemy, or showed them favor, suffered death by decapitation. fourth: any officer or soldier who usurped the captive or spoil of another, or who ceded to another the prisoner he himself had taken, suffered death by hanging. fifth: any soldier who in war caused injury to the enemy without permission of his officer, or who attacked before the signal was given, or who abandoned the standard or headquarters, or broke or violated any order issued by his captain, suffered death by decapitation. sixth: the traitor who revealed to the enemy the secrets of the army or orders communicated for the success thereof, suffered death by being torn to pieces; his property was forfeited to the crown and all his children and relations were made slaves in perpetuity. seventh: any person who protected or concealed an enemy in time of war, whether noble or plebeian, suffered death by being torn to pieces in the middle of the public square, and his limbs were given to the populace to be treated as objects of derision and contempt. eighth: any noble or person of distinction who, in action, or at any dance or festival, exhibited the insignia or badges of the kings of mexico, tezcuco, or tlacopan, suffered death and forfeiture of property. ninth: any nobleman who, being captured by the enemy fled from prison and returned to his country suffered death by decapitation; but, if he fought and vanquished seven soldiers in gladiatorial combat previous to return, he was free and was rewarded as a brave man. the private soldier who fled from an enemy's prison and returned to his country was well received. tenth: any ambassador who failed to discharge his trust in accordance with the orders and instructions given to him or who returned without an answer, suffered death by decapitation.[ ] as i have already stated, the primary object of most wars was to procure victims for sacrifices to huitzilopochtli and other gods, and the mexicans were never at a loss for an excuse to pick a quarrel. the refusal of a neighboring power to receive in its temple one of the mexican gods, neglect to pay tribute demanded, insults offered to ambassadors or traveling merchants, or symptoms of rebellion in a city or a province, furnished sufficient pretext to take up arms. the rulers of mexico, however, always endeavored to justify their conduct before they made war, and never commenced hostilities without sending due notice of their intention to the adversary. before an actual challenge was sent or war declared against any nation, the council met in presence of the three heads of the empire, and gravely discussed the equity of the case. if the difficulty lay with a province subject to the empire, secret emissaries were sent to inquire whether the fault originated solely with the governor or if he was sustained by his subjects. if it appeared that the whole blame rested with the governor, a force was sent to arrest him, and he was publicly punished, together with all others implicated; but if the rising was with the consent of the people, they were summoned to submit and place themselves in obedience to the king whose vassals they were, and a fine, proportionate to the magnitude of the case, was imposed. it was customary for the rulers of mexico or tezcuco to send messengers to distant provinces with a demand that they should receive one or more of their gods and worship them in their temples. if the messenger was killed or the proposed god rejected, a war ensued. [sidenote: declaration of war.] as i have said, it was a breach of international etiquette to proceed to war without giving due notice to the enemy, and military law prescribed that three embassies should be despatched before commencing hostilities. the number of ambassadors varied according to the circumstances and rank of the princes against whom war was to be made, for the higher his rank the fewer in number were the envoys. if he was a great king only one was sent, and he was generally of the blood-royal or a famous general. sometimes the ambassadors were instructed to deliver their message directly to the hostile prince, at other times to the people of the province. in the first case upon entering into the prince's presence they paid their respects with reverence, and having seated themselves in the centre of the audience-hall, waited till permission was given them to speak. the signal made, the principal among them delivered his message in a low tone of voice and with a studied address, the audience preserving a decorous silence, and listening attentively. as a general thing, in all embassies an interchange of presents was made, and if the message was from one friendly power to another, a refusal of such gifts was a serious affront. if, however, it was to an enemy, the ambassador could not receive a present without express orders from his master. when the three powers of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan acted in unison, in the event of a difficulty with another nation, the first ambassadors sent were of the mexican nation and were called _quaquauhnochtzin_. upon arriving at the capital of the kingdom or province they proceeded at once to the public square and summoned before them the ministers and aged men, to whom they made known the several circumstances of the case, warning them that, in case their lord refused to accede to their propositions, upon them and their families would fall the evils and hardships produced by war, and exhorting them to counsel and persuade their lord to maintain the good will and protection of the empire; for this purpose they granted twenty days, within which time they would expect an answer, and in order that there might be no complaint of being surprised and taken unprepared they left a supply of weapons and then retired outside the town to await the answer. if within the twenty days it was decided to accept the terms of the ambassadors, the ministers went to the place where they were in waiting and conducted them into the city, where they were received with every mark of respect, and in a short time were sent back to their own country, accompanied by other ambassadors, bearing costly presents in token of friendship and esteem. if, however, twenty days passed without a satisfactory adjustment of the difficulty, a second set of ambassadors, held in readiness for the occasion, who had to be of the kingdom of tezcuco and were called _achcacauhtzin_, were sent into the city. these carried with them a quantity of arms, some feathers of a bird called _tecpilotl_, and a small earthenware jar containing a certain balsamic and aromatic ointment, compounded of various herbs and gums. they went directly to the palace of the prince and in presence of the gentlemen of his court delivered their message. they then represented to him the miseries of war, and warned him, that if within the space of twenty days he did not agree to their terms, in the event of his being taken captive during the war which would ensue he would be put to death under the penalty of the law, which sentenced him to have his head smashed with a club, and that his vassals would be chastised in proportion to the offence each had committed. if the refractory prince or noble refused immediate compliance, the ambassadors anointed his right arm and his head with the ointment brought with them, telling him to be strong and of good courage and to fight bravely against the troops of the empire, whose valor in war they greatly extolled. they then tied the tecpilotl-plumes at the back of his head with red strings, handed him the weapons they had brought with them, and retired to the place where the first ambassadors were, to await the expiration of the twenty days. if he surrendered within the time, he was required to pay a stipulated annual tribute of small amount, but if he refused to surrender, there came a third set of ambassadors, who were of the kingdom of tlacopan; they appeared before the lord in the presence of his ministers and court, and delivered their message with stronger threats and warnings, to the effect that if he did not surrender at the expiration of a further twenty days, the army of the empire would march against his territory and punish the inhabitants regardless of age or sex, and that although they might implore its clemency they would not be heard; they then gave them a larger supply of arms than on the preceding occasions, telling them to avail themselves of them and not to say at a future time that they had been assailed unprepared. if the lord of the province surrendered within the last twenty days, he was punished according to the pleasure of the three powers, but not with death nor with the confiscation of his rank or property; he was usually condemned to pay an extraordinary tribute out of his own revenues; should he continue rebellious, war broke out, and the army of the empire, already prepared on the frontiers, commenced its operations.[ ] it was usual to send a formal challenge or declaration of war, accompanied by some presents, either of arms, clothing, or food, as it was held to be a discreditable act to attack any unarmed or defenseless people. a notable instance of this spirit was shown by the tlascaltecs when they confronted the army of cortés; their general is reported to have exclaimed: "who are these presumptuous men, so few in number that they attempt to enter our country in spite of us? lest they think we want to take them by hunger rather than by force of arms, let us send them food, that we may find them savory after the sacrifice, for they come starved and worn out." before the battle they sent three hundred turkeys and two hundred baskets of centli or tamales, each basket weighing about twenty-five pounds, a gift most acceptable to the castilians.[ ] when war against another nation was decided upon, the first care of the mexicans was to investigate the character and resources of the region they were about to invade. certain spies called _quimichtin_, who were selected for their knowledge of the language and customs of the enemy's country, were sent thither, dressed after the manner of the inhabitants. these spies were directed to prepare maps of the districts they passed through, showing the plains, rivers, mountains, and dangerous passes as well as the most practicable routes, and were to take notice of all means of defense possessed by the enemy. the sketches and information thus obtained were given to the chiefs of the army to guide them in their march and enable them to make the best disposition of their forces. such spies as brought valuable news were rewarded with the grant of a piece of land, and if one came over from the enemy's side and gave advice of their preparations and force, he was well paid and given presents of mantles.[ ] when a war was to be conducted jointly by the three allied powers, proclamation was made by heralds in the public thoroughfares of the capital cities. commissariat officers called _calpixques_ collected the necessary stores and provisions for the campaign, and distributed weapons and coarse mantles of nequen to the army. the troops then went to the temple and performed the ceremony of scarifying their bodies, while the customary sacrifices were offered by the priests to huitzilopochtli. [sidenote: order of march and battle.] if the expedition was an important one and the army large, it was composed of several divisions, called _xiquipilli_, each consisting of eight thousand men under their respective commanders. when all was in readiness the order of march was thus formed: the priests with their idols started one day's march in advance; next came the captains and flower of the army, followed by the soldiers of mexico; after them the tezcucans, and then those of tlacopan, the rear being closed by the troops of other provinces; one day's march separated each division. perfect order was maintained on the route, and when near the enemy's country the chiefs traced out the camping-ground each division should occupy, and directed all to entrench and fortify their positions.[ ] the battle was sometimes fought on a piece of neutral ground lying between the confines of two territories. such a place was known by the name _yauhtlalli_, and was especially reserved for the purpose, and always left uncultivated.[ ] before the action commenced each soldier received from the royal magazine a handful of pinole and a kind of cake called _tlaxcaltotopochtli_; afterwards the high-priest or chief addressed the troops, reminding them of the glory to be gained by victory, and the eternal bliss in store for those who fell, and concluded by counseling them to place their trust in huitzilopochtli and fight valiantly. if the king was present on the field the signal for attack was given by him. the mexican monarch issued his orders to commence the action by sounding on a large shell making a noise like a trumpet; the lords of tezcuco beat upon a small drum, and lords of other provinces struck two bones together. the signals for retreat were given upon similar instruments. when the battle commenced, the shrieking of musical instruments, the clashing of swords against bucklers, and shouting of the combatants made a noise so great as to strike terror into those unused to it. while fighting the warriors shouted the names of their respective towns or districts to enable them to recognize each other and prevent confusion.[ ] in fighting there appears to have been no special tactics; the commanders of divisions and the captains used every effort to keep their men together, and were very careful to protect the standard, as, if that was taken, the battle was considered lost and all fled. they observed the wise policy of keeping a number of men in reserve to replace any who were wearied or had exhausted their weapons. the archers, slingers, and javelin men commenced the action at a distance and gradually drew nearer, until they came to close quarters, when they took to their swords and spears. all movements, both in advance and retreat, were rapidly executed; sometimes a retreat was feigned in order to draw the enemy into an ambuscade which had been prepared beforehand. the chief object was to take prisoners and not to slay; when an enemy refused to surrender, they endeavored to wound them in the foot or leg so as to prevent escape, but they never accepted a ransom for a prisoner. certain men were attached to the army whose duty it was to remove the killed and wounded during the action, so that the enemy might not know the losses and take fresh heart.[ ] [sidenote: tlascaltecs and tarascos.] the tlascaltecs formed their army into battalions, each having its appointed chief, the whole being under the command of a general-in-chief, who was elected from among those of the four seigniories into which the republic was divided. their mode of fighting differed little from that of the mexicans, with the exception of a certain practice which they observed upon first coming in contact with the enemy. this consisted in carrying with them two darts which they believed would presage victory or defeat according to the result of their delivery into the hostile ranks. according to motolinia the tradition among them in regard to this belief was, that their ancestors came from the north-west, and that in order to reach the land they navigated eight or ten days; from the oldest among them they then received two darts which they guarded as precious relics, and regarded as an infallible augury by which to know whether they would gain a victory or ought to retreat in time.[ ] when a victory was won the great standard was brought to the front and placed upon a rising ground or in some conspicuous position, and all were obliged to assemble around it; he who neglected to do so was punished. the tarascos fought with great courage to the sound of numerous horns and sea-shells, and carried to battle banners made of feathers of many colors. their skill and valor is best proven by the fact that the mexicans were never able to subdue them. they showed especial strategy in luring the foe into ambush. like the mexicans their chief object in battle was to take prisoners to sacrifice to their gods.[ ] among the mexicans, when the battle was over, the first prisoners taken were given to the priests to be sacrificed before the idols they carried with them. an account was taken of the losses sustained and of the number of prisoners and other booty gained. rewards were distributed to all who had distinguished themselves and punishment inflicted on any who had misbehaved. all disputes relative to the capture of prisoners were inquired into and adjusted. if a case arose where neither of the disputants could prove their title, the prisoner was taken from them and given to the priests to be sacrificed. those inhabitants of the conquered province who could prove that they had taken no active part in the war were punished at the discretion of their conqueror; usually they were condemned to pay a certain annual tribute, or to construct public works; meantime, the vanquished province was supplied with a governor and officers, appointed from among the conquerors.[ ] when the king or a feudatory lord captured a prisoner for the first time, his success was made the occasion of much rejoicing. the captive, dressed in showy apparel and mounted on a litter, was borne to the town in great triumph, accompanied by a host of warriors shouting and singing; at the outskirts of the city the procession was met by the inhabitants, some playing on musical instruments, others dancing and singing songs composed for the occasion. the prisoner was saluted with mimic honors, and his captor greatly extolled and congratulated. numbers of people arrived from the adjoining towns and villages to assist in the general hilarity, bringing with them presents of gold, jewels, and rich dresses. upon the day appointed for the sacrifice a grand festival was held, previous to and after which the lord fasted and performed certain prescribed ceremonies. the victim was usually dressed for the occasion in the robes of the god of the sun, and sacrificed in the usual manner. with some of the blood that flowed, the priest sprinkled the four sides of the temple; the remainder was collected in a vessel and sent to the noble captor, who with it sprinkled all the gods in the court yard of the temple as a thank-offering for the victory he had gained. after the heart was taken out the body was rolled down the steps and received below; the head was then cut off and placed upon a high pole, afterwards the body was flayed, and the skin stuffed with cotton and hung up in the captor's house as a memento of his prowess.[ ] [sidenote: gladiatorial combat.] when a renowned captain or noble was made prisoner, the right of fighting for his liberty was granted him--an honor not permitted to warriors of an inferior rank. near the temple was an open space capable of containing a large multitude; in the middle was a circular mound built of stone and mortar, about eight feet high, with steps leading to the top, where was fixed a large round stone, three feet high, smooth, and adorned with figures. this stone was called the _temalacatl_; upon it the prisoner was placed, tied at the ankle with a cord, which passed through a hole in the centre of the stone. his weapons consisted of a shield and macana.[ ] he who had taken him prisoner then mounted the stone, better armed, to combat with him. both the combatants were animated with the strongest motives to fight desperately. the prisoner fought for his life and liberty, and his adversary to sustain his reputation. if the former was conquered, a priest, called _chalchiuhtepehua_, immediately seized him, hurried him dead or alive to the sacrificial stone and tore out his heart. the victor was then publicly congratulated and rewarded with military honors. if, however, the prisoner vanquished his first opponent and six others, by whom, in succession, he was attacked, he was granted his freedom, all spoil taken from him in battle was restored to him, and he returned to his country covered with glory. a notable violation of this law is recorded of the huexotzincas. in a battle between them and the cholultecs, the leader of the latter nation became separated from his own people during the heat of battle, and was, after a gallant resistance, made prisoner and conducted to the capital. being placed on the gladiatorial stone he conquered the seven adversaries that were brought against him, but the huexotzincas, dreading to liberate so famous a warrior, contrary to their universal law, put him to death, and thereby covered themselves with ignominy.[ ] [sidenote: prisoners of war.] if the prisoner was a person of very high rank, he was taken before the king, who ordered that he should be sumptuously fed and lodged for forty days. at the end of that time he was accorded the right of combat, and if conquered, after the usual sacrificial ceremonies the body was cut into small pieces; these were sent to the relations and friends of the deceased, who received them as relics of great value and acknowledged the favor by returning gold, jewels, and rich plumes.[ ] if we are to believe gomara and others, the number of victims, chiefly prisoners of war, sacrificed at some of the festivals, was enormous. the historians relate that in front of the principal gate of the temple there was a mound built of stone and lime with innumerable skulls of prisoners inserted between the stones. at the head and foot of the mound were two towers built entirely of skulls and lime; on the top of the mound were seventy or more upright poles, each with many other sticks fastened crossways to it, at intervals, from top to bottom; on the points of each cross stick were five skulls. they go on to say that two soldiers of cortés counted these skulls and found them to amount to one hundred and thirty-six thousand. those that composed the towers they could not count.[ ] the nations contiguous to the mexicans imitated to a great extent their manner of disposing of prisoners of war, and kept them to be sacrificed at their festivals. the first prisoner taken in battle by the tlascaltecs was flayed alive and he who captured him dressed himself in the horrid trophy, and so covered served the god of battles during a certain number of days. he paraded from one temple to another followed by a crowd that shrieked for joy; but had, however, to run from his pursuers, for if they caught him they beat him till he was nearly dead. this ceremony was called _exquinan_, and was sometimes observed by two or three at the same time.[ ] at one of their festivals they bound their prisoners to high crosses and shot them to death with arrows; at other times they killed them with the bastinado. they had also solemn banquets, at which they ate the flesh of their prisoners. at the taking of mexico, the tlascaltec soldiery feasted upon the bodies of the slain mexicans, and cortés, although shocked at the revolting practice, was unable to prevent it.[ ] the mexicans, tlascaltecs, and neighboring nations always made the return of a successful army the occasion of great festivity and rejoicing; the loud sound of drums and musical instruments greeted the entry of the victorious troops into the capital; triumphal arches were erected in the streets and the houses decorated with flowers; an abundance of copal was burned and sumptuous banquets were prepared; all were dressed in their gayest attire, and the warriors put on all the insignia of their rank; gifts were distributed to those who had performed any deed of gallantry, and minstrels sung or recited poems in their praise. many went to the temples to observe especial acts of devotion to the gods, and numbers of the prisoners were then sacrificed. all these ceremonies tended to inspire the youths with courage and make them ambitious to gain distinction in war.[ ] footnotes: [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - . [ ] _codex mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. i., pl. lxiv-lxvi. in explanation of plate lxv., no. , it is stated that the warrior was called quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in war. 'haber cautivado en la guerra cinco, demas de que en otras guerras a cautivado otros muchos de sus enemigos.' explanation of _id._, vol. v., p. ; while purchas says such a one was 'called quagchil ... shewing that hee had taken fiue at the wars of guexo, besides that in other wars he tooke many of his enemies.' _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. - . [ ] torquemada and brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the princes. 'vna de las maiores grandeças, à que llegaba, era atarse el cabello, que era demonstracion de gran capitan, y estos se llamaban quachictin, que era el mas honroso nombre, que à los capitanes se los daba, y pocos lo alcançaban.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'dont les membres se nommaient "quachictin," c'est-à-dire, couronnés. leurs insignes consistaient dans la courroie écarlate dont nous avons parlé plus haut, mais dont le bout, avec sa houppe de plumes, pendait alors jusqu'à la ceinture.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . herrera and acosta both mention a fourth order: 'auia otros como caualleros pardos, que no eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletas cortadas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; _west und ost indischer lustgart_, pt i., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] the greaves were called _cozehuatl_, the brachials _matemecatl_, the bracelets _matzopetztli_, the lip ornament _tentetl_, the ear-rings _nacochtli_, and the collar or necklace _cozcapetlatl_. _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxvi.; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _carli_, _cartas_, pt i., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . for further reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _west-indische spieghel_, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _mexique_, _Études hist._, p. ; _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt ii., p. ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _gage's new survey_, pp. - . [ ] 'i tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza nel tirar tre, o quatro frecce insieme.... la destrezza di quei popoli nel tirar le frecce non sarebbe credibile, se non fosse accertata per la deposizione di centinaja di testimonj oculati. radunatisi parecchj frecciatori gettano in sù una pannocchia di frumentone, e si mettono a saettarla con una tal prontezza, e con una tal desterità, che non la lasciano venite a terra, finattantochè non le hanno levati tutti i grani. gettano similmente una moneta d'argento non più grande d'un giulio, e saettandola la trattengono in aria, quanto voglioni.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] ixtlilxochitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well known that the aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral, although it is said they possessed the art of being able to temper copper to the hardness of steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] according to gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman çacotl, y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y como de vena de diamantes, que mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no se que otras aues.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] in reference to the macana, which all assert to have been a most formidable weapon, i quote only a few authorities. 'sus espadas de palo largas, de un palo muy fuerte, engeridas de pedernales agudísimos, que de una cuchillada cortaban á cercen el pescuezo de un caballo.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . bernal diaz describing a battle with the tlascaltecs where pedro de moron was wounded and had his horse killed, says 'dieron vna cuchillada â la yegua, que le cortaron el pescueço redondo, y alli quedó muerta.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . 'taglia come vn rasoio di tolosa. io viddi che combattendosi vn di, diede vn indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn caualliero con chi combatteua, nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle interiora, et cadde incontanente morto, & il medesimo giorno viddi che vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò morto a i piedi.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . the anonymous conqueror does not say the head was cut off, but that one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the entrails, and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his feet. 'lo que podrán efectuar con aquella espada en el pescuezo del caballo sera de la herida cuanto entraren los filos en la carne, que no pasarán de un canto de real de plata, porque todo lo otro es grueso, por tener el lomo que arriba referimos las navajas.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxvi.; _hernandez_, _nova plant._, p. ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. . [ ] it may be that this ballesta was a somewhat similar implement to that used by the aleuts and isthmians. see vol. i., pp. , . 'dardi che essi tirano con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastone.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] in regard to the armorial ensign of the tlascaltecs, authors differ. it is admitted that the general-in-chief carried the standard of the republic, and important authorities say that the one borne by xicotencatl in his battle with cortés had emblazoned upon it a white bird resembling an ostrich or heron, but clavigero and prescott incline to the opinion that the emblem was an eagle. in regard to this we have the following accounts. bernal diaz, an actor in the battle, says the tlascaltec army was ranged under the banner of xicotencatl, 'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas, como que queria bolar, que parece como auestruz.' _hist. conq._, fol. . 'lleuaua el estandarte de la ciudad, que es vna grua de oro con las alas tendidas.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'esta bandera de tascaltecle es una grua que trae por divisa, ó armas al natural, de oro, é tendidas las alas.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . 'xicotencatl ... llevaba el estandarte de la republica, que era vn aguila de oro, con las alas estendidas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, p. . [ ] 'ha ogni compagnia il suo alfiere con la sua insegna inhastata, & in tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo di poter combattere ne far ciò che vuole, & la porta cosi ligata bene al corpo, che se non fanno del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne torgliela mai.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . [ ] 'respetaban à los embaxadores de sus mortales enemigos, como à dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier rito de su religion, que pecar contra la fee dada à los embaxadores.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'los correos, ò mensageros, que se despachaban de las guerras, tambien pasaban seguros, por todas partes.' _ib._; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'a cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor. en estos tenian muchas armas, porque como los templos tengan por fortalezas de los pueblos tienen en ellos toda su municion.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. li. [ ] 'si dios no les quebrara las alas.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . see also _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , . [ ] 'una gran cerca de piedra seca.' _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. - . 'una fuerça bien fuerte hecha de cal y canto, y de otro betun tan rezio, que con picos de hierro era forçoso deshazerla.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - , - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv.; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . [ ] las casas says that very old women were admitted to war councils. 'nunca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho consejo de los mas ancianos y caballeros ejercitados en la guerra, al cual consejo se admitian las mujeres muy viejas como personas que habian visto y oido muchas cosas y asi esperimentadas de lo pasado.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxvi. according to the chevalier boturini the first ambassadors were accredited to the king or lord of the province, the second were dispatched to the nobility requiring them to persuade their lord, and the third convoked the people and advised them of the motives their monarch had for waging war against them. _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - . see also _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., pp. - ; _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _id._, pp. , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , - . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi. [ ] 'a estas espias, que embiaban delante, llamaban ratones, que andan de noche, ò escondidos, y à hurtadillas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] camargo says: 'l'armée était divisée par bataillons de cent hommes.' _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . 'quando l'esercito era numeroso, si contava per _xiquipilli_: ed ogni _xiquipilli_ si componeva d'otto mila uomini.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] also spelt _quiahtlale_, _jaotlalli_, meaning a place for war. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , , , . [ ] for further account of their manner of conducting a war, see: _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxvii.; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - . [ ] _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, p. . [ ] _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., pp. , - . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxvii. [ ] _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] camargo says the prisoner was given his choice of every kind of offensive and defensive weapons. _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. - , but all other authors state that he was only given a short sword and shield. boturini says a servant who was under the stone drew the cord and so controlled the prisoner that he could not move. _idea_, p. . duran says: 'el modo que en celebrarlo tenian; que era atar á los presos con una soga al pie por un ahugero que aquella piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en cueros le daban una rodela y una espada de solo palo emplumado en las manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que se defendian de los que salian á combatir con él, que eran cuatro muy bien armados.' _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. . [ ] _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. . [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . for further reference to treatment of prisoners, see: _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - ; _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _id._, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. ; _fossey_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. viii. [ ] instances of how the mexicans received their victorious armies are given in _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . see further, _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - . chapter xiv. nahua laws and law courts. general remarks--the cihuacoatl, or supreme judge--the court of the tlacatecatl--jurisdiction of the tecuhtlis--the centectlapixques and topillis--law courts and judges of tezcuco--eighty-day council--tribunal of the king--court proceedings--lawyers--witnesses--remuneration of judges--justice of king nezahualpilli--he orders his son's execution--montezuma and the farmer--jails--laws against theft, murder, treason, kidnapping, drunkenness, witchcraft, adultery, incest, sodomy, fornication, and other crimes--story of nezahualcoyotl and the boy. it has already been stated that among the nahuas the supreme legislative power belonged to the king; the lawful share that he took in the administration of justice we shall see as we examine the system of jurisprudence adopted by them. when treating of the nahua judiciary the majority of historians have preferred to discuss almost exclusively the system in vogue at tezcuco, partly, perhaps, because it presents a nicer gradation of legal tribunals, and consequently a closer resemblance to european institutions than did the more simple routine of the mexicans, but mainly because the materials of information were more accessible and abundant. many writers, however, have not followed this rule, but throwing all the information they could obtain into a general fund, they have applied the whole indiscriminately to the 'mexicans,' by which term they mean all the inhabitants of the regions conquered by cortés. las casas, speaking of the allied kingdoms of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan, says that "their government and laws scarcely differed, so that whatever may be said of those parts concerning which the most information can be obtained, may be understood, and perhaps it is best to say it, as applying to all."[ ] although the number and jurisdiction of the law-courts of mexico and tezcuco differed, there is reason to believe that the laws themselves and the penalties inflicted were the same, or nearly so. [sidenote: the cihuacoatl, supreme judge.] in mexico, and in each of the principal cities of the empire, there was a supreme judge, called _cihuacoatl_,[ ] who was considered second only to the king in rank and authority. he heard appeals in criminal cases from the court immediately below him, and from his decision no appeal was allowed, not even to the king.[ ] whether or not the cihuacoatl pronounced judgment in civil cases is uncertain. according to clavigero he did;[ ] prescott,[ ] brasseur de bourbourg,[ ] and carbajal espinosa[ ] agree with clavigero, and leon carbajal[ ] cites torquemada as an authority for this statement, but the fact is torquemada distinctly affirms the contrary,[ ] as does las casas,[ ] from whom torquemada takes his information. it appears, however, reasonable to suppose that in some exceptional cases, as, for instance, where the title to large possessions was involved, or when the litigants were powerful nobles, the supreme judge may have taken cognizance of civil affairs. whether the jurisdiction of the cihuacoatl was ever original, as well as final, as prescott[ ] asserts it to have been, i do not find stated by the earlier authorities, although this may have happened exceptionally, but in that case there could have been but one hearing, for the king, who was the only superior of the supreme judge, had no authority to reverse the decisions of the latter. the cihuacoatl was appointed by the king, and he in turn appointed the inferior judges. he held his office for life, and in addition to his regular judicial duties had charge of the most important affairs of government, and of the royal revenues. he was without a colleague, and must administer justice in person. such was the respect paid to this exalted personage, that whoever had the audacity to usurp his power or insignia suffered death, his property was confiscated and his family enslaved.[ ] the next court was supreme in civil matters and could only be appealed from to the cihuacoatl in cases of a criminal nature. it was presided over by three judges, the chief of whom was styled _tlacatecatl_, and from him the court took its name; his colleagues were called _quauhnochtli_ and _tlanotlac_.[ ] each of these had his deputies and assistants. affairs of importance were laid in the first instance before this tribunal, but appeals from the inferior courts were also heard. sentence was pronounced by a crier entitled _tecpoyotl_ in the name of the tlacatecatl, and was carried into execution by the quauhnochtli with his own hands. the office of tecpoyotl was considered one of high honor because he declared the will of the king as represented by his judges. [sidenote: the tecuhtli and centectlapixque.] in each ward of the city there was a magistrate called _tecuhtli_ who was annually elected by the inhabitants of his district; he judged minor cases in the first instance only, and probably the office somewhat resembled that of our police judge. appeal lay from him to the tlacatecatl.[ ] it was the duty of the tecuhtlis to give a daily report of affairs that had been submitted to them, and of the judgments they had rendered thereon, to the tlacatecatl, who reviewed their proceedings. whether the tlacatecatl could reverse the decision of a tecuhtli when no appeal had been made, is uncertain, but it appears improbable, inasmuch as a failure to exercise the right of appeal would imply recognition of justice in the judgment passed by the lower tribunal. in each ward, and elected in the same manner as the tecuhtlis, were officers whose title was _centectlapixque_, whose province it was to watch over the behavior and welfare of a certain number of families committed to their charge, and to acquaint the magistrates with everything that passed. although the centectlapixques could not exercise judicial authority, yet it is probable that petty disputes were often submitted to them for arbitration, and that their arbitrament was abided by. in case the parties could not be brought to any friendly settlement, however, the centectlapixque immediately reported the matter to the tecuhtli of his district, and a regular trial ensued. the tecuhtlis had their bailiffs, who carried their messages and served summonses. in addition to these there were constables styled _topilli_, who arrested prisoners and enforced order.[ ] [sidenote: the eighty-day council.] in tezcuco, although the kingdom was divided into many provinces,[ ] the higher courts of justice were placed in six of the principal cities only.[ ] each of these tribunals was presided over by two judges, who were very high magnates and usually relatives of the king, and from these an appeal lay to two supreme judges who resided at the capital.[ ] these twelve judges were assisted by twelve sheriffs,[ ] whose duty it was to arrest prisoners of exalted rank in their own district, or to go in search of offenders in other provinces. the peculiar badge of these officers was a certain ornamented mantle; wherever they went they were held in great awe and respect, as representatives of the king, and seldom encountered resistance in the exercise of their functions. there were also constables in attendance on the courts, who acted with great diligence in carrying messages or making arrests. every ten or twelve days all the judges met in council with the king,[ ] when cases of importance were discussed, and either finally settled, or laid over for decision at a grand council which convened every four mexican months, making in all eighty days. on these occasions all the judges, without exception, met together, the king presiding in person. all being seated according to their order of precedence, an orator opened the proceedings with a speech, in which he praised virtue and severely reprimanded vice; he reviewed all the events of the past eighty days, and commented very severely even upon the acts of the king himself. in this council all suits were terminated, the sentences being carried out on the spot,[ ] and affairs of state and policy were discussed and transacted; it generally sat during eight or ten days.[ ] in addition to these judges there were magistrates of a lower order in all the provinces, who took cognizance of cases of minor importance, and who also heard and considered those of greater consequence preparatory to laying them before the eighty-day council.[ ] the historian ixtlilxochitl gives a somewhat different account of the tezcucan tribunals, which, as it contains the only description given by the ancient writers of the halls in which the judges sat, i translate in full. in the palace were two principal courtyards, the larger of which served as the market-place. the second courtyard was smaller than the first, and was situated more in the interior of the palace; in the centre of it a fire was kept continually burning. here were the two most important tribunals in the kingdom. to the right of this courtyard, writes ixtlilxochitl, was the supreme tribunal, which was called _teohicpalpan_, meaning, tribunal of god. here was a throne of gold, set with turquoises and other precious stones; before the throne stood a stool, upon which were a shield, a macana, and a bow with its quiver of arrows; upon these was placed a skull, surmounted by an emerald of a pyramidal shape, in the apex of which was fixed a plume of feathers and precious stones; at the sides, serving as carpets, were the skins of tigers and lions (tigres y leones), and mats (mantas) made of the feathers of the royal eagle, where a quantity of bracelets and anklets (grevas) of gold were likewise placed in regular order.[ ] the walls were tapestried with cloth of all colors, made of rabbits' hair, adorned with figures of divers birds, animals, and flowers.[ ] attached to the throne was a canopy of rich plumage, in the centre of which was a glittering ornament of gold and precious stones. [sidenote: the tribunal of the king.] the other tribunal was called that of the king; it also had a throne, which was lower than that of the tribunal of god, and a canopy adorned with the royal coat of arms. here the kings transacted ordinary business and gave public audience; but when they rendered decisions upon grave and important cases, or pronounced sentence of death, they removed to the tribunal of god, placing the right hand upon the skull, and holding in the left the golden arrow which served as a sceptre, and on these occasions they put on the tiara (tiara) which they used, which resembled a half mitre. there were on the same stool three of these tiaras; one was of precious stones set in gold, another of feathers, and the third woven of cotton and rabbit-hair, of a blue color. this tribunal was composed of fourteen grandees of the kingdom, who sat in three divisions of the hall, according to their rank and seniority. in the first division was the king; in the second division were seated six grandees; the first of these six, on the right hand, was the lord of teotihuacan, the second the lord of acolman, the third the lord of tepetlaoztoc; on the left side sat, first, the lord of huexotla, second, the lord of coatlichan, third, he of chimalhuacan. in the third division of the hall, which was the exterior one, sat eight other lords, according to their rank and seniority; on the right side the first was the lord of otompan, the second was the lord of tollantzinco, the third the lord of quauhchinanco, the fourth the lord of xicotepec, and on the left side were, first, the lord of tepechpan, second, the lord of chiauhtla, third, the lord of chiuhnauhtla, and fourth, he of teiotocan. there followed, also, another hall, which adjoined this on the eastern side, and was divided into two parts; in the inner and principal division, were eight judges, who were nobles and gentlemen, and four others who were of the citizen class;[ ] these were followed by fifteen provincial judges, natives of all the cities and chief towns of tezcuco; the latter took cognizance of all suits, civil or criminal, which were embraced in the eighty laws that nezahualcoyotl established; the duration of the most important of these cases was never more than eighty days. in the other, or exterior, division of the hall, was a tribunal composed of four supreme judges, who were presidents of the councils; and there was a wicket, through which they entered and went out to communicate with the king.[ ] [sidenote: court proceedings.] besides these various tribunals for the general administration of justice, there were others that had jurisdiction in cases of a peculiar nature only. there was a court of divorce, and another which dealt only with military matters; by it military men were tried and punished, and it had also the power to confer rewards and honors upon the deserving; the especial jurisdiction of another tribunal extended over matters pertaining to art and science, while a fourth court had charge of the royal exchequer, of taxes and tributes, and of those employed in collecting them. of some of these institutions i have already had occasion to speak. the mode of procedure, or daily routine, in the law courts of mexico and tezcuco was strict and formal. at sunrise, or as some say, at daybreak, the judges took their places in court, squatting upon mats spread for the purpose, usually upon an elevated platform. here they administered justice until noon, when they partook of a meal supplied from the royal kitchen. when this was over and they had rested for a short space, business was resumed, and carried on during the greater part of the afternoon. punctuality on the part of the judges was strictly enforced, and he who absented himself from court without good cause, such as illness, or royal permission, was severely punished. this order was observed every day, except when the presence of the judges was required at the public sacrifices or solemn festivities, at which time the courts of justice remained closed.[ ] [sidenote: examination of witnesses.] minor cases were conducted verbally, the parties producing their witnesses, who testified under oath for the complaint or the defence. the testimony, under oath, of the principals was also admitted as evidence; and one writer even asserts that the defendant could clear himself by his oath;[ ] but it is plain that if such were the case conviction would be very rare. in cases of greater importance, especially in civil suits where the possession of real estate was involved, paintings, in which the property in dispute was represented, were produced as authentic documents, and the whole of the proceedings, such as the object of the claim, the evidence, the names of the parties and their respective witnesses, as well as the decision or sentence, were recorded in court by notaries, or clerks, appointed for that purpose.[ ] a witness in an aztec court of law occupied a serious position. in the first place the judges are by all writers said to have been particularly skillful in cross-examination. they seem to have made it an especial study to harass witnesses with pertinent questions and minute details; in the next place the punishment for perjury was death, and perjury among these people consisted in making a false statement when under oath, without the possibility of being saved by a legal quibble; in addition to this, superstition attached great weight to the oath which every witness was obliged to take, and which consisted in touching the forefinger to the earth and then to the tongue, as if to say, as las casas expresses it: by the goddess earth, who supports and affords me sustenance, i swear to speak truth. this oath was considered to be very sacred and binding, and is said to have been rarely violated. whether counsel or advocates were employed is a disputed point, some writers asserting distinctly that they were, and others that they were not.[ ] veytia states that the complainant and defendant were sometimes confronted with each other, and compelled to argue the case before the court, no other person being allowed to speak the while. the judges heard and passed sentence by a majority of votes,[ ] each giving his decision aloud. if the trial took place in an inferior court, a disagreement sent the matter on appeal to a higher court; if it took place in the first instance before a superior tribunal, it was appealed to the great council of the emperor. the same writer also says that where a serious public offense had been committed, the witnesses were examined, and sentence was immediately passed without giving the accused time to defend himself.[ ] we have already seen that the duration of suits was limited to eighty days, and generally they terminated much sooner than this, all possible expedition being always used. the better to avoid bribery and corruption, it was expressly forbidden for a judge to receive presents, no matter how trifling, and he who violated this rule was deposed from office, and otherwise punished with exceeding rigor. the way in which the judges were paid for their services was peculiar. a certain portion of land was set apart for their exclusive benefit, which was cultivated and harvested by tenants, who doubtless were allowed to retain a part of the produce in return for their labor. these lands were not inherited by the son on the death of the father, but passed to the judge appointed in the place of the latter.[ ] veytia does not mention these lands; he says that the judges had no fixed salary, but were paid according to the king's pleasure, more or less, in proportion to the size of their families, besides which the king made valuable presents when the eighty-day council met, to those who had performed their duty to his satisfaction.[ ] the allowance was in all cases made amply sufficient, that there might be no excuse on the ground of poverty for a judge receiving presents or bribes. they held their office for life, and were selected from the higher classes, especially the superior judges, who were generally relatives of the king, or even members of the royal family. none were eligible for the office who were not sober, upright men, brought up in the temples, and who were well acquainted with court life and manners. a judge who became drunk, or received a bribe, was three times severely reprimanded by his fellow-judges; if the offense was repeated, his head was shaved publicly, a great disgrace among the aztecs, and he was deprived of his office with ignominy. a judge making a false report to the king, or convicted of receiving a large bribe, or of rendering a manifestly unjust decision, was punished with death.[ ] all this machinery of the law was dispensed with in tlascala, where all disputes and difficulties were promptly settled by certain old men appointed for that purpose.[ ] [sidenote: anecdotes of nezahualpilli.] a love of impartial justice seems to have characterized all the aztec monarchs, and, as we have seen, the laws they enacted to ensure this to their subjects were severe in the extreme. no favoritism was allowed; all, from the highest to the lowest were held amenable to the law. a story, illustrating this, is repeated by nearly all the old writers. in the reign of nezahualpilli, the son of nezahualcoyotl, who were accounted the two wisest kings of tezcuco, a suit sprang up between a rich and powerful noble and a poor man of the people. the judge decided against the poor man, who thereby lost what little he had, and was in danger of having to sell himself as a slave to procure subsistence for his family. but suspicion of foul play having been aroused, the king ordered the matter to be thoroughly investigated, when it transpired that the judge had been guilty of collusion with the rich man; so the king commanded that the unjust judge should be hanged at once, and that the poor man's property should be restored to him. neither were the rulers themselves, nor their families, exempt from observance of the law, and instances are not wanting where fathers have, brutus-like, condemned their children to death, rather than allow the law to be violated, and the offender to go unpunished. nezahualcoyotl caused four of his own sons to be publicly executed because they had sinned with their step-mothers, the wives of their father.[ ] a very touching incident is narrated by torquemada, showing to what an extent this love of impartial justice was carried by a tezcucan sovereign. nezahualpilli, king of tezcuco, had married two sisters, whom he dearly loved, and especially did he dote upon the younger, whose name was xocotzincatzin. by her he had several children, the eldest being a son, named huexotzincatzin, who was beloved by all who knew him, on account of his amiable disposition and noble qualities, and who was besides a very valiant young man and a great warrior. no wonder that he was the king's pride, and beloved even more than his brothers and sisters, for his own and his mother's sake. so much had huexotzincatzin distinguished himself, that, although he was but a young man, his father determined to bestow upon him the office and title of tlacatecatl, which was a post of the highest honor and importance.[ ] for this purpose the king one day ordered that the prince be sent for and brought into his presence. with a light heart, and much elated, huexotzincatzin, accompanied by his suite, and the nobles who were his tutors, set out for the royal palace. as he was about to enter, the prince met one of his father's concubines, attended by her ladies. this concubine was a very beautiful and proud woman, yet withal of a free and easy carriage, that encouraged huexotzincatzin, who perhaps did not know who she was, to address her in a familiar and disrespectful manner. the woman, who, the historian remarks, could not have been possessed of much sense, either because she felt offended at his conduct towards her, or because she dreaded the consequence if the king should discover what had happened, turned from the prince without a word, and entered the palace. the king's concubines, as we have seen in a former chapter, were always accompanied by certain elderly women, whose duty it was to instruct them in discreet behavior and to watch continually over their actions. one of these women, who had been with the concubine at the time of her meeting with huexotzincatzin, and had overheard the prince's remarks, went straightway to the king, and informed him of all that had happened. the king immediately sent for his concubine, and inquired of her if the prince had spoken lewdly to her publicly and in the presence of the ladies and courtiers, or if he had intended his words to reach her ear alone; for nezahualpilli would fain have discovered some excuse for his son, the punishment for speaking lewdly in public to the king's concubines being, according to law, death; but the frightened woman replied that huexotzincatzin had spoken openly to her, before all that were present. then the king dismissed the concubine, and retired, mourning, into certain apartments which were called the 'rooms of sorrow.' [sidenote: punishment of the king's son.] when these things came to the ears of the friends and tutors of the prince, they were much troubled on his account, because the severity of the king, and his strict adherence to the law were as a proverb among the people, and their apprehensions increased when, upon arriving at the royal apartments, the prince was denied admission, although his attendants were ordered to appear at once before the king. there they were closely questioned by him, and although they would willingly have saved the prince from the consequences of his folly, yet they dared not speak anything but truth, for he who was convicted of wilfully deceiving the king, suffered death. all they could do was to make excuses for the prince, and ask pardon for his crime, and this they did with many prayers and entreaties, advancing, as extenuating circumstances, his youth, his previous good conduct, and his possible ignorance of the fact that the lady was his father's concubine. the king listened patiently to the end, answering nothing, and then he commanded that huexotzincatzin be forthwith arrested and placed in confinement. later in that same day he pronounced sentence of death against his son. when it became known that huexotzincatzin was to die, all the powerful nobles who were at court went in a body to the king and earnestly conjured him not to insist upon carrying out his sentence, telling him that it was barbarous and unnatural, and that future generations would hold in horror and hatred the memory of the man who had condemned his own son to death. their prayers and arguments seemed, however, to render the old king only the more implacable, and he dismissed them, saying that if the law forbade such things, and if that law was inviolably observed throughout the kingdom, how could he justify his conduct to his subjects, were he to allow the same to be infringed upon in his own palace, and the offender to remain unpunished merely because he was his son; that it should never be said of him that he made laws for his subjects which did not apply to his own family. when xocotzincatzin, the prince's mother, heard that he was condemned to death, she gathered the rest of her sons about her, and coming suddenly before her husband, she fell on her knees and besought him with many tears, to spare the life of her darling son, the first pledge of love that she, his favorite wife had given him. finding all her entreaties fruitless, she then implored him for the sake of the love he had once borne her, to slay her and her other sons with huexotzincatzin, since life without her first-born was unbearable. but the stern old king still sat to all appearance unmoved and immovable, and coldly directed the attendant ladies to convey the wretched mother to her apartments. the execution of the prince was delayed in every possible manner by those who had charge of it, in the hope that the king might even yet relent; but nezahualpilli having been informed of this, immediately ordered that the sentence should be carried out without further delay. so huexotzincatzin died. as soon as the news of his son's death was carried to the king, he shut himself up in certain apartments called the 'rooms of sorrow,' and there remained forty days, mourning for his first-born and seeing no one. the house of the late prince was then walled up, and none were allowed to enter it, and so all tokens of the unhappy young man were destroyed.[ ] [sidenote: montezuma and the farmer.] another anecdote, which is written in execrable spanish by the native historian, tezozomoc, may not be out of place here. it is told of the emperor montezuma of mexico, and the reader will at once recognize a resemblance between this and many other anecdotes with which he is familiar, where a bold and merited rebuke from a subject to his sovereign is received with respect and even favor. it happened one summer, that the king, being wearied with the cares of government, went for rest and recreation to his country palace at tacubaya. one day, when out shooting birds, he came to an orchard, and having told his attendants to remain outside, he entered alone. he succeeded in killing a bird, and as he was returning, bearing his game in his hand, he turned aside into a field where a remarkably fine crop of corn was growing. having plucked a few ears, he went towards the house of the owner of the field, which stood hard by, for the purpose of showing him the ears that he had plucked, and of praising his crop, but as by law it was death to look upon the king's face, the occupants of the house had fled, and there was no one therein. now the owner of the field had seen the king pluck the corn from afar off, and, notwithstanding it was against the law, he ventured to approach the monarch in such a way as to make the meeting appear accidental. making a deep obeisance, he thus addressed the king: "how is it, most high and mighty prince, that thou hast thus stolen my corn? didst thou not thyself establish a law that he who should steal one ear of corn, or its value, should suffer death?" and montezuma answered: "truly i did make such a law." then said the farmer: "how is it then, that thou breakest thine own law?" and the king replied: "here is thy corn, take back that which i have stolen from thee." but the owner of the field began to be alarmed at his own boldness, and tried to excuse himself, saying that he had spoken merely in jest, for, said he: "are not my fields, and myself, and my wife, and my children, all thine, to do with as thou wilt;" and he refused to take back the ears of corn. then the king took off his mantle of net-work and precious stones, which was called _xiuhayatl_ and was worth a whole city, and offered it to the farmer, who at first was afraid to accept so precious a gift, but montezuma insisted, so he took the mantle, promising to preserve it with great care as a remembrance of the king. when montezuma returned to his attendants, the precious mantle was at once missed, and they began to inquire what had become of it; which the king perceiving, he told them that he had been set upon by robbers, when alone, who had robbed him of his mantle, at the same time he ordered them, upon pain of death, to say nothing more about the matter. the next day, having arrived at his royal palace in mexico, when all his great nobles were about him, he ordered one of his captains to repair to tacubaya, and inquire for a certain xochitlacotzin, whom they should at once bring to his presence, but under penalty of death they should not injure or abuse him in any way. when the king's messengers told xochitlacotzin their errand, he was greatly alarmed, and tried to escape, but they caught him, and telling him to fear nothing, for that the king was kindly disposed towards him, they brought him before montezuma. the king, having bidden him welcome, asked him what had become of his mantle. at this the nobles who were present became much excited, but montezuma quieted them, saying: "this poor man has more courage and boldness than any of you who are here, for he dared to speak the truth and tell me that i had broken my laws. of such men have i greater need, than of those who speak only with honeyed words to me." then having inquired what principal offices were vacant, he ordered his attendant lords to shelter and take care of xochitlacotzin, who was henceforth his relative and one of the chief men of the realm. afterwards he who had so lately been a poor farmer was given a principal house of olac for his own, and it was long the boast of his descendants that they were relatives of montezuma.[ ] [sidenote: punishment of crimes.] the aztecs adopted numerous ways of punishing offenders against the law, as we shall see presently, but i do not think that imprisonment was largely resorted to. they had prisons, it is true, and very cruel ones, according to all accounts, but it appears that they were more for the purpose of confining prisoners previous to their trial, or between their condemnation and execution, than permanently, for punishment. these jails were of two classes, one called _teilpiloyan_ for those imprisoned on a civil charge, another called _quauhcalco_,[ ] for prisoners condemned to death. the cells were made like cages, and the prison was so constructed as to admit very little light or air;[ ] the food was scanty and of a bad quality, so that, as las casas expresses it, the prisoners soon became thin and yellow, and commenced at the prison to suffer the death that was afterwards adjudged them. clavigero, however, asserts that those condemned to the sacrificial stone were well fed in order that they might appear in good flesh at the sacrifice.[ ] a very close watch was kept upon the captives, so much so, indeed, that if through the negligence of the guard a prisoner of war escaped from the cage, the community of the district, whose duty it was to supply the prisoners with guards, was obliged to pay to the owner of the fugitive, a female slave, a load of cotton garments, and a shield.[ ] mendieta says that these prisons were only used for persons awaiting trial on very grave charges; for, he writes, in the case of one held to answer on an ordinary charge, "it was sufficient for the minister of justice to place the prisoner in a corner with a few light sticks before him; indeed, i believe that to have merely drawn a line and told him not to pass it would have sufficed, even though he might have reason to believe that there was a heavy punishment in store for him, because to flee from justice, and escape, was an impossibility. at all events, i with my own eyes have seen a prisoner standing entirely unguarded save for the before-mentioned sticks."[ ] like most semi-barbarous nations, the aztecs were more prone to punish crime than to recompense virtue, and even when merit was rewarded, it was of the coarser and more material kind, such as valor in war or successful statesmanship. the greater part of their code might, like dracon's, have been written in blood--so severe were the penalties inflicted for crimes that were comparatively slight, and so brutal and bloody were the ways of carrying those punishments into execution. in the strongest sense of the phrase the aztecs were ruled with a rod of iron; but that such severity was necessary i have no doubt, inasmuch as whatever form of government exists, be it good or bad, that form of government is the necessary one, or it could have no existence. all young states must adopt harsh laws to secure the peace and well-being of the community, while as yet the laws of habit and usage are unestablished; and as that community progresses and improves, it will of itself mold its system of government to fit itself. the code of dracon was superseded by that of solon when the improved state of the athenian community warranted a mitigation of the severity of the former, and in like manner the laws of montezuma and nezahualcoyotl would have given place to others less harsh had aztec civilization been allowed to progress. [sidenote: code of laws.] the laws of the several aztec kingdoms were essentially the same; some slight differences existed, however, and in these instances the code of tezcuco proves the most rigid and severe, while more of lenience is exhibited in that of mexico. i have before remarked that the majority of writers treat of the legislation of tezcuco, but, as in other matters, many authorities who should be reliable surmount the difficulty of distinguishing that which belongs to one system of jurisprudence from that which belongs to another, by speaking generally of the code that existed in nueva españa, or among 'these people.' most of the subjected provinces adopted the laws of the state to which they became subject. but this was by no means obligatory, because as conquered nations were not compelled to speak the language of their conquerors, neither were they forced to make use of their laws.[ ] let us now see what these laws were. [sidenote: punishment of theft.] theft was punished in various ways, and, it appears, not at all in proportion to the magnitude of the crime. thus he who stole a certain number of ears of corn,[ ] suffered death, while he who broke into the temples and stole therefrom, was enslaved for the first offence and hanged for the second, and it is distinctly stated[ ] that in order to merit either of these punishments the theft must be an extensive one. in cases not specially provided for, it appears that a petty thief became the slave of the person from whom he had stolen; according to ortega, however, the injured party had the privilege of refusing to accept the thief as a slave, in which case the latter was sold by the judges, and with the proceeds of the sale the complainant was reimbursed. the same writer states that in some cases a compromise could be effected by the offended party agreeing to be indemnified by the thief, in which case the latter paid into the treasury a sum equal to the amount stolen. this statement is somewhat obscure, inasmuch as it would be but poor satisfaction to the party robbed to see the equivalent of that robbery paid into the public treasury; but i understand the writer to mean that the loser had his loss made good, and that for the satisfaction of justice an equal amount was imposed as a fine upon the prisoner.[ ] theft of a large amount was almost invariably punished with death, which was inflicted in various ways. usually the culprit was dragged ignominiously through the streets and then hanged;[ ] sometimes he was stoned to death.[ ] he who robbed on the highway was killed by having his head smashed with a club;[ ] he who was caught in the act of pilfering in the market-place, no matter how trivial the theft, was beaten to death with sticks on the spot by the assembled multitude, for this was considered a most heinous sin; but notwithstanding the fearful risk incurred, it is asserted that many were so light-fingered that it was only necessary for a market woman to turn her head away, and her stall would be robbed in a trice. there was a regular judicial tribunal established for the settling of disputes in the general government of the market-place, of which i have had occasion to speak before; but this tribunal does not appear to have troubled itself much with persons who were caught in the act of stealing, as it seems to have been tacitly allowed to the people assembled in the market-place to exercise lynch law upon the culprit.[ ] besides these general laws for the prevention of theft, there were others which prescribed special penalties for those who stole certain particular articles. for instance, ortega tells us that the thief of silver or gold was skinned alive and sacrificed to xipe, the tutelary divinity of the workers in precious metals, such a theft being considered a direct insult to the god.[ ] in some of these cases fines were imposed. among a collection of laws given by las casas, for the authenticity of which he does not vouch, "because," he says, "they were taken out of a little indian book of no authority," we find the following relating to theft: if any one stole the plants, called maguey, from which they manufactured more than twenty articles, and which were used for making syrup, he was compelled to pay as a fine as many cotton cloths as the judges might decree, and if he was unable to pay the fine imposed, or if he had stolen more than twenty plants, he was enslaved. whoever stole a fishing-net or a canoe was punished in the same manner. whoever stole corn to the amount of twenty ears or upward, died for it, and if he took a less quantity, he paid that which he was sentenced to pay. he that plucked the corn before it had formed seed, suffered death. whoever stole a tecomatl, "which is a little gourd tied at the top with strips of red hide, and having feather tassels at the end, used by the lords for carrying a green powder, from which they take in smoke through the mouth, the powder being called in the island of española 'tabacos'--whoever stole one of these died for it." he that stole precious stones, and more especially the stone called chalchiuite, no matter from whence he took it, was stoned to death in the market-place, because no man of the lower orders was allowed to possess this stone.[ ] in mexico, a distinction seems to have been made between the thief who reaped the benefit of his crime and him who did not; in other words, if the stolen property was recovered intact from the thief he was only enslaved, but if he had already disposed of his plunder he suffered death.[ ] whether the ultimate recovery of the property after it had passed from the thief's hands, would answer the same end, we are not told, but if not, then it would appear that according to aztec jurisprudence the culprit was punished not so much in proportion to the actual injury he inflicted upon others, as in accordance with the actual extent of the crime he committed. in michoacan, the first theft was not severely punished, but for the second offence the thief was thrown down a precipice and his carcass left to the birds of prey.[ ] the murderer suffered death even though he should be a noble and his victim but a slave.[ ] in michoacan, we are told by herrera,[ ] that there was no punishment for murder, since, through fear, the crime was never committed. beaumont allows that for a time there were no murders, but says that afterwards they became frequent, and then the criminal was dragged along the ground until he died.[ ] he who administered poison to another, thereby causing death, died for it, and the same punishment was awarded to him who furnished the poison.[ ] [sidenote: the fate of traitors and conspirators.] traitors, conspirators, and those who stirred up sedition among the people or created ill feeling between nations, were broken to pieces at the joints, their houses razed to the ground, their property confiscated, and their children and relations made slaves to the fourth generation. the lord of vassals who rebelled, unless taken captive in battle, was killed by having his head smashed with a club; the common rebel was tied to an oaken spit and roasted alive.[ ] in tezcuco, he who kidnapped a child and sold it into slavery, was hanged; in mexico, the kidnapper was himself sold as a slave, and of the price he brought one half was given to the stolen child, or its parents, and the other half became the property of the purchaser; if several persons were implicated in the crime, they were all sold as slaves.[ ] [sidenote: laws against intoxication.] drunkenness was punished with excessive rigor; indeed, intoxicating liquor was not allowed to be drunk, except by express permission from the judges, and this license was only granted to invalids and persons over fifty years of age, who, it was considered, needed strong drink in order to warm their blood; and even they were only permitted to partake of a limited quantity, at each meal,[ ] though according to the explanation of mendoza's collection old men of seventy years were allowed to drink as much as they pleased.[ ] moderate conviviality at weddings and public feasts, was not forbidden, and upon these occasions the young people were allowed to partake of the wine-cup sparingly;[ ] the same license was granted to those whose daily occupation necessitated great bodily exertion, such as masons, carpenters, and the like.[ ] women in childbed were allowed to use strong drink as a stimulant, but only during the first days of their confinement. with these exceptions, the law against drinking was strictly enforced. the young man who became drunk was conveyed to the jail, and there beaten to death with clubs; the young woman was stoned to death. in some parts, if the drunkard was a plebeian, he was sold for a slave for the first offence, and suffered death for the second; at other times the offender's hair was cut off in the public market-place, he was then lashed through the principal streets, and finally his house was razed to the ground, because, they said, one who would give up his reason to the influence of strong drink, was unworthy to possess a house, and be numbered among respectable citizens. cutting off the hair was, as we shall see, a mode of punishment frequently resorted to by these people, and so deep was the degradation supposed to be attached to it, that it was dreaded almost equally with death itself. should a military man, who had gained distinction in the wars, become drunk, he was deprived of his rank and honors, and considered thenceforth as infamous. conviction of this crime rendered the culprit ineligible for all future emoluments, and especially was he debarred from holding any public office. a noble was invariably hanged for the first offence, his body being afterwards dragged without the limits of the town and cast into a stream used for that purpose only. but a mightier influence than mere fear of the penal law restrained the aztec nobility and gentry from drinking to excess; this influence was social law. it was considered degrading for a person of quality to touch wine at all, even in seasons of festivity when, as i have said, it was customary and lawful for the lower classes to indulge to a certain extent. wine-bibbing was looked upon as a coarse pleasure, peculiar exclusively to the common people, and a member of the higher orders, who was suspected of practicing the habit, would have forfeited his social position, even though the law had suffered him to remain unpunished.[ ] these heathens, however, seem to have recognized the natural incongruity existing between precept and practice, fully as much as the most advanced christian.[ ] he who employed witchcraft, charms, or incantations for the purpose of doing injury to the community or to individuals, was sacrificed to the gods, by having his breast opened and his heart torn out.[ ] [sidenote: miscellaneous laws.] whoever made use of the royal insignia or ensigns, suffered death, and his property was confiscated.[ ] the reader will recollect that the same penalty was inflicted upon him who should usurp the insignia or office of the mexican cihuacoatl, or supreme judge. whoever maltreated an ambassador, minister, or courier, belonging to the king, suffered death; but ambassadors and couriers were on their part forbidden to leave the high road, under pain of losing their privileges.[ ] he who by force took possession of land not belonging to him, suffered death.[ ] he who sold the land of another, or that which he held in trust, without judicial authority, or permission from such as had power to grant it to him, was enslaved.[ ] if a piece of land was fraudulently sold twice over, the first purchaser held it, and the vendor was punished.[ ] he who squandered his patrimony suffered death.[ ] the son that raised his hand against his father or mother, suffered death, and his children were prevented from inheriting the property of their grand-parents. in the same manner a father could disinherit a son who was cowardly or cruel.[ ] he who removed boundary-marks, died for it.[ ] those who disturbed the peace by engaging in petty fights and squabbles, without using weapons, were confined in jail for a few days, and obliged to make good whatever damage they had done; for, says las casas, they generally revenged themselves by breaking something. if any one was wounded in a brawl, he who made the assault had to defray all the expenses of curing the injured party. but those who fought in the market-place, were dealt with far more severely.[ ] slanderers were treated with great severity. in mexico, he who wilfully calumniated another, thereby seriously injuring his reputation, was condemned to have his lips cut off, and sometimes his ears also. in tezcuco, the slanderer suffered death. the false witness had the same penalty adjudged to him that would have been awarded to the accused, if convicted. so great a lover of truth was king nezahualcoyotl, that he is said to have made a law prescribing the death penalty to historians who should record fictitious events.[ ] whoever obtained goods on credit and did not pay for them, was enslaved, and the delinquent taxpayer met with the same punishment.[ ] [sidenote: penalty for adultery.] concerning the way in which adulterers were treated scarcely two of the ancient writers agree,[ ] and it is probable that the law on this point differed more or less in various parts of the aztec kingdoms; indeed, we have clavigero's testimony that in some parts of the mexican empire the crime of adultery was punished with greater severity than in others, and las casas and mendieta both speak of several penalties attaching to the offence in different localities. according to what can be gathered on this point, it appears that adulterers taken in flagrante delicto, or under circumstances which made their guilt a moral certainty, were stoned to death. a species of trial was granted to the culprits, but if, as some writers assert, confession of guilt was extorted by torture,[ ] this trial must have been as much a mockery of justice as were the proceedings of most european courts of law at that period. the amount of evidence necessary to convict is uncertain. veytia says that accusation by the husband was in itself sufficient proof.[ ] las casas and torquemada, however, who are both far older authorities, tell us that no man or woman was punished for adultery upon the unsupported testimony of the husband, but that other witnesses, and the confession of the defendants were necessary to procure their conviction.[ ] usually if the condemned adulterers were of the lower orders, they were taken out into a public place and there stoned to death by the assembled multitude, and few of the old writers omit to remark that this manner of death was almost painless, since no sooner was the first stone thrown than the poor wretch was immediately covered with a pile of missiles, so great was the number of his executioners, and so eager was each to take a hand in the killing. another common mode of execution consisted in placing the head of the condemned upon a stone, and smashing his skull by letting another stone fall upon it.[ ] the noble convicted of the same crime was not killed in this public manner, but was strangled in jail; and as a mark of respect to his rank, his head, after death, was adorned with plumes of green feathers, and the body was then burned. adulterers who were found guilty merely upon circumstantial evidence also suffered death by strangulation. it was strictly forbidden for a husband to take the law into his own hands, and he who should seek to avenge his honor by slaying his wife or her paramour, even though he took them in the act of adultery, suffered death; in the same manner should the criminal endeavor to save himself by killing the injured husband, his fate was to be roasted alive before a slow fire, his body being basted with salt and water that death might not come to his relief too soon.[ ] an adulterer could not escape the law on the plea of drunkenness,[ ] and, indeed, had such an excuse been held admissible, little would have been gained by exchanging the fate of the adulterer for that of the drunkard. the trespass of a married man with a free unmarried woman was not considered to constitute adultery, nor punished as such, so that the husband was not bound to so much fidelity as was exacted from the wife. i have before remarked that although the crime of adultery was punished in all parts of the aztec empire, yet the penalty inflicted differed in point of severity and in manner of execution. thus, in the province of ixcatlan, if we may believe clavigero, a woman accused of this crime was summoned before the judges, and if the proofs of her guilt were satisfactory, she was there and then torn to pieces, and her limbs were divided among the witnesses, while in itztepec the guilty woman's husband cut off her ears and nose, thus branding her as infamous for life.[ ] in some parts of the empire the husband who cohabited with his wife after it had been proved that she had violated her fidelity, was severely punished.[ ] [sidenote: unnatural crimes.] carnal connection with mother, sister, step-mother or step-sister, was punished by hanging; torquemada says the same penalty was incurred by him who had connection with his mother-in-law, because they considered it a sin for a man to have access to both mother and daughter. intercourse between brother-in-law and sister-in-law was, however, not criminal, and, indeed, it was customary for a man to raise up seed to his deceased brother by marrying his widow.[ ] he who attempted to ravish a maiden, whether in the field, or in her father's house, suffered death.[ ] in michoacan, the ravisher's mouth was split from ear to ear with a flint knife, and he was afterwards impaled.[ ] in mexico, those who committed sodomy were hanged; in tezcuco, the punishment for unnatural crime was characteristically brutal. the active agent was bound to a stake, completely covered with ashes and so left to die; the entrails of the passive agent were drawn out through his anus, he also was then covered with ashes, and, wood being added, the pile was ignited.[ ] in tlascala, the sodomite was not punished by law, but was scouted by society, and treated with scorn and contempt by all who knew him.[ ] from the extreme severity of the laws enacted by the later sovereigns for the suppression of this revolting vice, and from the fact that persons were especially appointed by the judicial authorities to search the provinces for offenders of this class, it is evident that unnatural love had attained a frightful popularity among the aztecs. father pierre de gand, or, as he is sometimes known, de mura, bears terrible testimony to this; he writes: "un certain nombre de prêtres n'avaient point de femmes, _sed eorum loco pueros quibus abutebantur_. ce péché était si commun dans ce pays, que, jeunes ou vieux, tous en étaient infectés; ils y étaient si adonnés, que mêmes des enfants de six ans s'y livraient."[ ] las casas relates that in several of the more remote provinces of mexico unnatural vice was tolerated, if not actually permitted,[ ] and it is not improbable that in earlier times this was the case in the entire empire. inexpressibly revolting as the sin must appear to a modern mind, yet we know that pederasty has obtained among peoples possessed of a more advanced civilization than the aztecs. in ancient greece this unnatural passion prevailed to such an extent that it was regarded as heroic to resist it. plutarch, in his _life of agesilaus_, cannot praise too highly the self-control manifested by that great man in refraining from gratifying a passion he had conceived for a boy named megabates, which maximus tyrius says deserves greater praise than the heroism of leonidas; diogenes laertius, in his _life of zeno_, the founder of stoicism, the most austere of all ancient sects, praises that philosopher for being but little addicted to this vice; sophocles, the tragic homer, and the attic bee, is said by athenæus to have been especially addicted to it. moralists were known to praise it as the bond of friendship, and it was spoken of as inspiring the enthusiasm of the heroic legion of epaminondas. the defeat of the romans by hannibal at cannæ was said to be caused by the jealousy of juno, because a beautiful boy had been introduced into the temple of jupiter. las casas tells us that pederasty was tolerated because they believed that their gods practiced it.[ ] in precisely the same manner did the ancient greeks make the popular religion bend to the new vice, and, by substituting ganymede for hebe as heavenly cup-bearer, make the head of all olympus set an example of unnatural love. [sidenote: laws respecting chastity.] the priest who violated his vow of chastity was banished; his house was demolished and his property confiscated.[ ] pimps were publicly disgraced in the market-place, by having their hair burnt off so close to the head that the drops of resin falling from the burning pitch-pine chips fell upon and seared the scalp; if the persons for whom the panderage was committed were of high rank, a greater penalty was inflicted upon the pander.[ ] this was the law in mexico; in tezcuco, according to the historian of the chichimecs, the pimp suffered death in all cases.[ ] simple fornication was not punished, unless it was committed by a noble lady, or with a maiden consecrated to the service of the gods, in which cases it was death. fornication with the concubine of another also went unpunished, unless they had been living a long time together, and were in consequence, according to custom, considered man and wife. if any one had connection with a slave, and the woman died during her pregnancy, or in giving birth to the child, then the offender became a slave; but if she was safely delivered, the child was free and was taken care of by the father.[ ] the woman who took any drug to procure an abortion, and she who furnished the drug, both suffered death.[ ] if one woman sinned carnally with another, both died for it.[ ] the man who went about the streets dressed as a woman, or the woman who dressed as a man, was slain.[ ] in this account are comprised nearly all the special laws of the aztecs which have been preserved, with the exception of those relating to military matters, marriage, divorce, and slavery, all of which i have already had occasion to consider. that the aztec code was a severe and brutal one there can be no denial, but that it was more severe and brutal than was necessary, is, as i have before remarked, doubtful. we have already seen that a horrible death was the inevitable fate of those detected stealing in the market-place, yet we are told that did the owner of a stall but turn away his head for a moment, his wares would be pilfered. a people accustomed almost daily to see human blood poured out like water in sacrifice to their gods, must of necessity have been hardened to the sight of suffering, and upon such none but an execution of the most revolting description could create an impression of awe or fear. it appears remarkable that punishments involving only disgrace should have been adopted by such a people, yet it is doubtful whether slavery was not considered a lighter punishment than having the hair burned off in the public market. some of the aztec monarchs evinced a desire to be as lenient as the stubborn nature of their subjects would allow, but the yoke upon the people, if it were in any degree to control them, must at best be a heavy one; in short, despotism of the harshest was necessary and indispensable to them in their stage of civilization. [sidenote: nezahualcoyotl and the boy.] nezahualcoyotl, king of tezcuco, was especially merciful and considerate towards his subjects. for instance, he ordered that corn should be planted, at the expense of government, by the roadside, in order that none who were guilty of stealing from the fields, might excuse themselves on the ground of hunger.[ ] it is related that this monarch went frequently among his people in disguise, for the purpose of discovering their grievances and general condition, and some of the adventures he met with on these occasions are as entertaining as any told by sheherezade of the good caliph. i select one, not because it is the best, but because it points more particularly to nezahualcoyotl's benevolence and love of justice. during the reign of this monarch, owing to the immense consumption of wood, the use of oil and tallow being then unknown, the forests began to grow thin, and the king foreseeing that unless some precautions were taken, there would soon be a scarcity of wood in the kingdom, ordered that within certain limits no wood should be touched. now it happened one day, when the king was abroad in disguise, and accompanied only by his brother quauhtlehuanitzin, that they passed by the skirts of a forest wherein it was prohibited to cut or gather wood. here they found a boy who was engaged in picking up the light chips and twigs that had been carried by the wind outside of the enclosure, because in this locality the inhabitants were very numerous, and had exhausted all the timber that was not reserved by law. nezahualcoyotl, seeing that under the trees of the forest there lay a great quantity of fallen wood, asked the boy why he contented himself with dry leaves and scattered twigs when so great an abundance of fuel lay close at hand. the boy answered that the king had forbidden the people to gather wood in the forest, and therefore he was obliged to take whatever he could get. the king told him to go, nevertheless, into the forest and help himself to fuel, and none would be the wiser, for that he and his companion would say nothing of the matter. but the boy rebuked them, saying that they must be traitors to the king who would persuade him to do this thing, or that they sought to avenge themselves upon his parents by bringing misfortune upon their son, and he refused to enter the forbidden ground. then was the king much pleased with the boy's loyalty, and seeing the distress to which the people were reduced by the severity of the forest laws, he afterwards had them altered.[ ] footnotes: [ ] 'el govierno y las leyes quasi no diferian, por manera que por lo que de unas partes dijeremos, y adonde tuvimos mayor noticia, se podra entender, y quiza sera mejor, decirlo en comun y generalmente.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii. it is also stated that many mexican cases, presenting more than ordinary difficulty, were tried in the tezcucan law-courts; see _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . speaking of mexico, tezcuco, and tlacopan, zurita says: 'les lois et la procédure étaient les mêmes dans ces trois états, de sorte qu'en exposant les usages établis dans l'un d'eux, on fera connaître ce qui se passait dans les autres.' _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - . [ ] the title cihuacoatl, meaning 'serpent-woman,' appears incomprehensible as applied to a judge, but m. l'abbé brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - , sees reason to believe that the mexicans, when they succeeded to the rights of the toltec kings of culhuacan, adopted also the titles of the court, and that the name cihuacoatl had been given to the prime minister in memory of cihuacoatl, the sister of camaxtli, who cared for the infancy of quetzalcoatl. the learned abbé translates cihuacoatl, _serpent femelle_, which is literally a serpent of the female sex. molina, however, in his _vocabulario_, gives 'ciua' as a substantive, meaning 'women' (mugeres), and 'coatl' as another substantive, meaning 'serpent' (culebra), the two as a compound he does not give. i translate the word 'serpent-woman,' because the sister of camaxtli would more probably be thus distinguished among women, than among serpents as the 'woman-serpent.' [ ] although all other historians agree that the judgment of the cihuacoatl was final, the interpreter of mendoza's collection states that an appeal lay from the judges (he does not state which) to the king. _explicacion de la coleccion de mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. . _prescott_, _mex._, vol. i., p. , attributes this to the changes made during montezuma's reign, the period which the mendoza paintings represent, and leon carbajal, _discurso_, p. , totally denies the truth of the statement. [ ] 'dalle sentenze da lui pronunziate o nel civile, o nel criminale, non si poteva appellare ad un altro tribunale,' &c. _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _mex._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _discurso_, p. . [ ] 'oìa de causas, que se debolvian, y remitian à èl, por apelacion; _y estas eran solas las criminales, porque de las civiles no se apelaba de sus justicias ordinarias_.' _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . it is possible that señor carbajal may have read only a subsequent passage in the same chapter, where torquemada, speaking of the tribunal of the tlacatecatl, says: 'de este se apelaba, para el tribunal, y audiencia del cihuacohuatl, que era juez supremo, despues del rei.' from what has gone before, it is, however, evident that the author here refers only to the criminal cases that were appealed from the court of the tlacatecatl. [ ] _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii. [ ] _mex._, vol. i., p. . _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , also affirms, indirectly, that cases were sometimes laid in the first instance before the supreme judge, inasmuch as he first says that the cihuacoatl took cognizance of both civil and criminal cases, and afterwards, when speaking of the court of the tlacatecatl, he writes: 'se la causa era puramente civile, non v'era appellazione.' the same applies to brasseur de bourbourg. _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] herein lies the only difference between las casas and torquemada on the subject of the cihuacoatl. the former writes: 'qualquiera que este oficio para si usurpara, ó lo concediera á otro, avia de morir por ello, _y sus padres y deudos eran desnaturados del pueblo donde acaeciese hasta lo quarta generación_. allende que todos los bienes avian de ser confiscados, y aplicados para la republica.' _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii. torquemada says: 'era tan autoriçado este oficio, que el que lo vsurpara para si, ò lo comunicàra à otro en alguna parte del reino, muriera por ello, _y sus hijos, y muger fueran vendidos, por perpetuos esclavos_, y confiscados sus bienes por lei, que para esto havia.' _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . notwithstanding all other historians distinctly affirm that the cihuacoatl was, in the exercise of his functions perfectly independent of the king, brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , makes the following extraordinary statement: 'il jugeait en dernier ressort et donnait des ordres _en lieu et place du souverain, chaque fois que celui-ci ne le faisait pas directement et par lui-même_.' this must be from one of the original manuscripts in the possession of m. l'abbé. [ ] las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii., spells these names tacatecatl, acoahunotl, and tlaylotlat; torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , tlacateccatl, quauhnuchtli, and tlaylotlac; and clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , tlacatecatl, quauhnochtli, and tlanótlac, or tlaiíotlac, a defect in the impression makes it difficult to tell which. scarcely two of the old writers follow the same system of orthography, and in future i shall follow the style which appears simplest, endeavoring only to be consistent with myself. [ ] clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , writes 'egiornalmente si portava al cihuacoatl, od al tlacatecatl per avvertirlo di tutto ciò, che occorreva, e ricever gli ordini da lui;' but it would probably be only in cases of great importance that the reports of the tecuhtli would be carried to the cihuacoatl. [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , says that there were fifteen provinces subject to the king of tezcuco. [ ] the english edition of clavigero reads: 'the judicial power was divided amongst _seven_ principal cities,' p. ; but the original agrees with the other authorities: 'nel regno d'acolhuacan era la giurisdizione compartita tra _sei_ città principali.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii. torquemada, however, asserts that there were 'en la ciudad de tetzcuco (que era la corte) dentro de la casa real dos salas de consejo ... y en cada sala dos jueces. havia diferencia entre los dichos jueces; porque los de la vna sala eran de mas autoridad, que los de la otra; estos se llamaban jueces maiores, y esotros menores; los maiores oìan de causas graves, y que pertenecian à la determinacion del rei; los segundos, de otras, no tan graves, sino mas leves, y livianas.' _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . the lower of these two probably either formed one of the six superior courts above mentioned, or corresponded with them in jurisdiction. according to zurita, 'chacune des nombreuses provinces soumises à ces souverains entretenait à mexico, à tezcuco et à tlacopan, qui étaient les trois capitales, deux juges, personnes de sens choisies à cet effet, et qui quelquefois étaient parents des souverains,' and adds: 'les appels étaient portés devant _douze autres juges supérieurs_ qui prononçaient d'après l'avis du souverain.' _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. , . [ ] torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , writes: 'tenia cada sala de estas dichas otro ministro, que hacia oficio de alguacil maior,' &c., while other writers assign one to each judge, of whom there were two in each court. [ ] clavigero differs on this point from other writers, in making this meeting occur every mexican month of twenty days. zurita, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. , writes: 'tous les douze jours il y avait une assemblée générale des juges présidée par le prince;' to this the editor attaches the following note: 'il est évident, comme on le verra page , qu'il y a ici une erreur, et que ces assemblées, dont les sessions duraient douze jours, ne se tenaient que tous les quatre-vingts jours.' it is, however, the learned editor who is mistaken, because, as we have seen above, there were two distinct meetings of the judges; a lesser one every ten or twelve days, and a greater every eighty days, and it is of the latter that zurita speaks on p. . [ ] 'al que él sentenciava le arrojava una flecha de aquellas.' _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. . 'a capital sentence was indicated by a line traced with an arrow across the portrait of the accused.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . [ ] it is probable that as matters of government, as well as legal affairs, were discussed at their eighty-day council, it was not exclusively composed of judges, but that nobles and statesmen were admitted to membership. torquemada is, however, the only writer who distinctly states this: 'tenian audiencia general, que la llamaban napualtlatolli, como decir, palabra ochentena, que era dia, en el qual se juntaban todos los de la ciudad, y los asistentes de todas las provincias, con todo el pueblo, asi nobles, como comunes, y plebeios,' &c. _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; ixtlilxochitl, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - , says that the king was accompanied by all his sons and relatives, with their tutors and suites. [ ] concerning this judicial system of tezcuco, see: _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. - ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. , et seq.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] this sentence reads as follows in the original: 'Á los lados serbian de alfombras unas pieles de tigres y leones, y mantas hechas de plumas de águila real, en donde asimismo estaban por su orden cantidad de braceletes, y grevas de oro.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . it is difficult to imagine why 'braceletes, y grevas de oro' should be placed upon the floor, but certainly the historian gives us to understand as much. prescott, who affects to give ixtlilxochitl's description 'in his own words,' and who, furthermore, encloses the extract in quotation marks, gets over this difficulty by omitting the above-quoted sentence entirely. _mex._, vol. i., p, ; and veytia, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. , adopts the same convenient but somewhat unsatisfactory course. this latter author's version of the whole matter is, however, like much other of his work, inextricably confused, when compared with the original. [ ] 'las paredes estaban entapizadas y adornadas de unos paños hechos de pelo de conejo, de todos colores, con figuras de diversas aves, animales y flores.' this is rendered by prescott: 'the walls were hung with tapestry, made of the hair of different wild animals, of rich and various colors, _festooned by gold rings_, and embroidered with figures of birds and flowers.' a few lines above, 'la silla y espaldar era de oro,' is construed into 'a throne of pure gold.' it seems scarcely fair to style the ancient chichimec's description one 'of rather a poetical cast,' at the same time making such additions as these. [ ] ixtlilxochitl, _ubi supra_, writes: 'en los primeros puestos ocho jueces que eran nobles y caballeros, y los otros cuatro eran de los ciudadanos.' veytia says: 'los cuatro primeros eran caballeros de la nobleza de primer órden, los cuatro siguientes ciudadanos de tezcuco.' _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix. p. - . the whole of the above description is very difficult to translate literally, owing to the confused style in which it is written; and if in places it is somewhat unintelligible, the reader will recollect that i translate merely what ixtlilxochitl says, and not what he may, or may not, have _meant_ to say. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii.; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] prescott, _mex._, vol. i., p. , says: 'the paintings were executed with so much accuracy, that, in all suits respecting real property, they were allowed to be produced as good authority in the spanish tribunals, very long after the conquest; and a chair for their study and interpretation was established at mexico in , which has long since shared the fate of most other provisions for learning in that unfortunate country.' boturini thus describes the paper used by the aztecs: 'el papel indiano se componìa de las pencas del _maguèy_, que en lengua nacional se llama _mètl_, y en castellano _pita_. las echaban à podrir, y lavaban el hilo de ellas, el que haviendose ablandado estendian, para componer su papel gruesso, ò delgado, que despues bruñian para pintar en èl. tambien hacian papel de las hojas de palma, y yo tengo algunos de estos delgados, y blandos tanto como la seda.' _catálogo_, in _id._, _idea_, pp. - . [ ] veytia writes very positively on this point: 'habia tambien abogados y procuradores; á los primeros llamaban tepantlatoani, que quiere decir _el que habla por otro_, y á los segundos _tlanemiliani_, que en lo sustancial ejercian sus ministerios casi del mismo modo que en nuestros tribunales.... daban términos á las partes para que sus abogados hablasen por ellas, y estos lo hacian del mismo modo que en nuestros tribunales.' _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - . sahagun relates the qualities which were supposed by the aztecs to constitute a good or bad _procurador_ or _solicitador_, and describes their duties: 'el procurador favorece à una banda de los pleyteantes, por quien en su negocio vuelve mucho y apela, teniendo poder, y llevando salario por ello. el buen procurador es vivo y solícito, osado, diligente, constante, y perseverante en los negocios, en los cuales no se deja vencer; sino que alega de su derecho, apela, tacha los testigos, ni se cansa hasta vencer á la parte contraria y triunfar de ella. el mal procurador es interesable, gran pedigüeño, y de malicia suele dilatar los negocios: hace alharacas, es muy negligente y descuidado en el pleito, y fraudulento de tal modo, que de entrambas partes lleva salario. el solicitador nunca para, anda siempre solícito y listo. el buen solicitador es muy cuidadoso, determinado, y solícito en todo, y por hacer bien su oficio, muchas veces deja de comer y de dormir, y anda de casa en casa solicitando los negocios, los cuales trata de buena tinta, y con temor ó recelo, de que por su descuido no tengan mal suceso los negocios. el mal solicitador es flojo y descuidado, lerdo, y encandilador para sacar dineros, y facilmente se deja cohechar, porque no hable mal el negocio ó que mienta, y así suele echar á perder los pleitos.' _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - . clavigero takes the opposite side of the question: 'nei giudizj dei messicani facevano la parti da per se stesse le loro allegazioni: almeno non sappiamo, che vi fossero avvocati.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . 'no counsel was employed; the parties stated their own case, and supported it by their witnesses.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . 'l'office d'avocat était inconnu; les parties établissaient elles-mêmes leur cause, en se faisant accompagner de leurs témoins.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] the reader will have remarked in a previous note that veytia assigns more judges to each court than any other writer. [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv., ccxii.; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. , ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - . torquemada says the unjust judge was warned twice, and shaved at the third offense. _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . see also _id._, p. . [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] torquemada translates tlacatecatl, captain general, (capitan general). we have already seen that it was the title of the presiding judge of the second mexican court of justice, but it was probably in this case a military title, both because military promotion would be more likely to be conferred upon a renowned warrior than a judgeship, and because the prince is spoken of as a young man, while only men of mature years and great experience were entrusted with the higher judicial offices. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. . [ ] these names are spelled _tlelpiloia_ and _quahucalco_ by las casas, and _teïlpiloyan_ and _quauhcalli_, by brasseur de bourbourg. [ ] las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii., says that the jails called quahucalco resembled the stocks; the other writers do not notice this difference. [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxii.; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . [ ] _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., p. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _boturini_, _idea_, p. . the number of ears of corn varies according to the different writers from three or four to seven, except las casas, who makes the number twenty-one or over, stating, however, that this and some other laws that he gives are possibly not authentic. _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv. the anonymous conqueror writes: 'quando altri entrauano nelle possessioni altrui per rubbare frutti, ò il grano che essi hanno, che per entrar in vn campo, e rubbare tre ò quattro mazzocche ò spighe de quel loro grano, lo faceuano schiauo del patrone di quel campo rubbato.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . clavigero agrees with the anonymous conqueror, that the thief of corn became the slave of the owner of the field from which he had stolen, and adds in a foot-note: 'torquemada aggiunge, che avea pena di morte; ma ciò fu nel regno d'acolhuacan, non già in quello di messico.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii.; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . [ ] ortega's statement reads: 'casi siempre se castigaba con pena de muerte, á ménos de que la parte ofendida conviniese en ser indemnizada por el ladron, en cuyo caso pagaba este al fisco una cantidad igual á la robada.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _explicacion de la coleccion de mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. . [ ] _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii., says that he who stole in the market-place was hanged there and then by order of the judges of the place, and in cap. cxv., he writes: 'el que en el mercado algo hurtava, era ley que luego publicamente alli en el mismo mercado lo matasen á palos.' again in the same chapter he gives a law, for the authenticity of which he does not vouch, however, which reads as follows: 'el que en el mercado hurtava algo, los mismos del mercado tenian licencia para lo matar á pedradas.' [ ] _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv. [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. . [ ] 'l'omicida pagava colla propria vita il suo delitto, quantunque l'ucciso fosse uno schiavo.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . the manner of putting the murderer to death is differently stated: 'el homicidio, bien fuese ejecutado por noble ó plebeyo, bien por hombre ó muger, se castigaba con pena de muerte, depedazando al homicida.' _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . 'al que mataba à otro, hacian degollar.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'al matador lo degollaban.' _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. . other writers merely say that the murderer suffered death, without stating the manner of execution. see, _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii.; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . diego duran, in his inedited 'history of new spain,' asserts that the murderer did not suffer death, but became the slave for life of the wife or relatives of the deceased. _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. - . [ ] _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x. [ ] _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., pp. - . [ ] _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii. in cap. ccxv., among his unauthenticated laws, we read that if the victim of poison was a slave, the person who caused his death was made a slave, in the place of suffering the extreme penalty, but the opposite to this is expressly stated by clavigero and implied by ortega. [ ] _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii.; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . ixtlilxochitl writes that the children and relations of the traitor were enslaved till the _fifth_ generation, and that salt was scattered upon his lands. _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. . 'il traditore del re, o dello stato, era sbranato, ed i suoi parenti, che consapevoli del tradimento non lo aveano per tempo scoperto, erano privati della libertà.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv., among the collection of unauthenticated laws so frequently mentioned heretofore, gives the following: 'si algunos vendieron algun niño por esclavo, y despues se sabe, todos los que entendieron en ello eran esclavos, y dellos davan uno al que lo compró, y los otros repartian entre la madre del niño y entre él que lo descubrió.' in the same chapter, among another list of laws which, says las casas, 'son tenidas todas por autenticas y verdaderas,' we read: 'era ley, y con rigor guardada, que si alguno vendia por esclavo algun niño perdido, que se hiciese esclavo al que lo vendia, y su hacienda se partiese en dos partes, la una era para el niño, y la otra al que lo havia comprado, y si quizas lo avian vendido y eran muchos, á todos hacian esclavos.' [ ] zurita writes: 'ils n'avaient droit d'en prendre que trois petites tasses à chaque repas.' _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi. [ ] _codex mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. i., pl. ; _esplicacion_, in _id._, vol. v., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'dans les noces publiques et les fêtes, les hommes âgés de plus de trente ans étaient ordinairement autorisés à en boire deux tasses.' _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi. [ ] ortega says that the privilege was also extended to private soldiers. _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . zurita, however, writes 'les guerriers regardaient comme un déshonneur d'en boire.' _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., p. ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii, p. ; _codex mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. i., pl. ; _esplicacion_, in _id._, vol. v., pp. - ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _id._, vol. ix., p. ; _id._, _relaciones_, p. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi. [ ] see this vol. pp. - . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv. [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv., gives two laws on this point. to the first, which is among the collection of unauthenticated laws, adds: 'y si era plebeyo ó de baja suerte hacian lo esclavo.' ixtlilxochitl also gives two laws: 'a los hijos de los señores si malbarataban sus riquezas, ó bien muebles que sus padres tenian, les daban garrote.' _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . 'si algun principal mayorazgo fuese desbaratado, ó travieso, ó si entre dos de estos tales hubiese alguna diferencia sobre tierras ú otras cosas, el que no quisiese estarse quedo con la averiguacion que entre ellos se hiciese por ser soberbio y mal mirado, le fuesen quitados sus bienes y mayorazgo, y fuese puesto en depósito en alguna persona que diese cuenta de ello para el tiempo que le fuese pedido, de cual mayorazgo estubiese desposeido todo el tiempo que la voluntad del señor fuese.' _relaciones_, in _id._, p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii. [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv. [ ] concerning adultery see: _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. , ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _relaciones_, in _id._, p. ; _codex mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. i., pl. ; _esplicacion_, in _id._, vol. v., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _bologne_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _zurita_, _rapport_, in _id._, série ii., tom. i., pp. - ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _duran_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. viii., pp. - ; _valades_, _rhetorica christiana_, in _id._, p. , note. [ ] _las casas_ and _mendieta_, as in preceding note. [ ] 'para la justificacion fuese bastante la denuncia del marido.' _ibid._ [ ] las casas writes: 'a ninguna muger ni hombre castigavan por adulterio, si solo el marido della los acusaba, sino que havia de haver testigos y confesion dellos.' _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv. torquemada uses almost the same words. [ ] father francisco de bologne says that this mode of punishment was only resorted to in the case of the man, and that the female adulterer was impaled. _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. . [ ] this statement is made by ixtlilxochitl and veytia, _ubi sup._ [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii.; _mendieta_, _ubi sup._ [ ] _ibidem._ among the miztecs, when extenuating circumstances could be proved, the punishment of death was commuted to mutilation of ears, nose, and lips. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _ubi sup._ [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii.; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv.; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _ortega_, in _id._, p. ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. . carbajal espinosa differs from these in saying: 'al pasivo le arrancaban las entrañas, se llenaba su vientre de ceniza y el cadáver era quemado.' _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . carli is therefore mistaken in saying this crime was punished with death. _cartas_, p. . [ ] _lettre_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. . [ ] _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii. clavigero writes: 'appresso tutte le nazioni di anahuac, fuorchè appresso i panuchesi, era in abbominazione sì fatto delitto, e da tutte si puniva con rigore.' this writer is very bitter against m. de pauw for stating that this pederasty was common among the mexicans, and adds: 'ma della falsità di tal calunnia, che con troppa, ed assai biasimevole facilità addottarono parecchj autori europei, ci consta per la testimonianza di molti altri autori imparziarli, e meglio informati.' clavigero does not, however, state who these 'more impartial and better informed writers' are. that the crime of sodomy was prevalent in tabasco, we have the testimony of oviedo, who writes that among the idols that the christians saw there 'dixeron que avian hallado entre aquellos çemís ó yolos, dos personas hechas de copey (que es un árbol assi llamado), el uno caballero ó cabalgando sobre el otro, en figura de aquel abominable y nefando pecado de sodomia, é otro de barro que tenia la natura asida con ambas manos, la qual tenia como çircunçiso ... y no es este pecado entre aquellas mal aventuradas gentes despresçiado, ni sumariamente averiguado: antes es mucha verdad quanto dellos se puede deçir é culpar en tal caso.' _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . zuazo, speaking of the mexicans, says: 'estas gentes tienen la _tria peccatela_ que decia el italiano: no creen en dios; _son casi todos sodomitas_: comen carne humana.' _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii. [ ] las casas, among his unauthentic laws has one which prescribes death in this case, but in another list, which he says is composed of authentic laws, banishment and confiscation of property is given as the penalty. _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii.; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . ortega adds that their heads were rubbed with ashes; 'se les untaba con ceniza caliente.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _duran_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxv.; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . [ ] _las casas_, _ibid._; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. - . [ ] _las casas_, _ibid._; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . in the following works more or less mention is made of the system of jurisprudence that existed among the nahua peoples. _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , - , - , - , , ; _cortés_, _aven. y conq._, pref., p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., pp. - ; _incidents and sketches_, pp. - ; _simon's ten tribes_, pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _chambers' jour._, , vol. iv., p. ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., p. . chapter xv. nahua arts and manufactures. metals used and manner of obtaining them--working of gold and silver--wonderful skill in imitating--gilding and plating--working in stone--lapidary work--wood carving--manufacture of pottery--various kinds of cloth--manufacture of paper and leather--preparation of dyes and paints--the art of painting--feather mosaic work--leaf-mats--manner of kindling fire--torches--soap--council of arts in tezcuco--oratory and poetry--nezahualcoyotl's odes on the mutability of life and the tyrant tezozomoc--aztec arithmetical system. gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead were the metals known to and used by the nahuas. the latter, however, is merely mentioned, and nothing is known about where it was obtained or for what purposes it was employed. we have only very slight information respecting the processes by which any of the metals were obtained. gold came to the cities of anáhuac chiefly from the southern nahua provinces, through the agency of traders and tax-gatherers; silver and tin were taken from the mines of taxco and tzompanco; copper was obtained from the mountains of zacatollan, the province of the cohuixcas, and from michoacan. nuggets of gold and masses of native copper were found on the surface of the ground in certain regions; gold was chiefly obtained, however, from the sand in the bed of rivers by divers. it was kept, in the form of dust, in small tubes or quills, or was melted in small pots, by the aid of hollow bamboo blow-pipes used instead of bellows, and cast in small bars. prescott tells us that these metals were also mined from veins in the solid rock, extensive galleries being opened for the purpose. quicksilver, sulphur, alum, ochre, and other minerals were collected to a certain extent and employed by the natives in the preparation of colors and for other purposes.[ ] the use of iron, though that metal was abundant in the country, was unknown. such metals as they had they were most skillful in working, chiefly by melting and casting, and by carving, but also to some extent by the use of the hammer. we have no details of the means employed to melt the harder metals, besides the rude blow-pipe and furnace mentioned in connection with gold. for cutting implements copper was the only metal used, but it was hardened with an alloy of tin until it sufficed to cut the hardest substances nearly as well as steel.[ ] the pure and softer metal was used to make kettles and other vessels. copper tools were, however, rare compared with those of stone, and seem to have been used chiefly in working wood where a sharp and enduring edge was required. such tools usually took the form of axes and chisels. sticks for working the ground, the nearest nahua approach to the plow, were also often tipped with copper, as we have seen. metal was not much used in making weapons, not being found in swords or arrow-heads, but employed with obsidian in spearheads and on the _maza_, or club. both copper and tin dishes and plates are mentioned but were not in common use. in the manufacture of implements of copper and tin these metals were wrought by means of stone hammers and not cast.[ ] [sidenote: gold and silver smiths.] no branch of nahua art was carried to a higher degree of perfection than the ornamental working of gold and silver. the conquerors were struck with admiration on beholding the work of the native goldsmiths; they even in some cases frankly acknowledge that they admired the work more than the material, and saved the most beautiful specimens from the melting furnace, the greatest compliment these gold-greedy adventurers could pay to native art. many of the finer articles were sent as presents and curiosities to european princes, who added their testimony to that of the conquerors, pronouncing the jewelry in many instances superior to the work of old-world artists. azcapuzalco was the headquarters of the workers in gold and silver.[ ] the imitation of natural objects, particularly animals, birds, and fishes, was a favorite field for the display of this branch of nahua talent. the conqueror cortés tells us that montezuma had in his collection a counterfeit in gold, silver, stones, or feathers, of every object under heaven in his dominions, so skillfully made, so far as the work in metal was concerned, that no smith in the world could excel them. this statement is repeated by every writer on the subject. dr hernandez, the naturalist, in preparing a treatise on mexican zoology for philip ii., is said to have supplied his want of real specimens of certain rare species by a resort to these imitations.[ ] the native artists are said to have fashioned animals and birds with movable heads, legs, wings, and tongues, an ape with a spindle in its hands in the act of spinning and in certain comic attitudes; and what particularly interested and surprised the spaniards was the art--spoken of by them as a lost art--of casting the parts of an object of different metals each distinct from the rest but all forming a complete whole, and this, as the authorities say, without soldering. thus a fish was molded with alternate scales of gold and silver, plates were cast in sections of the same metal, and loose handles were attached to different vessels.[ ] [sidenote: gilding and plating.] after the spaniards came, the native artisans had a new and wide field for the display of their skill, in imitating the numerous products of european art. a slight examination, often obtained by stealthily looking into the shop windows, enabled them to reproduce and not unfrequently to improve upon the finest articles of jewelry and plate.[ ] clavigero says that vessels of copper or other inferior metal were gilded, by employing an unknown process in which certain herbs were used, and which would have made the fortune of a goldsmith in spain and italy. oviedo also tells us that various ornamental articles were covered with thin gold plate.[ ] to enumerate the articles manufactured by the nahua gold and silver smiths, and included in the long lists of presents made by montezuma and other chieftains to their conquerors is impracticable; they included finely modeled goblets, pitchers, and other vessels for the tables of the kings and nobility; frames for stone mirrors and rich settings for various precious stones; personal ornaments for the wealthy, and especially for warriors, including rings, bracelets, eardrops, beads, helmets and various other portions of armor; small figures in human form worn as charms or venerated as idols; and finally the most gorgeous and complicated decorations for the larger idols, and their temples and altars.[ ] little is known of the methods or implements by which the workers in gold accomplished such marvelous results. the authors tell us that they excelled particularly in working the precious metals by means of fire; and the furnaces already mentioned are pictured in several of the aztec picture-writings as simple vessels, perhaps of earthen ware, various in form, heaped with lumps of metal, and possibly with wood and coal, from which the tongues of flame protrude, as the workman sits by his furnace with his bamboo blow-pipe. how they cast or molded the molten gold into numerous graceful and ornamental forms is absolutely unknown. the process by which these patient workers carved or engraved ornamental figures on gold and silver vessels by means of their implements of stone and hardened copper, although not explained, may in a general way be easily imagined. they worked also to some extent with the hammer, but as gold-beaters they were regarded as inferior workmen, using only stone implements. the art of working in the precious metals was derived traditionally from the toltecs, and the gold and silversmiths formed in mexico a kind of corporation under the divine guidance of the god xipe.[ ] [sidenote: working in stone.] stone was the material of most nahua implements. for this purpose all the harder kinds found in the country were worked, flint, porphyry, basalt, but especially obsidian, the native _iztli_. of this hard material, extensively quarried some distance north of mexico, nearly all the sharp-edged tools were made. these tools, such as knives, razors, lancets, spear and arrow heads, were simply flakes from an obsidian block. the knives were double-edged and the best of them slightly curved at the point. the maker held a round block of iztli between his bare feet, pressed with his chest and hands on a long wooden instrument, one end of which was applied near the edge of the block, and thus split off knife after knife with great rapidity, which required only to be fitted to a wooden handle to be ready for use. the edge thus produced was at first as sharp as one of steel, but became blunted by slight use, when the instrument must be thrown away. thus las casas tells us that ten or fifteen obsidian razors were required to shave one man's beard. stone knives seem rarely if ever to have been sharpened by grinding.[ ] of obsidian were made the knives used in the sacrifice of human victims, and the lancets used in bleeding for medicinal purposes and in drawing blood in the service of the gods. for bleeding, similar knives are said to be still used in mexico.[ ] the use of stone in the manufacture of weapons has been mentioned in another chapter. masks and even rings and cups were sometimes worked from obsidian and other kinds of stone. axes were of flint, jade, or basalt, and were bound with cords to a handle of hard wood, the end of which was split to receive it.[ ] torquemada says that agricultural implements were made of stone.[ ] mirrors were of obsidian, or of _margajita_,--spoken of by some as a metal, by others as a stone,--often double-faced, and richly set in gold.[ ] the quarrying of stone for building and sculpture was done by means of wooden and stone implements, by methods unknown but adequate to the working of the hardest material. stone implements alone seem to have been used for the sculpture of idols, statues, and architectural decorations. a better idea of the excellence of the nahuas in the art of stone-carving may be formed from the consideration of antiquarian relics in another volume than from the remarks of the early chroniclers. most of the sculptured designs were executed in soft material, in working which flint instruments would be almost as effective as those of steel; but some of the preserved specimens are carved in the hardest stone, and must have taxed the sculptor's patience to the utmost even with hard copper chisels. the idols and hieroglyphics on which the native art was chiefly exercised, present purposely distorted figures and are a poor test of the artists' skill; according to traditional history portrait-statues of the kings were made, and although none of these are known to have survived, yet a few specimens in the various collections indicate that the human face and form in true proportions were not beyond the scope of american art; and the native sculptors were, moreover, extremely successful in the modeling of animals in stone.[ ] [sidenote: working of precious stones.] the nahuas were no less skillful in working precious stones than gold and silver. their toltec ancestors possessed the same skill and used to search for the stones at sunrise, being directed to the hidden treasure by the vapor which rose from the place that concealed it. all the stones found in the country were used for ornamental purposes, but emeralds, amethysts, and turquoises were most abundant. the jewels were cut with copper tools with the aid of a silicious sand. single stones were carved in various forms, often those of animals, and set in gold, or sometimes formed into small cups or boxes. pearls, mother of pearl, and bright-colored shells were used with the precious stones in the formation of necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, and other decorations for the nobles or for the idols. various articles of dress or armor were completely studded with gems tastefully arranged, and a kind of mosaic, with which wooden masks for the idols were often covered, attracted much attention among the spaniards. mirrors of rock crystal, obsidian, and other stones, brightly polished and encased in rich frames, were said to reflect the human face as clearly as the best of european manufacture.[ ] trees were felled with copper hatchets, hewn with the same instruments into beams, and dragged by slaves over rollers to the place where they were needed for building. some of the chief idols, as for instance that of huitzilopochtli, according to acosta, were of wood, but wood-carving was not apparently carried to a high degree of perfection. some boxes, furnished with lids and hinges, also tables and chairs, were made of wood, which was the chief material of weapons and agricultural implements. the authorities devote but few words to the workers in wood, who, however, after the conquest seem to have become quite skillful under spanish instruction, and with the aid of european tools. fire-wood was sold in the markets; and las casas also tells us that charcoal was burned.[ ] [sidenote: manufacture of pottery.] at cholula the best pottery was made, but throughout the whole country nearly all the dishes used were of clay. pots, kettles, vases, plates for domestic use, as well as censers and other utensils for the temple service, also idols, beads, and various ornaments were modeled from this material. the early spaniards were enthusiastic in praising the native potters' skill, but beyond the statement that vessels of earthen ware were glazed and often tastefully decorated, they give no definite information respecting this branch of manufactures. many small earthen trumpets, or flageolets, capable of producing various sounds, and of imitating the cries of different birds, have been found in different parts of the mexican republic. fortunately relics of pottery in every form are of frequent occurrence in the museums, and from the description of such relics in another volume the excellence of aztec pottery may be estimated. besides the earthen dishes, and vessels of metal and carved wood, some baskets were made, and drinking-cups or bowls of different sizes and shapes were formed from the hollow shells of gourds. these were known as _xicalli_, later jicaras, and _tecomatl_.[ ] seashells were also used as dishes to some extent.[ ] the finer kinds of cloth were made of cotton, of rabbit-hair, of the two mixed, or of cotton mixed with feathers. the rabbit-hair fabrics were pronounced equal in finish and texture to silk, and cotton cloths were also fine and white. fabrics of this better class were used for articles of dress by the rich, nobles, and priests; they were both woven and dyed in variegated colors. the cloths in the manufacture of which feathers were employed often served for carpets, tapestry, and bed-coverings. maguey-fibre, and that of the palm-leaves _icxotl_ and _izhuatl_ were woven into coarse cloths, the maguey-cloth being known as _nequen_. this nequen and the coarser kinds of cotton were the materials with which the poorer classes clothed themselves. the palm and maguey fibres were prepared for use in the same manner as flax in other countries, being soaked in water, pounded, and dried. the same material served also for cords, ropes, and mats. a coarser kind of matting was, however, made of different varieties of reeds. all the work of spinning and weaving was performed by the women, forming indeed their chief employment. the spindle used in spinning, shown in many of the aztec manuscripts, was like a top, which was set whirling in a shallow dish, the fibre being applied to its pointed upper extremity until the impetus was exhausted. all we know of the native process of weaving is derived from the native paintings, a sample of which from the mendoza collection, showing a woman engaged in weaving, may be seen in chapter xvii. of this volume.[ ] [sidenote: making of cloth and paper.] paper, in aztec _amatl_, used chiefly as a material on which to paint the hieroglyphic records to be described in a future chapter, was made for the most part of maguey-fibre, although the other fibres used in the manufacture of cloth were occasionally mixed with those of this plant. the material must have been pressed together when wet, and the product was generally very thick, more like a soft paste-board than our paper. the surface was smooth and well adapted to the painting which it was to bear. certain gums are said to have been used for the more perfect coherence of the fibre, and the amatl was made in long narrow sheets suitable for rolling or folding. humboldt describes certain bags of oval form, the work of a species of caterpillars, on the trees in michoacan. they are white and may be separated into thin layers, which, as the author states, were used by the ancient inhabitants in the manufacture of a superior kind of paper.[ ] the skins of animals killed by the nahua hunters were tanned both with and without the hair, by a process of which the authorities say nothing, although universally praising its results. the leather was used in some cases as a sort of parchment for hieroglyphic writings, but oftener for articles of dress, ornament, or armor.[ ] [sidenote: dyeing and painting.] in the preparation of dyes and paints, both mineral, animal, and vegetable colors were employed, the latter extracted from woods, barks, leaves, flowers, and fruits. in the art of dyeing they probably excelled the europeans, and many of their dyes have since the conquest been introduced throughout the world. chief among these was the cochineal, _nochiztli_, an insect fed by the nahuas on the leaves of the nopal, from which they obtained beautiful and permanent red and purple colors for their cotton fabrics. the flower of the _matlalxihuitl_ supplied blue shades; indigo was the sediment of water in which branches of the _xiuhquilipitzahuac_ had been soaked; seeds of the _achiotl_ boiled in water yielded a red, the french _roucou_; ochre, or _tecozahuitl_, furnished yellow, as did also the plant _xochipalli_, the latter being changed to orange by the use of nitre; other shades were produced by the use of alum; the stones _chimaltizatl_ and _tizatlalli_ being calcined, produced something like spanish white; black was obtained from a stinking mineral, _tlaliac_, or from the soot of a pine called _ocotl_. in mixing paints they used chian-oil, or sometimes the glutinous juice of the _tzauhtli_. the numerous dye-woods of the tierra caliente, now the chief exports from that region, were all employed by the native dyers. it is probable that many of the secrets of this branch of nahua art were never learned by the spaniards.[ ] the nahua paintings showed no great artistic merit, being chiefly noticeable for the excellence of the colors. very few specimens have been preserved for modern examination, except the hieroglyphic paintings in which most of the figures are hideously and, as it is supposed, purposely distorted, and consequently no criterion of the artist's skill. it is not known that the nahuas ever attempted to paint natural scenery, except that they prepared maps of sections of their territory on which they rudely represented the mountains, rivers, and forests, indicating the lands of different owners or lords by the use of different colors. they sometimes made portraits of the kings and nobles, but the spanish chroniclers admit that they exhibited much less skill in picturing the human form and face than in drawing animals, birds, trees, and flowers. some modern critics of lively imagination have, however, detected indications of great artistic genius in the awkward figures of the picture-writings. native painters, when cortés arrived on the coast, painted his ships, men, horses, cannon, in fact everything new and strange in the white men's equipment, and hurried with the canvas to montezuma at the capital. very little is known of ornamental painting on the walls of private dwellings, but that on the temples naturally partook to a great extent of a hieroglyphic character. the durability of the paintings on cloth and paper, especially when rubbed occasionally with oil, was remarked by many observers, as was also the skill displayed by the natives later under spanish instruction.[ ] [sidenote: feather-mosaic.] the mixture of feathers with cotton and other fibres in the manufacture of clothing, tapestry, carpets, and bed-coverings has already been mentioned. for such fabrics plain colors from ducks and other aquatic birds were generally employed, brighter hues being occasionally introduced for ornamental purposes. feathers also played an important part in the decoration of warriors' armor, the tail-feathers of the bright-hued quetzal being the favorites. these were formed into brilliant plumes, often tipped with gold and set in precious stones. beautiful fans were made of the same material. but the art which of all those practiced by the nahuas most delighted and astonished the europeans, was the use of feathers in the making of what has been called feather-mosaic. the myriads of tropical birds in which the forests of the tierra caliente abounded, chief among which were the quetzal, many varieties of the parrot kind, and the _huitzilin_, or humming-bird, supplied feathers, fine and coarse, of every desired color and shade. it was for this use chiefly that the royal and other collections of birds, already described, were so carefully kept. these captive birds were plucked each year at the proper season, and their plumage sorted according to color and quality. some shades only to be obtained from the rarest birds, were for ordinary feather-work artificially produced by dyeing the white plumage of more common birds. to prepare for work the _amanteca_, or artist, arranged his colors in small earthen dishes within easy reach of his hand, stretched a piece of cloth on a board before him, and provided himself with a pot of glue--called by clavigero tzauhtli,--and a pair of very delicate pincers. the design he wished to execute was first sketched roughly on the cloth, and then with the aid of the pincers feather after feather was taken from its dish and glued to the canvas. the spanish writers marvel at the care with which this work was done; sometimes, they say, a whole day was consumed in properly choosing and adjusting one delicate feather, the artist patiently experimenting until the hue and position of the feather, viewed from different points and under different lights, became satisfactory to his eye. when a large piece was to be done, many workmen assembled, a part of the work was given to each, and so skillfully was the task performed that the parts rarely failed at the end to blend into an harmonious whole; but if the effect of any part was unsatisfactory it must be commenced anew. by this method a great variety of graceful patterns were wrought, either fanciful, or taken from natural objects, flowers, animals, and even the human face, which latter the native artists are said to have successfully portrayed. las casas tells us they made these feather-fabrics so skillfully that they appeared of different colors according to the direction from which they were viewed. the spaniards declare that the feather-pictures were fully equal to the best works of european painters, and are at a loss for words to express their admiration of this wonderful nahua invention; specimens of great beauty have also been preserved and are to be seen in the museums. besides mantles and other garments, tapestry, bed-coverings, and other ornamental fabrics for the use of the noble and wealthy classes, to which this art was applied, the feather-mosaic was a favorite covering for the shields and armor of noted warriors. by the same process masks were made representing in a manner true to nature the faces of fierce animals; and even the whole bodies of such animals were sometimes counterfeited, as zuazo says, so faithfully as to deceive the ignorant observer. the tarascos of michoacan were reputed to be the most skillful in feather-work.[ ] the feather-workers were called amantecas from amantla, the name of the ward of mexico in which they chiefly lived. this ward adjoined that of pochtlan, where lived the chief merchants called pochtecas, and the shrine of the amantecas' god ciotliahuatl, was also joined to that of the merchants' god iyacatecutli. the feather-workers and merchants were closely united, there was great similarity in all their idolatrous rites, and they often sat together at the same banquet.[ ] another art, similar in its nature to that of the feather-mosaics, was that of pasting leaves and flowers upon mats so as to form attractive designs for temporary use on the occasion of special festivals. the natives made great use of these flower-pictures after the conquest in the decoration of the churches for catholic holidays.[ ] the nahuas kindled a fire like their more savage brethren by friction between two pieces of wood, achiotl being the kind of wood preferred for this purpose. boturini, followed by later writers, states that the use of the flint was also known. once kindled, the flames were fanned by the use of a blow-pipe. for lights, torches of resinous wood were employed, especially the _ocotl_, which emitted a pleasing odor. the use of wicks with oil or wax was apparently unknown until after the coming of europeans. substitutes for soap were found in the fruit of the _copalxocotl_ and root of the _amolli_. [sidenote: the council of arts in tezcuco.] all the branches of art among the nahuas were placed under the control of a council or academy which was instituted to favor the development of poetry, oratory, history, painting, and also to some extent of sculpture and work in gold, precious stones, and feathers. tezcuco was the centre of all high art and refinement during the palmy days of the chichimec empire, and retained its preëminence to a great extent down to the coming of the spaniards; consequently its school of arts is better known than others that probably existed in other cities. it was called the council of music, although taking cognizance of other arts and sciences, chiefly by controlling the education of the young, since no teacher of arts could exercise his profession without a certificate of his qualifications from the council. before the same body all pupils must be brought for examination. the greatest care was taken that no defective work of lapidary, goldsmith, or worker in feathers should be exposed for sale in the markets, and that no imperfectly instructed artists should be allowed to vitiate the public taste. but it was above all with literary arts, poetry, oratory, and historical paintings, that this tribunal, composed of the best talent and culture of the kingdom, had to do, and every literary work was subject to its revision. the members, nominated by the emperor of tezcuco, held daily meetings, and seats of honor were reserved for the kings of the three allied kingdoms, although a presiding officer was elected from the nobility with reference to his literary acquirements. at certain sessions of the council, poems and historical essays were read by their authors, and new inventions were exhibited for inspection, rich prizes being awarded for excellence in any branch of learning.[ ] [sidenote: oratory and poesy.] speech-making is a prominent feature in the life of most aboriginal tribes, and in their fondness for oratory the nahuas were no exceptions to the rule. many and long addresses accompanied the installation of kings and all public officers; all diplomatic correspondence between different nations was carried on by orators; prayers to the gods were in aboriginal as in modern times elaborate elocutionary efforts; the departing and returning traveler was dismissed and welcomed with a speech; condolence for misfortune and congratulation for success were expressed in public and private by the friends most skillful in the art of speaking; social intercourse in feasts and banquets was but a succession of speeches; and parents even employed long discourses to impart to their children instruction and advice. consequently children were instructed at an early age in the art of public speaking; some were even specially educated as orators. they were obliged to commit to memory, and taught to repeat as declamations, the speeches of their most famous ancestors, handed down from father to son for many generations. specimens of the orations delivered by nahua speakers on different occasions are so numerous in this and the following volume, that the reader may judge for himself respecting their merit. it is impossible, however, to decide how far these compositions have been modified in passing through spanish hands, although it is probable, according to the judgment of the best critics, that they retain much of the original spirit of their reputed authors.[ ] poets, if somewhat less numerous, were no less honored than orators. their compositions were also recited, or sung, before the council of music in tezcuco, and the most talented bards were honored with prizes. the heroic deeds of warlike ancestors, national annals and traditions, praise of the gods, moral lessons drawn from actual events, allegorical productions with illustrations drawn from the beauties of nature, and even love and the charms of woman were the common themes. the emperor nezahualcoyotl, the protector and promoter of all the arts and sciences, was himself a poet of great renown. several of his compositions, or fragments of such, have been preserved; that is, the poems were written from memory in aztec with roman letters after the conquest, and translated into spanish by ixtlilxochitl, a lineal descendant of the royal poet. they have also been translated into other languages by various authors. the following will serve as specimens.[ ] [sidenote: nezahualcoyotl's odes.] song of nezahualcoyotl, king of tezcuco; on the mutability of life. now will i sing for a moment, since time and occasion offer, and i trust to be heard with favor if my effort proveth deserving; wherefore thus i begin my singing, or rather my lamentation. o thou, my friend, and beloved, enjoy the sweet flowers i bring thee; let us be joyful together and banish each care and each sorrow; for although life's pleasures are fleeting, life's bitterness also must leave us. i will strike, to help me in singing, the instrument deep and sonorous; dance thou, while enjoying these flowers, before the great lord who is mighty; let us grasp the sweet things of the present, for the life of a man is soon over. fair acolhuacán thou hast chosen as thy dwelling-place and thy palace; thou hast set up thy royal throne there, with thine own hand hast thou enriched it; wherefore it seems to be certain that thy kingdom shall prosper and flourish. and thou, o wise prince oyoyotzin, mighty monarch, and king without equal, rejoice in the beauty of spring-time, be happy while spring abides with thee, for the day creepeth nearer and nearer when thou shalt seek joy and not find it. a day when dark fate, the destroyer, shall tear from thine hand the proud sceptre, when the moon of thy glory shall lessen, thy pride and thy strength be diminished, the spoil from thy servants be taken, thy kingdom and honor go from thee. ah, then in this day of great sorrow the lords of thy line will be mournful, the princes of might will be downcast, the pride of high birth will avail not; when thou, their great head, hast been smitten the pains of grim want will assail them. then with bitterness will they remember the glory and fame of thy greatness, thy triumphs so worthy of envy, until, while comparing the present with years that are gone now forever, their tears shall be more than the ocean. the vassals that cluster about thee and are as a crown to thy kingdom, when thine arm doth no longer uphold them, will suffer the fate of the exile; in strange lands their pride will be humbled, their rank and their name be forgotten. the fame of the race that is mighty, and worthy a thousand fair kingdoms, will not in the future be heeded; the nations will only remember the justice with which they were governed in the years when the kingdom was threefold. in mexico, proudest of cities, reigned the mighty and brave montezuma, nezahualcoyotl, the just one of blest culhuacán was the monarch, to strong totoquíl fell the portion of acatlapán, the third kingdom. but yet thou shalt not be forgotten, nor the good thou hast ever accomplished; for, is not the throne that thou fillest the gift of the god without equal, the mighty creator of all things, the maker of kings and of princes! nezahualcoyotl, be happy with the pleasant things that thou knowest, rejoice in the beautiful garden, wreathe thy front with a garland of flowers, give heed to my song and my music, for i care but to pleasure thy fancy. the sweet things of life are but shadows; the triumphs, the honors, what are they but dreams that are idle and last not though clothed in a semblance of being? and so great is the truth that i utter, i pray thee to answer this question. cihuapán, the valiant, where is he, and quauhtzintecomtzin, the mighty, the great cohuahuatzin, where are they? they are dead, and have left us no token, save their names, and the fame of their valor; they are gone from this world to another. i would that those living in friendship, whom the thread of strong love doth encircle, could see the sharp sword of the death-god. for, verily, pleasure is fleeting, all sweetness must change in the future, the good things of life are inconstant. ode on the tyrant tezozomoc by nezahualcoyotl the king. give ear unto the lamentation which i, nezahualcoyotl the king, make within myself for the fate of the empire, and set forth for an example unto others. o king, unstable and restless, when thou art dead then shall thy people be overthrown and confounded; thy place shall be no more; the creator, the all-powerful shall reign. who could have thought, having seen the palaces and the court, the glory and the power of the old king tezozomoc, that these things could have an end? yet have they withered and perished. verily, life giveth naught but disappointment and vexation; all that is, weareth out and passeth away. who will not be sorrowful at the remembrance of the ancient splendor of this tyrant, this withered old man; who, like a thirsty willow, nourished by the moisture of his ambition and avarice, lorded it over the lowly meadows and flowery fields while spring-time lasted, but at length, dried up and decayed, the storms of winter tore him up by the roots and scattered him in pieces upon the ground. but now, with this mournful song, i bring to mind the things that flourish for an hour, and present, in the fate of tezozomoc, an example of the brevity of human greatness. who, that listens to me, can refrain from weeping? verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a bouquet of flowers, that is passed from hand to hand until it fades, withers, and is dead. hearken unto me, ye sons of kings and of princes, take good heed and ponder the theme of my mournful song, the things that flourish for an hour, and the end of the king tezozomoc. who is he, i say again, that can hear me and not weep? verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a handful of flowers, blooming for a space, but soon withered and dead. let the joyous birds sing on and rejoice in the beauty of spring, and the butterflies enjoy the honey and perfume of the flowers, for life is as a tender plant that is plucked and withereth away. granados tells us that nezahualcoyotl's poems were all in iambic verse, resembling in style the works of manilius, seneca, pomponius, euripides, and lilius. in one of his songs he compared the shortness of life and of its pleasures with the fleeting bloom of a flower, so pathetically as to draw tears from the audience, as clavigero relates. ixtlilxochitl narrates that a prisoner condemned to death obtained pardon by reciting a poem before the king. there is not much evidence that verses were ever written in rhyme, but the authors say that due attention was paid to cadence and metre, and that some unmeaning syllables were added to certain lines to accommodate the measure. by their system of combination a single word often sufficed for a line in the longest measure. many of their poetical compositions were intended for the dramatic representations which have been spoken of elsewhere.[ ] [sidenote: aztec arithmetical system.] the nahua system of numeration was very simple and comprehensive, there being no limit to the numbers that could be expressed by it. the following table will give a clear idea of the method as employed by the aztecs: one, _ce_, or _cen_. two, _ome_. three, _yey_, or _ei_. four, _nahui_. five, _macuilli_,--signifying the 'clenched hand,' one finger having been originally doubled, as is supposed, for each unit in counting from one to five. six, _chico a ce_. seven, _chic ome_. eight, _chico ey_. nine, _chico nahui_,--these names from six to nine are simply those from one to four, with a prefix whose meaning is not altogether clear, but which is said to be composed of _chico_, 'at one side,' and _ihuan_ or _huan_, meaning 'near another,' 'with,' or simply 'and.' these names may consequently be interpreted perhaps, 'one side (or hand) with one,' 'one hand with two,' etc., or one two, etc., 'with the other side.' ten, _matlactli_--that is the upper part of the body, or all the fingers of the hands. eleven, _matlactli oc ce_, ten and one. twelve, _matlactli om ome_, ten and two. thirteen, _matlactli om ey_, ten and three. fourteen, _matlactli o nahui_, ten and four. in these names _oc_, _om_, _o_, or _on_ as molina gives it, seems to be used as a connective particle, equivalent to 'and,' but i am not acquainted with its derivation. fifteen, _caxtolli_, a word to which the authorities give no derivative meaning. sixteen, _caxtolli oc ce_, fifteen and one, etc. twenty, _cem pohualli_, once twenty. the word _pohualli_ means 'a count,' the number twenty being in a sense the foundation of the whole numerical system. twenty-one, _cem pohualli oc ce_, once twenty and one, etc. thirty, _cem pohualli, ihuan_ (or _om_ as molina has it) _matlactli_, once twenty and ten. thirty-five, _cem pohualli ihuan_ (or _on_) _caxtolli_, once twenty and fifteen, etc. forty, _ome pohualli_, twice twenty, etc. one hundred, _macuil pohualli_, five times twenty. two hundred, _matlactli pohualli_, ten times twenty. four hundred, _cen tzontli_, once four hundred, 'the hair of the head.' eight hundred, _ome tzontli_, twice four hundred. one thousand, _ome tzontli ihuan matlactli pohualli_, twice four hundred and ten times twenty. eight thousand, _xiquipilli_, a purse or sack, already mentioned as containing eight thousand cacao-nibs. sixteen thousand, _ome xiquipilli_, twice eight thousand. it will be seen from the table that the only numbers having simple names are one, two, three, four, five, ten, fifteen, twenty, four hundred, and eight thousand; all the rest are compounds of these constructed on the principle that when the smaller number follows the larger the sum of the two is expressed, but when the smaller precedes the larger, their product is indicated. molina and leon y gama are the chief authorities on the nahua arithmetical system. all the writers agree perfectly respecting its details, but differ considerably in orthography. molina writes each compound name together as a single word, while gama often separates a word into its parts as i have done in every case, following his spelling. [sidenote: system of numeration.] the manner in which the numbers were written was as simple as the system itself. a point or small circle indicated a unit, and these points sufficed for the numbers from one to nineteen. twenty was indicated by a flag, four hundred by a feather, and eight thousand by a purse. one character placed above another indicated that the product was to be taken; for instance, , might be expressed either by twenty purses, or by a flag over a purse. to avoid the excessive use of the unit points in writing large and fractional numbers, each flag, feather, and purse was divided into four quarters, and only those quarters which were colored were to be counted. thus five might be expressed by five points or by a flag with but one quarter colored; three hundred and fifty-six would be indicated by a feather with three quarters colored, two complete flags, three quarters of another flag, and one point. we have seen that twenties were used, much as dozens are by us, as the foundation of all numeration, but strangely enough these twenties took different names in counting different classes of articles. the regular name, as given in the table, is _pohualli_; in counting sheets of paper, tortillas, small skins, and other thin objects capable of being packed one above another in small parcels, each twenty was called _pilli_; in counting cloths and other articles usually formed into large rolls, _quimilli_ was the name applied to twenty; and in counting persons, lines, walls, and other things ranged in order, the term _tecpantli_ was sometimes employed. in reckoning birds, eggs, fruits, seeds, and round or plump objects, generally _tetl_, 'a stone,' was affixed to each one of the numerals in the table; _pantli_ was in the same way added for objects arranged in regular order, and also for surface measurements; _tlamantli_ likewise was joined to the numerals for articles sold in pairs or sets, as shoes, dishes, etc.; while ears of corn, cacao in bunches, and other bulky articles required the termination _olotl_. among all the nahua nations, so far as known, the arithmetical system was practically the same, and was essentially decimal. nearly all gave great prominence to the number twenty; the huastec language had simple names for the numbers from one to ten, twenty, and one thousand; the otomí approached still nearer our modern system by making one hundred also one of its fundamental numbers with an uncompounded name as well as a compounded one.[ ] astrology, soothsaying, the interpretation of dreams, and of auguries such as the flight or song of birds, the sudden meeting of wild animals, or the occurrence of other unlooked-for events, were regarded by the nahuas as of the greatest importance, and the practice of such arts was entrusted to the _tonalpouhqui_, 'those who count by the sun,' a class of men held in high esteem, to whom was attributed a perfect knowledge of future events. we have seen that no undertaking, public or private, of any importance, could be engaged in except under a suitable and propitious sign, and to determine this sign the tonalpouhqui was appealed to. the science of astrology was written down in books kept with great secrecy and mystery, altogether unintelligible to the common crowd, whose good or bad fortune was therein supposed to be painted. the details of the methods employed in the mysterious rites of divination are nowhere recorded, and the continual mention of the seer's services throughout the chapters of this and the following volume render this paragraph on the subject sufficient here. [sidenote: authorities on nahua arts.] in addition to the miscellaneous arts described in the preceding pages, separate chapters will be devoted to the nahua calendar, hieroglyphics, architecture, and medicine.[ ] footnotes: [ ] 'tambien las minas de plata y oro, cobre, plomo, oropel natural, estaño y otros metales, que todos los sacaron, labraron, y dejaron señales y memoria.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - . to obtain gold 'se metian al fondo del agua y sacaban las manos llenas de arena, para buscar luego en ella los granos, los que se guardaban en la boca.' _diaz_, _itinerario_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . in michoacan 'trabajaban minas de cobre.' _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. . 'the traces of their labors furnished the best indications for the early spanish miners.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. et seq. [ ] 'whether a man desire the rude mettall, or to haue it molten, or beaten out, and cunningly made into any kinde of iewell, hee shall find them ready wrought.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. gomara and gama state that they mixed gold and silver, as well as tin, with copper, for the manufacture of gimlets, axes, and chisels. _conq. mex._, fol. ; _dos piedras_, pt ii., p. . clavigero states that in zacatollan two kinds of copper were found, hard and soft, so that there was no need of any hardening process. _storia ant. del messico_, tom. iv., pp. - . [ ] 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . 'nous avons eu entre les mains de beaux outils de cuivre rosette.' _viollet-le-duc_, in _charnay_, _ruines amér._, pp. - . 'hazen muchas cosas, como los mejores caldereros del mundo.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. some had plates and other vessels of tin. _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . 'contuttociò si sa, che lavoravano bene il rame, e che piacquero assai agli spagnuoli lo loro scuri, e le loro picche.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . peter martyr speaks of large copper stands or candlesticks which supported pine torches to light the courts of the better houses. dec. v., tom. x. 'il existait de si grands vases d'argent qu'un homme pouvait à peine les entourer de ses bras.' _baril_, _mexique_, p. ; _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _edinburgh review_, july . [ ] 'todo variadizo, que en nuestra españa los grandes plateros tienen que mirar en ello.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . 'los plateros de madrid, viendo algunas piezas, brazaletes de oro, con que se armaban en guerra los reyes, y capitanes indianos, confessaron que eran inimitables en europa.' _boturini_, _idea_, p. . 'non sarebbero verisimili le maraviglie di cotal arte, se oltre alla testimonianza di quanti le videro, non fossero state mandate in europa in gran copia sì fatte rarità.' 'finalmente erano tali sì fatte opere, che anche que' soldati spagnuoli, che si sentivano travagliati dalla sacra fame dell'oro, pregiavano in esse più l'arte, che la materia.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , - . in the collection of nezahualcoyotzin 'no faltava alli ave, pez ni animal de toda esta tierra, que no estuvìese vivo, ó hecho figura y talle, en piedras de oro y pedrería.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . 'there is no fourefooted beast, no foule, no fyshe, which their artificers have once seene, but they are able to drawe, and cutte in mettall the likenesse and proportion thereof, euen to the lyfe.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x., iv. eight gold shrimps of much perfection. _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. . [ ] 'sacan un ave, como un papagayo que se le anda la lengua como si vivo la menease y tambien la cabeza y las alas. un rostro de aguila lo mismo, una rana, y un pescado, señalada muchas escamas una de plata y otra de oro, todo de vaciado, que espanta à todos nuestros oficiales.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxiii. 'funden vna mona, que juegue pies y cabeça, y tenga en las manos vn huso, que parezca que hila, o vna mançana, que come. esto tuuieron a mucho nuestros españoles, y los plateros de aca no alcançan el primor.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'y lo que mas es, que sacaban de la fundicion vna pieça, la mitad de oro, y la mitad de plata.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - . 'sacauan al mercado los oficiales deste arte, platos, ochauados de vn quarto de oro, y otro de plata, no soldados, sino fundidos, y en la fundicion pegado, cosa dificultosa de entender. sacauan vna caldereta de plata, con excelentes labores, y su assa de vna fundicion, y lo que era de marauillar que la asa estaua suelta.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. [ ] 'acaeciales á los principios estar un indio envuelto en una manta que no se le parecian si no los ojos, como ellos se ponen no muy cerca de una tienda de algun platero de los nuestros disimuladamente, como no pretendia mirar nada y el platero estar labrando de oro y de plata alguna joya ó pieza de mucho artificio y muy delicada, y de solo verle hacer alguna parte della irse á su casa y hacello tanto y mas perfecto y traello desde á poco en la mano para lo vender.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxiii. zuazo, however, pronounces some of the native work inferior to the european. 'yo vi algunas piezas y no me parecieron tan primamente labradas como las nuestras.' _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. iv., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'vna rueda de hechura de sol, tan grande como de vna carreta, con muchas labores, todo de oro muy fino, gran obra de mirar; ... otra mayor rueda de plata, figurada la luna, con muchos resplandores, y otras figuras en ella.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. - . 'espejos hechos de margajita, que es vn metal hermosissimo, como plata muy resplandeciente y estos grandes como vn puño redondos como vna bola, engastados en oro.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'doze zebratanas de fusta y plata, con que solia el tirar. las unas pintadas y matizadas de aves, animales, rosas, flores, yarboles.... las otras eran variadas, y sinzeladas con mas primor y sotileza que la pintura.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxxii. [ ] 'vnas fundidas, otras labradas de piedra.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'y lo que mas las hace admirables, es que las obran y labran con solo fuego y con una piedra ó pedernal.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxiii. hammered work inferior to that of european artisans. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . 'los oficiales que labran oro son de dos maneras, unos de ellos se llaman martilladores ó amajadores, porque estos labran oro de martillo majándolo con piedras ó con martillos, para hacerlo delgado como papel: otros se llaman _tlatlaliani_, que quiere decir, que asientan el oro ó alguna cosa en él, ó en la plata, estos son verdaderos oficiales ó por otro nombre se llaman _tulteca_; pero están divididos en dos partes, porque labran el oro cada uno de su manera.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. , et seq. for pictures of furnaces and of some manufactured articles from the hieroglyphic mss., see _ewbank_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., p. , et seq. 'they cast, also, vessels of gold and silver, carving them with their metallic chisels in a very delicate manner.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] 'siéntanse en el suelo y toman un pedazo de aquella piedra negra.... aquel pedazo que toman es de un palmo ó poco mas largo, y de grueso como la pierna ó poco menos, y rollizo. tienen un palo del grueso de una lanza y largo como tres codos ó poco mas, y al principio de este palo ponen pegado y bien atado un trozo de palo de un palmo, grueso como el molledo del brazo, y algo mas, y este tiene su frente llana y tajada, y sirve este trozo para que pese mas aquella parte. juntan ambos piés descalzos, y con ellos aprietan la piedra con el pecho, y con ambas las manos toman el palo que dije era como vara de lanza (que tambien es llano y tajado) y pónenlo á besar con el canto de la frente de la piedra (que tambien es llana y tajada), y entonces aprietan hácia el pecho, y luego salta de la piedra una navaja con su punta y sus filos de ambas partes.' _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; repeated in nearly the same words in _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxii., lxvi; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. . [ ] _tylor's researches_, p. . 'tienen lancetas de azabache negro, y vnas nauajas de axeme, hechas como puñal, mas gordas en medio que á los filos, con que se jassan y sangran de la lengua, braços, y piernas.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . [ ] _lenoir_, _parallèle_, pp. - . 'in the beginning of this so rare inuention, i gotte one of them, which christophorus colonus, admirall of the sea gaue mee. this stone was of a greene darkishe colour, fastened in most firme and harde woode, which was the handle or helue thereof. i stroke with all my force vpon iron barres and dented the iron with my strokes without spoyling or hurting of the stone in any part thereof. with these stones therefore they make their instruments, for hewing of stone, or cutting of timber, or any workemanship in gold or siluer.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. [ ] _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxii. see note of this chapter. [ ] 'sculptured images were so numerous, that the foundations of the cathedral in the _plaza mayor_, the great square of mexico, are said to be entirely composed of them.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - . two statues in likeness of montezuma and his brother cut in the cliff at chapultepec. _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. iii. the idols destroyed by cortés 'eran de manera de dragones espantables, tan grandes como becerros, y otras figuras de manera de medio hombre, y de perros grandes, y de malas semejanças.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . 'sapevano esprimere nelle loro statue tutti gli atteggiamenti, e positure, di cui è capace il corpo, osservavano esattamente le proporzioni, e facevano, dove si richiedeva, i più minuti, e dilicati intaglj.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . 'habia entre ellos grandes escultores de cantería, que labraban cuanto querian en piedra, con guijarros ó pedernales, tan prima y curiosamente como en nuestra castilla los muy buenos oficiales con escodas y picos de acero.' _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . portrait-statues of the tezcucan kings. _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _id._, _relaciones_, p. . statues of montezuma and brother. _bustamante_, in _cavo_, _tres siglos_, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'gli smeraldi erano tanto comuni, che non v'era signore, che non ne avesse.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . 'esmaltan assi mesmo, engastan y labran esmeraldas, turquesas, y otras piedras, y agujeran perlas pero no tambien como por aca.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'ambar, cristal, y las piedras llamadas _amatista_ perlas, y todo género de ellas, y demas que traían por joyas que ahora se usan.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - , - . 'un encalado muy pulido, que era de ver, y piedras de que estaban hechas, tambien labradas y pegadas, que parecia ser cosa de musaico.' _id._, p. . shields adorned with 'perlas menudas como aljofar, y no se puede dezir su artificio, lindeza, y hermosura.' sandals having 'por suelas vna piedra blanca y azul, cosa preciosa y muy delgada.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. guariques of blue stones set in gold; a stone face surrounded with gold; a string of stone beads. 'dos mascaras de piedras menudas, como turquesas, sentadas sobre madera de otra musáyca.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. - , tom. iii., pp. , . idol covered with mosaic work of mother of pearl, turquoises, emeralds, and chalcedonies. _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxxii. 'excellent glasses may bee made thereof by smoothing and polishing them, so that we all confessed that none of ours did better shewe the naturall and liuely face of a manne.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. 'ils avaient des masques garnis de pierres précieuses, représentant des lions, des tigres, des ours, etc.' _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . emerald altar to the miztec god. _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. . 'y lo de las piedras, que no basta juicio á comprehender con qué instrumentos se hiciese tan perfecto.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] huitzilopochtli's idol 'era vna estatua de madera entretallada en semejança de vn hombre sentado en vn escaño azul.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . large chests 'hechas de madera con sus tapaderas que se abren y cierran con unos colgadizos.' _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - . 'i falegnami lavoravano bene parecchie spezie di legni co'loro strumenti di rame, d' quali se ne vedono alcuni anche oggidì.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. , - . 'los carpinteros y entalladores labraban la madera con instrumentos de cobre, pero no se daban á labrar cosas curiosas como los canteros.' _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . 'labravan lazos, y animales tan curiosos que causaron admiracion à los primeros españoles.' _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. . 'with their copper hatchets, and axes, cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and hewe them smooth, taking away the chyppes, that they may more easily be drawne. they haue also certayne hearbes, with the which, in steed of broome, and hempe, they make ropes, cordes, and cables: and boaring a hole in one of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it, like yoakes of oxen, and lastly insteede of wheels, putting round blocks vnder the timber, whether it be to be drawn steepe vp, or directly downe the hill, the matter is performed by the neckes of the slaues, the carpenters onely directing the carriage.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. 'hazen caxas, escritorios, mesas, escriuanias, y otras cosas de mucho primor.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. 'they made cups and vases of a lackered or painted wood, impervious to wet and gaudily colored.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . [ ] molina, _diccionario_, says, however that, the tecomatl was an earthen vase. see also p. of this volume. [ ] 'siete sartas de quentas menudas de barro, redondas y doradas muy bien.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. , . 'i pentolai facevano d'argilla non solo gli stoviglj necessarj per l'uso delle case, ma eziandío altri lavori di mera curiosità.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , tom. iv., pp. - . 'la loza tan hermosa, y delicada como la de faenza en italia.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii. 'los incensarios con que incensaban eran de barro, à manera de cuchara, cuio remate era hueco, y dentro tenían metidas pelotillas del mismo barro, que sonaban como cascaveles, à los golpes del incienso, como suenan las cadenas de nuestros incensarios.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . the jicara was of gold, silver, gourd-shells, or fish-shells. 'aunque estèn cien años en el agua, nunca la pintura se les borra.' _id._, p. . 'para coger la sangre tienen escudillas de calabaça.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - . 'many sorts also of earthen vessels are sold there, as water pots, greate iuggs, chargers, gobblets, dishes, colenders, basens, frying pans, porringers, pitchers.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. 'vasos que llaman xicalli, y tecomatl, que son de vnos arboles, que se dan en tierras calientes.' 'À estas les dan vn barniz con flores, y animales de diversos colores, hermoseadas, que no se quita, ni se despinta aunque estè en el agua muchos días.' _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. . [ ] 'non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino, nè canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' _icxotl_, o palma montana, col _quetzalichtli_, col pati, e con altre spezie di maguei.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , . 'en todo el mundo no se podia hacer ni tejer otra tal, ni de tantas ni tan diversas y naturales colores ni labores.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . 'una vestidura del gran sacerdote _achcauhquitlinamacàni_ se embiò à roma en tiempo de la conquista, que dexò pasmada aquella corte.' _boturini_, _idea_, p. . the olmecs used the hair of dogs and other animals. _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. , - . 'incredible matters of cotton, housholde-stuffe, tapestry or arras hangings, garments, and couerlets.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. humboldt states that silk made by a species of indigenous worms was an article of commerce among the miztecs, in the time of montezuma. _essai pol._, tom. ii., p. . 'hilan teniendo el copo en vna mano, y el huso en otra. tuercen al reues que aca, estando el huso en vna escudilla. no tiene hueca el huso, mas hilan a prissa y no mal.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. ii., pp. - . maguey-paper 'resembling somewhat the egyptian papyrus.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - . some paper of palm-leaf, as thin and soft as silk. _boturini_, _catálogo_, in _id._, _idea_, pp. - . native paper called _cauhamatl_. _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. . they made paper of a certain species of aloe, steeped together like hemp, and afterwards washed, stretched, and smoothed; also of the palm _icxotl_, and thin barks united and prepared with a certain gum. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , tom. iv., p. . torquemada speaks of a sheet fathoms long, one wide, and as thick as the finger. _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'habia oficiales de curtir cueros y muchos de adovarlos maravillosamente.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxii. 'cueros de venado, tigres, y leones ... con pelo, y sin pelo, de todos colores.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'tan suaves que de ellos se vestian, y sacaban correas.' _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . cortés found the skins of some of his horses slain in battle 'tan bien adobados como en todo el mundo lo pudieran hacer.' _cartas_, p. . red skins resembling parchment. _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . 'no se puede bien dezir su hermosura, y hechura.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'los tarascos curtian perfectamente las pieles de los animales.' _payno_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. i., p. . 'des tapis de cuir maroquinés avec la dernière perfection.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - . method of raising cochineal. _id._, pp. - . 'en parcourant le palais de montézuma les castillans furent très-étonnés d'y voir des sacs de punaises dont on se servait à teindre et même à badigeonner les murs.' _rosny_, in _comité d'arch. amér._, - , pp. - . see p. of this volume. they possessed the art of dyeing a fabric without impairing its strength, an art unknown to europeans of the th century. _carli_, _cartas_, pt ii., pp. - . [ ] 'y pintores ha habido entre ellos tan señalados, que sobre muchos de los señalados donde quiera que se hallasen se podian señalar.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxii. the same author speaks of their skill in reducing or enlarging drawings. 'havia pintores buenos, que retrataban al natural, en especial aves, animales, arboles, flores, y verduras, y otras semejantes, que vsaban pintar, en los aposentos de los reies, y señores; pero formas humanas, asi como rostros, y cuerpos de hombres, y mugeres, no los pintaban al natural.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , tom. i., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . 'dans leur grotesque et leur raccourci, on trouve encore cependant une délicatesse de pinceau, fort remarquable, une pureté et une finesse dans les esquisses, qu'on ne saurait s'empêcher d'admirer; on voit, d'ailleurs, un grand nombre de portraits de rois et de princes, qui sont évidemment faits d'après nature.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . 'wee sawe a mappe of those countreyes . foote long, and little lesse in breadth, made of white cotton, wouen: wherein the whole playne was at large described.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x., iii., v. [ ] 'la natura ad essi somministrava quanti colori fa adoperar l'arte, e alcuni ancora, que essa non è capace d'imitare.' the specimens made after the conquest were very inferior. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . 'hazense las mejores ymagines de pluma en la prouincia de mechoacan en el pueblo de pascaro.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . 'vi ciertos follajes, pájaros, mariposas, abejones sobre unas varas temblantes, negras é tan delgadas, que apenas se veian, é de tal manera que realmente se hacian vivas á los que las miraban un poquito de lejos: todo lo demas que estaba cerca de las dichas mariposas, pájaros é abejones correspondia naturalmente á boscajes de yerbas, ramos é flores de diversas colores é formas.' _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . 'figuras, y imagenes de principes, y de sus idolos, tan vistosas, y tan acertadas, que hazian ventaja a las pinturas castellanas.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'muchas cosas de pluma, como aves, animales, hombres, y otras cosas mui delicadas, capas, y mantas para cubrirse, y vestiduras para los sacerdotes de sus templos, coronas, mitras, rodelas, y mosqueadores.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxii. 'acontece les no comer en todo vn dia, poniendo, quitando y assentando la pluma, y mirando à una parte, y à otra, al sol, a la sombra,' etc. _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - . mention of the birds which furnished bright-colored feathers. _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. - . 'ils en faisaient des rondaches et d'autres insignes, compris sous le nom d' "apanecayotl," dont rien n'approchait pour la richesse et le fini.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . mention of some specimens preserved in europe. _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. - . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l. [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. . [ ] 'avvegnachè i lor più celebri aringatori non sieno da paragonarsi cogli oratori delle nazioni culte dell'europa, non può peraltro negarsi, che i loro ragionamenti non fossero gravi, sodi, ed eleganti, come si scorge dagli avanzi che ci restano della loro eloquenza.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . 'les raisonnements y sont graves, les arguments solides, et pleins d'élégance.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii, p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - . montezuma's speech to cortés, in _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - . 'the spaniards have given us many fine polished indian orations, but they were certainly fabricated at madrid.' _adair_, _amer. ind._, p. . [ ] four poems or fragments are given in spanish, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. - . no. has for its subject the tyrant tezozomoc; no. is an ode on the mutability of life; no. is an ode recited at a feast, comparing the great kings of anáhuac to precious stones; no. was composed for the dedication of the author's palace and treats of the unsatisfactory nature of earthly honors. nos. and are also found in _doc. hist. mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. - . no. is given in _prescott's mex._, vol. iii., pp. - , in spanish and english verse. a french translation of no. is given by brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - , who also gives an additional specimen from carochi's grammar, in aztec and spanish. nos. , , and in french, in _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - . no. is to be found in _granados y galvez_, _tardes amer._, pp. - . nos. and , in german, in _müller_, _reisen_, tom. iii., pp. - , where are also two additional odes. no. is also given in german by klemm, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - . [ ] _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - . the language of their poetry was brilliant, pure, and agreeable, figurative, and embellished with frequent comparisons to the most pleasing objects in nature. _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . nezahualcoyotl left sixty hymns composed in honor of the creator of heaven. _id._, tom. i., pp. , - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. , - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - . 'cantauan lamentaciones, y endechas. tenian pronosticos, especialmente que se auia de acabar el mundo, y los cantauan lastimosamente: y tambien tenian memoria de sus grandezas, en cantares y pinturas.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _molina_, _vocabulario_; _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt ii., pp. - ; _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. iv., sept., ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] my authorities for the matter in this chapter are: _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. - , - , tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - , - , , , ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l., lxii-lxiii., lxv., cxxi., cxxxii., clxxii., ccxi.; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. - , , - , , , ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. , , ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., pp. - ; _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., pp. - ; _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - , - ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., tom. i.-v., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. , , - , , - , - , , - , - ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. iii.; _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt ii., pp. , - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. , - , tom. ii., pp. - , - , - , - , tom. iv., pp. - , , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , , - , , - , tom. ii., pp. , - , - ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - , ; _id._, _relaciones_, pp. , , - , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. iv., v., lib. vi., cap. xi., xvi., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii., ix., xv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , , , , , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. - , - , , tom. iii., pp. , , - , - , , - , ; _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. , - ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. - , - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. , , - , tom. iii., pp. - , ; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; _diaz_, _itinerario_, in _id._, p. ; _relacion de algunas cosas_, in _id._, pp. - ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _id._, pp. , ; _hernandez_, _nova plant._, p. ; _granados y galvez_, _tardes amer._, pp. - ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - , - , - , - , vol. iii., pp. - ; _ewbank_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _müller_, _reisen_, tom. iii., pp. - , ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , - , , - , , - , - , - , - , - , - , tom. ii., pp. , - , , - , , - ; _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. i., p. , tom. iv., sept. ; _rosny_, in _comité d'arch. amér._, - , pp. - ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - ; _tylor's researches_, pp. , , , ; _id._, _anahuac_, pp. - , - ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. ii., pp. , ; _carli_, _cartas_, pt ii., pp. - ; _lenoir_, _parallèle_, pp. , , , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. , - , - , , tom. iii., pp. - , - ; _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clix., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - , - ; _cavo_, _tres siglos_, tom. iii., p. ; _viollet-le-duc_, in _charnay_, _ruines amér._, pp. - ; _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _edinburgh review_, july, ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , , - , - , - , ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - , , , - ; _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. viii., pp. - ; _west-indische spieghel_, pp. , , - , - , , - , ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, pp. , , - ; _mill's hist. mex._, p. ; _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon_, pp. , ; _gage's new survey_, pp. - ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., pp. - ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. , ; _fransham's world in miniature_, vol. ii., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, pp. - ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., pp. , ; _dupaix_, _rel., de expéd._, pp. , ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _wappäus_, _geog. u. stat._, p. ; _monglave_, _résumé_, pp. , , ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. ; _gordon_, _hist. and geog. mem._, p. ; _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., pp. - , ; _alzate y ramirez_, _mem. sobre grana._, ms. chapter xvi. the aztec calendar. astronomical knowledge of the aztecs--contradictions of authors respecting the calendar--value of the researches of various writers--the first regular calendar--the mexican cycle--the civil year--the aztec months--names of the days and their signification--the commencement of the aztec year--the ritual calendar--gama's arrangement of the months--the calendar-stone--the four destructions of the world--the calendar of michoacan--reckoning of the zapotecs. perhaps the strongest proof of the advanced civilization of the nahuas was their method of computing time, which, for ingenuity and correctness, equaled, if it did not surpass, the systems adopted by contemporaneous european and asiatic nations. the nahuas were well acquainted with the movements of the sun and moon, and even of some of the planets, while celestial phenomena, such as eclipses, although attributed to unnatural causes, were nevertheless carefully observed and recorded. they had, moreover, an accurate system of dividing the day into fixed periods, corresponding somewhat to our hours; indeed, as the learned sr leon y gama has shown, the aztec calendar-stone which was found in the plaza of the city of mexico, was used not only as a durable register, but also as a sun-dial. [sidenote: the aztec calendar.] although the system of the aztec calendar as a whole is clear and easily understood, yet it is extremely difficult to describe with certainty many of its details, owing to the contradictory statements of nearly all the earlier writers, who visited mexico and there in different localities picked up scraps of what they afterwards described as being the 'calendar of the mexicans,' not taking into consideration that the many and distinct kingdoms surrounding the aztec territory, although using essentially the same system, differed on many important points, such as the names of years, months, days, the season of beginning the year, etc. this difficulty increases when we attempt to make mexican dates agree with our own. even boturini, who gathered his information in mexico, makes many mistakes; and veytia, although we must accord him the credit of having thoroughly studied the subject, and of having reduced it to a clear system, is at fault in many points. of the older writers, such as sahagun, las casas, duran, motolinia, and others, no one is explicit enough on all points to enable us to follow him; and such details as they unite in giving are mostly contradictory. torquemada, who draws a great portion of his material from motolinia, contradicts himself too frequently to be reliable. leon y gama, although he spent much labor in trying to clearly expound the system, has also fallen into some errors, attributable, perhaps, to his not having the valuable aid of sahagun's writings, and to his having placed too much trust in the writings of torquemada and the manuscript of the indian cristóbal del castillo, as is shown in the review of gama's work by sr josé antonio alzate in the _gacetas de literatura_. baron von humboldt's description, valuable as it is on account of the extended comparisons which he draws between the mexican, asiatic and egyptian calendars, is on that account too intricate to be easily understood. from all these descriptions gallatin, mcculloh, and müller, with perhaps a few others, have each given us a very good résumé, but without attempting to reconcile all the contradictions. the first notice we have of any regular calendar is given by ixtlilxochitl, who states that in the year from the creation of the world, an assembly of learned men met at the city of huehuetlapallan, and determined the reckoning of the years, days, and months, leap years and intercalary days, in the order in which they were found at the time of the conquest.[ ] previous to this time it is said that the only reckoning kept was regulated by the yearly growth of the fresh grass and herbs from which the name of the mexican year _xihuitl_, 'new grass,' is derived. it is also said that a rough computation of time was made by the moon, from its appearance to its disappearance, and that this period called _metztli_, 'the moon,' was divided into two equal parts, named respectively _mextozolitzli_, the time when the moon was awake or visible, and _mecochiliztli_, the sleep of the moon, or the time when it was invisible.[ ] of the larger divisions of time, accounts are very conflicting. two, three, four, and five ages are said by various writers to have existed, at the end of each of which the world was said to have been destroyed, and recreated at the beginning of the age next following. the common aboriginal belief was, however, that at the time of the conquest, the world had passed through three ages, and was then in the fourth. the first age, or 'sun,' as it is also called, was the sun of water, _atonatiuh_; the second, the sun of earth, _tlalchitonatiuh_; the third, the sun of air, _ehecatonatiuh_.[ ] this is about all we know of any division of time, before the assembly at huehuetlapallan which is said to have introduced the regular calendar. [illustration: the aztec cycle.] [sidenote: the mexican cycle.] the mexican calendar contains the following divisions of time: the 'age,' consisting of two periods of fifty-two years each, was called _huehuetiliztli_; the 'cycle,' consisting of four periods of thirteen years each, was named _xiuhmolpilli_, _xiuhmolpia_ or _xiuhtlalpilli_, meaning the 'binding up of the years.' each period of thirteen years or, as it was called by the spanish historians, 'indiccion,' was known as a _tlalpilli_, or 'knot,' and, as stated above, each single year was named _xihuitl_, or 'new grass,' the age was not used in the regular reckoning, and is only rarely mentioned to designate a long space of time. the numeral prefixed to the name of any year in the cycle, or xiuhmolpilli, never exceeded four, and to carry out this plan, four signs, respectively named _tochtli_, 'rabbit,' _calli_, 'house,' _tecpatl_, 'flint,' and _acatl_, 'cane,' were used. thus the aztecs commenced to count the first year of their first cycle with the name or hieroglyphic ce tochtli, meaning 'one (with the sign of) rabbit;' and the second year was ome acatl, 'two, cane;' the third, yey tecpatl, 'three, flint;' the fourth, nahui calli, 'four, house;' the fifth, macuilli tochtli, 'five, rabbit;' the sixth, chicoace acatl, 'six, cane;' the seventh, chicome tecpatl, 'seven, flint;' the eighth, chico ey calli, 'eight, house;' the ninth, chico nahui tochtli, 'nine, rabbit;' the tenth, matlactli acatl, 'ten, cane;' the eleventh, matlactli occe tecpatl, 'eleven, flint;' the twelfth, matlactli omome calli, 'twelve, house;' and the thirteenth, matlactli omey tochtli, 'thirteen, rabbit.' this numeration continued in the same manner, the second tlalpilli commencing again with 'one, cane,' the third tlalpilli with 'one, flint,' the fourth with 'one, house,' and so on to the end of the cycle of fifty-two years. it will easily be seen that during the fifty-two years none of these four signs could be accompanied by the same number twice, and therefore no confusion could arise. instead, therefore, of saying an event happened in the year , as we do in our reckoning, they spoke of it as happening, for instance, in the year of 'three, rabbit' in the twelfth cycle.[ ] still, some confusion has been caused among different writers by the fact that the different nations of anáhuac did not all commence their cycles with the same hieroglyphic sign. thus the toltecs commenced with the sign tecpatl, 'flint;' and the mexicans, or aztecs, with tochtli, 'rabbit;' while some again used acatl, 'cane;' and others calli, 'house,' as their first name.[ ] a cycle was represented in their paintings by the figures of tochtli, acatl, tecpatl, and calli, repeated each thirteen times and placed in a circle, round which was painted a snake holding its tail in its mouth, and making at each of the four cardinal points a kink with its own body, as shown in the plate on the opposite page, which served to divide the cycle into four tlalpillis.[ ] these four signs, rabbit, cane, flint, and house were also, according to boturini, used to designate the four seasons of the year, the four cardinal points, and lastly, the four elements. thus, for instance, tecpatl also signified south; calli, east; tochtli, north; and acatl, west. in the same manner tecpatl was used to designate fire; calli, earth; tochtli, air; and acatl, water.[ ] the civil year was again divided into eighteen months and five days. each month had its particular name, but the five extra days were only designated as _nemontemi_ or 'unlucky days,' and children born at this time, or enterprises undertaken, were considered unlucky. in hieroglyphical paintings these months were also placed in a circle, in the middle of which a face, representing either the sun or moon, was painted. this circle was called a _xiuhtlapohualli_, or 'count of the year.' concerning the order in which these months followed one another, and the name of the first month, hardly two authors agree; in the same manner we find three or four various names given to many of the months. it would appear reasonable to suppose that the month immediately following the nemontemi, which were always added at the end of the year, would be the first, and the only difficulty here is to know which way the aztecs wrote; whether from right to left or from left to right. on the circle of the month given by veytia, and supposed to have been copied from an original, these five days are inserted between the months panquetzaliztli and atemoztli, and counting from left to right, this would make atemoztli the first month, which would agree with veytia's statement. but gama and others decidedly dissent from this opinion, and name other months as the first. i reserve further consideration of this subject for another place in this chapter, where in connection with other matters it can be more clearly discussed, and content myself with simply inserting here a table of the names of the months as enumerated by the principal authors, in order to show at a glance the many variations. i also append to it the different dates given for the first day of the year, in which there are as many contradictions as in the names and position of the months. names of mexican months according to various authors. +==================================================================+ | | | | |authors. | . | . | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |sahagun. | atlacahualco, or | tlacaxipeoaliztli. | | | quavitleloa. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |motolinia. | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |acosta. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |gomara. | tlacaxipeualiztli. | tozçuztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]| atlcahualo. | tlacaxipehualiztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |duran. | xuchitzitzquilo, or | tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | quauitlehua, or | | | | atlmotzacuaga, | | | | or xilomaniztly. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |codex vaticanus. | atlcaualo. | tlacaxipeualiztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |torquemada. | atlacahualco, or | tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | quahuitlehua. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |vetancvrt. | atlachualco, or | tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | quahuilchua. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |vetancvrt | xilomatihuitztli. | coylhuitl. | |(tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |gemelli carreri. | tlacaxipehualitztli. | tozoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |laet. | tlacaxipenaliztli. | toxcactli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |veytia. | atemoztli. | tititl. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |lorenzana. | atemoztli. | tititl. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |clavigero. | atlacahualco. | tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |gama.[ ] | tititl, | itzcalli, or | | | or itzcalli. | xochilhuitl. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |klemm. | acahualco. | tlacaxipehualitztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |mueller. | tlacaxipehualiztli, | tozoztontli. | | | or cohuailhuitl. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |brasseur | atlacahualco. | tlacaxipehualiztli. | | de bourbourg. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |carbajal espinosa. | atlacahualco. | tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |codex telleriano- | | | | remensis. | | | +==================================================================+ +===============================================================+ | | | | |authors. | . | . | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |sahagun. | tozoztontli. | veytocoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |motolinia. | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |acosta. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |gomara. | hueitozçuztli. | toxcatl, or | | | | tepupochuiliztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]|toçoztontli. | hueitoçoztontli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |duran. | tozoztontly. | ochpaniztly, or | | | | cueytozoztly. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |codex vaticanus. | tocozintli. | veitozcoztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |torquemada. | toçoztontli. | hueytoçoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |vetancvrt. | tocoztontli. | hueytocoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |vetancvrt | | | |(tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |gemelli carreri. | hueytozoztli. | toxcatl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |laet. | hueitozcuztli. | toxcatl, or | | | | tepupochuiliztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |veytia. | itzcalli. | xilomaniztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |lorenzana. | yzcalli. | xilomanizte. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |clavigero. | tozoztontli. | hueitozoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |gama.[ ] | xilomanalixtli, or | tlacaxipehualiztli, | | | atlcahualco, or | or cohuailhuitl. | | | quahuitlehua, or | | | | cihuailhuitl. | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |klemm. | tozozontli. | hueitozoptli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |mueller. | huey tozoztli. | toxcatl, or | | | | tepopochuiliztli. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |brasseur | tozoztontli. | huey-tozoztli. | | de bourbourg. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |carbajal espinosa. | tozoztontli. | hueitozoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |codex telleriano- | | | | remensis. | | | +===============================================================+ +===============================================================+ | | | | |authors. | . | . | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |sahagun. | toxcatl. | etzacualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |motolinia. | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |acosta. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |gomara. | eçalcoaliztli. | tecuilhuicintli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]| tochcatl. | etzalcualiztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |duran. | toxcatl. | etzalcualiztly. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |codex vaticanus. | toxcatl. | hetzalqualiztl. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |torquemada. | toxcatl. | etzalqualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |vetancvrt. | teoxcalt. | etzaqualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |vetancvrt | | | |(tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |gemelli carreri. | etzalcualiztli. | ticuyilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |laet. | ezalioalixtli. | tecuilhuicintli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |veytia. | cohuailhuitl. | tozcotzintli. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |lorenzana. | cohuailhuitl. | tozcotzintli. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |clavigero. | toxcatl. | etzalcualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |gama.[ ] | tozoztontli. | huey tozoztli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |klemm. | texcatl. | etzalqualitztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |mueller. | etzalqualiztli. | tecuilhuitzintli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |brasseur | toxcatl. | etzacualiztli. | | de bourbourg. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |carbajal espinosa. | toxcatl, or coxcatl. | etzalcualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |codex telleriano- | | | | remensis. | | | +===============================================================+ +=============================================================+ | | | | |authors. | . | . | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |sahagun. | tecuilhuitontli. | veytecuilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |motolinia. | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |acosta. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |gomara. | hueitecuilhuitl. | miccailhuicintli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]| tecuilhuitontli. | hueiteucyilhuitl. | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |duran. | tecuiluitontly, or | hueytecuilhuitl. | | | tlaxochimaco. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |codex vaticanus. | tecuilvitontl. | veitecuiluitl. | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |torquemada. | tecuhilhuitontli. | hueytecuhilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |vetancvrt. | tecuylhuitontli. | hueytecuyilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |vetancvrt | | | |(tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |gemelli carreri. | hueytecuilhuitl. | micaylhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |laet. | huehtecuilhuitl. | miccathuicintli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |veytia. | hueytozcoztli. | toxcatl. | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |lorenzana. | huey tozcoztli. | toxcatl. | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |clavigero. | tecuilhuitontli. | hueitecuilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |gama.[ ] | toxcatl, or | etzalqualiztli. | | | tepopochuiliztli. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |klemm. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |mueller. | hueytecuilhuitl. | miccailhuitzintly, | | | | or tlalxochimaco. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |brasseur | tecuilhuitontli. | huey tecuilhuitl. | | de bourbourg. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |carbajal espinosa. | teucuilhuitontli. | hueituecuilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |codex telleriano- | tecuiluitontl. | veytecuiluitl. | | remensis. | | | +==============================================================+ +=============================================================+ | | | | |authors. | . | . | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |sahagun. | tlaxochimaco. | xocohuetzl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |motolinia. | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |acosta. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |gomara. | veymiccailhuitl. | vchpaniztli, or | | | | tenauatiliztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]| tlaxochimanco. | xocotlhuetzi. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |duran. | miccailhuitontly. | tocotluetz. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |codex vaticanus. | miccailhuitl. | veymiccailhuitl. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |torquemada. | tlaxuchimaco, or | xocotlhuetzi. | | | hueymiccaylhuitl. | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |vetancvrt. | tlaxochimaco. | xocotlhuetzi. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |vetancvrt | micaylhuitzintli. | hueymicaylhuitl. | |(tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |gemelli carreri. | hueymicailhuitl. | ochpaniztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |laet. | veimiccailhuitl. | vchpaniztli, or | | | | tenavatiliztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |veytia. | exolqualiztli. | tecuilhuitzintli. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |lorenzana. | ezalqualliztli. | tecuilhuitzintli. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |clavigero. | tlaxochimaco. | xocohuetzi. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |gama.[ ] | tecuilhuitzintli. | hueytecuilhuitl. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |klemm. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |mueller. | hueymiccailhuitl, | ochpaniztli, or | | | or xolotlhuetzin. | tenahuatiliztli. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |brasseur | tlaxochimaco. | xocohuetzi. | | de bourbourg. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |carbajal espinosa. | tlaxochimaco. | xocotlhuetzi. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |codex telleriano- | michaylhuitl. | hueymiccaylhuitl. | | remensis. | | | +=============================================================+ +==================================================================+ | | | | |authors. | . | . | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |sahagun. | ochpaniztli. | teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |motolinia. | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |acosta. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |gomara. | pachtli, or | hueipachtli, or | | | heçoztli. | pachtli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]| ochpaniztli. | teotlèco. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |duran. | ochpaniztly. | pachtontly. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |codex vaticanus. | ochpaniztl. | pachtontl. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |torquemada. | uchpaniztli. | teutleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |vetancvrt. | ochpaniztli. | teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |vetancvrt | | | |(tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |gemelli carreri. | pachtli. | hueypachtli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |laet. | pachtli, or | hueipachtli. | | | hecoztli. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |veytia. | hueytecuilhuitl. | micailhuitzintli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |lorenzana. | huey tecuilhuitl. | mictailhutlzintli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |clavigero. | ochpaniztli. | teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |gama.[ ] | miccailhuitzintli, | hueymiccailhuitl, | | | or tlaxochimaco. | or xocotlhuetzi. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |klemm. | ochpanitztli. | pachtli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |mueller. | pachtli, or ezoztli, | hueypachtli, or | | | or teotleco. | pachtli, | | | | or tepeilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |brasseur | ochpaniztli. | teotleco. | | de bourbourg. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |carbajal espinosa. | tlachpanaliztli. | teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |codex telleriano- | ochpaniztli. | pactontly. | | remensis. | | | +==================================================================+ +==========================================================+ | | | | |authors. | . | . | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |sahagun. |tepeilhuitl. | quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |motolinia. | | panquetzaliztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |acosta. | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |gomara. |quecholli. | panqueçaliztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]|tepeilhuitl. | quechulli. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |duran. |veypachtly, or | quecholli. | | | coailhuitl. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |codex vaticanus. |veipachtli. | quecholi. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |torquemada. |tepeilhuitl. | quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |vetancvrt. |tepeylhuitl. | quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |vetancvrt |pachtzintli. | | |(tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |gemelli carreri. |checiogli. | panchetzaliztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |laet. |quecholli. | panquecaliztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |veytia. |hueymicailhuitl. | huepaniztli. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |lorenzana. |hueymictailhuitl. | ochpaniztli. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |clavigero. |tepeilhuitl. | quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |gama.[ ] |ochpaniztli, or | pachtli, or | | | tenahuatiliztli. | ezoztli, or | | | | teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |klemm. | | tepeilhuitl. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |mueller. |quecholli. | panquetzaliztli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |brasseur |tepeilhuitl. | quecholli. | | de bourbourg. | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |carbajal espinosa. |tepeilhuitl. | quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |codex telleriano- |veypactli. | quecholi. | | remensis. | | | +==========================================================+ +=======================================================+ | | | | |authors. | . | . | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |sahagun. | panquetzaliztli. | atemoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |motolinia. | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |acosta. | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |gomara. | hatemuztli. | tititlh. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]| panquetzaliztli. | atemuztli. | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |duran. | panquetzaliztly. | atemoztli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |codex vaticanus. | panquetzaliztli. | atemoztli. | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |torquemada. | panquetzaliztli. | atemuztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |vetancvrt. | panquetzaliztli. | atemoztlique. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |vetancvrt | | | |(tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |gemelli carreri. | atemoztli. | tititl. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |laet. | hatemuztli. | tititl. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |veytia. | pachtzintli. | hueypachtli. | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |lorenzana. | pachtlizintli. | hueypachtli. | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |clavigero. | panquetzaliztli. | atemoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |gama.[ ] | hueypachtli, or | quecholli. | | | pachtli, or | | | | tepeilhuitl. | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |klemm. | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |mueller. | atemoztli. | tititl, or | | | | itzcalli. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |brasseur | panquetzaliztli. | atemoztli. | | de bourbourg. | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |carbajal espinosa. | panquetzaliztli. | atemoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |codex telleriano- | panquetzaliztli. | atemoztli. | | remensis. | | | +=======================================================+ +============================================================+ | | | | |authors. | . | . | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |sahagun. | tititl. | yzcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |motolinia. | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |acosta. | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |gomara. | izcalli. | coauitleuac, or | | | | ciuailhuilt. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]| tititl. | ytzcali. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |duran. | tititl. | yzcalli, or | | | | xilomaniztly, or | | | | queuitleua. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |codex vaticanus. | tititl. | yzcalli. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |torquemada. | tititl. | izcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |vetancvrt. | titzotl. | izcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |vetancvrt | | | | (tlascaltec names).| | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |gemelli carreri. | izcagli. | atlacoalo. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |laet. | izcalli. | coavitlevac. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |veytia. | quecholli. | panquetzaliztli. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |lorenzana. | quecholli. | panquetzalliztli. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |clavigero. | tititl. | izcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |gama.[ ] | panquetzaliztli. | atemoztli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |klemm. | tititl. | izcalli. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |mueller. | itzcalli, or | xilomanaliztli, or | | | xochilhuitl. | atlcahualco, or | | | | quahuitlehua, or | | | | cihuailhuitl. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |brasseur | tititl. | izcalli. | | de bourbourg. | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |carbajal espinosa. | tititl. | izcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |codex telleriano- | tititl. | yzcatli. | | remensis. | | | +============================================================+ +=============================================+ | | commencement of | |authors. | the mexican year, | | | according to our | | | reckoning. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |sahagun. | d february. | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |motolinia. | commencement | | | of march. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |acosta. | th february. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |gomara. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |martin de leon.[ ]| d february. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |duran. | st march. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |codex vaticanus. | th february. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |torquemada. | st february. | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |vetancvrt. | february. | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |vetancvrt | | |(tlascaltec names). | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |gemelli carreri. | first year of century, | | | th april. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |laet. | march, or th | | | of february. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |veytia. | d february. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |lorenzana. | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |clavigero. | first year of century, | | | th february. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |gama.[ ] | th january. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |klemm. | th february. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |mueller. | th march. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |brasseur | | | de bourbourg. | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |carbajal espinosa. | first year of century, | | | th february. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |codex telleriano- | th february. | | remensis. | | +=============================================+ [sidenote: names of the aztec month.] each month, as before stated, was represented by its proper hieroglyph, having a certain meaning, and generally referring to some feast or natural event, such as the ripening of fruit, or falling of rain, happening during the month, although in this case also there are many differences between authors regarding the meaning of the names. [illustration: the aztec year.] tititl, which according to gama was the first month, is translated by boturini as 'our mother,' or 'mother of the gods,' while cabrera calls it 'fire.'[ ] itzcalli, according to boturini, means 'regeneration;' the codex vaticanus translates it 'skill;' and veytia, 'the sprouting of the grass.'[ ] atlcahualco means the 'abating of the waters.' the tlascaltec name of this month, xilomanaliztli, signifies the 'offering of green maize.' in other localities this month was also known by the name of quahuitlehua, the 'burning of the mountains,' or rather of the trees on the mountains, previous to sowing.[ ] tlacaxipehualiztli means the 'flaying of the people;' the other name of this month, cohuailhuitl, is the 'feast of the snake.' tozoztontli, tozcotzintli, and hueytozoztli are respectively the small and great fast or vigil; while some translate these words by 'pricking of veins,' 'shedding of blood,' or 'great and small penance.'[ ] toxcatl is a 'collar' or 'necklace.'[ ] etzalqualiztli is translated by boturini 'bean stew,' or 'the eating of beans,' while veytia calls it 'the eating of maize gruel.' tecuilhuitzintli and hueytecuilhuitl mean respectively the small and great 'feast of the lord.' miccailhuitzintli is explained both as 'the feast of dead children,' and 'the small feast of the dead;' another name for this month is tlaxochimaco, meaning 'distribution of flowers.' hueymiccailhuitl is either 'the feast of dead adults,' or 'the great feast of the dead.' xocotlhuetzin, another name for this month, means 'the ripening of the fruit.' ochpaniztli is 'the cleaning of streets.' teotleco, or 'the arrival of the gods,' was the next month, and was also named pachtli, or pachtontli, the latter being translated by 'humiliation,' and the former by 'moss hanging from trees.' hueypachtli was 'the great feast of humiliation,' also called tepeilhuitl, or 'feast of the mountains.' quecholli means 'peacock,' but the interpreter of the _codex telleriano-remensis_ calls it the 'serpent of the clouds.' panquetzaliztli is 'the raising of flags and banners.' atemoztli, the last month, means the 'drying up of the waters.'[ ] the plate on the preceding page shows the order of the months and the pictures by which they were represented. [illustration: the aztec month.] [sidenote: names of the aztec days.] each month contained twenty days, which were divided into four groups or weeks, as we may for convenience call them; and at the end of each group a public market or fair was held. there is no difference of opinion as to the names of the days or the order in which they follow one another, but it is very difficult, and in many cases impossible, to reconcile one with another the different hieroglyphic signs denoting these days given in the codices or in the various representations of the calendar. the names of the days are: cipactli, a name of which it is almost impossible to give the correct meaning, it being variously represented as an animal's head with open mouth armed with long tusks, as a fish with a number of flint knives on its back, as a kind of lizard with a very long tail curled up over its back, and in many other monstrous shapes. it is called the 'sea-animal,' the 'sword-fish,' the 'serpent armed with harpoons,' and other names. ehecatl is 'wind;' calli, 'house;' cuetzpalin, 'lizard;' coatl, 'snake;' miquiztli, 'death;' mazatl, 'deer;' tochtli, 'rabbit;' atl, 'water;' itzcuintli, 'dog;' ozomatli, 'monkey;' malinalli, 'brushwood,' or 'tangled grass;' acatl, 'cane;' ocelotl, 'tiger;' quauhtli, 'eagle;' cozcaquauhtli, a species of vulture, known in mexico as 'rey de los zopilotes;' ollin, 'movement;' tecpatl, 'flint;' quiahuitl, 'rain;' and xochitl, 'flower.' it will be seen that the days having the names or signs of the years,--namely: tochtli, calli, tecpatl, and acatl--stand first in each week. the five nemontemi had no particular name. the cut given above shows the method by which the aztecs represented their month, with the hieroglyphic names of each day.[ ] [sidenote: intercalary days.] as three hundred and sixty-five days do not make the year complete, the mexicans added the missing thirteen days at the end of the cycle of fifty-two years. but gama asserts that they came still nearer to our more correct calculations, and added only twelve days and a half.[ ] it has been frequently attempted to fix accurately the time when the mexican year commenced according to our dates, but there is no agreement on this point between the old historians, as will be seen from the table given, and although many elaborate calculations have been made for the purpose of verifying the one or the other statement, the result is in no two cases the same. gama calculated, and humboldt and gallatin confirmed his statement, that the first year of a mexican cycle commenced on the st day of december, old style, or on the th day of january, new style, with the month tititl and the day cipactli.[ ] [sidenote: the ritual calendar.] we come now to another mode of reckoning known as the ritual calendar, which, as its name implies, was used for adjusting all religious feasts and rites and everything pertaining thereto. the previously described reckoning was solar, while that of the ritual calendar was lunar. the periods into which it was divided were of thirteen days each, thus representing about half the time that the moon was visible. the year contained as many days as the solar calendar, but they were divided into entirely different periods. thus, in reality there were no months at all, but only twenty weeks of thirteen days each; and these not constituting a full year, the same kind of reckoning was continued for one hundred and five days more, and at the end of a tlalpilli thirteen days were intercalated to make up for the lost days. the names of the days were the same as in the solar calendar but they were counted as follows. to the first day the number one was prefixed, to the second, two, to the third, three, and so on to thirteen; when the fourteenth name was again called one, the fifteenth, two, and so on to thirteen again, after which the same count was continued to the end of the year. but as in this reckoning it naturally happens that one name has the same number twice, accompanying signs were added to the regular names, which were called _quecholli_, 'lords or rulers of the night.' of these there were nine, _xiuhtecutli_, _tletl_, 'lord of the year, fire;' _tecpatl_, 'flint;' _xochitl_, 'flower;' _centeotl_, 'goddess of maize;' _miquiztli_, 'death;' _atl_, 'water,' represented by the goddess chalchihuitlicue; _tlazolteotl_, 'goddess of love;' _tepeyollotli_, a deity supposed to inhabit the centre of the mountains; _quiahuitl_, 'rain,' represented by the god tlaloc.[ ] as stated above, one of these signs was understood to accompany the regular name of each day, commencing with the first day of the year; but they were never written or mentioned with the first two hundred and sixty days, but only with the last one hundred and five days, to distinguish them from the former.[ ] for the purpose of making this system more comprehensible, i insert a few months of the mexican calendar, showing the solar and lunar system together, as arranged by gama. +===========+===============+====================+===================+ | |months and days| | | |months and | of the mexican|days and weeks of |accompanying signs,| |days of | civil or solar|the mexican ritual, |or 'lords of the | |our era | calendar. |or lunar, calendar. |night.' | +-----------+---------------+--------------------+-------------------+ | january |tititl | cipactli |tletl | | | | ehecatl |tecpatl | | | | calli |xochitl | | | | cuetzpalin |centeotl | | | | coatl |miquiztli | | | | miquiztli |atl | | | | mazatl |tlazolteotl | | | | tochtli |tepeyollotli | | | | atl |quiahuitl | | | | | -- | | | | itzcuintli |tletl | | | | ozomatli |tecpatl | | | | malinalli |xochitl | | | | acatl |centeotl | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | | | ocelotl |miquiztli | | | | quauhtli |atl | | | | cozcaquauhtli |tlazolteotl | | | | ollin |tepeyollotli | | | | tecpatl |quiahuitl | | | | | | | | | quiahuitl |tletl | | | | xochitl |tecpatl | | |---------------| | | | |itzcalli | cipactli |xochitl | | | | ehecatl |centeotl | | | | calli |miquiztli | +===========+===============+====================+===================+ +===========+===============+====================+===================+ |months and |months and days|days and weeks of |accompanying signs,| |days of |of the mexican |the mexican ritual |or 'lords of | |our era |civil calendar.|calendar. |the night.' | +-----------+---------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |february | | cuetzpalin |atl | | | | coatl |tlazolteotl | | | | miquiztli |tepeyollotli | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | | | mazatl |quiahuitl | | | | | -- | | | | tochtli |tletl | | | | atl |tecpatl | | | | itzcuintli |xochitl | | | | ozomatli |centeotl | | | | malinalli |miquiztli | | | | acatl |atl | | | | ocelotl |tlazolteotl | | | | quauhtli |tepeyollotli | | | | cozcaquauhtli |quiahuitl | | | | | -- | | | | ollin |tletl | | | | tecpatl |tecpatl | | | | quiahuitl |xochitl | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | | | xochitl |centeotl | | |---------------| | | | |atlcahualco | cipactli |miquiztli | | | | ehecatl |atl | | | | calli |tlazolteotl | | | | cuetzpalin |tepeyollotli | | | | coatl |quiahuitl | | | | -- | | | | miquiztli |tletl | | | | mazatl |tecpatl | | | | tochtli |xochitl | | | | atl |centeotl | | | | itzcuintli |miquiztli | | | | ozomatli |atl | |-----------| | | | |march | | malinalli |tlazolteotl | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | | | acatl |tepeyollotli | | | | ocelotl |quiahuitl | | | | | -- | | | | quauhtli |tletl | | | | cozcaquauhtli |tecpatl | | | | ollin |xochitl | | | | tecpatl |centeotl | | | | quiahuitl |miquiztli | | | | xochitl |atl | | |---------------| | | | |tlacaxipe | cipactli |tlazolteotl | | | -hualiztli | ehecatl |tepeyollotli | | | | calli |quiahuitl | | | | | -- | | | | cuetzpalin |tletl | | | | coatl |tecpatl | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | | | miquiztli |xochitl | | | | mazatl |centeotl | | | | tochtli |miquiztli | | | | atl |atl | | | | itzcuintli |tlazolteotl | | | | ozomatli |tepeyollotli | | | | malinalli |quiahuitl | | | | | -- | | | | acatl |tletl | | | | ocelotl |tecpatl | | | | quauhtli |xochitl | | | | cozcaquauhtli |centeotl | | | | ollin |miquiztli | | | | tecpatl |atl | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | | | quiahuitl |tlazolteotl | | | | xochitl |tepeyollotli | | |---------------| | | | |tozoztontli | cipactli |quiahuitl | | | | | -- | | | | ehecatl |tletl | +===========+===============+====================+===================+ the five nemontemi were counted in this calendar as other days, that is, they received the names which came in the regular order, but, nevertheless, they were believed to be unlucky days and had no accompanying signs. [illustration: the calendar-stone.] [sidenote: the aztec calendar-stone.] besides the preceding cuts of the mexican calendar systems, as they were represented by gemelli careri, veytia, and others, the calendar-stone is the most reliable source by which the extent of the astronomical science of the aztecs can be shown. gama, and after him gallatin, give very accurate descriptions of this stone; i insert here a résumé from the latter author. on this stone there is engraved in high-relief a circle, in which are represented by certain hieroglyphics the sun and its several motions, the twenty days of the month, some principal fast-days, and other matters. the central figure represents the sun as it is usually painted by the mexicans. around it, outside of a small circle, are four parallelograms with the signs of the days, nahui ocelotl, nahui ehecatl, nahui quiahuitl, and nahui atl. between the two upper and lower parallelograms are two figures, which gama explains as being two claws, which are the hieroglyphics representing two eminent astrologers, man and wife. gama further explains these four signs of the days in this place, as having reference to the four epochs of nature, of which the aztec traditions speak. the first destruction of the sun is said to have taken place in the year ce acatl and on the day nahui ocelotl. the second sun was supposed to have died in the year ce tecpatl and on the day nahui ehecatl; the third destruction occurred also in the year ce tecpatl and on the day nahui quiahuitl; and lastly, the fourth destruction took place in the year ce calli, on the day nahui atl. but mr gallatin thinks that these four parallelograms had yet some other purpose; for on the twenty-second of may and on the twenty-sixth of july, which days are nahui ocelotl and nahui quiahuitl, if we accept the thirty-first of december as the first day of the mexican cycle, the sun passed the meridian of the city of mexico. but in this case the other two days, nahui ehecatl and nahui atl cannot be explained in connection with any other astronomical event. between the lower parallelograms are two small squares, in each of which are five oblong marks, signifiying the number ten; and as the central figure is the _ollin tonatiuh_, or sun, the number ten in these two squares is supposed to mean the day matlactli ollin. below this again are the hieroglyphics ce quiahuitl, and ome ozomatli. the day matlactli ollin in the first year of the cycle is the twenty-second of september; ce quiahuitl in the year matlactli omey acatl, which year is inscribed at the head of the stone, is our twenty-second of march; and ome ozomatli in the same year would be our twenty-second of june. here are therefore designated three of the principal phenomena as they happened in the first year of the cycle, viz: two transits of the sun by the zenith and the autumnal equinox. in the year designated on the stone matlactli omey acatl, there are given the spring equinox and summer solstice. in a circle surrounding these figures are represented the twenty days of the months. from the central figure of the sun there runs upward, as far as the circle of days, a triangle, the upper and smallest angle of which points between the days cipactli and xochitl, thus confirming the idea that cipactli was always the first day of the month. gama, gallatin, humboldt, dupaix, and others have given correct pictures of the stone as is proved by recent photographs; but in my cut the figures are reversed. it is a copy from charnay, whose photographs were in the best authority accessible; and i failed to notice that this, unlike charnay's other plates, was a photo-lithograph reversed in printing. not only did i fall into this error, but in my earlier editions charged other writers with having made a similar one. the cut does not otherwise mislead, but it must be noted that instead of running from left to right, the days really run from right to left. from the circle of days, four triangles, or rays, project, exactly dividing the stone into four quarters, each of which has ten visible squares, and, as the rays cover twelve more, there would be fifty-two in all. in each square are five oblong marks, which multiplied by fifty-two, give two hundred and sixty, or the first period of the mexican ritual year. outside of the circle of these squares the four quarters are each again divided by a smaller ray, and, as stated before, at the head of the stone, over the principal triangle is the sign of the year matlactli omey acatl. round the outer edge are a number of other figures and hieroglyphics, which have not yet been deciphered, or whose interpretations by different writers present so many contradictions that they would have no value here.[ ] [sidenote: calendar of the tarascos.] the only information we have of the calendar used in michoacan is furnished by veytia, and this is only fragmentary. enough is known, however, to show that their system was the same as that of the aztecs. instead of the four principal signs of the aztecs, tecpatl, calli, tochtli, and acatl, in mechoacan the names _inodon_, _inbani_, _inchon_, and _intihui_ were used. of the eighteen months only fourteen are mentioned by name. these are: intacaci, indehuni, intecamoni, interunihi, intamohui, inizcatolohui, imatatohui, itzbachaa, intoxihui, intaxihui, intechaqui, intechotahui, inteyabchitzin, intaxitohui. the five intercalary days were named _intasiabire_.[ ] the days of the month, divided into four equal parts by the above-mentioned four principal signs, were called: inodon, inicebi, inettuni, inbeari, inethaati, inbani, inxichari, inchini, inrini, inpari, inchon, inthahui, intzini, intzoniabi, intzimbi, inthihui, inixotzini, inichini, iniabi, intaniri.[ ] the zapotecs in oajaca, according to the description of burgoa, used the same calendar as the aztecs, with this difference, that the year always commenced on the twelfth day of march, and that the bissextile year was corrected every fourth year, by adding, instead of five, six intercalary days.[ ] footnotes: [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., p. . 'en un año que fué señalado con el geroglifico de un pedernal, que segun las tablas parece haber sido el de del mundo, se convocó una gran junta de astrólogos ... para hacer la correcion de su calendario y reformar sus cómputos, que conocian errados segun el sistema que hasta entónces habian seguido.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _id._, pp. - . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _id._, _relaciones_, in _id._, pp. - , ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., p. ; _ternaux-compans_, in _id._, , tom. lxxxvi., pp. - ; _boturini_, _idea_, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _s'il existe des sources de l'hist. prim._, pp. - ; _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., pp. - ; _explicacion del codex telleriano-remensis_, in _id._, pp. - . 'cinco soles que son edades ... el primer sol se perdio por agua.... el segundo sol perecio cayendo el cielo sobre la tierra.... el sol tercero falto y se consumio por fuego.... el quarto sol fenecio con aire.... del quinto sol, que al presente tienen.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'le ciel et la terre s'étaient faits, quatre fois.' _codex chimalpopoca_, in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . 'creyeron que el sol habia muerto cuatro veces, ó que hubo cuatro soles, que habian acabado en otros tantos tiempos ó edades; y que el quinto sol era el que actualmente les alumbraba.' _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., p. . 'hubo cinco soles en los tiempos pasados.' _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. , repeated literally by _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, pp. - . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., p. et seq.; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. et seq. [ ] 'no todos comenzaban á contar el ciclo por un mismo año: los tultecos lo empezaban desde _tecpatl_: los de teotihuacan desde _calli_; los mexicanos desde _tochtli_; y los tezcocanos desde _acatl_.' _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. . 'so begannen die aculhuas von texcoco ihre umläufe mit dem zeichen ce tecpatl, die mexicaner dagegen im ce tochtli.' _müller_, _reisen_, tom. iii., p. ; _boturini_, _idea_, p. . [ ] 'esto circulo redondo se dividia en cuatro partes.... la primera parte que pertenecia á oriente llamabanle los trece años de las cañas, y asi en cada casa de los trece tenian pintada una caña, y el número del año corriente.... la segunda parte aplicaban al septentrion, que era de otras trece casas, á las cuales llamaban las trece casas del pedernal; y asi tenian pintado en cada casa un pedernal.... a la tercera ... parte occidental, llamabanle las trece casas, y asi verémos en cada parte de las trece una casilla pintada.... a la cuarta y última parte que era de otros trece años, llamabanla las trece casas del conejo; y asi en cada casa de aquellas verémos pintada una cabeza de conejo.' _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. i. [ ] gemelli careri gives these names in a different order, calling tochtli south, acatl east, tecpatl north, and calli west; further, tochtli earth, acatl water, tecpatl air, and calli fire. _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., pp. - ; _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - . the above are only figurative names, as the words for the cardinal points and also for the elements are entirely different in the mexican language. [ ] boturini repeats martin de leon and gemelli carreri. [ ] humboldt and gallatin repeat leon y gama. [ ] 'itetl, ititl, barriga o vientre.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. 'vientre, la madre, á excepcion del padre.' _salva_, _nuevo dicc._ 'titl ... significa fuego. tititl escrito en dos sílabas y seis letras nada significa en el idioma mexicano' _cabrera_, in _ilustracion mex._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] 'izcalia, abiuar, tornar en si, o resuscitar.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. [ ] 'quiahuitl-ehua ... significa _la lluvia levanta_.' _cabrera_, in _ilustracion mex._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] 'toçoliztli vela, el acto de velar o de no dormir.' _molina_, _vocabulario_. [ ] 'garganta totuzcatlan, tuzquitl.' _ib._ [ ] for the various etymologies of the names of months, see: _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., pp. - ; _explicacion del codex telleriano-remensis_, in _id._, pp. - ; _leon_, _camino del cielo_, fol. - ; _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] this order is varied by a few authors. veytia gives the following entirely different system: 'si el año era del carácter tecpatl, con este se señalaba el primer dia de cada mes, y seguian anotándose los demas con los geroglificos siguientes en el órden en que los he puesto; de manera que el vigésimo dia de cada mes se hallaba ollin.... si el año era del segundo geroglifico calli, por este se comenzaba á contar, y á todos los dias primeros de cada mes se les daba este nombre.' the same method he contends is followed also in those years of each tlalpilli which commence with tochtli and acatl. for _cozcaquauhtli_ he uses the name _temeztlatl_, or metate. _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - . gemelli careri states that cipactli was not always the first day of the month. _churchill's col. voyages_, tom. iv., p. ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. iii., appendix, cap. ii.; _ritos antiguos_, p. , in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix.; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . boturini adds to ollin the word tonatiuh, and translates it 'movement of the sun.' _idea_, p. . gama places ollin between atl and itzcuintli. _dos piedras_, pt i., p. ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . see also hieroglyphics in _codex telleriano-remensis_, pl. ix., in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. i., and _codex borgian_, in _id._, vol. iii., pl. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . in nicaragua where the aztec language was spoken by a large portion of the population, the calendar and the names of the days were the same as aztec, with but some slight differences in spelling. oviedo gives the names of the days as follows: '_agat_, _oçelot_, _oate_, _coscagoate_, _olin_, _tapecat_, _quiaüit_, _sochit_, _çipat_, _acat_, _cali_, _quespal_, _coat_, _misiste_, _maçat_, _toste_, _at_, _izquindi_, _ocomate_, _malinal_, _acato_.... un año ... tiene diez çempuales, é cada çempual es veynte dias.' _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] sahagun, and after him several others, do not agree with this, but pretend that one day was added every fourth year, on which occasion a certain feast was celebrated, but gama has clearly demonstrated that this is a mistake. 'el año visiesto, que era de cuatro en cuatro años.' _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . 'otra fiesta hacian de cuatro en cuatro años á honra del fuego, en la que ahugeraban las orejas á todos los niños; y la llamaban _pillabanaliztli_, y en esta fiesta es verosimil, y hay congeturas que hacian su visiesto contando seis dias de _nemontemi_.' _id._, tom. iv., pp. - . boturini expresses the same opinion. 'determinaron cada quatro años añadir un dia mas, que recogiesse las horas, que se desperdiciaban, lo que supongo executaron contando dos veces uno de los symbolos de el ultimo mes de el año, á la manera de los romanos.' _idea_, p. . 'el año de visiesto que era de quatro à quatro años.' _leon_, _camino del cielo_, fol. . 'they order'd the bissextile, or leap-year, after this manner. the first year of the age began on the tenth of _april_, and so did the second and third, but the fourth or leap-year, on the ninth, the eighth on the eighth, the twelfth on the seventh, the sixteenth on the sixth, till the end of the age, which was on the twenty-eighth of _march_, when the thirteen days of the leap-years, till the tenth of _april_, were spent in rejoicing.' _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. . veytia following boturini adds one day every fourth year by repeating the last day. _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - . 'la correccion no se hacia hasta el fin del ciclo, en que se intercalaban juntos los dias.' _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., p. . 'les mexicains ont évidemment suivi le système des perses: ils conservoient l'année vague jusqu'à ce que les heures excédantes formassent une demilunaison; ils intercaloient, par conséquent, treize jours toutes les _ligatures_ ou cycles de cinquante-deux ans ... à chaque année du signe _tochtli_, les mexicains perdoient un jour; et, par l'effet de cette _rétrogradation_, l'année _calli_ de la quatriéme indiction commençoit le décembre, et finissoit au solstice d'hiver, le décembre, en ne faisant pas entrer en ligne de compte les cinq jours inutiles ou complémentaires. il en résulte que ... treize jours intercalaires ramènent le commencement de l'année au janvier.' _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. ii., pp. - . 'non frammettevano un giorno ogni quattro anni, ma tredici giorni ... ogni cinquanta due anni.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . 'they waited till the expiration of fifty-two vague years, when they interposed thirteen days, or rather twelve and a half, this being the number which had fallen in arrear.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . in this connection i also give the remarkable statement of pedro de los rios in his interpretation of the codex vaticanus: '_item_, si ha da notare, che il loro bisesto andava solo in quattro lettere, anni, o segni che sono canna, pietra, casa, e coniglio, perchè come hanno bisesto delli giorni a fare di quattro in quattro anni un mese di quelli cinque giorni morti che avanzavano di ciascun anno, cosi avevano bisesto di anni perchè di cinquantadue in cinquantadue anni, che è una loro età, aggiungevano un anno, il quale sempre veniva in una di queste lettere o segni perchè come ogni lettera o segno di questi vinti habbia tredici del suo genere che le servano, _verbi gratiâ_.' _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., pp. - . in the explicacion del codex telleriano-remensis we read: 'Á de fevrero los cinco dias muertos que no avia sacrificios; estos eran los dias que sobravan de los de veynte en veynte del año: y siempre en cumpliendose los dias, dexavan pasar estos, y luego tornavan a tomar el año en la letra que entrava.' _id._, p. . to this lord kingsborough adds in a note: 'the mexicans reckoned days to their year; the last five of which had no sign or place appropriated to them in the calendar; since, if they had been admitted, the order of the signs would have been inverted, and the new year would not always have commenced with ce cipactli. these days, therefore, although included in the computation of the year, were rejected from the calendar, until at the expiration of four years an intercalation of twenty corresponding signs might be effected without producing any confusion in it. it would appear, however, that this intercalation did not actually take place till at the expiration of years; for it is impossible, except on this supposition, to understand the _intercalation of years_ mentioned in the vatican ms. as occurring at the expiration of every period of years, when an entire year was intercalated: but admitting the postponement of an intercalation of a month every four years during a period of years, such an intercalation would then become quite intelligible; since thirteen mexican months, of days each, exactly constitute a ritual year of the mexicans which contained days, and was shorter than the civil year by days; and this is the precise number of months of which the intercalation would have been postponed.' _mex. antiq._, vol. vi., pp. - . [ ] _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., pp. - ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - . veytia's reason for commencing the year with atemoztli is, that on the calendar circle which he saw, and of which i insert a copy, this was the month following the five nemontemi. this appears very reasonable, but nevertheless gama and gallatin's calculations show it to be an error. see _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] boturini gives the rulers of the night as follows: xiuhteucyòhua, señor de el año; ytzteucyòhua, señor de el fuego; piltzinteucyòhua, señor de los niños; cinteucyòhua, señor de el maiz; mictlanteucyòhua, señor de el infierno; chalchihuitlicueyòhua, señor de el agua; tlazolyòhua, señor de el amor deshonesto; tepeyoloyòhua, señor de los entrañas de los montes; quiauhteucyòhua, señor de las lluvias. _idea_, p. . [ ] _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., pp. - , - ; _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - ; _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., pp. - . further description, and mention of the astronomical system will be found in _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. - , and tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxli.; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - , tom. iv., pp. - , - , tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. - , - ; _explanation of the codex vaticanus_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. vi., pp. , ; _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - , - , - , - , - ; _id._, _catálogo_, pp. - ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, tom. iv., pp. - ; _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, pp. - ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _nebel_, _viaje_, pl. l.; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii.; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _müller_, _reisen_, tom. iii., pp. - ; _mcculloh's researches in amer._, pp. - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _tylor's researches_, pp. - ; _id._, _anahuac_, p. ; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. viii., pp. - ; _baril_, _mexique_, pp. - , - ; _morton's crania amer._, p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., pp. , ; _macgregor's progress of amer._, vol. i., p. ; _chambers' jour._, , vol. iv., p. ; _lafond_, _voyages_, tom. i., p. ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - , - ; _poinsett's notes mex._, pp. , - ; _simon's ten tribes_, pp. - ; _kendall's nar._, vol. ii., p. ; _prichard's nat. hist. man_, tom. ii., p. ; _cabrera_, in _ilustracion mex._, tom. iv., pp. - ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, pp. - ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _thompson's mex._, p. ; _falliés_, _Études hist. sur les civilisations_, paris, (n. d.) pp. - . [ ] 'los cuatro meses que faltan son los que corresponden á nuestro enero, febrero y marzo, porque al manuscrito le falta la primera hoja, y solo comienza desde el dia de marzo, y concluye en diciembre, confrontando sus meses con los nuestros.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. . 'il est dit que l'année commençait au mars avec le premier jour in thacari.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. , ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] 'dabanle diez y ocho meses de à . dias, y otro mas de cinco, y este al cabo de quatro años como nuestro bisiesto lo variaban à seis dias, pos las seis horas que sobran cada año.' _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. . chapter xvii. the aztec picture-writing. hieroglyphic records--the native books--authorities--destruction of the native archives by zumÁrraga and his confrÈres--picture-writings used after the conquest for confession and law-suits--value of the records--documents sent to spain in the sixteenth century--european collections--lord kingsborough's work--picture-writings retained in mexico--collections of ixtlilxochitl, siguËnza, gemelli careri, boturini, veytia, leon y gama, pichardo, aubin, and the national museum of mexico--process of hieroglyphic development--representative, symbolic, and phonetic picture-writing--origin of modern alphabets--the aztec system--specimen from the codex mendoza--specimen from gemelli careri--specimen from the boturini collection--probable future success of interpreters--the nepohualtzitzin. the nahua nations possessed an original hieroglyphic system by which they were able to record all that they deemed worthy of preservation. the art of picture-writing was one of those most highly prized and most zealously cultivated and protected, being entrusted to a class of men educated for the purpose and much honored. the written records included national, historic, and traditional annals, names and genealogical tables of kings and nobles, lists and tribute-rolls of provinces and cities, land-titles, law codes, court records, the calendar and succession of feasts, religious ceremonies of the temple service, names and attributes of the gods, the mysteries of augury and soothsaying, with some description of social customs, mechanical employments, and educational processes. the preparation and guardianship of records of the higher class, such as historical annals and ecclesiastical mysteries, were under the control of the highest ranks of the priesthood, and such records, comparatively few in number, were carefully guarded in the temple archives of a few of the larger cities. these writings were a sealed book to the masses, and even to the educated classes, who looked with superstitious reverence on the priestly writers and their magic scrolls. it is probable that the art as applied to names of persons and places or to ordinary records was understood by all educated persons, although by no means a popular art, and looked upon as a great mystery by the common people. the hieroglyphics were painted in bright colors on long strips of cotton cloth, prepared skins, or maguey-paper--generally the latter--rolled up or, preferably, folded fan-like into convenient books called _amatl_, and furnished often with thin wooden covers. the same characters were also carved on the stones of public buildings, and probably also in some cases on natural cliffs. the early authorities are unanimous in crediting these people with the possession of a hieroglyphic system sufficiently perfect to meet all their requirements.[ ] [sidenote: destruction of aboriginal records.] unfortunately the picture-writings, particularly those in the hands of priests--those most highly prized by the native scholar, those which would, if preserved, have been of priceless value to the students of later times--while in common with the products of other arts they excited the admiration of the foreign invaders, at the same time they aroused the pious fears of the european priesthood. the nature of the writings was little understood. their contents were deemed to be for the most part religious mysteries, painted devices of the devil, the strongest band that held the people to their aboriginal faith, and the most formidable obstacle in the way of their conversion to the true faith. the destruction of the pagan scrolls was deemed essential to the progress of the church, and was consequently ordered and most successfully carried out under the direction of the bishops and their subordinates, the most famous of these fanatical destroyers of a new world's literature being juan de zumárraga, who made a public bonfire of the native archives. the fact already noticed, that the national annals were preserved together in a few of the larger cities, made the task of zumárraga and his confrères comparatively an easy one, and all the more important records, with very few probable exceptions, were blotted from existence. the priests, however, sent some specimens, either originals or copies, home to europe, where they attracted momentary curiosity and were then lost and forgotten. many of the tribute-rolls and other paintings of the more ordinary class, with perhaps a few of the historical writings, were hidden by the natives and thus saved from destruction. of these i shall speak hereafter.[ ] after the zeal of the priests had somewhat abated, or rather when the harmless nature of the paintings was better understood, the natives were permitted to use their hieroglyphics again. among other things they wrote down in this way their sins when the priests were too busy to hear their verbal confessions. the native writing was also extensively employed in the many lawsuits between aztecs and spaniards during the sixteenth century, as it had been employed in the courts before the conquest. thus the early part of the century produced many hieroglyphic documents, not a few of which have been preserved, and several of which i have in my library. during the same period some fragments that had survived the general destruction were copied and supplied with explanations written with european letters in aztec, or dictated to the priests who wrote in spanish. the documents, copies, and explanations of this time are of course strongly tinctured with catholic ideas wherever any question of religion is involved, but otherwise there is no reason to doubt their authenticity.[ ] [sidenote: value of the native records.] to discuss the historical value of such aztec writings as have been preserved, or even of those that were destroyed by the spaniards, or the accuracy of the various interpretations that have been given to the former, forms no part of my purpose in this chapter. here i shall give a brief account of the preserved documents, with plates representing a few of them as specimens, and as clear an idea as possible of the system according to which they were painted. respecting the theory, supported by a few writers, that the aztecs had no system of writing except the habit common to all savage tribes of drawing rude pictures on the rocks and trees, that the statements of the conquerors on the subject are unfounded fabrications, the specimens handed down to us mere inventions of the priests, and their interpretations consequently purely imaginary, it is well to remark that all this is a manifest absurdity. on the use of hieroglyphics the authorities, as we have seen, all agree; on their destruction by the bishops they are no less unanimous; even the destroyers themselves mention the act in their correspondence, glorying in it as a most meritorious deed. the burning was moreover perfectly consistent with the policy of the church at that time, and its success does not seem extraordinary when we consider the success of the priests in destroying monuments of solid stone. the use of the aboriginal records in the spanish courts for a long period is undeniable. the priests had neither the motive nor the ability to invent and teach such a system. respecting the historical value of the destroyed documents, it is safe to believe that they contained all that the aztecs knew of their past. having once conceived the idea of recording their annals, and having a system of writing adequate to the purpose, it is inconceivable that they failed to record all they knew. the aztecs derived their system traditionally from the toltecs, whose written annals they also inherited; but none of the latter were ever seen by any european, and, according to tradition, they were destroyed by a warlike aztec king, who wished the glory of his own kingdom to overshadow that of all others, past, present, or future. if the hieroglyphics of the nahua nations beyond the limits of anáhuac differed in any respect from those of the aztecs, such differences have not been recorded.[ ] [sidenote: european collections.] i have said that many hieroglyphic manuscripts, saved from the fires kindled by zumárraga's bigotry, or copied by ecclesiastical permission before serving as food for their purifying flames, were sent to spain by the conquerors. after lying forgotten for a few centuries, attention was again directed to these relics of an extinct civilization, and their importance began to be appreciated; search was made throughout europe, and such scattered remnants as survived their long neglect were gathered and deposited in public and private libraries. eight or ten such collections were formed and their contents were for the most part published by lord kingsborough. the _codex mendoza_ was sent by the viceroy mendoza to charles v., and is now in the bodleian library at oxford. it is a copy on european paper, coarsely done with a pen, and rolled instead of folded. another manuscript in the escurial library is thought by prescott to be the original of this codex, but humboldt calls it also a copy. an explanation of the codex in aztec and spanish accompanies it, added by natives at the order of mendoza. it has been several times published, and is divided in three parts, the first being historical, the second composed of tribute-rolls, and the third illustrative of domestic life and manners.[ ] the _codex vaticanus_ (no. ) is preserved at rome in the vatican library, and nothing is known of its origin further than that it was copied by pedro de los rios, who was in mexico in . it is divided into two parts, mythological and historical, and has a partial explanation in italian. another manuscript, (no. ) preserved in the same library, is written on skin, has been interpreted to some extent by humboldt, and is supposed to pertain to religious rites. the _codex telleriano-remensis_, formerly in the possession of m. le tellier, and now in the royal library at paris, is nearly identical with the codex vaticanus (no. ), having only one figure not found in that codex, but itself lacking many. it has, however, an explanation in aztec and spanish.[ ] the _codex borgian_ was deposited in the college of the propaganda at rome by cardinal borgia, who found it used as a plaything by the children in the gustiniani family. it is written on skin, and appears to be a ritual and astrologic almanac very similar to the vatican manuscript (no. ). it is accompanied by an interpretation or commentary by fabrega. the _codex bologna_, preserved in the library of the scientific institute, was presented in to the marquis de caspi, by count valerio zani. it is written on badly prepared skin, and appears to treat of astrology. a copy exists in the museum of cardinal borgia at veletri. of the _codex vienna_ nothing is known except that it was given in to the emperor leopold by the duke of saxe-eisenach, and that its resemblance to the manuscripts at rome and veletri would indicate a common origin. four additional manuscripts from the bodleian library at oxford, and one belonging to m. de fejérvary in hungary, are published by kingsborough. nothing is known of the origin of these, nor has any interpretation been attempted, although the last-named seems to be historical or chronological in its nature.[ ] [sidenote: picture-writings preserved in mexico.] i have said that many manuscripts, mostly copies, but probably some originals, were preserved from destruction, and retained in mexico. material is not accessible for a complete detailed history of these documents, nor does it seem desirable to attempt here to disentangle the numerous contradictory statements on the subject. the surviving remnants of the tezcucan archives, with additions from various sources, were inherited by ixtlilxochitl, the lineal descendant of tezcuco's last king, who used them extensively if not always judiciously in his voluminous historical writings. the collection of which these documents formed a nucleus may be traced more or less clearly to the successive possession of sigüenza, the college of san pedro y san pablo, boturini benaduci, the vice-regal palace, veytia, ortega, leon y gama, pichardo, sanchez, and at last to the national museum of the university of mexico, its present and appropriate resting-place. frequent interventions of government and private law-suits interrupted this line of succession, and the collection by no means passed down the line intact. under the care of several of the owners large portions of the accumulation were scattered; but on the other hand, several by personal research greatly enlarged their store of aboriginal literature. while in sigüenza's possession the documents were examined by the italian traveler gemelli careri, through whose published work one of the most important of the pictured records was made known to the world. this latter has been often republished and will be given as a specimen in this chapter.[ ] clavigero studied the manuscripts in the jesuit college of san pedro y san pablo in .[ ] boturini was a most indefatigable collector, his accumulation in eight years amounting to over five hundred specimens, some of them probably antedating the spanish conquest. he published a catalogue of his treasures, which were for the most part confiscated by the government and deposited in the palace of the viceroy, where many of the documents are said to have been destroyed or damaged by dampness and want of care. those retained by the collector were even more unfortunate, since the vessel on which they were sent to europe was taken by an english pirate, and the papers have never since been heard of. only a few fragments from the boturini collection have ever been published, the most important of which, a history of the aztec migration, has been often reproduced, and will be given in this chapter. the original was seen by humboldt in the palace of the viceroy, and is now in the mexican museum.[ ] the confiscated documents passed by order of the spanish government into the hands of veytia, or at least he was permitted to use them in the preparation of his history,[ ] and after his death and the completion of his work by ortega, they passed, not without a lawsuit, into the possession of leon y gama, the astronomer.[ ] on the death of gama a part of his manuscripts were sold to humboldt to form the berlin collection published by kingsborough;[ ] the rest came into the hands of pichardo, gama's executor, who spent his private fortune in improving his collection, described by humboldt as the richest in mexico. many of pichardo's papers were scattered during the revolution, and the remainder descended through his executor sanchez to the museum.[ ] it is not unlikely either that the french intervention in later years was also the means of sending some picture-writings to europe. of the documents removed from the mexican collections on different occasions and under different pretexts, m. aubin claims to have secured the larger part, which are now in his collection in paris, with copies of such manuscripts as he has been unable to obtain in the original form.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: hieroglyphic development.] in order to form a clear idea of the aztec system of picture-writing, it will be well to consider first the general principles of hieroglyphic development, which are remarkably uniform and simple, and which may best be illustrated by our own language, supposing it, for convenience, to be only a spoken tongue. it is evident that the first attempt at expressing ideas with the brush, pencil, or knife, would be the representation of visible objects by pictures as accurately drawn as possible; a house, man, bird, or flower are drawn true to the life in all their details. but very soon, if a frequent repetition of the pictures were needed, a desire to save labor would prompt the artist to simplify his drawing, making only the lines necessary to show that a house, man, etc., were meant,--a retrograde movement artistically considered, but intellectually the first step towards an alphabet. the representation of actions and conditions, such as a house on fire, a dead man, a flying bird, or a red flower would naturally follow. the three grades of development mentioned belong to what may be termed representative picture-writing. it is to be noted that this writing has no relation to language; that is, the signs represent only visible objects and actions without reference to the words by which the objects are named or the actions expressed in our language. the pictures would have the same meaning to a frenchman or german as to the painter. the next higher phase of the art is known as symbolic picture-writing. it springs from the need that would soon be experienced of some method by which to express abstract qualities or invisible objects. the symbolic system is closely analogous in its earlier stages to the representative, as when the act of swimming is symbolized by a fish, a journey by a succession of footprints, night by a black square, light by an eye, power by a hand, the connection between the picture and the idea to be expressed being more or less obvious. such a connection, real or imaginary, must always be supposed to have existed originally, since it is not likely that purely arbitrary symbols would be adopted, but nearly all the symbols would be practically arbitrary and meaningless to a would-be interpreter ignorant of the circumstances which originated their signification. we have seen that the symbolic and representative stages of development are in many respects very like one to the other, and there are many hieroglyphic methods between the two, which it is very difficult to assign altogether to either. for instance, when a large painted heart expresses the name of a chief 'big heart;' or when a peculiarly formed nose is painted to represent the man to whom it belongs; or when the outlines of the house, man, bird, or flower already mentioned are so very much simplified as to lose all their apparent resemblance to the objects represented. it is also to be noted that the symbolic writing, as well as the representative, is entirely independent of language. [sidenote: representative and symbolic writing.] picture-writing of the two classes described has been practiced more or less, probably, by every savage tribe. by its aid records of events, such as tribal migrations, and the warlike achievements of noted chiefs, may be and doubtless have been made intelligible to those for whose perusal they were intended. but the key to such hieroglyphics is the actual acquaintance of the nation with each character and symbol, and it cannot long survive the practice of the art. in only two ways can the meaning of such records be preserved,--the study of the art while actually in use by a people of superior culture, or its development into a hieroglyphic system of a higher grade. neither of these conditions were fulfilled in the case of our wild tribes, but both were so to some extent, as we shall see, in the case of the civilized nations. throughout the pacific states rock-carvings and painted devices will be noted in a subsequent volume of this work; most of them doubtless had a meaning to their authors, although many may be attributed to the characteristic common to savages and children of whiling away time by tracing unmeaning sketches from fancy. all are meaningless now and must ever remain so. full of meaning to the generation whose work they were, they served to keep alive in the following generation the memory of some distinguished warrior, or some element of aboriginal worship, but to the third generation they became nothing but objects of superstitious wonder. even after coming into contact with europeans the savage often indicates by an arrow and other figures carved on a forest-tree the number of an enemy and the direction they have taken, or leaves some other equally simple representative record. the next and most important step in hieroglyphic development is taken when a phonetic element is introduced; when the pictures come into a relation, not before attained, with sounds or spoken language; when a picture of the human form signifies _man_, not _homme_ or _hombre_; a painted house, _house_, not _casa_ or _maison_. of this phonetic picture-writing in its simplest form, the illustrated rebuses--children's hieroglyphics--present a familiar example; as when charity is written by drawing in succession a chair, an eye, and a chest of tea, 'chair-eye-tea.' in pronouncing the whole word thus written, the sounds of the words represented by the pictures are used without the slightest reference to their meaning. to the frenchman the same pictures 'chaise-oeil-thé' would have no meaning. in the example given the whole name of each word pictured is pronounced, but the number of words that could be produced by such combinations is limited, and the first improvement of the system would perhaps be to pronounce only the leading syllable or sound of the pictured word, and then charity might be painted 'cha (pel)-ri (ng)-tee (th).' by this system the same word might be written in a great many ways, and the next natural improvement would be the conventional adoption of certain easily pictured words to represent certain sounds, as 'hat,' 'hand,' or 'ham,' for the sound _ha_, or simply the aspirated _h_. the next development would be effected by simplifying the outlines of the numerous pictures employed, which have now become too complicated and bulky for rapid writing. for a time this process of simplification would still leave a rude resemblance to the original picture; but at last the resemblance would become very faint, or only imaginary, and perhaps some arbitrary signs would be added--in other words, a phonetic alphabet would be invented, the highest degree of perfection yet achieved in this direction. to recapitulate briefly: picture-writing may be divided, according to the successive stages of its development, into three classes, representative, symbolic, and phonetic, no one of which except the last in its highest or alphabetic, and the first in its rudest, state, would be used alone by any people, but rather all would be employed together. in the representative stage a [illustration: hand] might express a human hand, or as the system is perfected, a large, small, closed, black, or red hand; and finally 'big hand,' an indian chief; and all this would be equally intelligible to american or asiatic, savage or civilized, without respect to language. [sidenote: hieroglyphic writing.] symbolic picture-writing indicates invisible or abstract objects, actions, or conditions, by the use of pictures supposed to be suggestive of them; the symbols are originally in a manner representative, and rarely, if ever, arbitrarily adopted. as a symbol the [illustration: hand] might express power, a blow, murder, the number one or five. these symbols are also independent of language. phonetic picture-writing represents not objects, but sounds by the picture of objects in whose names the sound occurs; first words, then syllables, then elementary sounds, and last--by modification of the pictures or the substitution of simpler ones--letters and an alphabet. according to this system the [illustration: hand] signifies successively the word 'hand,' the syllable 'hand' in handsome, the sound 'ha' in happy, the aspiration 'h' in head, and finally, by simplifying its form or writing it rapidly, the [illustration: hand] becomes [illustration: stylized hand], and then the 'h' of the alphabet. the process of development which i have attempted to explain by imaginary examples and illustrations in our own language, is probably applicable to a greater or less extent to all hieroglyphic systems; yet such hieroglyphics as have been preserved are of a mixed class, uniting in one word, or sentence, or document, all the forms, representative, symbolic, and phonetic; the egyptians first spelled a word phonetically and then, to make the meaning clear, represented the word by a picture or symbol; the chinese characters were originally pictures of visible objects, though they would not now be recognized as such, if the originals were not in existence. what proportion of the letters in modern alphabets are simplified pictures, or representative characters, and what arbitrary, it is of course impossible to determine; many of them, however, are known to be of the former class.[ ] in the aztec picture-writings all the grades or classes of pictures are found, except the last and highest--the alphabet. a very large part of the characters employed were representative; many conventional symbols are known; and the aztecs undoubtedly employed phonetic paintings, though perhaps not very extensively in the higher grades of development. [sidenote: specimen from codex mendoza.] the plate on the opposite page is a reproduction of a part of the _codex mendoza_ from kingsborough's work. its four groups describe the education of the aztec child under the care of its parents. in the first group the father (fig. ) is punishing his son by holding him over the fumes of burning chile (fig. ); while the mother threatens her daughter with the same punishment. figures and represent, like , , , , and in the other groups, the child's allowance of tortillas at each meal. in the second group the son is punished by being stretched naked on the wet ground, having his hands tied, while the girl is forced to sweep, or, as she has no tear in her eye, perhaps is merely being taught to sweep instead of being punished. in the third group the father employs his boys in bringing wood (fig. ) or reeds either on the back or in a canoe; and the mother teaches her daughter to make tortillas (fig. ) and the use of the metate and other household utensils (figs. , , , ). in the last group the son learns the art of fishing, and the daughter that of weaving. [illustration: education of aztec children.] thus far all the pictures are purely representative; the remainder are more or less symbolic. the small circles (fig. , , , ) are numerals, as explained in a preceding chapter, and indicate the age of the children, eleven, twelve, thirteen, and fourteen years respectively; the character issuing from the mouth of the parents is the symbol of speech, and indicates that the person to whom it is attached is speaking; the tears in the children's eyes, are symbols of the weeping naturally caused by the punishment inflicted; and figure is interpreted to be a symbol of night, indicating that the child was forced to sweep at night.[ ] many of the aztec symbols are of clearly representative origin, as foot-prints, symbols of traveling; tongues, of speech; a man sitting on the ground, of an earthquake; painted drops, of water; and other signs for day, night, air, movement, etc., which are more or less clear. but of others, as the serpent, symbol of time, the origin is not affirmed. to define the extent to which the symbolic writing prevailed is very difficult, because many of the characters which were, originally at least, representative, would appear to the uninitiated purely arbitrary; and it is not improbable that many signs may have had a double meaning according to the connection in which they were employed. the system is capable of indefinite expansion in the hands of the priesthood for purposes of religious mystification; and the fact that the religious and astrologic documents seem to contain but few of the representative and phonetic signs by which other paintings are interpreted, lends some probability to the theory that the priests had a partially distinct symbolic system of their own. the abbé brasseur goes so far as to say that all the historical documents had a double meaning, one for the initiated, another for the masses. the use of symbols doubtless accounts for the difficulty experienced in the interpretation of the picture-writings which have been preserved, and for the variety of extravagant theories that have been founded on them. the intermediate method already mentioned as coming between the purely representative and the symbolic, was very extensively employed by the aztecs in writing the names of places and persons, nearly all of which were derived from natural objects. examples of this method are: itzcoatl, 'stone (or obsidian) serpent;' chapultepec, 'hill of the grasshopper;' tzompanco, 'place of skulls;' chimalpopoca, 'smoking shield;' acamapitzin, 'hand holding reeds;' macuilxochitl, 'five flowers;' quauhtinchan, 'house of the eagle;' all written by the simple pictures of the objects named. the picture expressing a person's name was attached by a fine line to his head. [sidenote: aztec phonetic writing.] the use of the phonetic element by the aztecs was first noticed by the early missionaries in their efforts to teach church forms. the natives, eager or obliged to learn the words so essential to their salvation but so new to their ear, aided their memory by writing phonetically in a rude way the strange words. amen was expressed by the symbol of water, _atl_, joined to a maguey, _metl_, forming the sounds _atl-metl_ or _a-m[)e]_, sufficiently accurate for their purpose. pater noster was likewise written with a flag, _pantli_, and a prickly pear, _nochtli_; or sometimes a stone, _tetl_, was introduced before and after the prickly pear, the whole reading _pa(ntli)-te(tl)-noch(tli)-te(tl)_. here it will be observed that the sound only of the objects employed is considered, with no reference to their meaning. the name is an excellent specimen of the syllabic-phonetic writing. it is written in one of the manuscripts of the boturini collection by a pictured pair of lips, _tentli_, for the syllable _te_; footsteps, symbolic of a road, _otli_, for _o_; a house, _calli_, for _cal_; and teeth, _tlantli_, for _tlan_, _ti_ being a common connective syllable. the termination _coatl_ is a very frequent one in aztec words, and is often written phonetically by a 'pot,' _comitl_, surmounted by the symbol of water, _atl_, _co-atl_; but _coatl_ means 'serpent' and is also written representatively by a simple picture of that reptile. matlatlan 'net-place,' is written by pictured teeth, _tlantli_, phonetic, and a net, _matla_, representative. mixcoatl, 'cloudy serpent,' is expressed by the representative sign of a cloud, _mixtli_, and by the word _coatl_ phonetically written as before explained. these examples suffice to illustrate the system. there is no evidence that the aztecs ever reached the highest or alphabetic stage of hieroglyphics, and so far as is known they only used the syllabic method in writing names, and foreign words after the coming of the spaniards. still there is some reason to suspect that the phonetic element was much more in use than has been supposed, and that many characters which, hitherto considered by students as representative and symbolic signs, have yielded no meaning, may yet prove to be phonetic, and may throw much light on a complex and mysterious subject.[ ] [sidenote: record of an aztec migration.] on the two following pages is a copy of the painting already referred to as having been published by gemelli careri, humboldt, kingsborough, prescott, and others, and which i take from the work of ramirez as being probably the most reliable source.[ ] this painting, preserved in the national museum, is about twenty by twenty-seven inches, on maguey paper of the finest quality, now mounted on linen. i do not propose to attempt in this chapter any interpretation of the painting, to discuss the interpretations of others, or to investigate its historical importance. i simply present the document as an illustration of the aztec picture-writing, with interpretations of some of the figures as given by señor ramirez, leaving to another volume all consideration of the old absurd theory that a part of the painting (fig. - ) pictures the flood, the preservation of coxcox, the aztec noah, and the confusion of tongues. [illustration: the aztec migration.] [sidenote: picture-writing from gemelli careri.] the winding parallel lines, with frequent foot-prints, by which the different groups of figures are united, are symbols of a journey, and there is little doubt that the whole painting describes the migrations or wanderings of the aztec people. the square at the right represents the place from which they started. fig. , , perhaps express phonetically its name, but their interpretation is doubtful. it was evidently a watery region, probably a lake island in the valley of mexico. fig. is a _xiuhmolpilli_, 'bundle of grass,' symbol of the aztec cycle of fifty-two years; fig. is a 'curved mountain,' or the city of culhuacan, on the borders of the lake; fig. is a bird speaking to the people (fig. ), the tongues issuing from its mouth being, as i have said, the usual symbols of speech. it was a popular tradition among the aztecs that the voice of a bird started them on their wanderings. the fifteen human forms (fig. , ,) are the chiefs of the migrating tribes, whose names are hieroglyphically expressed by the figures connected with their heads. at their first stopping-place they completed another 'sheaf' of fifty-two years (fig. ), and perhaps built a temple (fig. ). the stay at cincotlan (fig. ) was ten years as indicated by the ten circles; fig. is interpreted by gemelli careri tocolco, 'humiliation,' and fig. , oztotlan, 'place of caves.' at the next stopping-place fig. represents a body wrapped in the mexican manner for burial; his name as shown by the character over his head is that of the central figure in the group shown in fig. . as this name does not appear again, the meaning is perhaps that one of the tribes here became extinct. fig. is tetzapotlan, 'place of the tree _tetzapotl_.' the generic name of the tree is _tzapotl_ (modern _zapote_), but a particular species is _tetzapotl_, and the prefix _te_ is phonetically expressed by the stone, _tetl_, at the base of the tree. fig. is tzompanco, 'place of skulls,' representing supposably a skull impaled on a stick; fig. is apazco, 'earthen vase;' fig. , quauhtitlan 'place of the eagle,' and here one of the chiefs of tribes, the right hand figure of group , separates from the rest to form a settlement at fig. . the time of stopping at each place and the completion of each fifty-two years are clearly indicated and need not be mentioned here. fig. is azcapuzalco, 'the anthill;' fig. is chalco, 'the chalchiuite-stone;' fig. , tlecohuatl, _tletl-cohuatl_, or 'fire-serpent;' fig. , chicomoztoc, _chicome-oztotl_, 'seven caves;' the lower part of fig. is the symbol of water; fig. , teozomaco, 'the monkey of stone.' fig. is chapultepec, 'hill of the locust or grasshopper.' after the arrival at chapultepec a great variety of events, most of which can be identified with traditional occurrences in the early history of the aztecs, are pictured. i shall not attempt to follow them. the route seems to continue towards fig. , tlatelolco; but five tribes (fig. ), all but one identical with those of the group in fig. , , return as fugitives or prisoners (fig. ) to culhuacan (fig. ), the original starting-point. fig. , and one of the characters of fig. , are the symbols of combat or war. fig. is inixiuhcan, 'birth-place,' the picture representing a woman who has just given birth to a child. fig. is tenochtitlan, 'place of _tenochtli_,' the tenochtli being a species of nopal represented in the figure, and being also the sign of the name of tenoch, one of the original chiefs of the group in fig. , and also seen in the group in fig. . six of the original tribes seem to have reached tenochtitlan, afterwards mexico, with the tribe that joined them at chapultepec; nine having perished or been scattered on the way, which agrees with the historical tradition. the preceding brief sketch will give an idea of a document whose full description and interpretation, even if possible, would require much space and would not be appropriately included here. [sidenote: chronologic record.] the picture-writing shown on the following pages is the one already mentioned as having formed part of the boturini collection, is equally important with the one already described, and is preserved like the former in the national museum. this painting, like the other, describes a migration, indicated by the line of foot-prints. starting from an island, a passage by boat is indicated to culhuacan, 'the curved mountain,' on the mainland. in this painting we have not only the number of years spent in the migration, and at each stopping-place, but the years are named according to the system described in the last chapter, and the migration began in the year ce tecpatl. the character within that of culhuacan is the name of huitzilopochtli, the great aztec god. next we have in a vertical line the names of the eight tribes, hieroglyphically written, who started on the migration, the chalcas, matlaltzincas, tepanecs, etc., agreeing with the tradition, except three which cannot be accurately interpreted. the first stopping-place after culhuacan was coatlicamac, the first figure in the lower column of the first page. here they remained twenty-eight years from ome calli to yey tecpatl as indicated by the squares connected by a line. the last but one of these years completed the cycle and is represented by a picture showing the process of kindling fire by friction, instead of the bundle of grass as before. between the groups of small squares are the hieroglyphic names of the stopping-places, which are in the following order, beginning with the second column of the first page, coatlicamac, tollan, atlicalaquiam, tlemaco, atotonilco, apazco, tzompanco, xaltocan, acolhuacan, ehecatepec, tolpetlac, coatitlan (where they first cultivated the maguey), huixachtitlan (where they made pulque from the maguey), tecpayocan, pantitlan, 'place of the flag,' amalinalpan, azcapuzalco, pantitlan, acolnahuac, popotla, ----, atlacuihuayan (tacubaya), chapultepec, acocolco, and culhuacan (as prisoners). the migration is not brought down to the arrival in tenochtitlan, but the chronology is perfectly recorded. several of the names of places are indicated by the same hieroglyphic signs as in the other painting. it will be observed that there is nothing to locate the starting-place in the north-west. it was probably either on the lakes of anáhuac, or in the south beyond what is now the isthmus of tehuantepec. both of these paintings will be noticed in the historical investigations to be given in volume v. of this work. [sidenote: the aztec migration.] [illustration: picture-record of the aztec migration. from the boturini collection.] the hieroglyphic paintings afford no test of the aztec painter's skill; in an artistic point of view the picture-writing had probably been nearly stationary for a long time before the conquest. the pictures were in most cases conventionally distorted; indeed, to permit different painters to exercise their skill and fancy in depicting the various objects required would have destroyed the value of the paintings as records. the first progressional steps had taught the native scribes to paint only so much of representative and symbolic objects as was necessary to their being understood; convenience and custom would naturally tend to fix the forms at an early period. bold outlines, and bright contrasted colors were the desiderata; elegance was not aimed at. hence no argument respecting the aztec civilization can be drawn from the rude mechanical execution of these painted characters. the american hieroglyphics contain no element to prove their foreign origin, and there is no reason to look upon them as other than the result of original native development. whether enough of the painted records have been preserved to throw much additional light on aboriginal history, may well be doubted; but it is certain that great progress will be made in the art of interpreting such as have been saved, when able men shall devote their lives to a faithful study of this indigenous american literature as they have to the study of old-world hieroglyphics.[ ] [sidenote: the nepohualtzitzin.] i will in conclusion call attention to boturini's statement that knotted cords, similar to the aboriginal peruvian _quipus_, but called in aztec _nepohualtzitzin_, were also employed to record events in early times, but had gone out of use probably before the aztec supremacy. this author even claims to have found one of these knotted records in a very dilapidated condition in tlascala. his statement is repeated by many writers; if any information on the subject is contained in the old authorities, it has escaped my notice.[ ] footnotes: [ ] 'todas las cosas que conferimos me las dieron por pinturas, que aquella era la escritura que ellos antiguamente usaban: los gramáticos las declararon en su lengua, escribiendo la declaracion al pie de la pintura. tengo aun ahora estos originales.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. iv. 'aunque no tenian escritura como nosotros tenian empero sus figuras y caracteres que todas las cosas qui querian, significaban; y destas sus libros grandes por tan agudo y sutil artificio, que podriamos decir que nuestras letras en aquello no les hicieron mucha ventaja.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxxxv. 'tenian sus figuras, y hieroglyficas con que pintauan las cosas en esta forma, que las cosas que tenian figuras, las ponian con sus proprias ymagines, y para las cosas que no auia ymagen propria, tenian otros caracteres significatiuos de aquello, y con este modo figurauan quanto querian.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . 'letras reales de cosas pintadas, como eran las pinturas, en que leiò eneas la destruicion de troya.' 'y esto que afirmo, es tomado de las mismas historias mexicanas, y tetzcucanas, que son las que sigo en este discurso, y las que tengo en mi poder.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , , also pp. - , , , tom. ii., pp. , - . 'i haue heeretofore sayde, that they haue books whereof they brought many: but this ribera saith, that they are not made for the vse of readinge.... what i should thinke in this variety i knowe not. i suppose them to bee bookes.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x., dec. iii., lib. viii. 'y entre la barbaridad destas naciones (de oajaca) se hallaron muchos libros à su modo, en hojas, ò telas de especiales cortesas de arboles.... y destos mesmos instrumentos he tenido en mis manos, y oydolos explicar à algunos viejos con bastante admiracion.' _burgoa_, _palestra hist._, pt i., p. . 'pintaban en vnos papeles de la tierra que dan los arboles pegados vnos con otros con engrudos, que llamaban _texamaltl_ sus historias, y batallas.' _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. . 'lo dicho lo comprueban claramente las historias de las naciones tulteca y chichimeca, figuradas con pinturas, y geroglíficos, especialmente en aquel libro, que en tula hicieron de su origen, y le llamaron teomaxtli, esto es, libro divino.' _lorenzana_, in _cortés_, _hist. n. españa_, pp. , - . 'it is now proven beyond cavil, that both mexico and yucatan had for centuries before columbus a phonetic system of writing, which insured the perpetuation of their histories and legends.' _brinton's myths._ see also _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - , , ; _id._, _relaciones_, in _id._, p. ; _ritos antiguos_, p. , in _id._; _garcia_, in _id._, vol. viii., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. , ; _fuenleal_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - , - ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. . [ ] 'aunque por haverse quemado estos libros, al principio de la conversion ... no ha quedado, para aora, mui averiguado todo lo que ellos hicieron.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , tom. i., prólogo. some of them burned by order of the monks, in the fear that in the matter of religion these books might prove injurious. _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxxxv. royal archives of tezcuco burned inadvertently by the first priests. _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . 'principalmente habiendo perecido lo mejor de sus historias entre las llamas, por no tenerse conocimiento de lo que significaban sus pinturas.' _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., pp. , . 'por desgracia los misioneros confundieron con los objetos del culto idolátrico todos los geroglíficos cronológicos é históricos, y en una misma hoguera se consumia el ídolo ... y el manuscrito.' _alaman_, _disertaciones_, tom. ii., p. . see also _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _bustamante_, _mañanas_, tom. ii., prólogo; _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., p. ; _wilson's conq. mex._, p. . [ ] 'it is to this transition-period that we owe many, perhaps most, of the picture-documents still preserved.' _tylor's researches_, p. . 'there was ... until late in the last century, a professor in the university of mexico, especially devoted to the study of the national picture-writing. but, as this was with a view to legal proceedings, his information, probably, was limited to deciphering titles.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . 'l'usage de ces peintures, servant de pièces de procès, c'est conservé dans les tribunaux espagnols long-temps après la conquête.' _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. - . 'escriben toda la doctrina ellos por sus figuras y caracteres muy ingeniosamente, poniendo la figura que correspondia en la voz y sonido á nuestro vocablo. asi como si dijeremos amen, ponian pintada una como fuente y luego un maguey que en su lengua corresponde con amen, porque llamada _ametl_, y así de todo lo demas.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ccxxxv. see also _ritos antiguos_, p. , in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix.; _ramirez_, _proceso de resid._; _carbajal_, _discurso_, p. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'au mexique, l'usage des peintures et celui du papier de maguey s'étendoient bien au delà des limites de l'empire de montezuma, jusqu'aux bords du lac de nicaragua.' 'on voit que les peuples de l'amèrique étoient bien éloignés de cette perfection qu'avoient atteinte les Égyptiens.' _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. , - . 'clumsy as it was, however, the aztec picture-writing seems to have been adequate to the demands of the nation.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - , . 'the mexicans may have advanced, but, we believe, not a great way, beyond the village children, the landlady (with her ale-scores), or the bosjesmans.' _quarterly review_, , vol. xv., pp. , . 'the _picture writings_ copied into the monster volumes of lord kingsborough, we have denounced as spanish fabrications.' _wilson's conq. mex._, pp. - . 'until some evidence, or shadow of evidence, can be found that these quasi records are of aztec origin, it would be useless to examine the contradictions, absurdities and nonsense they present.... the whole story must be considered as one of zumárraga's pious frauds.' _id._, pp. - . 'las pinturas, que se quemaron en tiempo del señor de méxico, que se decia _itzcóatl_, en cuya época los señores, y los principales que habia entónces, acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen todas, para que no viniesen á manos del vulgo, y fuesen menospreciadas.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . see also _waldeck_, _voy. pitt._, pp. - ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; _mayer's mex. aztec_, etc., vol. i., p. . [ ] see _mexican mss._, in the list of authorities in vol. i. of this work, for the location of this and other codices in kingsborough's work. this codex was published also in _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv.; _thevenot_, _col. de voy._, , tom. ii.; and by _lorenzana_, in _cortés_, _hist. n. españa_. 'd'après les recherches que j'ai faites, il paroît qu'il n'existe aujourd'hui en europe que six collections de peintures mexicaines: celles de l'escurial, de bologne, de veletri, de rome, de vienne et de berlin.' _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., p. . see also on the codex mendoza: _id._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _robertson's hist. amer._, (lond., ), vol. ii., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. , - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - , ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - ; _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. vi., p. . [ ] _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. , - ; _atlas_, pl. , , , - . , tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. , , - ; _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. vi., pp. , ; _wilson's conq. mex._, p. . 'the fiction of some spanish monk.' _quarterly review_, , vol. xv., p. . [ ] _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. - , - , with portions of the borgian codex in plates , , . some pages of the vienna codex were published in _robertson's hist. amer._, (lond., ), vol. ii., p. . [ ] _careri_, _giro del mondo_, (naples, - ), tom. vi.; _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. ii., pp. - , _atlas_, pl. xxxii.; _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. iv.; _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. i., p. ; _prescott's hist. conq. mex._, (mex. ), tom. iii.; _garcía y cubas_, _atlas_; _simon's ten tribes_, frontispiece; gallatin, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. , pronounces it an imitation and not a copy of a mexican painting, whose authenticity may be doubted. [ ] _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _boturini_, _catálogo_, in _id._, _idea_; _aubin_, in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. xxxiii.; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - ; _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. - , - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - , - ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. xxi., et seq., p. . that portion of the codex mendoza given in _cortés_, _hist. n. españa_, was from a copy in the boturini collection. the manuscript describing the aztec migration was published in kingsborough, schoolcraft, prescott, (mex. ), humboldt's _atlas_, delafield's _antiq. amer._, garcía y cubas' _atlas_, and i have in my library two copies on long strips of paper folded in the original form. [ ] ortega, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. xxii-xxiv., says they were not given to veytia as boturini's executor, but simply entrusted to him for use in his work, and afterwards returned to the archives. [ ] gondra, in _prescott_, _hist. conq. mex._ (mex., ), tom. iii., p. ii., says that gama was sigüenza's heir. [ ] _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. , - . [ ] _bustamante_, in _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt i., pp. ii-iii. [ ] see list of part of m. aubin's manuscripts in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. lxxvi-lxxviii.; also a very complete account of the different collections of aztec picture-writings in the introductory chapter of _domenech_, _manuscrit pictographique_. [ ] in the egyptian development, a pictured mouth first signified the word _ro_, then the syllable _ro_, and finally the letter or sound _r_, although it is doubtful if they made much use of the third stage, except in writing some foreign words. many of the chinese pictures are double, one being determinative of sound, the other of sense; as if in english we should express the sound _pear_ by a picture of the fruit of that name, the fruit _pear_ by the same picture accompanied by a tree, the word _pare_ by the same picture and a knife, the word _pair_ by the picture and two points, etc. _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. - ; _tylor's researches_, pp. - . [ ] _codex mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. i., pl. lxi. explanation, vol. v., pp. - . see p. of this volume. [ ] 'on trouve même chez les mexicains des vestiges de ce genre d'hiéroglyphes que l'on appelle phonétiques, et qui annonce des rapports, non avec la chose, mais avec la langue parlée.' _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., p. , also pp. - . 'but, although the aztecs were instructed in all the varieties of hieroglyphical painting, they chiefly resorted to the clumsy method of direct representation.' _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. , also pp. - . 'it is to m. aubin, of paris, a most zealous student of mexican antiquities, that we owe our first clear knowledge of a phenomenon of great scientific interest in the history of writing. this is a well-defined system of phonetic characters, which clavigero and humboldt do not seem to have been aware of.' _tylor's researches_, p. , also pp. - . 'dans les compositions grossières, dont les auteurs se sont presque exclusivement occupés jusqu'ici, elle (l'écriture aztèque) est fort semblable aux rébus que l'enfance mêle à ses jeux. comme ces rébus elle est généralement phonétique, mais souvent aussi confusément idéographique et symbolique. tels sont les noms de villes et de rois, cités par clavigero, d'après purchas et lorenzana et d'après clavigero, par une foule d'auteurs.' _aubin_, in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. xliv., xxx-lxxiv. see also on aztec hieroglyphics and their explanation: _buschmann_, _ortsnamen_, tom. i., pp. - ; _gondra_, in _prescott_, _hist. conq. mex._, (mex. ), tom. iii.; _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt ii., pp. - ; _ewbank_, in _schoolcraft's arch._, vol. iv., pp. - ; _mendoza_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. i., pp. - ; _ramirez_, in _id._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _boturini_, _idea_, pp. , - , , - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien. et mod._, pp. - , ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., pp. , ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. , - ; _ramirez_, _proceso de resid._; _lenoir_, _parallèle_, pp. - ; _lubbock's pre-hist. times_, p. ; _n. amer. review_, , vol. xlviii., p. , , vol. xxxii., pp. - ; _amer. quart. review_, june , vol. i., p. . [ ] in _garcía y cubas_, _atlas_, with an interpretation. [ ] 'on distingue dans les peintures mexicaines des têtes d'une grandeur énorme, un corps excessivement court, et des pieds qui, par la longueur des doigts, ressemblent à des griffes d'oiseau.... tout ceci indique l'enfance de l'art, mais il ne faut pas oublier que des peuples qui expriment leurs idées par des peintures ... attachent aussi peu d'importance à peindre correctement que les savans d'europe à employer une belle écriture dans leurs manuscrits.' _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. i., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . valades in gave an american phonetic alphabet, representing each letter by an object of whose name it was the initial in some language not the aztec. nothing is known of it. _id._, tom. i., p. lxx. borunda gives a _clave general de geroglíficos americanos_, in _voz de la patria_, , tom. iv., no. iii.--an extract in _leon y gama_, _dos piedras_, pt ii., p. . sr eufemio mendoza, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. i., p. , attaches some importance to borunda's efforts. on the difficulty of interpretation see _boturini_, _idea_, p. ; _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. vi., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _boturini_, _idea_, pp. - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . some additional references on hieroglyphics are: _id._, pp. , - , - , tom. ii., p. ; _norman's rambles in yuc._, pp. - ; _domenech's deserts_, vol. i., pp. - ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - ; _dapper_, _neue welt_, p. ; _delafield's antiq. amer._, p. ; _bonnycastle's span. amer._, vol. i., p. . chapter xviii. architecture and dwellings of the nahuas. architecture of the ancient nations--general features of nahua architecture--the arch--exterior and interior decorations--method of building--inclined planes--scaffolds--the use of the plummet--building-materials--position and fortification of towns--mexico tenochtitlan--the great causeways--quarters and wards of mexico--the market-place--fountains and aqueducts--light-houses and street-work--city of tezcuco--dwellings--aztec gardens--temple of huitzilopochtli--temple of mexico--other temples--teocalli at cholula and tezcuco. i shall describe in this chapter the cities, towns, temples, palaces, dwellings, roads, bridges, aqueducts, and other products of nahua architectural and constructive art, as they were found and described by the spaniards in the sixteenth century. monuments of this branch of nahua art chiefly in the form of ruined temples, or _teocallis_, are still standing and have been examined in detail by modern travelers. the results of these later observations will be given in volume iv. of this work, and i have therefore thought it best to omit them altogether here. in order to fully comprehend the subject the reader will find it advantageous to study and compare the two views taken from different standpoints. it is for a general and doubtless exaggerated account of the grandeur and extent of the nahua structures, rather than any details of their construction that we must look to the spanish chronicles; and it is also to be noted that the descriptions by the conquerors are confined almost entirely to the lake region of anáhuac, the buildings of other regions being dismissed with a mere mention. in this connection, therefore, the supplementary view in another volume will be of great value, since the grandest relics of nahua antiquity have been found outside of anáhuac proper, while the oft-mentioned magnificent temples and palaces of the lake cities have left no traces of their original splendor. the olmecs, totonacs, and others of the earlier nahua nations are credited by tradition with the erection of grand edifices, but the toltecs, in this as in all other arts, far surpassed their predecessors, and even the nations that succeeded them. i have in a preceding chapter sufficiently explained the process by which this ancient people has been credited with all that is wonderful in the past, and it will be readily understood how a magnifying veneration for past glories, handed down from father to son with ever accumulating exaggeration, has transformed the toltec buildings into the most exquisite fairy structures, incomparably superior to anything that met the spanish gaze. with architectural as with other traditions, however, i have little or nothing to do in this chapter, but pass on to a consideration of this branch of art in later times. respect for the gods made it necessary that the temples should be raised above the ordinary buildings, besides which their height made them more conspicuous to the immense multitudes which frequently gathered about them on feast-days, rendering them also more secure from desecration and easier of defence when used as citadels of refuge, as they often were. but as the primitive ideas of engineering possessed by the aztecs and their insufficient tools did not permit them to combine strength with slightness, the only way the required elevation could be attained was by placing the building proper upon a raised, solid, pyramidal substructure. the prevalence of earthquakes may also have had something to do with this solid form of construction. in the vicinity of the lake of mexico, the swampy nature of the soil called for a broad, secure foundation; here, then, the substructure was not confined to the temples, but was used in building public edifices, palaces, and private dwellings. [sidenote: nahua architecture.] another general feature of nahua architecture was the small elevation of the buildings proper, compared with their extent and solidity. these rarely exceeded one story in height, except some of the chapels, which had two or even three stories, but in these cases the upper floors were invariably of wood. whether the aztecs were acquainted with our arch, with a vertical key-stone, is a mooted point. clavigero gives plates of a semi-spherical _estufa_ constructed in this manner, and asserts, further, that an arch of this description was found among the tezcucan ruins, but i find no authority for either picture or assertion. the relics that have been examined in modern times, moreover, seem to show conclusively that key-stone arches were unknown in america before the advent of the europeans, though arches made of overlapping stones were often cut in such a manner as to resemble them. the chaplain diaz, who accompanied grijalva, mentions an 'arc antique' on the east coast, but gives no description of it. nevertheless, as the 'antique' would in this connection imply a peculiar, if not a primitive, construction, it is not probable that the arch he saw had a key-stone.[ ] as decorations, we find balconies and galleries supported by square or round pillars, which were often monoliths; but as they were adorned with neither capital nor base the effect must have been rather bare. battlements and turrets, doubtless first used as means of defense, became later incorporated with decorative art. the bareness of the walls was relieved by cornices and stucco-work of various designs, the favorite figures being coiled snakes, executed in low relief, which probably had a religious meaning. sometimes they were placed in groups, as upon the temple walls at mexico, at other times one serpent twined and twisted round every door and window of an apartment until head and tail met. carved lintels and door-posts were common, and statues frequently adorned the court and approaches. glossy surfaces seem to have had a special attraction for the nahuas, and they made floors, walls, and even streets, extremely smooth. the walls and floors were first coated with lime, gypsum, or ochre, and then polished. no clear accounts are given of the method of erecting houses. brasseur de bourbourg thinks that because the natives of vera paz were seen by him to use scaffolds like ours, that these were also employed in mexico in former times, and that stones were raised on inclined beams passing from scaffold to scaffold, which is not very satisfactory reasoning.[ ] however this may be, we are told by torquemada that the aztecs used derricks to hoist heavy timbers with.[ ] others, again, say that walls were erected by piling earth on both sides, which served both as scaffolds and as inclined planes up which heavy masses might be drawn or rolled,[ ] but although this was undoubtedly the method adopted by the miztecs, it was too laborious and primitive to have been general,[ ] and certainly could not have been employed in building the three-story chapels upon huitzilopochtli's pyramid. the perfectly straight walls built by the nahuas would seem to indicate the use of the plummet, and we are told that the line was used in making roads.[ ] trees were felled with copper and flint axes, and drawn upon rollers to their destination,[ ] a mode of transport used, no doubt, with other cumbrous material. the implements used to cut stone blocks seem to have been entirely of flint.[ ] [sidenote: building material.] the wood for roofs, turrets, and posts, was either white or yellow cedar, palm, pine, cypress, or oyametl, of which beams and fine boards were made. nails they had none; the smaller pieces must therefore have been secured by notches, lapping, or pressure.[ ] the different kinds of stone used in building were granite, alabaster, jasper, porphyry, certain 'black, shining stones,' and a red, light, porous, yet hard stone, of which rich quarries were discovered near mexico in ahuitzotl's reign.[ ] after the overflow of the lake, which happened at this time, the king gave orders that this should be used ever after for buildings in the city.[ ] _tecali_, a transparent stone resembling alabaster, was sometimes used in the temples for window-glass.[ ] adobes, or sun-dried bricks, were chiefly used in the dwellings of the poorer classes, but burnt bricks and tiles are mentioned as being sold in the markets.[ ] roofs were covered with clay, straw, and palm-leaves. lime was used for mortar, which was so skillfully used, say the old writers, that the joints were scarcely perceptible,[ ] but probably this was partly owing to the fact that the walls were almost always either whitewashed, or covered with ochre, gypsum, or other substances. frequent wars and the generally unsettled state of the country, made it desirable that the towns should be situated near enough each other to afford mutual protection, which accounts for the great number of towns scattered over the plateau. the same causes made a defensible position the primary object in the choice of a site. thus we find them situated on rocks accessible only by a difficult and narrow pathway, raised on piles over the water, or surrounded by strong walls, palisades, earth-works and ditches.[ ] although they fully understood the necessity of settling near lakes and rivers to facilitate intercourse, yet the towns on the sea-coast were usually a league or two from the shore, and, as they had no maritime trade, harbors were not sought for.[ ] the towns extended over a comparatively large surface, owing to the houses being low and detached, and each provided with a court and garden. the larger cities seem to have been layed out on a regular plan, especially in the centre, but the streets were narrow, indeed there was no need of wider ones as all transportation was done by carriers, and there were no vehicles. at intervals a market-place with a fountain in the centre, a square filled with temples, or a line of shady trees relieved the monotony of the long rows of low houses. [sidenote: mexico tenochtitlan.] the largest and most celebrated of the nahua cities was mexico tenochtitlan.[ ] it seems that about the year the aztecs, weary of their unsettled condition and hard pressed by the culhuas, sought the marshy western shore of the lake of mexico. here, on the swamp of tlalcocomocco, they came upon a stone, upon which it was said a mexican priest had forty years before sacrificed a certain prince copil. from this stone had sprung a nopal, upon which, at the time it was seen by the mexican advance guard, sat an eagle, holding in his beak a serpent. impelled by a divine power, a priest dived into a pool near the stone, and there had an interview with tlaloc, god of waters,[ ] who gave his permission to the people to settle on the spot.[ ] another legend relates that huitzilopochtli appeared to a priest in a dream, and told him to search for a nopal growing out of a stone in the lake with an eagle and serpent upon it, and there found a city.[ ] the temple, at first a mere hut, was the first building erected, and by trading fish and fowl for stone, they were soon enabled to form a considerable town about it. piles were driven into the soft bottom of the lake, and the intermediate spaces filled with stones, branches, and earth, to serve as a foundation for houses.[ ] each succeeding ruler took pains to extend and beautify the city. later on, tlatelulco,[ ] which had early separated from mexico tenochtitlan, was reunited to it by king axayacatl, which greatly increased the size of the latter city. tezcuco is said to have exceeded it in size and in the culture of its people, but from its important position, imposing architecture, and general renown, mexico tenochtitlan stood preëminent. a number of surrounding towns and villages formed the suburbs of the city, as aztacalco, acatlan, malcuitlapilco, atenco, iztacalco, zancopinco, huitznahuac, xocotitlan or xocotlan, coltonco, necatitlan, huitzitlan, etc.[ ] the circumference of the city has been estimated at about twelve miles, and the number of houses at sixty thousand, which would give a population of three hundred thousand.[ ] it was situated in the salty part of the lake of mexico, fifteen miles west of its celebrated rival tezcuco, about one mile from the eastern shore, and close to the channel through which the volumes of the sweet water lake pour into the briny waters of the lake of mexico, washing, in their outward flow, the southern and western parts of the city. the waters have, however, evaporated considerably since the time of the aztecs, and left the modern mexico some distance from the beach.[ ] [sidenote: cities of anÁhuac.] fifty other towns, many of them consisting of over three thousand dwellings, were scattered on and around the lake, the shallow waters of which were skimmed by two hundred thousand canoes.[ ] four grand avenues, paved with a smooth, hard crust of cement,[ ] ran east, west, north, and south, crosswise, forming the boundary lines of four quarters; at the meeting-point of these was the grand temple-court. three of these roads connected in a straight line with large causeways leading from the city to the lake shores; constructed by driving in piles, filling up the intervening spaces with earth, branches, and stones, and covering the surface with stone secured by mortar. they were broad enough to allow ten horsemen to ride abreast with ease, and were defended by drawbridges and breastworks.[ ] the southern road, two leagues in length, commenced half a league from iztapalapan, and was bordered on one side by mexicaltzinco, a town of about four thousand houses, and on the other, first by coyuhuacan with six thousand, and further on by huitzilopochco with five thousand dwellings. half a league before reaching the city this causeway was joined by the xoloc road, coming from xochimilco, the point of junction being defended by a fort named acachinanco, which consisted of two turrets surrounded by a battlemented wall, eleven or twelve feet high, and was provided with two gates, through which the road passed.[ ] the northern road led from tepeyacac, about a league off; the western, from tlacopan, half a league distant; this road was bordered with houses as far as the shore.[ ] a fourth causeway from chapultepec served to support the aqueduct which supplied the city with water.[ ] [sidenote: quarters and wards of mexico.] the names of the four quarters of the city, which were thus disposed according to divine command, were tlaquechiuhcan, cuecopan, or quepopan, now santa maría, lying between the northern and western avenues; atzacualco, now san sebastian, between the eastern and northern; teopan, now san pablo, between the eastern and southern; and moyotlan, or mayotla, now san juan, between the western and southern; these, again, were divided into a number of wards.[ ] owing to the position of the city in the midst of the lake, traffic was chiefly conducted by means of canals, which led into almost every ward, and had on one or both sides quays for the reception and landing of goods and passengers. many of these were provided with basins and locks to retain the water within them;[ ] while at the mouth were small buildings which served as offices for the custom-house officials. bridges, many of which were upwards of thirty feet wide, and could be drawn up so as to cut off communication between the different parts, connected the numerous cross-streets and lanes, some of which were mere dry and paved canals.[ ] the chief resort of the people was the levee which stretched in a semi-circle round the southern part of the city, forming a harbor from half to three quarters of a league in breadth. here during the day the merchants bustled about the cargoes and the custom-houses, while at night the promenaders resorted there to enjoy the fresh breezes from the lake. the construction of this embankment was owing to an inundation which did serious harm during the reign of montezuma i. this energetic monarch at once took steps to prevent a recurrence of the catastrophe, and called upon the neighboring towns to assist with people and material in the construction of an outer wall, to check and turn aside the waters of the fresh lake, which, after the heavy rains of winter, rushed in volumes upon the city as they sought the lower salt lake. the length of the levee was about three leagues, and its breadth thirty feet. in , fifty-two years after its construction, it was further strengthened and enlarged.[ ] although the spaniards met with no very imposing edifices as they passed along to the central part of the city where the temple stood, yet they must have found enough to admire in the fine smooth streets, the neat though low stone buildings surmounted by parapets which but half concealed the flowers behind them, the elegantly arranged gardens, gorgeous with the flora of the tropics, the broad squares, the lofty temples, and the canals teeming with canoes. among the public edifices, the markets are especially worthy of note. the largest, in mexico tenochtitlan, was twice as large as the square of salamanca, says cortés, and was surrounded by porticoes, in and about which from sixty thousand to one hundred thousand buyers and sellers found room.[ ] the market-place at tlatelulco was still larger, and in the midst of it was a square stone terrace, fifteen feet high and thirty feet long, which served as a theatre.[ ] [sidenote: fountains and aqueducts.] the numerous fountains which adorned the city were fed by the aqueduct which brought water from the hill of chapultepec, about two miles off, and was constructed upon a causeway of solid masonry five feet high and five feet broad, running parallel to the tlacopan road.[ ] this aqueduct consisted of two pipes of masonry, each carrying a volume of water equal in bulk to a man's body,[ ] which was conducted by branch pipes to different parts of the town to supply fountains, tanks, ponds, and baths. at the different canal-bridges there were reservoirs, into which the pipes emptied on their course, and here the boatmen who made it a business to supply the inhabitants with water received their cargoes on the payment of a fixed price. a vigilant police watched over the distribution of the water and the care of the pipes, only one of which was in use at a time, while the other was cleansed.[ ] the supply was obtained from a fine spring on the summit of mount chapultepec, which was guarded by two figures cut in the solid stone, representing montezuma and his father, armed with lances and shields.[ ] the present aqueduct was partly reconstructed by montezuma ii. on the old one erected by the first king of that name. its inauguration was attended by imposing ceremonies, offerings of quails, and burning of incense.[ ] during ahuitzotl's reign, an attempt was made to bring water into the city from an immense spring at coyuhuacan. the lord of that place consented, as became a loyal vassal, to let the water go, but predicted disastrous consequences to the city from the overflow which would be sure to follow if the water were taken there. this warning, however, so enraged the king that he ordered the execution of the noble, and immediately levied men and material from the neighboring towns to build the aqueduct. the masons and laborers swarmed like ants and soon finished the work. when everything was ready, a grand procession of priests, princes, nobles, and plebeians marched forth to open the gates of the aqueduct and receive the waters into the city. speeches were made, slaves and children were sacrificed, the wealthy cast precious articles into the rolling waters with words of thanks and welcome. but the hour of sorrow was at hand. the prediction of the dead lord was fulfilled; the waters, once loosed, could not be fettered again; a great part of the city was inundated and much damage was done. then the distracted king called once more upon the neighboring towns to furnish men, but this time to tear down instead of to build up.[ ] [sidenote: lighthouses and street-work.] among the arrangements for the convenience of the public may be mentioned lighthouses to guide the canoes which brought supplies to the great metropolis. these were erected at different points upon towers and heights; the principal one seems to have been on mount tocitlan, where a wooden turret was erected to hold the flaming beacon.[ ] the streets were also lighted by burning braziers placed at convenient intervals, which were tended by the night patrol. a force of over a thousand men kept the canals in order, swept the streets and sprinkled them several times a day.[ ] public closets were placed at distances along the canals.[ ] the care of buildings also received the attention of the government, and every eleventh month was devoted to repairing and cleaning the temples, public edifices, and roads generally.[ ] a number of towns on the lake were built on piles, in imitation of mexico, chiefly for the sake of security. thus, iztapalapan stood half on land, half over the water, and ayotzinco was founded entirely on piles, and had canals instead of streets.[ ] other towns had recourse to strong walls and deep ditches to secure their protection. tlascala especially was well defended from its ancient aztec enemy, by a wall of stone and mortar[ ] which stretched for six miles across a valley, from mountain to mountain, and formed the boundary line of the republic. this wall was nine feet high, twenty feet broad,[ ] and surmounted by a breastwork a foot and a half in thickness, behind which the defenders could stand while fighting. the only entrance was in the centre, where the walls did not meet, but described a semi-circle, one overlapping the other, with a space ten paces wide and forty long between them.[ ] the other side also was defended by breastworks and ditches.[ ] the city itself stood upon four hills, and was crossed by narrow streets,[ ] the houses being scattered in irregular groups. in size it was even larger than granada, says cortés, which is not unlikely, for the market had accommodation for thirty thousand people, and in one of the temples four hundred spaniards with their attendants found ample room.[ ] at huejutla there was a curious wall of masonry, the outside of which was faced with small blocks of tetzontli, each about nine inches in diameter on the face, which was rounded; the end of each block was pointed, and inserted in the wall.[ ] [sidenote: the city of tezcuco.] the city next in fame and rank to mexico tenochtitlan was tezcuco,[ ] which torquemada affirms contained one hundred and forty thousand houses within a circumference of from three to four leagues.[ ] it was divided into six divisions, and crossed by a series of fine straight streets lined with elegant buildings. the old palace stood on the border of the lake upon a triple terrace, guarding the town, as it were; the newer structure, in the construction of which two hundred thousand men had been employed, stood at the northern end; it was a magnificent building and contained three hundred rooms. this city was the seat of refinement and elegance, and occupied relatively the same position in mexico as paris does in europe.[ ] [sidenote: dwellings of the richer classes.] the style of architecture for houses did not exhibit much variety; the difference between one house and another being chiefly in extent and material.[ ] the dwellings of the nobles were situated upon terraces of various heights, which in swampy places like mexico, rested upon tiers of heavy piles.[ ] they were usually a group of buildings in the form of a parallelogram, built of stone or in mexico of tetzontli, joined with fine cement, and finely polished and whitewashed.[ ] every house stood by itself, separated from its neighbor by narrow lanes, and enclosed one or more courts which extended over a large space of ground.[ ] one story was the most common form, and there are no accounts of any palaces or private houses exceeding two stories.[ ] broad steps led up the terrace to two gates which gave entrance to the courts; one opening upon the main street, the other upon the back lane, or canal, that often lay beneath it. the terrace platform of the houses of chiefs often had a wide walk round it and was especially spacious in front, where there was occasionally a small oratorio facing the entrance. this style was particularly noticed on the east coast.[ ] the court was surrounded by numerous porticoes decorated with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster ornaments, which, again, led to various chambers, and halls, lighted by large windows. two great halls and several reception-rooms were situated in front; the sleeping-chambers, kitchen, baths, and store-rooms were in the rear, forming at times quite a complicated labyrinth.[ ] the court was paved with flags of stone, tessellated marble, or hard cement, polished with ochre or gypsum,[ ] and usually contained a sparkling fountain; occasionally there was a flower-garden, in which a pyramidal altar gave an air of sanctity to the place.[ ] the stairway which led to the second story or to the roof, was often on the outside of the house, and by its grand proportions and graceful form contributed not a little to the good appearance of the house.[ ] the roof was a flat terrace of beams, with a slight slope towards the back,[ ] covered with a coat of cement or clay,[ ] and surrounded by a battlemented parapet, surmounted at times by small turrets.[ ] there were generally flowers in pots upon the roofs, or even a small garden; and here the members of the household assembled in the cool of the evening to enjoy the fresh air and charming prospect.[ ] some houses had galleries, which, like most work added to the main structure, were of wood,[ ] though supported upon columns of marble, porphyry, or alabaster. these pillars were either round or square, and were generally monoliths; they were without base or capital, though ornamented with figures cut in low relief. buildings were further adorned with elegant cornices and stucco designs of flowers and animals, which were often painted with brilliant colors. prominent among these figures was the coiling serpent before mentioned. lintels and door-posts were also elaborately carved.[ ] the interior displayed the same rude magnificence. the floors were covered with hard, smooth cement like the courtyard and streets, rubbed with ochre or gypsum, and polished.[ ] the glossy walls were painted and hung with cotton or feather tapestry, to which las casas adds silver plating and jewels. the furniture was scanty. it consisted chiefly of soft mats and cushions of palm-leaves or fur, low tables, and small stools with palm-leaf backs. the beds were mats piled one upon another, with a block or a palm-leaf or cotton cushion for a pillow; occasionally they were furnished with coverlets and canopies of cotton or feather-work.[ ] vases filled with smoldering incense diffused their perfume through the chambers. the rooms which were used in winter were provided with hearths and fire-screens, and were lighted by torches.[ ] there were no doors, properly called such, to the houses, but where privacy was required, a bamboo or wicker-work screen was suspended across the entrance, and secured at night with a bar. to this was attached a string of shells, which the visitor rattled to call the host or his attendants to the entrance. the interior rooms were separated by hangings, which probably also served to cover the windows of ordinary dwellings,[ ] although the transparent _tecali_ stone, as before stated, answered the purpose of window-glass in certain parts of some of the temples.[ ] [sidenote: houses of the lower classes.] the houses of the poorer classes were built of adobe, wood, cane, or reeds and stones, mixed with mud, well plastered and polished,[ ] and, in mexico, raised on stone foundations, to prevent dampness,[ ] though the elevation was less than that of the houses of the richer people. they were generally of an oblong shape, were divided into several apartments, and occasionally had a gallery in front. they could not afford a central court, but had instead a flower or vegetable garden wherever space permitted. terrace roofs were not uncommon in the towns, but more generally the houses of the poorer people were thatched with a kind of long thick grass, or with overlapping maguey-leaves.[ ] besides the oratory and storehouse with which most houses were provided, a _temazcalli_, or bath, was generally added to the dwelling. this, according to clavigero, consisted of a hemisphere of adobe, having a slightly convex paved floor sunk a little below the level of the surrounding ground. the entrance was a small hole just large enough to admit a man. on the outside of the bath-house, and on the opposite side to the entrance, was a furnace made of stone or brick, separated from the interior by a thin slab of _tetzontli_, or other porous stone, through which the heat was communicated. on entering, the door was closed, and the suffocating vapors were allowed to escape slowly through a small opening in the top. the largest bath-houses were eight feet in diameter, and six feet in height. some were mere square chambers without a furnace, and were doubtless heated and the fire raked out before the bather entered.[ ] the storehouses and granaries which were attached to farms, temples, and palaces, were usually square buildings of oxametl-wood, with thatched roofs. the logs had notches near the ends to give them a secure hold. two windows, or doors, one above the other, gave access to the interior, which was often large enough to contain many thousand bushels of grain.[ ] [sidenote: aztec gardens.] love of flowers was a passion with the aztecs, and they bestowed great care upon the cultivation of gardens. the finest and largest of these were at iztapalapan and huastepec. the garden at iztapalapan was divided into four squares, each traversed by shaded walks, meandering among fruit-trees, blossoming hedges, and borders of sweet herbs.[ ] in the centre of the garden was an immense reservoir of hewn stone, four hundred paces square, and fed by navigable canals. a tiled pavement,[ ] wide enough for four persons walking abreast, surrounded the reservoir, and at intervals steps led down to the water, upon the surface of which innumerable water-fowl sported. a large pavilion, with halls and corridors, overlooked the grounds.[ ] the huastepec garden was two leagues in circuit, and was situated on a stream; it contained an immense variety of plants and trees, to which additions were continually made.[ ] the _chinampas_, or floating gardens, have been described elsewhere.[ ] the mexicans required no solid roads for heavy traffic, since goods were carried upon the shoulders of slaves, but a number of pathways crossed the country in various directions, which underwent repair every year on the cessation of the rains. here and there country roads crossed streams by means of suspension-bridges, or fixed structures mostly of wood, but sometimes of stone, with small spans. the suspension-bridges were made of ropes, twisted canes, or tough branches, attached to trees and connected by a netting. the spaniards were rather fearful of crossing them, on account of their swinging motion when stepped upon and the gaping rents in them.[ ] almost the only specimen of nahua architecture which has withstood the ravages of time until our day is the temple structure, _teocalli_, 'house of god,' or _teopan_, 'place of god,' of which torquemada asserts there were at least forty thousand in mexico. clavigero regards this as a good deal below the real number, and if we consider the extremely religious character of the people, and accept the statements of the early chroniclers, who say that at distances of from a quarter to half a league, in every town and village, were open places containing one or more temples,[ ] and on every isolated rock or hill, along the country roads, even in the fields, were substantial structures devoted to some idol, then clavigero's assertion may be correct.[ ] the larger temples were usually built upon pyramidal parallelograms, square, or oblong, and consisted of a series of superimposed terraces with perpendicular or sloping sides.[ ] the celebrated temple at mexico forms a fair type of the latter kind and its detailed description will give the best idea of this class of edifices. [sidenote: temple of huitzilopochtli.] [sidenote: the great temple of mexico.] [sidenote: the sacrificial stone.] when the aztecs halted on the site of mexico after their long wanderings, the first care was to erect an abode for their chief divinity huitzilopochtli. the spot chosen for the humble structure, which at first consisted of a mere hut, was over the stone whereon the sacred nochtli grew that had been pointed out by the oracle. a building more worthy of the god was soon erected, and, later on, ahuitzotl constructed the edifice from whose summit cortés looked down upon the scenes of his conquest. the labor bestowed upon it was immense, and notwithstanding that the material had to be brought from a distance of three or four leagues--a serious matter to a people who were supplied with no adequate means of transport--the temple was completed in two years.[ ] the inauguration took place in , in the presence of the chief princes and an immense concourse of people from all quarters, and , captives, arranged in two long files, were sacrificed during the four days of its duration.[ ] the site of the building was indeed worthy of its character, standing as it did in an immense square forming the centre of the town, from which radiated the four chief thoroughfares.[ ] the idea of thus keeping the god before the people at all times had, doubtless, as much to do with this arrangement as that of giving him the place of honor. a square wall[ ] about four thousand eight hundred feet in circumference, from eight to nine feet in height and of great thickness, with its sides facing the cardinal points, formed the courtyard of the temple.[ ] it was built of stone and lime, plastered and polished,[ ] crowned with battlements in the form of snails, and turreted and adorned with many stone serpents,--a very common ornament on edifices in egypt as well as anáhuac--for which reason it was called _coatepantli_, 'wall of snakes.'[ ] at the centre of each wall stood a large two-story building, divided into a number of rooms, in which the military stores and weapons were kept. these faced the four chief thoroughfares of the town, and their lower stories formed the portals of the gateways which gave entrance to the courtyard.[ ] this was partly paved with large smooth flag-stones, partly with cement, plastered and polished, and so slippery that the horses of the spaniards could scarcely keep their footing.[ ] in the centre stood the great temple, an oblong, parallelogramic pyramid, about three hundred and seventy-five feet long and three hundred feet broad at the base, three hundred and twenty-five by two hundred and fifty at the summit, and rising in five superimposed, perpendicular terraces to the height of eighty-six feet.[ ] the terraces were of equal height,[ ] the lowest, according to tezozomoc, having a foundation a fathom or more in depth, and each receded about six feet from the edge of the one beneath it, leaving a flat ledge round its base.[ ] at the north-west corner the ledges were graded to form a series of steps, one hundred and fourteen in all, and each about nine inches high, which led from terrace to terrace, so that it was necessary to walk completely round the edifice to gain the succeeding flight.[ ] this style of building was probably devised for show as well as for defence, for by this means the gorgeously dressed procession of priests was obliged to pass in sight of the entire multitude gathered on all sides of the temple, winding at a solemn pace round each terrace. the structure was composed of well-rammed earth, stones, and clay, covered with a layer of large square pieces of tetzontli, all of equal size, hewn smooth and joined with a fine cement, which scarcely left a mark to be seen; it was besides covered with a polished coating of lime, or gypsum.[ ] the steps were of solid stone and the platform of the same slippery character as the court.[ ] at its eastern end stood two three-story towers, fifty-six feet in height,[ ] separated from the edge by a walk barely wide enough for one person. the lower story was of masonry with the floor raised a few feet above the platform and an entrance on the west; the two upper stories were of wood, with windows, to which access was had by movable ladders.[ ] a wooden cupola well painted and adorned formed the roof.[ ] the sanctuaries were in the lower story, the one on the right hand dedicated to huitzilopochtli with his partner and lieutenant, the other to tezcatlipoca.[ ] the gigantic images of these gods rested upon large stone altars three to four feet high,[ ] their monstrous grandeur shielded from the vulgar gaze of the multitude by rich curtains hung with tassels and golden pellets like bells, which rattled as the hangings moved. before the altar stood the terrible stone of sacrifice, a green block about five feet in length, and three in breadth and height, rising in a ridge on the top so as to bend the body of the victim upwards and allow the easy extraction of the heart.[ ] the walls and ceilings were painted with monstrous figures, and ornamented with stucco and carved wood-work, and, according to las casas, the gold and jewel-decked interior exceeded even thebe's famed temple in beauty,[ ] but the venerable bishop was evidently led away by his well-known enthusiasm for whatever concerned the natives, for bernal diaz and others state that the floors and walls were steeped with blood, diffusing a fetid odor which made the visitors glad to escape to the fresh air.[ ] the upper stories were used as receptacles for the ashes of deceased kings and lords,[ ] and for the instruments connected with the service of the temple, but diaz also noticed idols, half human, half monstrous in form, and found the rooms blood-stained like the lower apartment.[ ] before each chapel stood a stone hearth of a man's height, and of the same shape as the piscina in catholic churches, upon which a fire was continually kept burning by the virgins and priests, and great misfortunes were apprehended if it became extinguished.[ ] here was also the large drum covered with snake-skins,[ ] whose sombre notes resounded over a distance of two miles on feast-days and other extraordinary occasions--many a death-knell it struck for the spaniards before they became masters of it. from this height the spaniards gazed down upon between seventy and eighty other edifices within the enclosure, with their six hundred braziers of stone, some round, some square, and from two to five feet high,[ ] whose bright fires flared in perpetual adoration of their idols, and turned the night into day. about forty of these were temples, each with its idols, scattered round the court and facing the great pyramid as if in adoration.[ ] they were considerably smaller than the central temple, and differed chiefly in the form of the roof which was round, square, or pyramidal, according to the character of the idol.[ ] the largest was that of tlaloc, which stood nearest the pyramid, and was ascended by fifty steps.[ ] quetzalcoatl's was the most singular in form, being circular and surmounted by a dome, symbolic of the abode of the god of air; a snake's jaws with exposed fangs formed the low entrance, and made the stranger shudder as he stooped to pass in.[ ] among other notable edifices were the _tezcacalli_, or 'house of mirrors,' so called from the mirrors which covered its walls, and the _teccizcalli_, 'house of shells,' to which the king retired at certain times to perform penance. the high-priest also had a house of retirement called _poiauhtla_, and there were several others for the use of certain other priests. among these was a splendid building, provided with baths, fountains, and every comfort, in which notable strangers who visited the temple or the court were entertained. the ilhuicatitlan temple, dedicated to the planet venus, contained a large column painted or sculptured with the image of the star, before which captives were sacrificed on the appearance of the planet. another temple took the form of a cage, in which the idols of conquered nations were confined, to prevent them from assisting their worshipers in regaining their liberty.[ ] the _quauhxicalco_ was used as a receptacle for the bones of victims sacrificed at various sanctuaries. the skulls of those killed at the great temple were deposited in the _tzompantli_,[ ] which stood just outside the court, near the western or main gate. this consisted of an oblong sloping parallelogram of earth and masonry, one hundred and fifty-four feet at the base, ascended by thirty steps, on each of which were skulls.[ ] round the summit were upwards of seventy raised poles about four feet apart, connected by numerous rows of cross-poles passed through holes in the masts, on each of which five skulls were filed, the sticks being passed through the temples.[ ] in the centre[ ] stood two towers, or columns, made of skulls and lime, the face of each skull being turned outwards, and giving a horrible appearance to the whole. this effect was heightened by leaving the heads of distinguished captives in their natural state, with hair and skin on. as the skulls decayed, or fell from the towers or poles, they were replaced by others, so that no vacant place was left. the spaniards are said to have counted one hundred and thirty-six thousand skulls on the steps and poles alone, but this number is, no doubt, greatly exaggerated.[ ] in the court was a large open space, which stretched to the foot of the stairway of the great temple. here the great dances were held in which thousands took part,[ ] and here, in full view of the multitude gathered to join in the festive ring, stood the gladiatorial stone, the _temalacatl_, upon which the captives were placed to fight with aztec warriors, for their liberty as it was termed, but rather for the delectation of the masses, for their chance of victory, as we have seen, was very small. it consisted of an immense flat circular stone, three feet in height, very smooth, with sculptured edge, placed upon a small pyramid eight feet in height.[ ] in another part of the court were three large halls with flat roofs and plastered walls, painted on the inside, which contained a number of low, dark chambers, each the abode of an idol; the walls were covered with blood, two fingers in thickness, and the floors to the depth of a foot almost.[ ] the court also contained a grove in which birds were raised for sacrifices, and whence the procession started on the day devoted to the great hunt in honor of mixcoatl; there were also a number of gardens, where flowers and herbs for offerings were grown. there were several bathing-places, one of which, the _tetzaapan_, 'cleansing water,'[ ] was set apart for those who had made vows of penance, and another, at mixcoatl's temple, filled with black water, for the priests. the _toxpalatl_ was a fine fountain, the waters of which were only drunk at solemn festivals. it was supposed to have been the identical spring in which the aztec priest had the interview with tlaloc and obtained permission for the nation to settle. the care of all the temple buildings devolved upon a perfect army of priests, monks, nuns, school children, and other people, estimated at from five to ten thousand, who all slept within the sacred precincts.[ ] the passing and repassing of such numbers must have made the place teem with life, yet everything was in such perfect order and kept so scrupulously clean, says diaz, that not a speck or a straw could he discover.[ ] besides this there were several other temples and public oratories in the city, situated either in groups within a square, or scattered throughout the wards, and attended to by their special priests and servants. torquemada thinks that their number equaled the days in the aztec year, namely, three hundred and sixty, and clavigero believes that there were two thousand chapels besides.[ ] the temples in other towns were pretty much like the foregoing, three being usually grouped around a central pyramid in a square, each with its idol and one or two braziers. others were mounds of earth cased with stone, with one broad stairway in the centre of the western side, or with steps on three sides, sometimes at each corner.[ ] the chapels on the platform were usually two or three stories in height, often provided with balconies, the whole edifice being plastered and polished.[ ] [sidenote: teocalli at cholula and tezcuco.] the pyramid at mexico, large as it was, did not equal that at cholula, which humboldt estimates at five thousand seven hundred and sixty feet in circumference and one hundred and seventy-seven feet in height. it consisted of four square terraces facing the cardinal points, which seem to have been composed of alternate layers of adobe and clay, and was surrounded by a double wall, according to diaz. on the top stood the semi-spherical chapel of quetzalcoatl, with its door made low so that all who entered should bend in humility.[ ] this city contained, besides, a great number of smaller temples, the total equaling the number of days in the mexican year.[ ] the temple at tezcuco was also several steps higher than the mexican pyramid.[ ] king nezahualcoyotl, who is said to have believed in one supreme god, erected in his honor a nine-story building, to indicate the nine heavens, the roof of which was studded with stars and surmounted by three pinnacles; the interior was decorated with gold and feather-work and precious stones. the upper floor was a receptacle for musical instruments, from one of which, the _chililitli_, the edifice was named.[ ] the traditional temples of early times, very fairy creations according to the accounts of the natives, were far superior to the later ones; but these relations are little more than supernatural fables.[ ] footnotes: [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. iv., p. ; _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . sahagun, in describing how the people raised a mast to the god of fire, says: 'atábanle diez maromas por la mitad de él ... y como le iban levantando, ponianle unos maderos atados de dos en dos, y unos puntales sobre que descanzase.' _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, (translation, lond. ), vol. iii., p. . [ ] _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'with their copper hatchets, and axes cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and hewe them smooth ... and boaring a hole in one of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it ... putting round blocks vnder the timber.' _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] peter martyr, dec. v., lib. x., states that they bored holes in beams. they may therefore have known the use of wooden bolts, but this is doubtful. [ ] 'le _tetzontli_ (pierre de cheveux), espèce d'amygdaloïde poreuse, fort dure, est une lave refroidie. on la trouve en grande quantité auprès de la petite ville de san-agostin tlalpan, ou de las cuevas, à l. s. de mexico.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . cortés mentions a 'suelo ladrillado' at iztapalapan, _cartas_, p. , and herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., both _adobes_ and _ladrillos_ in speaking of building-material. [ ] _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'l'ignorante ricercatore nega a' messicani la cognizione, e l'uso della calcina; ma consta per la testimonianza di tutti gli storici del messico, per la matricola de' tributi, e sopratutto per gli edifizj antichi finora sussistenti, che tutte quelle nacioni faceano della calcina il medecimo uso, che fanno gli europei.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , tom. iv., pp. - . both cortés, _cartas_, p. , and herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv., mention walls of dry stone, which would show that mortar was sometimes dispensed with, in heavy structures; but bernal diaz, _hist. conq._, fol. , contradicts this instance. [ ] at sienchimalen. _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., pp. - . [ ] mexico is generally taken to be derived from mexitl, or mexi, the other name of huitzilopochtli, the favorite god and leader of the aztecs; many, however, think that it comes from _mexico_, springs, which were plentiful in the neighborhood. tenochtitlan comes from _teonochtli_, divine nochtli, the fruit of the nopal, a species of wild cactus, and _titlan_, composed of _tetl_, stone or rock, and _an_, an affix to denote a place, a derivation which is officially accepted, as may be seen from the arms of the city. others say that it is taken from _tenuch_, one of the leaders of the aztecs, who settled upon the small island of pantitlan, both of which names would together form the word. 'ce nom, qui veut dire _ville de la tuna_.... le fruit de cet arbre est appelé _nochtli_ en mexicain, car le nom de tuna ... est tiré de la langue des insulaires de l'île de cuba.... on a aussi prétendu que le véritable nom de mexico était quauhnochtitlan, ce qui veut dire _figuier de l'aigle_.... d'autres, enfin, prétendent que ce figuier d'inde n'était pas un _nochtli_ proprement dit, mais d'une espèce sauvage qu'on appelle _tenochtli_, ou de celle que les naturels nomment _teonochtli_ ou figure divine.' 'elle avait pris du dieu mexix celui de mexico.' _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., pp. - . 'los indios, dezian; y dizen oy mexico tenuchtitlan; y assi se pone en las prouisiones reales.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. 'tenoxtitlàn, que significa, tunal en piedra.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . the natives 'ni llaman mexico, sino tenuchtitlan.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . 'tenuchtitlan, que significa fruta de piedra.' 'tambien dizen algunos, que tuuo esta ciudad nombre de su primer fundador, que fue tenuch, hijo segundo de iztacmixcoatl, cuyos hijos y decendientes poblaron ... esta tierra.... tampoco falta quien piense que se dixo de la grana, que llaman nuchiztli, la qual sale del mesmo cardon nopal y fruta nuchtli.... tambien afirman otros que se llama mexico de los primeros fundadores que se dixeron mexiti.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - . '_tenochtitlan_, c'est-à-dire, auprès des nopals du rocher.' 'ti-tlan est pris pour le lieu.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] he is also termed god of the earth in the fable. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - . see also _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - . nearly all the authors give the whole of the above meanings, without deciding upon any one. [ ] _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon_, p. . [ ] it means islet, from _tlatelli_, island. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. veytia says it is a corruption of _xaltelolco_, sandy ground. _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] the anonymous conqueror says two and a half to three leagues in circumference, which is accepted by most authors. _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . but as the embankment which formed a semi-circle round the town was three leagues in length, the circumference of the city would not have been less. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . cortés says that it was as large as seville or cordova. _cartas_, p. . aylon, in _id._, p. , places the number of houses as low as , . las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l., who is usually so extravagant in his descriptions, confines himself to 'mas de cincuenta mil casas.' gomara, _conq. mex._, fol. , , , each of which contained two to ten occupants. torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , places the number as high as , , which may include outlying suburbs. the size and business of the markets, the remains of ruins to be seen round modern mexico, and its fame, sustain the idea of a very large population. [ ] see _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., pp. - , on former and present surroundings. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv.; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] 'erano ... di terra come mattonata.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'fueron hechas à mano, de tierra, y cespedes, y mui quajadas de piedra; son anchas, que pueden pasar por cada vna de ellas, tres carretas juntas, ò diez hombres à caballo.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l.; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. . 'tan ancha como dos lanzas jinetas.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . he mentions four causeways or entrances, but this must include either the branch which joins the southern road, or the aqueduct. 'pueden ir por toda ello ocho de caballo á la par.' _id._, p. . the view of mexico published in the luxemburg edition of _cortés_, _cartas_, points to four causeways besides the aqueduct, but little reliance can be placed on these fanciful cuts. helps thinks, however, that there must have been more causeways than are mentioned by the conquerors. _span. conq._, vol. ii., pp. , . 'entrano in essa per tre strade alte di pietra & di terra, ciascuna larga trenta passi.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . 'las puentes que tenian hechas de trecho á trecho.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] 'dos puertas, una por do entran y otra por do salen.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. , which means, no doubt, that passengers had to pass through the fort. he calls the second town along the road niciaca, and the third huchilohuchico. brasseur de bourbourg states that within the fort was a teocalli dedicated to toci, on which a beacon blazed all night to guide travelers. _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., pp. - . but this is a mistake, for tezozomoc, _hist. mex._, pt ii., p. , his authority for this, says that the beacon was at a hill 'avant d'arriver à acuchinanco.' [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l.; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . the anonymous conqueror calls them two leagues, one league and a half, and a quarter of a league long respectively. _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. , makes the shortest a league. [ ] 'habia otra algo mas estrecha para los dos acueductos.' _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] in tezcuco the wards were each occupied by a distinct class of tradespeople, and this was doubtless the case in mexico also, to a certain extent. 'cada oficio se vsase en barrios de por sì; de suerte, que los que eran plateros de oro, avian de estàr juntos, y todos los de aquel barrio, lo avian de ser, y no se avian de mezclar otros con ellos; y los de plata, en otro barrio,' etc. _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'al rededor de la ciudad habia muchos diques y esclusas para contener las aguas en caso necesario ... no pocas que tenian en medio una acequia entre dos terraplenes.' _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de caballo juntos á la par.' in case of necessity 'quitadas las puentes de las entradas y salidas.' with this facility for cutting off retreat, cortés found it best to construct brigantines. _cartas_, p. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . 'otra calle avia ... mui angosta, y tanto, que apenas podian ir dos personas juntas, son finalmente vnos callejones mui estrechos.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - . it is here said to be four fathoms broad. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., p. ; mühlenpfordt, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. , says: 'reste des ... gegen , fuss langen and fuss breiten dammes aus steinen in lehm, zu beiden seiten mit pallisaden verbrämt.' [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'cosi grande come sarebbe tre volte la piazza di salamanca.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] the anonymous conqueror states that this road carried the aqueduct which was three quarters of a league in length. _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'los caños, que eran de madera y de cal y canto.' _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . other writers make the pipes larger. 'tan gordos como vn buey cada vno.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'tan anchas como tres hombres juntos y mas.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l. [ ] cortés, _cartas_, p. , says 'echan la dulce por unas canales tan gruesas como un buey, que son de la longura de las dichas puentes.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l.; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. [ ] _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. ii., cap. xlviii., xlix. [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , tom. iv., pp. - ; _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . 'en todos los caminos que tenian hechos de cañas, ò paja, ò yervas, porque no los viessen los que passasen por ellos, y alli se metian, si tenian gana de purgar los vientres, porque no se les perdiesse aquella suciedad.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . the authorities for the description of the city are: _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. , and in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. - , with plans; _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , - , - , ; _id._, _despatches_, p. , plan; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i. pp. - , , - , - , - , - , ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - , - ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - , - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , , ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. ii., p. ; _ortega_, in _id._, tom. iii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii., xiv., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi.; _id._, (translation, lond. ), vol. ii., p. , vol. iii., p. , view and plan; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - ; _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon_, pp. - ; _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - , tom. iii., pp. - , , tom. iv., pp. - , - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , , tom. ii., pp. - , with plan; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., pp. - , vol. ii., pp. , - ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. ; _alaman_, _disertaciones_, tom. i., p. - ; _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., pp. - , , - , - , with plans; _carli_, _cartas_, pt i., pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. [ ] _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] cortés says 'piedra seca.' _cartas_, p. , but this is contradicted by bernal diaz, who found it to be of stone and mortar. _hist. conq._, fol. . 'sin mezcla de cal ni barro.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv. [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , gives the measurement at eight feet in height and eighteen in width. [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _west-indische spieghel_, pp. - . _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , with a cut. [ ] _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., p. . [ ] delaporte says that streets met on the hills. _reisen_, tom. x., p. . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii. [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . see _warden_, _recherches_, pp. - , on fortifications. in michoacan, some towns had walls of planks two fathoms high and one broad. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii. [ ] meaning place of detention, because here the immigrating tribes used to halt, while deciding upon their settlement. _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix., says that it was nearly as large as mexico. _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . motolinia, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. , gives it a league in width and six in length. peter martyr, dec. viii., lib. iv., gives it , houses. carbajal espinosa, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , estimates it at , houses, and thinks that torquemada must have included the three outlying towns to attain his figure. _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., pp. - , - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - . for further references to mexican towns, forts, etc., see: _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , - , - , - , - , , , , ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., pp. , , - , ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - , , - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. , , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. viii., lib. vi., cap. iv., xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. iv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , with cut; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _west-indische spieghel_, pp. , - ; _bologne_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , , , tom. ii., pp. , ; _warden_, _recherches_, pp. - ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. ; _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., p. ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. , . [ ] las casas states that when a warrior distinguished himself abroad he was allowed to build his house in the style used by the enemy, a privilege allowed to none else. _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lxvi. [ ] 'i fondamenti delle case grandi della capitale si gettavano a cagione della poca sodezza di quel terreno sopra un piano di grosse stanghe di cedro ficcate in terra.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . 'porque la humedad no les causase enfermedad, alzaban los aposentos hasta un estado poco mas ó menos, y así quedaban como entresuelos.' _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . speaking of cempoalla, peter martyr says: 'vnto these houses or habitations they ascend by . or . steppes or stayres.' dec. iv., tom. vii. the floor of the palace at mitla consisted of slabs of stone three feet thick, which rested on ten feet piles. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . houses with elevated terraces were only allowed to chiefs. _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix. this mode of whitewashing the walls and polishing them with gypsum seems to have been very common in all parts of mexico, for we repeatedly meet with mentions of the dazzling white walls, like silver, which the spaniards noticed all through their march. _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] in cempoalla, says peter martyr, 'none may charge his neighbours wall with beames or rafters. all the houses are seperated the distance of . paces asunder.' dec. iv., lib. vii. cortés, _cartas_, p. , mentions as many as five courts. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l.; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, p. . 'n'avaient guère qu'un étage, à cause de la fréquence des tremblement de terre.' _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, p. . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. . the palace at tecpeque, says las casas, was a very labyrinth, in which visitors were liable to lose themselves without a guide. in the palace allotted to cortés at mexico he found comfortable quarters for of his own men, allies, and a number of attendants. _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lii., l. 'auia salas con sus camaras, que cabia cada vno en su cama, ciento y cincuenta castellanos.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'intorno d'una gran corti fossero prima grandissime sale & stantie, però v'era vna sala cosi grande che vi poteano star dentro senza dar l'un fastidio all'altro piu di tre mila persone.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] tezozomoc, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , says that chiefs were permitted to erect towers pierced with arrows in the courtyard. _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. . the houses were often quite surrounded with trees. _west-indische spieghel_, p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _tylor's anahuac_, pp. - . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l., says: 'encalados por encima, que no se pueden llover.' 'couered with reede, thatch, or marish sedge: yet many of them are couered with slate, or shingle stone.' _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vii., dec. v., lib. x. [ ] _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x.; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _helps' span. conq._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , . [ ] 'eran los patios, y suelos de ellos, de argamasa, y despues de encalados, cubrian la superficie, y haz, con almagre, y despues bruñianlos, con vnos guijarros, y piedras mui lisas, y quedaban con tan buena tèz, y tan hermosamente bruñidos, que no podia estarlo mas vn plato de plata; pues como fuese de mañana, y el sol començase à derramar, y esparcir la lumbre de sus raios, y començasen à reberverar en los suelos, encendianlos de manera, que à quien llevaba tan buen deseo, y ansia de haber oro, y plata, le pudo parecer, que era oro el suelo; y es mui cierto, que los suelos de las casas, y de los patios (en especial, de los templos, y de los señores, y personas principales) se hacian, y adereçaban, en aquellos tiempos, tales, que eran mui de vèr, y algunos de estos hemos visto tan lisos, y limpios, que sin asco se podia comer en ellos, sin manteles, qualquier manjar.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix. [ ] 'toldillos encima.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. l.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v., vii.; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , - . klemm, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , mentions stools of cane and reed; and firebugs which were used for lights. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'no ay puertas ni ventanas que cerrar, todo es abierto.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix-l.; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. [ ] _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , with cut; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , - , with cut. the poorer had doubtless resort to public baths; they certainly existed in tlascala. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . for description of houses, see: _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. - , , tom. ii., pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. v.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. , - , - , with cut; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix.-lii.; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. , ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. v., cap. x.; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. ; _west-indische spieghel_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. , , , - , iv., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., pp. - , ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, p. ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - , ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , - , with cut, tom. ii., p. ; _tylor's anahuac_, pp. - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - . [ ] 'el anden, hácia la pared de la huerta, va todo labrado de cañas con unas vergas.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] 'un anden de muy buen suelo ladrillado.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] see this vol., p. . [ ] 'hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de caballo juntos á la par.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , says that stone bridges were most common, which is doubtless a mistake. speaking of swinging bridges, klemm says: 'manche waren so fest angespannt, dass sie gar keine schwankende bewegung hatten.' _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'en los mismos patios de los pueblos principales habia otros cada doce ó quince teocallis harto grandes, unos mayores que otros.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . 'entre quatro, ó cinco barrios tenian vn adoratorio, y sus idolos.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxiv.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. , , cuts; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, (translation, lond. ), vol. ii., pp. , , cuts. [ ] _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. . other authors give the number at , , and the attendance at , , . _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'recibia dentro de su hueco todo el suelo en que aora està edificada la iglesia maior, casas del marquès del valle, casas reales, y casas arçobispales, con mucha parte de lo que aora es plaça, que parece cosa increìble.' _sahagun_, quoted in _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . to-day the cathedral stands upon the plaza, and many houses occupy the spot; see _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., pp. - , - . opposite the south gate was the market and 'en face du grand temple se trouvait le palais.' _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'dos cercas al rededor de cal, y canto.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. - . [ ] 'mayores que la plaça que ay en salamanca.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . cortés, _cartas_, p. , states that a town of houses could be located within its compass. torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , gomara, _conq. mex._, fol. , las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. li., and herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., agree upon a length to each side of one cross-bow or musket shot, and this, according to las casas, cap. cxxxii., is paces; in the same places he gives the length at four shots, or paces, an evident mistake, unless by this is meant the circumference. hernandez estimates it at about perches, or , feet. sahagun, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. , who seems to have investigated the matter more closely, places it at fathoms, which cannot be too high, when we consider that the court enclosed or more edifices, besides the great temple. carbajal espinosa, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. , gives a length of varas. [ ] 'era todo cercado de piedra de manposterìa mui bien labrado.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'estaban mui bien encaladas, blancas, y bruñidas.' _id._, p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., p. . 'era labrada de piedras grandes a manera de culebras asidas las vnas a las otras.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , says an idol stood over each gate, facing the road. it is not stated by any author that the arsenals formed the gateway, but as they rose over the entrance, and nearly all mention upper and lower rooms, and as buildings of this size could not have rested upon the walls alone, it follows that the lower story must have formed the sides of the entrance. 'a cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. li.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . tezozomoc, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , mentions three gates. 'À l'orient et à l'occident d'une petite porte et d'une grande vis-à-vis de l'escalier méridional.' [ ] 'y el mismo patio, y sitio todo empedrado de piedras grandes de losas blancas, y muy lisas: y adonde no auia de aquellas piedras, estaua encalado, y bruñido.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . the white stones had no doubt received that color from plaster. 'los patios y suelos eran teñidos de almagre bruñido, y incorporado con la misma cal.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix. the dimensions given by the different authors are extremely varied; the anonymous conqueror, as the only eye-witness who has given any measurements, certainly deserves credit for those that appear reasonable, namely the length and width; the height seems out of proportion. [ ] 'cento & cinquanta passi, ò poco piu di lunghezza, & cento quindici, ò cento & venti di larghezza.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . this would give the length and breadth of the base in the text, assuming two and a half feet to the pace. with a decrease of two good paces for each of the four ledges which surround the pyramid, the summit measurement is arrived at. the terraces are stated by the same author to be two men's stature in height, but this scarcely agrees with the height indicated by the or steps given. bernal diaz, _hist. conq._, fol. , counted steps, and as most authors estimate each of these at a span, or nine inches in height, this would give an altitude of feet. clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , gives about fathoms (perches, he calls them) by to the base, and, allowing a perch to the ledges, he places the summit dimensions at by fathoms. the height he estimates at fathoms, giving the height of each step as one foot. to prove that he has not over-estimated the summit dimensions, at least, he refers to the statements of cortés, who affirms that he fought mexicans on the top platform, and of diaz, who says that over , men garrisoned the temple. torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , who follows sahagun, states it to be feet square at the base, and over at the top; the steps he says are 'vna tercia, y mas' in height, which closely approaches a foot. las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. li., says: 'una torre triangular ó de tres esquinas de tierra y piedra maciza; y ancha de esquina á esquina de ciento y viente pasos ó cuasi ... con un llano ó plaza de obra de setenta pies.' in cap. cxxxii. he calls it men's stature in height. gomara, _conq. mex._, fol. , says fathoms square at the base and at the top. ixtlilxochitl, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. , describes a temple which seems to be that of mexico, and states it to be fathoms square, with a height of men's stature. herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., places the dimensions as low as varas square at the base and from to at the top. of modern authors brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , gives the dimensions at by feet for the base, and feet for the summit, after allowing from to feet for the ledges, a rather extraordinary computation; unless, indeed, we assume that the terraces were sloping, but there is no reliable cut or description to confirm such a supposition. humboldt, _essai pol._, tom. i., pp. - , has mètres for the square, and for the height. ortega, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - , is positive that the height was certainly no less than varas. prescott, _mex._, vol. ii., p. , remarks that there is no authority for describing the temple as oblong, except the _contemptible_ cut of the anonymous conqueror. this may be just enough as regards the cut, but if he had examined the description attached to it, he would have found the dimensions of an oblong structure given. we must consider that the anonymous conqueror is the only eye-witness who gives any measurement, and, further, that as two chapels were situated at one end of the platform the structure ought to have been oblong to give the space in front a fair outline. [ ] 'alto come due stature d'vn huomo.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . [ ] 'lasciano vna strada di larghezza di duo passi.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . see note ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] the anonymous conqueror, _relatione, etc._, ubi supra, las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxiv., gomara, _conq. mex._, fol. , and torquemada, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. , all say that there was no ledge on the west side, merely steps, but this is, doubtless, a careless expression, for steps allotted to each terrace would scarcely have extended over a length of about feet, the breadth of the pyramid. nearly all agree upon the number of the steps, namely . ixtlilxochitl, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. , however, gives steps; oviedo, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , steps; and acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , steps, fathoms wide, but the latter author has evidently mixed up the accounts of two different temples. tezozomoc, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , states that the temple had three stairways, with steps in all, one for every day in the mexican year. according to _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., p. , the steps are on the south corner, but there is no authority for this statement; in the cuts they appear on the north. [ ] 'de tierra y piedra, mezclada con cal muy macizada.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii. 'por la parte de fuera iba su pared de piedra: lo de dentro henchíanlo de piedra todo, ó de barro y adobe; otros de tierra bien tapiada.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - . 'hecha de manposteria.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . the pyramid of teotihuacan, which, according to some authors, has been a model for others, is built of clay mixed with small stones, covered by a heavy wall of tetzontli, which is coated with lime. _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . 'todas las piedras estauan assentadas de tal suerte, que la mezcla casi no parecia, sino todas las piedras vna.' _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. . the whitewash may, however, have given it this solid appearance. 'todos aquellos templos, y salas; y todas sus paredes que los cercaban, estaban mui bien encaladas, blancas, y bruñidas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . the mortar was mixed with precious stones and gold-dust. _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , states that three sides of the platform were protected by a balustrade of sculptured stone, and this is not unlikely when we consider the slippery nature of the floor and the dizzy height. see _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix., cxxiv., and note on polished floors. carbajal espinosa, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , states that the summit was paved with marble. [ ] 'in alto dieci, ò dodici stature d'huomo.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . this is followed by clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , who says feet, or about perches. no other dimensions are mentioned by the old chroniclers; brasseur de bourbourg, however, gives them a base of feet square, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - , but this becomes absurd when we consider the height of the buildings, and the accommodation required for the gigantic idols they contained. this author hazards the opinion that the chapels were placed close to the edge, to enable the people to see the idols from below, but there is no mention of any doors on the east side, and it is stated that the chapels were placed at this end so that the people in praying might face the rising sun. _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. li. [ ] 'que se mandaban por la parte de adentro, por unas escaleras de madera movedizas.' _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . acosta states that the towers were ascended by steps. _hist. de las ynd._, p. . the towers were made of 'artesones.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . brasseur de bourbourg states that the outside of the walls was painted with various figures and monsters, but this seems to be a misinterpretation of gomara, who places the paintings on the inside. _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . bernal diaz says, besides, that the towers were 'todas blanqueando.' _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] the eaves or the domes of the temples were decorated with fine red and white pillars, set with jet black stones and holding two figures of stone with torches in their hands, which supported a battlement in form of spiral shells; the torches were adorned with yellow and green feathers and fringes. _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. . [ ] most of the old authors say that tlaloc occupied the second chapel, but as the next largest temple in the court is dedicated to this god, i am inclined to think, with clavigero, that tezcatlipoca shared the chief pyramid with huitzilopochtli. another reason for this belief is that tezcatlipoca was held to be the half-brother of huitzilopochtli, and their feasts were sometimes attended with similar ceremonies. tezcatlipoca was also one of the highest if not the highest god, and, accordingly, entitled to the place of honor by the side of the favorite god of the aztecs. tlaloc, on the other hand, had nothing in common with huitzilopochtli, and the only possible ground that can be found for his promotion to the chief pyramid is to be seen in the fable of the foundation of mexico, in which tlaloc, as the lord of the site, gives the aztecs permission to settle there. we have, besides, the testimony of bernal diaz, who saw tezcatlipoca, adorned with the _tezcatl_, or mirror ornament, seated in the left hand temple. _hist. conq._, fol. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , thinks it possible that the second temple was occupied by different idols, in turn, according to the festival. [ ] 'no eran mas altos que cinco palmos.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] clavigero thinks that the stone was of jasper. _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , with cut. it is difficult to define the position of this stone; some place it before the idol within the chapel, others at the western extremity of the platform. referring to the idols in the chapel, sahagun says: 'delante de cada una de estas estaba una piedra redonda á manera de tajon que llaman _texcatl_, donde mataban los que sacrificaban á honra de aquel dios, y desde la piedra hasta abajo un _regaxal_ de sangre de los que mataban en él'--he describes the stone as round. _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . and this i am inclined to accept as correct, especially as several points indicate that the stones stood inside the chapel. their floor, we are told, were steeped in blood that must have flown from the victims; further, we know that the reeking heart was held up before or thrown at the feet of the idol, immediately after being torn out. the act of sacrifice was in itself a ceremony which could only have been performed before the idol. acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , and solis, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., p. , place it in the middle of the platform. prescott, _mex._, vol. ii., p. , states that the stone (one only) stood near the head of the stairway, but this is most likely a hasty interpretation of diaz' vague account. there may, however, have been a large stone at this place, which was used for the great and general sacrifices. _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxiv. brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - , manages very dexterously to place the two stones before the chapel, and at the same time near the head of the steps. klemm, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., p. , mentions one stone with a hollow in the middle. [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxxii.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . it is also stated that certain chapels in the streets were used for burial places by the lords. 'inde straten waren veel cappellen, die meest diendeden tot begravinghe van de groote heeren.' _west-indische spieghel_, p. . [ ] 'dezian, que era el dios de las sementeras' (called centeotl). _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; on p. , he says, in contradiction: 'delante de los altares en estos templos avia vnos braseros hechos de piedra, y cal, de tres quartas en alto, de figura circular, ò redonda, y otros quadrados, donde de dia, y de noche ardia continuo fuego, tenian sus fogones, y braseros todas las salas de los dichos templos, donde encendian fuego, para calentarse los señores, quando iban à ellos, y para los sacerdotes.' 'tan altos como tres palmos y cuatro.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxiv. [ ] _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] see note ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . las casas, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. li., and motolinia, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. , say that they face in all directions, which tends to prove that they must have faced the temple of the supreme and patron gods. 'estando encontrados, y puestos vnos contra otros,' adds _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. , . gomara, _conq. mex._, fol. , states that they were turned against all points but the east, so as to differ from the chief temple. 'tenian la cara ácia el occidente.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. . acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , states that the court held eight or nine temples facing all quarters. [ ] 'todos eran vnos; pero diferenciabanse en el asiento, y postura.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'la cubierta ... era de diversas, y varias formas, que aunque eran vnas de madera, y otras de paja, como de centeno, eran mui primamente labradas, vnas coberturas piramidales, y quadradas, y otras redondas, y de otras formas.' _ib._ _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] 'la menor dellas tiene çinqüenta escalones para subir al cuerpo de la torre.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , calls it hueitzompan. [ ] 'en los escalones habia tambien un cráneo entre piedra y piedra.' _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . but this is unlikely. see also _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] 'estos palos hazian muchas aspas por las vigas, y cada tercio de aspa o palo, tenia cinco cabeças ensartadas por las sienes.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - . acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , places the masts a fathom apart, and twenty skulls upon each cross-pole, which is, to say the least, very close packing. [ ] at each end of the platform. _warden_, _recherches_, p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - . the account of the latter author is so mixed up with that of the chief temple as to be of little value; montanus, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - , follows him. [ ] acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , says that , to , persons could dance with joined hands in this place. [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. , with cut; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. li. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] 'residen en el a la contina cinco mil personas, y todas duermen dentro, y comen a su costa del.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'v'hauea vna guarnigione di dieci mila homini di guerra.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . [ ] the authorities on the temple of mexico are: _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. - ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. , , and in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - , - , with cuts; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix., li., cxxiv.; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - , tom. ii., pp. - , - , with cuts made up from the various descriptions of diaz and others; see his remarks, p. . _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; this author mixes up the descriptions of the chief temple and the tzompantli, and represents this account as that of huitzilopochtli's sanctuary; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., xviii.; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; _ortega_, in _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _tezozomoc_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - , ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , - ; _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. ; _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _west-indische spieghel_, p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. - , with cuts; _warden_, _recherches_, p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . gomara, _conq. mex._, fol. , says that there were idols, each of which is supposed to have had a separate chapel. _cavo_, _tres siglos_, tom. i., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxxii.; in cap. cxxiv., he adds that of these were great temples. [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . some temple pyramids, says dávila padilla, formed a perfect cone, the casing being composed of large stones at the bottom; as the wall rose, the stones decreased in size; the summit was crowned with a precious stone. _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'los grandes tenian tres sobrados encima de los altares, todos _de terrados y_ bien altos.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxiv.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxiv.; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . bernal diaz counted steps, which scarcely agrees with the height of the pyramid. _hist. conq._, fol. . acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - , mentions steps only. 'alto bien mas de quarenta estados: fue hecho de adove, y piedra.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . montanus adds that on the summit stood a square structure, supported by pillars, within which were thousands of skulls; he mentions two chapels. _nieuwe weereld_, p. . it had steps; in the wall was a large diamond. _west-indische spieghel_, p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlix. some of these had two chapels, which would make the number of towers about . _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii. [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . the description of the temple as given by this writer is almost identical with that of the great temple at mexico. _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - . further authorities on mexican buildings: _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. iv-v., viii-xi., xiii-xviii., dec. iii., lib. i., cap. viii., lib. ii., cap. xi., xv.; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii-iii., viii., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. - , ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. ; _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. , ; _west-indische spieghel_, pp. - ; _munster_, _cosmographia_, p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - , - , - ; _cortés_, _aven. y conq._, pp. , - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - , - , - , - , ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - , , - , - , - ; _monglave_, _résumé_, pp. - , - , - ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _cooper's hist. n. amer._, pt ii., p. ; _lafond_, _voyage_, tom. i., pp. - ; _brownell's ind. races_, pp. - ; _ranking's hist. researches_, pp. - ; _domenech_, _mexique_, pp. - ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. ; _dilworth's conq. mex._, pp. , - ; _lenoir_, _parallèle_, pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, pp. - ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. , - , . chapter xix. medicine and funeral rites among the nahuas. mexican contributions to medical science--the botanical gardens--longevity--prevalent diseases--introduction of small-pox and syphilis--medical treatment--the temazcalli--aboriginal physicians--the aztec faculty--standard remedies--surgery--superstitious ceremonies in healing--funeral rites of aztecs--cremation--royal obsequies--embalming--the funeral pyre--human sacrifice--disposal of the ashes and ornaments--mourners--funeral ceremonies of the people--certain classes buried--rites for the slain in battle--burial among the teo-chichimecs and tabascans--cremation ceremonies in michoacan--burial by the miztecs in oajaca. writers on mexico have paid but slight attention to aboriginal medical science, although the greatest benefit which europe derived from that part of the new world came doubtless in the form of medicinal substances. most of the additions to the world's stock of remedies since the sixteenth century were indigenous to tropical america, and in few instances, if any, were their curative properties unknown or unfamiliar to the native doctors. jalap, sarsaparilla, tobacco, with numerous gums and balsams, were among the simples of american origin. dr hernandez, physician to phillip ii., was sent to mexico by his king to investigate the natural history of the country. the results of his researches, in which he was assisted by native experts, were published in a large work, which contains long lists of plants with their medicinal properties, and which has been much used by later writers. i shall not, however, attempt in this chapter to give any catalogue of medicinal plants.[ ] the healing art was protected by royalty, and the numerous rare plants in the royal gardens, collected at great expense from all parts of the country, were placed at the disposal of the doctors in the large cities, who were ordered to experiment with each variety, that its curative or injurious properties might be utilized or shunned. thus the court physicians derived from these constantly increasing collections all the advantages of travel through distant provinces.[ ] the nahuas were a healthy race; naturally so with their fine climate, their hardy training, active habits, frequent bathing, and temperate diet. the extraordinary statements respecting the great age attained by their kings in the earlier periods of nahua history are of course absurdly exaggerated; but as centenarians are often met with among their descendants at the present day, there is no doubt that they were a long-lived race, and that those who did not attain a hundred years, succumbed for the most part to acute diseases.[ ] indigestion and its accompanying ills were unknown, and deformed people were so rare that montezuma kept a collection of them as a curiosity. the diseases most prevalent were acute fevers, colds, pleurisy, catarrh, diarrhea, and, in the coast districts, intermittent fever, spasms, and consumption, aggravated by exposure.[ ] [sidenote: epidemics and their ravages.] deadly epidemics swept the country at intervals, the traditional accounts of which are so intermingled with fable that we can form no idea of their nature. one of the most fatal and wide-spread recorded was that brought on by famine, war, and the anger of the gods at the breaking-up of the toltec empire.[ ] the _matlazahuatl_ was a pestilence said to be confined entirely in its ravages to the natives, and which made great havoc even after the spaniards came. it is thought by some to have attacked the people periodically in former times, and to have been similar in its nature to the yellow fever. while the aztecs were shut up in their island home, a curious malady, consisting of a swelling of the eyelids, followed by a violent dysentery ending in death, or, as others say, by a swelling of the throat and body, attacked the nations on the main land, especially the tepanecs. the popular tradition was that the fumes of roasted fish and insects wafted from the island to the shore, created a powerful longing for this new and, to them, unobtainable food, and that the pangs of an unsatisfied appetite originated the pestilence.[ ] ixtlilxochitl relates that a catarrhic scourge fell upon the people during the unusually severe winter of and carried off large numbers, especially of the aged.[ ] the vices introduced by the spaniards, their oppression of the natives, and the consequent disregard of the ancient regulations respecting cleanliness and the use of liquors, prepared the way for new maladies. with the spaniards came the small-pox, measles, and as some believe, the syphilis. small-pox is said to have been introduced by a negro from one of narvaez' ships and spread with frightful rapidity over the whole country, destroying whole households who died and found no other graves than their houses. measles were introduced some ten or eleven years later also from the spanish ships. the yellow fever has never prevailed to any great extent among the natives.[ ] respecting syphilitic diseases and their origin there has been much discussion. the first appearance of the malady has been attributed to the old world and the new, and to many localities in the former. but naturally neither continent, nor any nation has been willing to accept the so-regarded dishonor of inflicting on the world this loathsome plague. the discussion of the subject seems unprofitable and i shall not reopen it here. the testimony in the matter appears to me to prove that syphilis existed in europe long before the discovery of america; but there are also some indications in the traditional history of the nahua peoples that the disease in some of its forms was not unknown to the aboriginal americans before their intercourse with foreigners.[ ] [sidenote: attentions to the sick.] accustomed to look on death in its most terrible form in connection with their oft-recurring religious festivals, the people seem to have become somewhat callous to its dread presence, and to have met its approach with less fear of the dark and unknown hereafter than might have been expected from their superstitious nature. an attack of illness did not necessarily produce great anxiety, or an immediate recourse to the doctor's services; but the common people resorted for the most part to simple home cures, which were the more effective as the curative properties of herbs and their modes of application were generally well known.[ ] the unconcern with which they regarded sickness did not result from want of affection, for the aztecs are said to have been very attentive to their sick, and spent their wealth without stint to save the life of friends. yet the tlascaltecs, a hardier race, are reported by motolinia to have been less attentive, and some other teo-chichimec tribes did not hesitate to kill a patient whose malady did not soon yield to their treatment, under pretense of putting him out of his misery, but really to get him off their hands. this work of charity was performed by thrusting an arrow down the throat of the invalid, and old people were especially the recipients of such favors.[ ] the favorite remedy for almost every ill of the flesh was the vapor-bath, or _temazcalli_. no well-to-do citizen's house was complete without conveniences for indulging in these baths, and the poorer families of each community owned one or more temazcalli in common. the reader is already sufficiently familiar with the general features of these baths, a confined space with facilities for converting water into steam being all that was required. clavigero describes and pictures a very graceful structure for this purpose, for which, as it seems to involve the then-unknown principle of the arch, he probably drew somewhat upon his imagination. it is of adobes, semi-globular in form, about eight feet in diameter, six feet high, with a convex floor a little below the level of the ground. on one side was an opening sufficiently large to admit a man's body, on the opposite side a square furnace separated from the interior by a slab of tetzontli, and at the top an air-hole. most of the bath-houses, however, were simply square or oblong chambers with no furnace attached, in which case the fire had of course to be removed before the apartment was ready for use. when the apparatus was properly heated a mat was spread on the floor, and the patient entered, sometimes accompanied by an assistant, bearing a dish of water to be thrown on the floor and walls to produce steam, and a bunch of maize-leaves with which his body, and especially the part affected, was to be beaten. a plunge into cold water after a profuse perspiration was frequently but not always resorted to. as i have said, there were scarcely any maladies for which this treatment was not recommended, but it was regarded as particularly efficacious in the case of fevers brought on by costiveness, bites of venomous serpents and insects, bruises, and unstrung nerves, and to relieve the pains and purify the system of child-bearing women. the steam-baths were also much used to promote cleanliness and to refresh the weary bodies of those in good health.[ ] the beneficial effects of a change of climate upon invalids seem to have been appreciated, if we may credit herrera, who states that michoacan was much resorted to by the sick from all parts of the country.[ ] for severe cases, the expenses of treating which could not be borne except by the wealthy classes, hospitals were established by the government in all the larger cities, endowed with ample revenues, where patients from the surrounding country were cared for by experienced doctors, surgeons, and nurses well versed in all the native healing arts.[ ] medical practitioners were numerous, who attended patients for a small remuneration; the jealousy of spanish physicians, however, brought them into disrepute soon after the conquest, and the healing art, like others, greatly degenerated. it is related that a famous medicine-man of michoacan was summoned before the college of physicians in mexico on the charge of being a quack. in reply to the accusation he asked his judges to smell a certain herb, which produced a severe hemorrhage, and then invited them to check the flow of blood. seeing that they were unable to do this promptly, he administered a powder that immediately had the desired effect. "these are my attainments," he exclaimed, "and this the manner in which i cure the ailings of my patients."[ ] [sidenote: the nahua esculapius.] the esculapius of the nahuas was embodied in the persons of oxomococipactonatl and tlatecuinxochicaoaca, who were traditionally the inventors of medicine and the first herbalists among the toltecs. soon after its invention the healing profession became one of the most highly honored, and its followers constituted a regular faculty, handing down their knowledge and practice from generation to generation, according to the nahua caste-system, according to which the son almost invariably adopted the profession of his father, by whom he was educated. this system of education from early childhood under the father's guidance, the opportunities for practice in the public hospitals, free access to the botanical gardens, and the numerous subjects for anatomical dissection supplied by sacrificial rites, certainly offered to the nahua doctor abundant opportunities of acquiring great knowledge and skill. the profession was not altogether in the hands of the sterner sex; for female physicians were in high repute, especially on the eastern coast. in certain cases, as of childbirth, we find the patient attended by none but women, who administer medicines and baths and render other necessary assistance, even going so far as to cut out the infant in order to save the mother's life.[ ] medicines were given in all the usual forms of draught, powder, injection, ointment, plaster, etc.; the material for which was gathered from the three natural kingdoms in great variety. many of the herbs were doubtless obtained from the gardens, but large quantities were obtained in the forests of different provinces by wandering collectors who brought their herbs to the market-places for sale, or even peddled them, it is said, from house to house. each ailment had its particular corrective, the knowledge of which was not entrusted to the memory alone, but was also recorded in painted books.[ ] doubtless many of the vegetable and other medicines employed were mere nostrums administered to give an exalted opinion of the doctor's knowledge and skill rather than with any hope of effecting a cure. [sidenote: treatment of various diseases.] sahagun gives page after page of native recipes for every ailment of the human body, which cannot be reproduced here. many of the remedies and methods of application are as absurd as any of those which have been noticed among the wild tribes. for diseases of the scalp a wash of urine, an ointment of soot, and an application of black clay were prescribed, together with vegetable specifics too numerous to mention. the white of an egg was much used in mixing remedies for wounds and bruises; a certain animal _tapaiaxin_ was eaten for a swollen face; the broth of a boiled fowl was recommended for convalescents. cataracts on the eye were rasped and scraped with certain roots; for bloodshot eyes the membrane was cut, raised with a thorn, and anointed with woman's milk; clouded eyes were treated with lizard's dung. morning dew cured catarrh in newly born children. hoarseness was treated by drinking honey, and an external application of india-rubber. wounds in the lips must be sewn up with a hair; a certain insect pounded and hot pepper were among the remedies for toothache, and great care of the teeth was recommended. stammering in children was supposed to be caused by too long suckling. remedies for a cold were nearly as numerous as in our day. copper-filings were applied to bubos, which may or may not have been syphilitic sores. for looseness of the bowels in infants, the remedy was given not only to the child but to the nurse. for a severe blow on the chest, urine in which lizards had been boiled must be drunk. the necessity of regulating the bowels to sustain health was well understood, and the doctor usually effected his purpose by injecting a herbal decoction from his mouth through the leg-bone of a heron. purgatives in common use were jalap, pine-cones, _tacuache_, _amamaxtla_, and other roots; diuretics, _axixpatli_ and _axixtlacotl_; emetics, _mexochitl_ and _neixcotlapatli_. _izticpatli_, and _chatalhuic_, are mentioned among the remedies for fevers. balsams were obtained from the _huitziloxitl_ by distillation, from the _huaconex_ by soaking the bark in water, and from the _maripenda_, by boiling the fruit and tender stones. oils were made from _tlapatl_, _chile_, _chian_, _ocotl_ (a kind of pine), and the india-rubber tree. _octli_, or wine, was often prescribed to strengthen the system, and was also mixed with other medicines to render them more palatable, for which latter purpose cacao was also much used. several stones possessed medicinal properties: the _aztetl_, held in the hand or applied to the neck, stopped bleeding at the nose; the _xiuhtomoltetl_, taken in the form of a powder, cured heartburn and internal heat. this latter stone fell from the clouds in stormy weather, sunk into the earth, and grew continually larger and larger, a solitary tuft of grass alone indicating to the collector its whereabouts. the bones of giants dug up at the foot of the mountains, were collected by their dwarfish successors, ground to powder, mixed with cacao, and drunk as a cure for diarrhea and dysentery. persons suffering from fever, or wishing to allay carnal desires, ate jaguar's flesh; while the skin, bones, and excrement of the same animal, burnt, powdered, and mixed with resin, formed an antidote for insanity. certain horny-skinned worms, similarly powdered and mixed, were a specific for the gout, decayed teeth, and divers other ailments. [sidenote: superstitious curative rites.] surgery was no less advanced than other branches of the healing art, and cortés himself had occasion to acknowledge the skill and speed with which they cured wounds. snake-bites, common enough among a barefooted people, were cured by sucking and scarifying the wound, covering it with a thin transparent pellicle from the maguey-plant. rubbing with snuff, together with heat, was another treatment, and the _coanenepilli_ and _coapatli_ were also considered antidotes. fractures were treated with certain herbs and gums, different kinds for different limbs, and bound up with splints; if the healing did not progress satisfactorily the bone was scraped before the operation of resetting. for painful operations of this nature it is possible that narcotics were administered, for at certain of the sacrifices it is related that the victims were sprinkled with _yauhtli_ powder to render them less sensitive to pain. mendieta states that a stupefying drink was given on similar occasions; and acosta mentions that _oliliuhqui_ was taken by persons who desired to see visions. this latter was a seed, which was also an ingredient of the _teopatli_, or divine medicine, composed besides of india-rubber gum, ocotl-resin, tobacco, and sacred water. this medicine could only be obtained from the priests. blood-letting was much in vogue for various ills, the lancets used being iztli knives, porcupine-quills, or maguey-thorns. ulli-marked papers were burned by the recovered patient as a thank-offering to the gods. veterinary surgeons are mentioned by oviedo as having been employed in the zoölogical gardens of montezuma.[ ] the medicines, though prepared and applied by the doctors themselves, were not deemed sufficient for the patient; superstitious ceremonies were held to be indispensable to effect a cure, and to enhance the value of professional services. evil beings and things had to be exorcised, the gods must be invoked, especially the patron deity, known chiefly by the name of teteionan, who was esteemed the inventor of many valuable specifics, as the ocotl-oil and others, and confessions were extorted to ease the conscience and appease the offended deity. the affected parts were rubbed and pressed amid mutterings and strange gestures, and to work the more upon the simple-minded patient, they pretended to extract a piece of coal, bone, wood, or other object, the supposed cause of the ailment. a favorite treatment in certain prostrating cases was to form a figure of corn dough, which was laid upon a prickly maguey-leaf and placed in the road, with the view of letting the first passer-by carry away the disease--a charitable hope that seems to have afforded much relief to the afflicted. however absurd this jugglery may appear, it no doubt gave a powerful stimulus to the imagination, which must have aided the working of the medicine. in critical cases, chance was often consulted as to the fate of the sufferer. a handful of the largest grains or beans were thrown on the ground, and if any happened to fall upright it was regarded as a sure sign that the patient would die, and he received little or no attention after that; otherwise prescriptions and encouraging words were not spared. sometimes a number of cord rings were thrown in the same manner, and if they fell in a heap, death was expected to result; but if any fell apart, a change for the better was looked for. to encounter a snake or lizard was held to be a sign of death for the person himself or for his sick friend. although no curative process, probably, in the case of a serious illness was altogether free from superstitious rites, yet it is surprising that these played so unimportant a rôle. among a people so addicted on every occasion to complicated ceremonies, the most complicated might naturally be sought in their efforts to combat disease; but it is just here that the least reliance seems to have been placed in supernatural agencies.[ ] [sidenote: funeral rites of kings.] the aztecs were very particular about the disposal of their dead, and conducted funeral rites with the pomp that attended all their ceremonials. the obsequies of kings were especially imposing, and their description, embracing as it does nearly all the ceremonies used on such occasions by these nations, will present the most complete view of the proceedings. [sidenote: preparation for future existence.] when the serious condition of the monarch became apparent, a veil[ ] was thrown over the face of the patron god, to be removed on his death, and notice was sent to all the friendly princes, the grandees and nobles of the empire, to attend the obsequies; those who were unable to attend in person sent representatives to deliver their condolence and presents. as soon as the king had breathed his last, certain masters of ceremonies, generally old men whose business it was to attend on these occasions, and who were doubtless connected with the priesthood,[ ] were summoned to prepare the body for the funeral. the corpse was washed with aromatic water, extracted chiefly from trefoil,[ ] and occasionally a process of embalming was resorted to. the bowels were taken out and replaced by aromatic substances, but the method does not seem to have been very complete, and may only have been intended to serve while the body lay in state, for no remains of embalmed mummies have been found. the art was an ancient one, however, dating from the toltecs as usual, yet generally known and practiced throughout the whole country. a curious mode of preserving bodies was used by the lord of chalco who captured two tezcucan princes, and, in order that he might feast his eyes upon their hated forms, had them dried and placed as light-holders in his ball-room.[ ] when the invited guests had arrived the body was dressed in many mantles, often to the number of fifteen or twenty, such as the king had worn on the most solemn occasions, and consequently richly embroidered and glittering with jewels.[ ] while some were shrouding the body, others cut papers of different colors into strips of various forms, and adorned the corpse therewith. water was then poured upon its head with these words: "this is the water which thou usedst in this world;"[ ] and a jug of water was placed among the shrouds, the priest saying: "this is the water wherewith thou art to perform the journey." more papers were now delivered to the deceased in bunches, the priest explaining the import of each, as he placed it with the body. on delivering the first bunch he said: "with these thou art to pass between two mountains that confront each other." the second bunch, he was told, would pass him safely over a road guarded by a large snake; the third would conduct him by a place held by an alligator, _xochitonal_; the fourth would protect and aid him in traversing the 'eight deserts;' other papers would facilitate the passage of the 'eight hills,' and still others afford protection against the cutting winds termed _itzehecayan_, which were so strong as to tear out rocks and cut like very razors; here the wearing-apparel buried with him would also be of great service. a little red dog was thereupon slain by thrusting an arrow down its throat, and the body placed by the side of the deceased, with a cotton string about its neck. the dog was to perform the part of charon, and carry the king on his back across the deep stream called chicunahuapan, 'nine waters,'[ ] a name which points to the nine heavens of the mexicans. it will thus be seen that the dead had a difficult road to travel before reaching their future abode, which was on the fifth day after the burial, and that they needed the articles of comfort and necessity, as food, dresses, and slaves, which affectionate friends provided for their use. the ideas entertained by the nahuas respecting a future life belong to another department of my work, and will only be alluded to incidentally in this chapter. after the defunct had received his passports, he was covered with a mantle like that of the god which his condition and mode of death rendered appropriate, and decorated with its image. as most kings were warriors, he would be dressed in a mantle of huitzilopochtli, and would, in addition, wear the mantle of his favorite god.[ ] a lock of hair was cut off and placed, with one that had been cut at his birth, as well as small idols, in a casket painted inside and out with the images of the patron deity. the casket used for this purpose in the case of some of the chichimec kings is described to have been of emerald or other fine stone, three feet square, and covered by a gold lid set with precious stones. a mask either painted, or of gold, or of turquoise mosaic was placed over the face,[ ] and a chalchiuite, which was to serve for a heart, between the lips. according to tezozomoc and duran a statue was placed with the king, dressed in royal insignia by the hands of princes. the chiefs of the senate redressed it in other robes after painting it blue. it was then honored with addresses and presents, and again undressed, painted black, and arrayed in a robe of quetzalcoatl; a garland of heron-feathers was placed upon its head, bracelets and jewelry about its body, a small gilded shield by its side, and a stick in the hand. this figure shared the honors given to the body and was burned with it.[ ] [sidenote: royal obsequies.] the arrayed corpse was either laid upon a litter covered with rich cloths, or seated upon a throne, and watched over by a guard of honor, while princes and courtiers came to pay their last respects.[ ] they approached with great manifestations of grief, weeping, lamenting, clapping their hands, bending the body or exhibiting neglect of person, and addressed the defunct, referring to his present happiness, the loss his departure had caused, his goodness and bravery, and begged his acceptance of the presents they had brought. this performance was enacted by all, those of higher rank taking precedence and leaving offerings of ten slaves, a hundred robes, and other things, while others brought gifts of less value. then came the women, and while they were leaving their presents of food, the aged courtiers intoned the funeral chant, the _miccacuicatl_. addresses of condolence were also made to the royal family or the senate. the human sacrifices were inaugurated at this time by the immolation of the sacerdotal slave under whose charge the household idols stood.[ ] on the fifth day, before daybreak, a grand procession formed for the temple, preceded by an enormous paper banner, four fathoms in length, and richly adorned with feathers, on which the deeds of the defunct were doubtless inscribed, and attended by priests who wafted incense and chanted his glory, though in mournful strains, and without instrumental accompaniment.[ ] the corpse was borne upon the state litter by the most trusted of the noble servitors, while at the sides walked the chief lords and princes dressed in mourning, their attire consisting of long, square mantles of dark color, trailing on the ground, without any ornaments; some, however, were painted with figures of skulls, bones, and skeletons. behind them came the ambassadors of absent princes, the grandees and nobles from all parts of the country, each carrying some insignia, weapons, or jewels to be offered on the pyre.[ ] in the procession were also a large number of slaves, all newly attired in the royal livery,[ ] and carrying clothes, implements, and other articles, according to the duties assigned them. on reaching the courtyard of the temple, the priest who directed the burning came to receive the procession, and conducted it to the altar devoted to cremation, all chanting the while a moral song, in which they reminded the mourners that as they were now carrying a senseless body to its last resting-place, so would they be carried; they also reminded them that good deeds alone would remain to keep their remembrance green, and pictured the glories in store for the deserving. these priests were called _coacuiles_, and their office was held to be of such importance that they prepared for it by fasting and confession. they appeared in the same idol dress as the dead king, though with more elaborate ornaments. we find them on one occasion as demons with faces at different parts of their dress, set with eyes of mirrors and gaping mouths; and at another time with blackened or dyed bodies and paper maxtlis, swinging the yellow sticks used to stir the ashes. according to ixtlilxochitl, the high-priest of cihuacoatl, who was supposed to gather the dead, came out to receive the procession.[ ] [sidenote: cremation and interment.] the opinions as to the introduction of cremation are extremely varied, but it seems to have been practiced in very ancient times by the migrating tribes, who took this means to secure the remains of honored chiefs from desecration; their ashes could thus be carried along and serve as talismanic relics. ixtlilxochitl gives an instance of this in the case of a chichimec king who died in battle and whose body was burned, so that the ashes might be carried home with convenience and safety. brasseur de bourbourg also holds that cremation was an ancient toltec custom, but the first recorded case is that of the last toltec king, topiltzin.[ ] others assert that the toltecs who remained in the country after the destruction of their empire adhered to interment, as did the early chichimecs. veytia affirms that ixtlilxochitl or tezozomoc was the first to be deposited according to the forms instituted by topiltzin and used by the mexicans, namely, burning; torquemada distinctly states that the chichimecs used cremation, and clavigero agrees with him.[ ] veytia also thinks that the first aztec kings were buried, but this is contrary to all other reliable accounts. the custom may not have been very general, for sahagun states that during itzcoatl's reign it was resolved by the chiefs that all should be burned, indicating at the same time that cremation was then already in use. the later established usage was to burn all except those who died a violent death, or of incurable diseases, and those under seventeen years of age, who were all interred. the tlascaltecs and tarascos practiced burning like the aztecs.[ ] the altar devoted to the burning was doubtless one attached to the temple consecrated to the deity to whose abode the deceased was supposed to go. chaves describes it as three feet in height and the same in width,[ ] on which a heap of ocotl was piled. upon this pyre the body was laid in full array, together with the dog, and, as the fire flared up, the mourners added insignia, jewels, weapons, food, and other tributes. two of the demon-like coacuiles stirred the fire while others stood by chanting appropriate songs and sprinkling blessed water and incense upon the remains, as well as upon the mourners. now began the sacrifice of those doomed to follow the deceased to the other world and there administer to his wants and pleasure. these were at first but few in number, but during the bloody dominion of the aztecs they increased to several hundred, as at the funeral of nezahualpilli, when two hundred males and one hundred females were immolated; they consisted chiefly of slaves and deformed beings from the royal retinue, and such as had been presented. duran says that all slaves and deformed persons belonging to the household were killed, and acosta goes so far as to state that the whole royal household was dispatched, including the favorite brother of the king; but this must be taken with a grain of allowance, for, at this rate, the nobles, who crowded the service of the monarch, even in menial positions, would soon have been exterminated. some courtiers were, no doubt, expected to prove the sincerity of their life-long adulations by either offering themselves as victims, or submitting to a selection made from their number. sometimes a chief would signify his preference for those among his concubines whom he wished to have with him, a mark of favor often received with great joy, for they would thus be sure of entering into the supreme heaven, where the warlike lords usually went, while they might otherwise be doomed to dark mictlan. self-immolation of wives was, accordingly, not uncommon, although not prescribed by law as in india. brasseur says that captives were sacrificed, but duran states that they were not offered except to the gods. persons born during the last five days of the year--the unlucky days--were, however, reserved for royal obsequies.[ ] [sidenote: disposition of the remains.] this array of victims was harangued by a relative of the deceased, who dilated on the happiness before them in being allowed to join their master, and admonished them to serve him as faithfully in the next world as they had done here. they were then consigned to the priests, who laid them upon a teponaztli,[ ] cut open the breast and tore out the heart, which was thrown upon the pyre, while the bodies were cast upon another blazing hearth near by.[ ] gomara and others state that the bodies were interred, but as the dog and the property were burned, it is not likely that the more important and useful human servants were buried.[ ] when the body had been thoroughly burned, the fire was quenched, the blood collected from the victims being used for this purpose, according to duran, and the ashes, sprinkled with holy water, were placed with the charred bones, stones, and melted jewelry in the urn, or casket, which contained also the hair of the deceased. on the top of this was placed a statue of wood or stone, attired in the royal habiliments, and bearing the mask and insignia, and the casket was deposited at the feet of the patron deity, in the chapel.[ ] on the return of the procession a grand banquet was given to the guests, ending, as usual, with a presentation of gifts. for four days the mourners paid constant visits to the shrine to manifest their sorrow and to present the offerings of food, clothes, or jewels, termed _quitonaltia_, 'to give good luck.' these were either placed by the urn or upon the altar of the god, and removed by the priests, who ate the food and sent the valuables to the temple treasury. these ceremonies closed with the sacrifice of ten to fifteen slaves, and then the casket was deposited in that part of the temple appointed for its permanent reception.[ ] among the chichimecs the royal casket often remained forty days on view in the palace, whence it was carried in procession to its final resting-place.[ ] [sidenote: nahua sepulchres.] in cases of interment the deceased was deposited in the grave, seated on a throne in full array, facing the north,[ ] with his property and victims around him. in early times, when the practice of interment was more general, the victims were few, if not dispensed with entirely, and consisted usually of two favorite concubines, placed one on each side of their master, who, it is said, were entombed alive, though it is more probable that they were stupefied by narcotic drinks, or clubbed, as in michoacan. this practice of burying alive is ascribed to the toltecs.[ ] the graves were usually large subterranean vaults of stone and lime, situated in the temple court, palace, or some favorite spot near the city, as chapultepec. it is related that the temple pyramid in mexico was the superstructure of royal graves, the remains being deposited on the summit, and the successor to the crown erecting upon this another platform. on destroying the temple, the spaniards found several vaults, one beneath the other, with their valuable contents of jewelry.[ ] the toltecs also buried their dead in and near the temples, and, according to some authors, the mounds at teotihuacan, to the number of several hundred, which will be described in vol. iv. of this work, are the graves of toltec chiefs.[ ] the chichimec kings were usually buried in round holes, five to six feet deep, situated in caves beneath the palace or in the mountains; in later times, however, they chose the temples.[ ] twenty days after the burial further offerings were made, together with a sacrifice of from four to five slaves; on the fortieth day two or three more died; on the sixtieth, one or two; while the final immolation consisting of ten to twelve slaves took place at the end of eighty days, and put an end to the mourning. motolinia adds, however, that testimonials of sorrow accompanied by offerings continued to be made every eightieth day for the space of a year.[ ] [sidenote: plebeian funeral rites.] the obsequies of the subjects were, of course, on a scale of much less grandeur, though the rich and nobles ventured to exhibit a certain pomp. the common man, after having been washed in aromatic waters, was dressed in his best garments; a cheap stone called the _tentetl_, 'mouth-stone,' was inserted between the lips; the passport papers for the dark journey were handed to him with the usual address; and by his side were placed the water, the dog, the insignia of his trade, as arms, spade, or the like--spindle or broom in the case of a woman--with the dresses and other things required for comfort. lastly the mantle of the god which his condition in life and manner of death rendered appropriate, was placed upon him; thus, a warrior would wear the mantle of huitzilopochtli with the image of the war god upon it; a merchant the mantle of iyacatecutli; the artisan that of the patron deity of his trade. a drunkard would, in addition, be covered with the robe of the god of wine; a person who had died by drowning, with that of the water gods; the man executed for adultery, with that of the god of lasciviousness; and so on.[ ] according to zuazo, the corpse was further decorated with feathers of various colors, and seated in a chair to receive the expressions of sorrow and respect of friends, and their humble offerings of flowers, food, or dresses. after a couple of hours a second set of shrouders removed the garments, washed the body again, re-dressed it in red mantles, with feathers of the same color, and left it to be viewed for an hour or more, according to the number of the visitors. a third time the body was washed, by a fresh corps of attendants, and arrayed, this time, in black garments, with feathers of the same sombre color. these suits were either given to the temple or buried with the body.[ ] nobles had the large banner borne in their procession, and seem to have been allowed the use of sacrifices.[ ] according to chaves the common people were also burned in their own premises or in the forest, a statement which acosta and others indirectly confirm by saying that they had no regular burial-places, but their ashes were deposited in the yards of their houses, in the temple courts, in the mountains, or in the field. upon the graves were placed flags, ornaments, and various offerings of food during the four days of mourning. visits of condolence with attendant feasting extended over a period of several days, however.[ ] people who had died a violent death, by lightning or other natural causes or of incurable diseases, such as leprosy, tumors, itch, gout, or dropsy, were not burned but interred in special graves. branches or shoots of amaranth were placed upon their cheeks, the brow was rubbed with _texutli_, certain papers were laid over the brain, and in one hand was placed a wooden rod which was supposed to become green and throw out branches in the other world. the bodies of women who died in childbed were also buried; and the burial was attended by great difficulty, since warriors and sorcerers fought bravely to obtain possession of some part of her body, as has been stated in a preceding chapter.[ ] a trader of the rank of pochteca, who died on a journey, was dressed in the garb of his class, with eyes painted black, red circles round the mouth, and with strips of paper all over his person. the body was then deposited in a cacaxtli, or square basket, well secured by cords, and carried to the top of a mountain, where it was fixed to a tree, or pole driven into the ground, and left to wither. the spirit was supposed to have entered the abode of the sun.[ ] on the return of the caravan the death was reported to the guild, who broke the news to the family of the deceased. a puppet made of candlewood, and adorned with the usual paper ornaments, was left at the temple for a day, during which the friends mourned over it as if the body was actually before them. at midnight the puppet was burned in the quauhxicalco and the ashes buried in the usual manner. funeral ceremonies were held for four days, after which the relatives washed the faces, that had remained untouched by water during the absence of the trader, and put an end to the mourning. the practice of paying honors to the dead in effigy was especially in vogue among the warrior class.[ ] [sidenote: honors to the slain in battle.] besides funeral honors to individuals, ceremonies for all those who died in a battle or war were of frequent occurrence, as that ordered by the first montezuma in memory of the slain in the campaign against chalco. a procession of all the relatives and friends of the dead, headed by the fathers bearing decorated arms and armor, and terminated by the children, marched through the streets, dancing and chanting mournful songs in honor of those who had fallen fighting for their country and their gods, and for each other's mutual consolation. towards evening presents were distributed by the king's officials, clothing to the common people, ornaments to the chiefs, and food to all. an effigy was then prepared, the details of whose dress and decoration are minutely described, and before it, placed in the _cihuacalli_, war songs were chanted, instruments were played, women danced and cried for four days; then the image was burned before the temple, the ceremony being called _quitlepanquetzin_, 'burning the dead of the last war.' some of the ashes were scattered upon the relatives, who fasted for eighty days, the remaining ashes being in the meantime buried; but after the eighty days had passed they were dug up and carried to the hill of yahualiuhcan, on the boundaries of chalco, where they were left. five days later a feast took place, during which the garments of the dead warriors were burned, more offerings were made, and as a final honor to the memory of the departed all became intoxicated with pulque. very distinguished warriors were sometimes honored with the funeral rites of royalty.[ ] the ceremonies during the period of mourning were not the last honors paid to deceased friends. every year during the four years that the souls were supposed to live in a preparatory state in the heavens,[ ] offerings of choice viands, wine, flowers, and reeds of perfume were placed before the casket or upon the grave; songs extolling the merits of the departed were sung, accompanied by dances, the whole closing with feasting and drinking. after this the dead were left to oblivion.[ ] these commemorations took place in the months of tlaxochimaco and xocotlhuetzin. the former was termed 'the small festival of the dead,' and seems to have been devoted to the common people and children, but at the celebration in the latter month great demonstrations were observed by all; and certain royal personages and warriors who had died for their country were awarded divine honors, their statues being placed among those of the gods, to whose presence they had gone. while the priests were burning incense and making other offerings to the dead, the people stood with blackened bodies on the roofs of their houses, and, facing north, prayed to their dead relatives, calling on them to visit their former homes.[ ] in the month of quecholli another celebration took place, which seems to have been chiefly intended for warriors who had perished in battle. on the fifth day certain small arrows from five to nine inches in length, and torches, were tied in bundles of four each and placed upon the graves, together with a pair of sweet tamales. at sunset the bundles were set on fire, and the ashes interred with the dead. the shield of the dead, with arrow, mantle, and maxtli attached, was afterwards fastened to a stalk of maize of nine joints, mounted by two paper flags, one of which reached the length of the stalk. on the small flag was a cross, worked in red thread, and on the other an ornamentation of red and white thread, from the white part of which a dead humming-bird was suspended. bunches of white _aztatl_ feathers, tied in pairs, were also attached to the stalk by a thread covered with white hen-feathers. this was burned at the quauhxicalco.[ ] [sidenote: funeral rites of the tarascos.] among the peoples whose funeral ceremonies differ from those described, may be mentioned the teo-chichimecs, who interred their dead, and danced and sang for several days after.[ ] in tabasco interment seems also to have prevailed, for grijalva found a grave in the sand, containing a boy and a girl wrapped in cotton cloth and adorned with jewelry.[ ] in goazacoalco it was the custom to place the bones in a basket, as soon as the flesh was gone, and hang them up in a tree, so that the spirit of the defunct might have no trouble in finding them.[ ] [sidenote: cremation of the tarascan kings.] in michoacan the funeral rites were of a very exacting character. when the king lay on his death-bed it was incumbent on all vassals and courtiers to attend at the palace, and those who stayed away were severely punished. while awaiting the final breath they were royally entertained, but none could enter the death-chamber. when the corpse was ready for shrouding, the lords entered to dress it in festive robes, each attending to a particular part of the attire; the emerald brooch was put between the lips, and the body was laid upon a litter covered with cloths of different colors. on one side of the body were placed a bow and quiver, on the other was a doll made up of fine mantles and dressed exactly like the king.[ ] while the courtiers were giving vent to lamentations and tendering their respects, the new king proceeded to select those among the servitors, who, according to the inviolable law of the country, were doomed to follow the dead prince. seven of these were noble women, to whom various duties were assigned; one was appointed to carry the precious lip-ornament, another to keep the rest of the jewels, a third to be cup-bearer, and the others to attend at table and to cook. among the male victims, who seem to have been slaves for the most part, every trade and profession was represented,[ ] as valets, hair-dressers, perfumers, fan-holders, chair-bearers, wood-cutters, boatmen, sweepers, doorkeepers, and artisans; also clowns, and some of the physicians who had failed to save the life of the monarch. occasionally some enthusiast would offer to join his beloved master of his own accord, but this seems to have been prohibited; besides, the new king had, doubtless, selected all that were obnoxious to him, and could not afford to lose good servants. at midnight the litter was carried on the shoulders of the chief men to the temple, followed by vassals, warriors, and courtiers, some blowing trumpets, others chanting the glories of the dead. in the van of the procession were the victims, who had been bathed in aromatic waters and adorned with garlands stripped of their leaves and branches, and with yellow streaks over the face, who marched in files, sounding whistles, rattling bones, and beating tortoise-shell drums. torch-bearers attended the party, and ahead went a number of men who swept the road, singing at the same time: "lord, here thou hast to pass, see that thou dost not miss the road!"[ ] four turns were made round the pyre before depositing the corpse upon it. while the flames shot up, and the funeral chants fell from the lips of the mourners, the victims were stupefied with drinks and clubbed; the bodies were thrown into holes behind the temple, by threes or fours, together with the ornaments and other belongings of the deceased. the ashes and valuables were gathered from the smoking pyre, and made into a figure, which was dressed in royal habiliments, with a mask for its face, a golden shield on its back, bows and arrows by its side; this was set upon a throne facing the east, the whole being placed in a large urn, which was deposited upon a bed of golden shields and silver articles in a grave with stone walls, lined with mats, about twelve feet square, and equally deep, situated at the foot of the temple. the urn was covered with a number of valuable mantles, and around it were placed various implements, food, drink, and boxes filled with feather-work and ornaments; the grave was finally bridged with varnished beams and boards, and covered with a coating of earth and clay. after the funeral, all who had taken an active part in the ceremonies went to bathe, in order to prevent any injury to their health,[ ] and then assembled at the palace to partake of a sumptuous repast. at the close of the banquet a cotton cloth was given to each guest wherewith to wipe his face, but all remained seated for five days with lowered heads, without uttering a word, except the grandees, who went in turn by night to watch and mourn at the grave. during this period the mourning was general, no corn was ground, no fires lighted, no business transacted; the streets were deserted, and all remained at home, mourning and fasting. the obsequies of the people bore a general resemblance to the above, the ceremonies being regulated by the rank and means of the deceased. the graves were usually situated in the fields or on the slope of a hill.[ ] [sidenote: sepulchres in oajaca.] among the miztecs, in oajaca, where cremation does not seem to have obtained, compliments and addresses were presented to the corpse of a chief, just as if he were alive. a slave arrayed in the same splendid garments worn by his master, with mask, mitre, and other insignia, was placed before it; and while the funeral procession accompanied the body to burial, he represented the chief, and received the honors paid to royalty. at midnight four priests carried the body to the forest, where it was placed, in the presence of the mourners, in a cave, with the feet to the east, and surrounded with various weapons and implements. two male and three female slaves, who had in the meantime been made drunk and strangled, were also placed in the grave, together with idols to serve as guides. burgoa was told by the natives that devoted servants used to follow their lord alive into the grave. on the return of the funeral cortège, the slave who represented the deceased was sacrificed and deposited in a hole, which was left unclosed. the cave selected for the grave of the chief was supposed to be the gate to paradise. burgoa found two of these resting-places. one was situated in a hill and lighted by loopholes from above. along the sides were stone benches, like troughs, upon which lay the bejeweled skeletons, and here and there were niches occupied by idols. another was a stone vault, with plastered walls, arranged like the former; a stone block closed the entrance.[ ] some authors state that when the flesh was consumed, the bones were taken out and placed in graves in the houses or in the temples; this may, however, only have applied to certain chiefs, for burgoa found skeletons, as we have seen, in the caves which he explored. every year, on the anniversary of the birth of the last defunct lord, not on that of his death, great ceremonies were held in his honor.[ ] like the aztecs, they believed that the soul wandered about for a number of years before entering into perfect bliss, and visited its friends on earth once a year.[ ] on the eve of that day the house was prepared as if for a festive occasion, a quantity of choice food was spread upon the table, and the inmates went out with torches in their hands, bidding the spirits enter. they then returned and squatted down round the table with crossed hands and eyes lowered to the ground, for it was thought that the spirits would be offended if they were gazed upon. in this position they remained till morning, praying their unseen visitors to intercede with the gods in their favor, and then arose, rejoiced at having observed due respect for the departed. the food, which the spirits were supposed to have rendered sacred by inhaling its virtue, was distributed among the poor, or deposited in some out-of-the-way place. during the day further ceremonies, accompanied by offerings, were made at the temples, and a table was spread for the priests.[ ] [sidenote: physical peculiarities.] the nahuas were physically a fine race. they are described by all the old writers as being tall,[ ] well-formed, and of an olive or light copper color; as having thick, black, coarse, though soft and glossy hair, regular teeth, low, narrow, retreating foreheads,[ ] black eyes, scant beards,[ ] and very little hair on their bodies. their senses were very acute, especially that of sight, which they enjoyed unimpaired to the most advanced age.[ ] their bodies they kept in training by constant exercise. they were wonderful runners and leapers, and, as we have seen, some of their athletic and acrobatic feats were looked upon by the conquerors as nothing short of the work of the devil. it was no unusual thing to meet with people who from their color could scarcely be distinguished from europeans. the people of michoacan enjoy the reputation of having been the tallest and handsomest among the nahuas.[ ] the women of jalisco found great favor in the eyes of the reverend father torquemada. he was shown one there, he says, who might be considered a miracle of beauty; indeed, so fair was her skin, so well-proportioned her body, and so regular her features, that the most skillful portrait-painter would have been put to it to do her justice.[ ] deformed people were very uncommon; indeed, as we have seen, their rarity made them valuable as objects of curiosity, and kings and princes kept collections of them.[ ] [sidenote: character of the nahuas.] the character of the nahuas, although the statements of the best authors are nearly unanimous concerning it, is in itself strangely contradictory. we are told that they were extremely frugal in their habits, that wealth had no attractions for them, yet we find them trafficking in the most shrewd and careful manner, delighting in splendid pageants, gorgeous dresses, and rich armor, and wasting their substance in costly feasts; they were tender and kind to their children, and solicitous for their welfare, yet the punishments they inflicted upon their offspring were cruel in the extreme;[ ] they were mild with their slaves, and ferocious with their captives; they were a joyous race, fond of feasting, dancing, jesting, and innocent amusements, yet they delighted in human sacrifices, and were cannibals; they possessed a well-advanced civilization, yet every action of their lives was influenced by gross superstition, by a religion inconceivably dark and bloody, and utterly without one redeeming feature; they were brave warriors, and terrible in war, yet servile and submissive to their superiors; they had a strong imagination and, in some instances, good taste, yet they represented their gods as monsters, and their religious myths and historical legends are absurd, disgusting, and puerile. that the nahuas were a most ingenious people is abundantly proven by their work as well as by the statements of those who knew them. it has been said that they were not inventive, but this clavigero indignantly denies.[ ] it is certain that their power of imitation was very great,[ ] and that they were very quick to learn the new arts introduced among them by the spaniards.[ ] they were generous and remarkably free from avarice.[ ] they are said to have been very temperate in their habits,[ ] but judging from the vast number of dishes served up at the tables of the rich, and the stringent laws which were necessary to prevent drunkenness, this appears doubtful. although terrible to their enemies, and naturally warlike, they were peaceable among themselves, and seldom quarreled. las casas says that when a difficulty arose between two of them, the disputants did not come at once to blows, but contented themselves with such personal abuse as: "go to, thou hast bad eyes; thou art toothless;" or they threw handfuls of dirt in each other's faces and then separated and washed themselves. on rare occasions they pushed and elbowed each other, or even had a scuffle, in which hair was pulled out, clothes were torn, and bloody noses received, but deadly weapons were never used, nor even worn except by soldiers on duty. the same writer relates that two women were put to death by order of the king of tezcuco for fighting in the public market-place, a scandalous outrage upon public decency, the like of which had never been heard of before. he says, further, that when two young men became enamored of the same woman, or when one carried off the other's mistress, the rivals were allowed to fight a duel for the possession of the woman. the combat did not take place, however, until the army went forth to war, when upon the first engagement they sought out each other, and fought with their weapons until one was vanquished.[ ] they seem to have been very strict and jealous in all matters relating to their women.[ ] the tlascaltecs were great lovers of liberty, and were always ready to fight for it; they were, besides, quick to take offence, otherwise they are said to have been of a peaceable, domestic disposition, content to stay at home and listen to or tell stories in their own families, an amusement of which they were very fond. they are further described as truthful, just, frugal, and industrious.[ ] the cholultecs, so celebrated for their pottery, are reported to have been very peaceful, industrious, and shrewd traders, yet brave withal, and capable of defending their rights.[ ] the zapotecs were a fierce people, always at war with their neighbors.[ ] the miztecs are said by herrera to have been the bravest people in all new spain; the same writer asserts that they were lazy and improvident, while espinosa speaks of them as an industrious race.[ ] the natives of vera cruz are spoken of as affable and shrewd.[ ] the people of jalisco were witty and slothful, yet they willingly carried burdens for the spaniards, herrera tells us.[ ] the tarascos were exceedingly valorous, great liars, and industrious.[ ] footnotes: [ ] _hernandez_, _nova plantarum_, etc. the mss., comprising books of text and books of plates, were sent to the escurial in spain, and from them abridged editions were published in mexico, , and rome, . the latter edition is the one in my collection. sahagun also devotes considerable space to a description of herbs and their properties. _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., xi. [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] 'É da maravigliare, che i messicani, e massimamente i poveri, non fossero a molte malattie sottoposti atteso la qualità de' loro alimenta.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'las principales enfermedades que corrian entre esta gente, eran de abundancia de colera, y flema, o otros malos humores, causados de mala comida, y falta de abrigo.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi. [ ] _tezozomoc_, _crón. mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'hacia malparir las mugeres, de antojo de comer de aquello que asaban ... daban camazas á los viejos de deseo de comer de aquello; y á las mugeres se los hinchaban los brazos, las manos, y las piernas, que adolecian mucho, y morian con aquel deseo.' _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. x. torquemada qualifies this by 'esto dicho, pase por cuento.' _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _tezozomoc_, _crón. mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - , . [ ] _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - , tom. iv., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _pauw_, _rech. phil._, tom. i., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _prescott's mex._, vol. ii., pp. - ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., pp. - ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. ; _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clx., p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. . [ ] 'both men, women, and children, had great knowledge in herbs.... they did spend little among physicians.' _gage's new survey_, p. . 'casi todos sus males curan con yeruas.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'no se guardauan de males contagiosos, y enfermedades, y bestialmente se dexavan morir.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi. [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . 'si algun médico entre ellos (tlascaltecs) fácilmente se puede haber, sin mucho ruido ni costa, van lo á ver, y si no, mas paciencia tienen que job.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , with cuts, copied in _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. [ ] 'en las ciudades principales ... habia hospitales dotadas de rentas y vasallos donde se resabian y curaban los enfermos pobres.' _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxli. 'de cuando en cuando van por toda la provincia á buscar los enfermos.' _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, pp. - . [ ] _bustamante_, in _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., p. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'hay calle de herbolarios donde hay todas las raíces y yerbas medicinales que en la tierra se hallan. hay casas como de boticarios donde se venden las medicinas hechas, así potables como ungüentos emplastos.' _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . they 'possédaient des livres dans lesquels étaient consignées minutieusement toutes leurs observations relatives aux sciences naturelles.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . see also _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . 'tenian siete, o ocho maneras de rayzes de yeruas y flores: de yeruas y arboles, que eran las que mas comunmente vsauan para curarse.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi. [ ] acosta adds that the ashes of divers poisonous insects were mixed with the teopatli composition, which benumbed the part to which it was applied. 'aplicado por via de emplasto amortigua las carnes esto solo por si, quanto mas con tanto genero de ponçoñas, y como les amortiguaua el dolor, pareciales efecto de sanidad, y de virtud diuina.' _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - . for details of medical practice see _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - , , tom. xi., pp. , - , tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxli., ccxiii.; _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, pp. , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. , , ; _oviedo_, _hist. ind._, tom. iii., p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., tom. ii-iii.; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. viii.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. , - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. , tom. iii., pp. - , tom. iv., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxli.; _id._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . 'lanzábanlos (unos cordeles como llavero) en el suelo, y si quedaban revueltos, decian que era señal de muerte. y si alguno ó algunos salian extendidos, teníanlo por señal de vida, diciendo: que ya comenzaba el enfermo á extender los piés y las manos.' _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . other authorities on medicine are: _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _west-indische spieghel_, p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. , vol. ii., pp. - , , - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _mühlenpfordt_, _mejico_, tom. i., pp. - ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _chevalier_, _mex., ancien et mod._, p. ; _baril_, _mexique_, p. ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. . i further have in my possession a very rare and curious medical work by dr monardes, treating of the various medicinal plants, etc., found in mexico and central america, printed in seville in . [ ] 'ponen mascaras a tezcatlipuca, o vitzilopuchtli, o a otro idolo.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . as the idols wore masks, it is more likely that a veil was thrown over the face, than that another mask should have been put on. 'suivant une coutume antique attribuée à topiltzin-acxitl, dernier roi de tollan, on mettait un masque au visage des principales idoles, et l'on couvrait les autres d'une voile.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . 'mettevan una maschera all' idolo di huitzilopochtli, ed un'altra aquello di tezcatlipoca.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'ciertas mujeres y hombres que están salariados de público.' _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . brasseur de bourbourg thinks that they were only employed by the common people. _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . tezozomoc states that princes dressed the body. _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] zuazo says that the corpse was held on the knees of one of the male or female shrouders, while others washed it. _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv. [ ] the chapter on dress furnishes all the information respecting the royal wardrobe. it is not unlikely that princes assisted in robing the king, for such was the custom in michoacan, and that the mantles brought by them were used for shrouding, but authors are not very explicit on this point. [ ] brasseur de bourbourg uses the expression 'c'est cette eau que tu as reçue en venant au monde.' _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . gomara says the dog served as guide: 'vn perro que lo guiasse adonde auia de yr.' _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] 'le ponian los vestidos del dios, que tenia por mas principal en su pueblo, en cuia casa, ò templo, ò patio se havia de enterrar.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . duran mentions an instance where a king was dressed in the mantles of four different gods. _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xxxix.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] 'sobre la mortaja le ponian vna mascara pintada.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . perhaps he confounds the idol image on the robe with the mask, for it is unlikely that the mask should be placed upon the shroud. 'visage découvert.' _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . speaking of the obsequies of tezozomoc of azcapuzalco, ixtlilxochitl says that a turquoise mask was put over his face, 'conforme lo fisonomía de su rostro. esto no se usaba sino con los monarcas de esta tierra; á los demas reyes les ponian una máscara de oro.' _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . veytia states that it was a gold mask 'garnecida de turquezas.' _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . the hair, says gomara, 'quedaua la memoria de su anima.' _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , - ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xxxix. 'on plaçait sur le lit de parade la statue que l'on faisait toujours à l'image du roi.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . the only statue referred to by other authors is that made of the ashes after the cremation. [ ] some of the early chichimec kings lay five days in state, and tlaltecatzin, forty days, his body being buried on the eightieth day. _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , , . [ ] acosta, _hist. de las ynd._, p. , among others, calls this slave a priest. [ ] although acosta says, 'tañendo tristes flautas y atambores.' _hist. de las ynd._, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii. 'on faisait deux grandes bannières de papier blanc.' _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - . duran states that kings bore the corpse and that the mourners were dressed as water-goddesses. _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl., tom. ii., cap. li. acosta says that the arms and insignia were carried before the body by knights. _hist. de las ynd._, p. . [ ] tezozomoc, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , , states that they were dressed in royal insignia and jewels, which is not very likely; a number of them, however, were loaded with the royal wardrobe, which fact may have given rise to this statement. [ ] _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), in _id._, vol. v., pp. - ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xl. 'salia el gran sacerdote, con los otros ministros, à recibirlo.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , , , . [ ] 'el (the mode) que estos chichimecas vsaron, fue quemarlos.' _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , , ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. ix., pp. , ; _id._, _hist. chich._, pp. , , - . veytia, who introduces some arguments on this point, thinks that tezozomoc introduced burning, yet he describes ceremonial cremations in the case of several kings before him. _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - , tom. ii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. , . 'la gente menuda comunmente se enterraua.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . 'sabia por las pinturas, que se quemaron en tiempo del señor de méxico que se decia _itzcóatl_, en cuya época los señores, y los principales que habia entónces, acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen todas, para que no viniesen á manos del vulgo.' _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. - . [ ] _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl.; _bologne_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. - ; _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xxxix., tom. ii., cap. li. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . camargo indicates that the bodies were thrown upon the same pyre together with the presents. _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . 'sacándoles los corazones, y la sangre de ellos en una batea ó gran xícara, con la cual rociavan á huitzilopochtli, á quien le presentaron los corazones de todos los muertos.' _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. . [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _tezozomoc_, ubi sup. [ ] 'la colocaron en el mismo lugar en que ardió la pira.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . this author says that the mouth-stone of the deceased together with the mask, robes, and ornaments were taken off before the body was placed upon the pyre; this could only have been for the purpose of dressing the wooden statue therein; the stone was, however, placed inside the urn. _ixtlilxochitl_, ubi sup. brasseur de bourbourg calls this bundle of bones _tlaquimilolli_, which he says was sacredly preserved, whether of kings or braves. _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. clx., p. . in the case of nauhyotl of culhuacan, the bones were exhumed and placed in a statue, which was made in his honor, and deposited in a temple consecrated to him. _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xxxix. [ ] 'al cuarto dia, al anochecer, cargaron los sacerdotes la arca de las cenizas y la estatua, y la colocaron en una especie de nicho, dentro del templo.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., p. . 'sous le pavé même du sanctuaire, devant la statue du dieu.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . duran mentions that the ashes of one king were deposited at the foot of the stone of sacrifice. _hist. indias_, ms., tom. ii., cap. li.; _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. li. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., pp. - . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. , ; _bologne_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. - ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. , . [ ] 'la muerte se hacian enterrar en la más alta grada, é despues el subcessor subia otras dos gradas.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. . 'los príncipes necesitaban de gran sepultura, porque se llevaban tras sí la mayor parte de sus riquezas y familia.' _solis_, _hist. conq. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'io aiutai a cauar d'vna sepoltura tre mila castigliani poco piu ò meno.' _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _id._, _relaciones_, pp. , ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _ritos antiguos_, p. , in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix. ixtlilxochitl, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. , states that the sacrifices on the fourth day consisted of five to six slaves, on the tenth of one, on the eightieth of three. 'le cinquième on sacrifiait plusieurs esclaves, et cette immolation se répétait encore quatre fois, de dix en dix jours.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . duran, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xiv., xxxix., mentions a fast of eighty days, at the end of which a statue was made, like one which he states was burned with the corpse, and to this exactly the same ceremonies were paid as to the defunct, the statue being burned with an equally large number of slaves as before. the fullest descriptions of royal obsequies are given in _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl., tom. ii., cap. xlviii.; _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - , . [ ] after describing the robing of drunkards and others, gomara says: 'y finalmente a cada oficial dauan el traje del idolo de aquel oficio,' which certainly indicates that a drowned or besotted artisan would wear the mantle due to his position in life as well as that due to his manner of death. _conq. mex._, fol. . clavigero, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - , uses the following expression: 'vestivanlo d'un abito corrispondente alla sua condizione, alle sue facoltà, _ed_ alle circostanze della sua morte.' [ ] _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] camargo says, with reference to sacrifices and pompous ceremonies, 'tout cela avait lieu, plus ou moins, à toutes les funérailles, selon la richesse du défunt.' _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. ; _prescott's mex._, vol. i., p. . [ ] _zuazo_, _carta_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _chaves_, _rapport_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. ; 'durauan las exequias diez dias.' _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. . 'on passait vingt ou trente jours au milieu des fêtes et des festins.' _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., p. . _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. - . see p. of this volume. [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. . [ ] sahagun intimates that the puppet was for those who were slain by enemies, but adds, afterwards, that a puppet was burned with the same ceremonies in the court of the house, if they died at home. _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . see this vol., p. . [ ] _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - , - , - ; _duran_, _hist. indias_, ms., tom. i., cap. xviii., tom. ii., cap. xlviii.; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - , - . [ ] _explicacion del codex telleriano-remensis_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. ; _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), in _id._, p. . [ ] _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., pp. - . 'los tres dias ultimos de este mes ayunavan todos los vivos á los muertos.' _explicacion del codex telleriano-remensis_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. . see this vol., pp. , . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . brasseur de bourbourg says that this celebration was of a general character, and dilutes the meagre and doubtful information of his authority considerably. the arrows and food, 'après qu'elles y avaient demeuré un jour et une nuit, on les enlevait et on brûlait le tout ensemble en l'honneur de mixcohuatl et de ses compagnons d'armes.' _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. . [ ] _diaz_, _itinerario_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii. [ ] _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'esta figura se la ponian encima al difunto.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . it is not likely, however, that a life-size figure, as gomara calls it, or any figure, for that matter, should have been placed over the ornaments of the king and pressed upon the body. beaumont says: 'lo cubrian con una manta, en que estaba pintado ó realzado el cadaver con los mismos adornos.' _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. . 'au-dessus on asseyait une poupée de la taille du défunt.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] 'matauan vno, y aun mas de cada oficio.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . the slaves, he says, 'los embadurnaban todo el cuerpo, con vna tinta amarilla.' 'yban las andas ó atahud en hombros de los tres principales.' _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. . [ ] 'todos los que habian tocado el caltzontzi y á los demas cuerpos se iban á bañar por preservarse de alguna enfermedad.' _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. . [ ] _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. - ; _gage's new survey_, pp. - , with a cut; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _payno_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _geog. descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. - , tom. ii., pt ii., fol. . [ ] _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.; _explicacion del codex telleriano-remensis_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. ; _spiegazione delle tavole del codice mexicano_ (vaticano), in _id._, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] 'au douzième mois de l'année zapotèque.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _burgoa_, _geog. descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . additional references to funeral ceremonies are: _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. , - , ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, pt ii., pp. , , ; _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. - , - , - , - ; _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. - , - ; _gemelli careri_, in _churchill's col. voyages_, vol. iv., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, pp. - ; _d'avity_, _l'amérique_, tom. ii., p. ; _adair_, _amer. ind._, p. ; _touron_, _hist. gén._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., pp. - ; _lenoir_, _parallèle_, pp. - , , ; _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xxiv., pp. - ; _fransham's world in miniature_, vol. ii., p. ; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , - , tom. ii., pp. , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - , tom. iii., pp. - , , - , - , - ; _carli_, _cartas_, pt i., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _simon's ten tribes_, pp. - ; _monglave_, _résumé_, p. ; _cooper's hist. n. amer._, vol. ii., p. ; _baril_, _mexique_, p. ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, pp. - ; _ranking's hist. researches_, pp. - ; _brownell's ind. races_, p. ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. , - , , ; _carbajal_, _discurso_, p. . [ ] except the zapotecs, who, carbajal espinosa says, were of low stature and broad-shouldered. _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . [ ] gomara says they had wide foreheads. _conq. mex._, fol. . 'la forma, ò figura de las cabeças, comunmente las tienen proporcionadas à los cuerpos, y à los otros miembros de èl, y derechas; algunos las tienen empinadas, y las frentes quadradas, y llanas; otros (como son estos mexicanos, y algunos del pirù) las tenian, y tienen de mejor forma, algo de hechura de martillo, ò navio, que es la mejor forma de todas.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. - . 'the aztec skulls are described as being remarkable for the shortness of their axis, their large flattened occiput obliquely truncated behind, the height of the semicircular line of the temples, and the shortness and trapezoidal form of the parietal plane. they present an elevation or ridge along the sagittal suture; the base of the skull is very short, and the face slightly prognathic, as among the mongol-kalmucs. they bear a strong analogy to the skulls of a peruvian brachycephali delineated by morton.' _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. . 'the aboriginal mexicans of our own time are of good stature and well proportioned in all their limbs. they have narrow foreheads, black eyes, white, well-set, regular teeth, thick, coarse and glossy black hair, thin beards, and are in general without any hair on their legs, thighs, or arms. their skin is olive coloured, and many fine young women may be seen among them with extremely light complexions. their senses are very acute, more especially that of sight, which they enjoy unimpaired to the most advanced age.' _figuier's hum. race_, p. . for remarks on mexican crania, descriptions and measurements of skulls with cuts, see _morton's crania amer._, pp. - , - , - , , and plates xvi-xviii., lix.-lxi. [ ] according to herrera, _hist. gen._, (lond. ,) vol. iv., p. , and brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. , the miztecs had long beards. [ ] 'en los sentidos exteriores (como son los de el vèr, oìr, oler, y gustar) los alcançan admirables; porque vèn mui de lejos, y no vsan de antojos, si no son mui pocos, despues que los han visto, en nuestros españoles, y eso es en la vejez, y tienen comunmente los ojos buenos, y hermosos, oien mucho, huelen tambien qualquier cosa de mui lejos; lo mismo es el gusto; el sentido del tacto, comunmente es delicado, lo qual se verifica en ellos, porque qualquier cosa, que pueda lastimarlos, como es frio, calor, açotes, ù otra exterior afliccion, los aflige mui facilmente, y en mucho grado, y qualqueira enfermedad los adelgaça, mas presto los enflaquece, y mata, que à otra nacion, asi española, como otra alguna, como es notorio, à todos los que los conocemos, y son para sufrir mui poco trabajo.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] he adds further: 'y esto (aunque no en tanto extremo) corre, mui en general, por todos estos reinos, y en especial en aquel de xalisco, en la nacion, que llaman coca, y tecuex, que son los tonaltecos, y por acà en la de tlaxcalla, y otras muchas, que por escusar enfado, callo.' _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; see also tom. i., p. . [ ] 'sonovi così rari i deformi, che tutti quegli spagnuoli, e creogli, che nel , vennero dal messico in italia, restarono allora, e sono anche oggidì maravigliati dall'osservare nelle città di questa coltissima penisola un sì gran numero di ciechi, di gobbi, di zoppi, d'attratti ec.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. iv., p. . see farther, concerning the physical peculiarities of the nahuas and earlier peoples: _ixtlilxochitl_, _relaciones_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., pp. , - , , - , ; _vetancvrt_, _teatro mex._, tom. ii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. , , , ; _sahagun_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. , , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., pp. , , , tom. ii., pp. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, tom. i., p. ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - , tom. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xix.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - , tom. iv., pp. - ; _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. , , tom. iii., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. , , tom. ii., pp. , ; _dupaix_, _rel., de expéd._, p. ; _gordon's hist. and geog. mem._, pp. - ; _dillon's hist. mex._, p. ; _macgregor's progress of amer._, vol. i., p. ; _cooper's hist. n. amer._, vol. ii., p. . [ ] see this volume, p. . [ ] 'vi sono molti, che accordano ai messicani una grande abilità per l'imitazione; ma lor contrastano quella dell' invenzione. error volgare, che trovasi smentito nella storia antica di questa nazione.' _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., p. . [ ] see this volume, pp. - . [ ] 'los niños de los indios no son molestos con obstinacion ni porfia à la fè catholica, como lo son los moros y indios; antes aprenden de tal manera las verdades de los christianos, que no solamente salen con ellas, sino que las agotan, y es tanta su facilidad que parece que se las beuen. aprenden mas presto que los niños españoles; y con mas contento los articulos de la fè por su orden, y las demas oraciones de la doctrina christiana, reteniendo en la memoria fielmente lo que se les enseña.' _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. . 'il n'était rien que les indiens n'apprissent avec une rapidité surprenante, et s'il arrivait quelque nouveau métier dont ils n'eussent aucune connaissance, ils s'appliquaient à le voir faire avec tant d'intelligence, que, malgré les soins de l'ouvrier à leur cacher son secret, ils le lui enlevaient au bout de quelques jours.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] 'son muy ladrones, mentirosos, y holgazanes. la fertilidad de la tierra deue causar tanta pereza, o por no ser ellos codiciosos.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'la liberalità e lo staccamento da qualsiasi interesse sono dei principali attributi del loro carattere. l'oro non ha presso i messicani tutta quella stima, che gode presso altri. danno senza dispiacere quello, che si procacciano con somma fatica. questo loro staccamento dall'interesse, ed il poco amore, che portano a quei che gli governano, ii fa rifiutare quelle fatiche, a cui sono da essi costretti, e questa è appunto la tanto esagerata pigrizia degli americani.' _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - . 'estavan libres de la enfermedad de la codicia, y no pensauan en la vanidad del oro, y plata, ni hazian estimacion dello.' _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. . 'segun lo que aquella edad permite, son inclinadissimos à ser liberales. tanto monta que lo que se les da, se de à vno como à muchos: porque lo que vno recibe, se reparte luego entre todos.' _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. . [ ] the most sober people known. _relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del signor fernando cortese_, in _ramusio_, _navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. . [ ] _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. - . [ ] 'son celosissimosmos, y assi las aporrean mucho.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . we have seen in a former chapter, that nezahualcoyotl put his dearest son to death for speaking lewdly to his father's concubine. see this volume, pp. , et seq.; see further concerning the character of the mexicans, about whom the above remarks, though doubtless applicable to many other of the nahua nations, are more particularly made: _esplicacion de la coleccion de mendoza_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. v., p. ; _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, pp. - ; _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, pp. , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. iii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, pp. - ; _padilla_, _conq. n. galicia_, ms., p. ; _zorita_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _tezozomoc_, _crónica mex._, in _id._, vol. ix., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xliv., xlv., lxvii., cxl.; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. i., pp. - , tom. iv., pp. - ; _soden_, _spanier in peru_, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., pp. - , ; _edinburgh review_, ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., pp. - ; _gordon's hist. and geog. mem._, pp. - ; _chevalier_, _mexique_, pp. - . [ ] for the character of the tlascaltecs see: _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcviii., pp. - , tom. xcix., pp. , , ; _motolinia_, _hist. indios_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _alcedo_, _dicc._, tom. v., p. ; _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon_, p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _pradt_, _cartas_, pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. ii., pp. , , ; _klemm_, _cultur-geschichte_, tom. v., pp. - ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, p. ; _dillon_, _hist. mex._, p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _pradt_, _cartas_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iv., p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., pp. , . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.; _dávila padilla_, _hist. fvnd. mex._, p. ; _delaporte_, _reisen_, tom. x., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii. [ ] _beaumont_, _crón. mechoacan_, ms., pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _ixtlilxochitl_, _hist. chich._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. ix., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. . chapter xx. government, social classes, property, and laws of the maya nations. introductory remarks--votan's empire--zamnÁ's reign--the royal families of yucatan; cocomes, tutul xius, itzas, and cheles--titles and order of succession--classes of nobles--the quichÉ-cakchiquel empire in guatemala--the ahau ahpop and succession to the throne--privileged classes--government of the provinces--the royal council--the chiapanecs--the pipiles--nations of nicaragua--the maya priesthood--plebeian classes--slaves--tenure of lands--inheritance of property--taxation--debtors and creditors--laws and the administration of justice. my reasons for dividing the civilized nations of our territory into two groups, the nahuas and the mayas, whose institutions are separately described, have been stated in the general view, to which a preceding chapter has been devoted. in the same place was given an outline sketch of the nations composing each group, and their mutual relations,[ ] which may serve as an introduction to the remainder of this volume. without further preliminary remarks i may therefore enter at once upon the subject-matter of this second division of my topic, a description of maya institutions, or the manners and customs of the civilized nations whose home was south of the isthmus of tehuantepec. it will be evident to the reader from what has been said that this account must be not only much briefer, but also less complete and satisfactory than that of the nahua nations. concerning the aztecs and kindred peoples about the lakes of the mexican valley, as we have seen, a large amount of information has been preserved; i have consequently been able, in treating of the northern peoples, to take these nations of the valley as a nucleus, adding in their proper places such fragments of knowledge as are extant respecting tribes outside the limits of anáhuac. in the south, fragmentary information is all we have; there is no nucleus round which to group it; the matter of the following chapters will, therefore, be very similar in its nature to what that of the preceding would have been, had i undertaken to describe the tarascos, totonacs, zapotecs, etc., without the aztecs. in this branch of my subject i shall follow as nearly as possible the same order as in the preceding, bringing together into one chapter, however, the topics before treated in several. i shall also include the civilized nations of nicaragua in this division, although one at least of them was of nahua blood and language. in the days of ancient maya glory when votan and his successors reigned over mighty and perhaps confederated empires in chiapas, guatemala, and yucatan, the kings played rôles to a great extent mythical, being pictured by tradition as combining the character and powers of legislators, teachers, high-priests, and monarchs. details of the system by which they governed are altogether wanting,[ ] but after a long term of prosperity this government in guatemala and chiapas became weakened and at last practically destroyed; the country was divided among petty chiefs, concerning whose rule even less is known than of that of their predecessors, but who not improbably based their forms of authority on the ideas handed down from votan. from these governmental relics there sprung up in later years, under new and perhaps foreign leaders, the quiché and cakchiquel empires, of whose government some details are known, since these nations came into direct contact with the spaniards at the conquest. leaving these nations for the present, i will speak first of another branch of the primitive maya empire. [sidenote: votan's maya empire.] yucatan received its culture traditionally from zamná, who came from abroad, governed the mayas through a long life, and left the throne as an heritage to his successors. he was doubtless a companion or a descendant of votan, and founded institutions similar to those of the western kingdoms whence he came. the government and institutions established in yucatan met to a certain extent the same fate as those of chiapas; that is, the country was finally split up by civil wars into numerous petty independent sovereignties; but this division was at a much later date than that of votan's western empire,--not long preceding the spanish conquest--and the government of the independent chieftains was substantially that of their ancestors, many of whom claimed to be of the royal family founded by zamná. consequently some scraps of information are extant respecting the form of government, as well as other institutions, in yucatan; and from these we may form a faint idea of the earlier institutions of guatemala and chiapas. zamná, like votan, united in himself the qualities of ruler, law-giver, educator, and priest; he founded the city of mayapan, and divided the whole country among the chiefs of the leading families who came with him, making them vassals of the king whom he left on the throne at mayapan. the nobles of the royal family were of course the highest, a family which was perhaps that known later as the cocomes, and which lasted to the coming of the spaniards. each of the vassal princes had to live in the capital during a certain part of every year; and brasseur de bourbourg, following ordoñez, thinks that mayapan may have formed a confederacy with tulhá and palenque in chiapas.[ ] [sidenote: the royal families of yucatan.] another royal family, the tutul xius, sprung up later and became very powerful as allies and vassals of the king reigning in mayapan; and still another family, the itzas, built up a strong government of theocratic nature at chichen itza. then came cukulcan with some new religious teachings--a famous personage bearing a striking resemblance in his traditional career and in the etymology of his name to the quetzalcoatl of the nahuas. being finally called to the throne at mayapan, he formed a confederacy, making the princes of the tutul xius and itzas his associate monarchs, subordinate nominally in rank but practically independent except where mutual assistance was required. cukulcan left the throne to the cocomes, seven of whom ruled during a period of great prosperity, the succession being from father to son, down to about the eleventh century. afterward the cocomes, becoming tyrannical, were deposed from their high position, mayapan destroyed, and a new confederacy established with the tutul xius at the head, uxmal being at first their capital, the itzas second, and the cheles at izamal third. the tutul xiu rule was no less glorious than that of the cocomes. they rebuilt mayapan and made it once more the capital, but the unfortunate city was again sacked, this time by foreigners--perhaps the quichés--in the thirteenth century; and was finally destroyed in the middle of the fifteenth century by the vassal lords of the realm, who revolted, overthrew the tutul xiu dynasty, obtained their complete independence, and ruled each his petty province with sovereign power. this was their condition when the spaniards came, but before that time by civil war, and by famine and pestilence also, as tradition tells us, the power of the rulers and the population of the country had been greatly diminished and the ancient maya glory had departed forever. shortly before the final destruction of the monarchy a portion of the itzas had left chichen and migrated southward to found a small but powerful nation in what is now the province of peten, belonging politically to guatemala. it is from traditionary accounts of the kingdom under the tutul xius, and from the meagre observations of the spaniards in the sixteenth century that our slight knowledge of maya institutions in the peninsula is gained. the highest title of the king at mayapan was ahtepal, which signifies in the maya tongue 'majestic,' or 'august.' his power was absolute, but he rarely acted in matters of importance without consulting his lords, and, in accordance with their advice and that of the chief priests, he appointed all officials, secular and religious, in the kingdom, possessing moreover the right to organize all courts and to condemn to death any of his subjects. the succession to the throne was confined to the royal family, to the male line, and to the sons of noble wives; the eldest son seems to have been the acknowledged heir to the throne, and landa tells us that if the king died during the childhood of his heir, then his eldest or most capable brother ruled not only during the son's minority but during all his own life; and in case there were no brothers the priests and nobles chose a suitable person to reign.[ ] one author speaks of the king as having the right to appoint a council which should name his successor, and remesal mentions that in the province of campeche, a woman who came in the direct line of succession received high honors, but the most capable of her male relatives ruled the state.[ ] [sidenote: court etiquette in yucatan.] whenever the king appeared in public, he was always attended by a large company and wore a long white flowing robe decorated with ornaments of gold and precious stones, bracelets, a magnificent collar, and sandals of gold. his crown was a plain golden circle somewhat wider on the forehead than behind, and surmounted with a plume of quetzal-feathers. this bird was reserved for the king and highest nobles, death being the penalty, according to ordoñez, for one of lower rank who should capture the bird or wear its plumage. the monarch was borne on the shoulders of his nobles reclining in a palanquin, shaded by a feather canopy, and constantly fanned by attendants of high rank. any person who came into the presence of the king or other high official, was expected to bring some gift proportioned to his means, and herrera informs us that the highest mark of respect was to place the right hand, anointed with spittle, on the ground and then to rub it over the heart. villagutierre mentions without description a kind of small throne among the itzas, and states that the king of this southern realm bore the title of canek, the name of the leader of their migration. our only knowledge of the royal palaces of yucatan is derived from their examination, when more or less in ruins, by modern explorers; consequently i refer the reader to the chapter on maya buildings for a general description of these grand stone structures, and to another volume of this work for a detailed account with illustrative plates. the nobility of the highest class belonged to members of the royal families, the cocomes, tutul xius, cheles, and itzas, those of the reigning king's own blood taking naturally the highest rank. ahau was the ordinary title of the princes, and halach winikel, 'most majestic men,' was a high title among the tutul xius. from nobles of the royal families mentioned, governors of provinces, and all the highest officials were chosen. their positions were nominally at the king's disposal, but practically they descended hereditarily in the same manner as the royal power, the king interfering with new appointments only on extraordinary occasions. these rulers were almost absolute in matters concerning their own provinces, and exacted great honors, ceremonial attendance, and implicit obedience from all their subjects; but they were not exempt in matters of crime from the penalties of the law, and were obliged to reside during a part of each year in the capital, to render personal service to the monarch, and to take part in the supreme council by which he was guided in the administration of public affairs. they were, however, exempt from all tribute except that of personal service, and lived on the product of portions of the public domain assigned them. cogolludo tells us that the nobles of mayapan were also required to perform certain services in the temples, and to assist at the religious festivals. they not only had the exclusive right to the government of provinces, but also to the command of armies. nobles of a lower class, with the title batab, governed cities, villages, or other subdivisions of provinces. they were not of royal blood, or at least were only connected with the reigning family through the female branch. their position was also practically hereditary, although the heir could not assume his inherited rank without the royal sanction. no government officials received any salary, but they were obliged to maintain themselves and the poor and disabled of their respective communities from the products of their inherited estates.[ ] [sidenote: the quichÉ-cakchiquel empires.] the most powerful kingdoms in guatemala at the coming of the spaniards were, that of the quichés, whose capital was gumarcaah, or utatlan, near the site of the modern santa cruz del quiché; and that of the cakchiquels, capital iximché, or patinamit, near tecpan guatemala. these two nations were independent of and hostile to each other in the sixteenth century, but they had been united in one empire during the days of guatemala's greatest glory, their separation dated back only about a century, and their institutions were practically identical, although they were traditionally distinct tribes in the more remote past. the same remark may be made respecting the institutions of the other nations in guatemala which were wholly or partially independent of the powers mentioned above. all the aboriginal powers had greatly deteriorated by wars, one with another, and their mutual hatred made their defeat by foreigners possible, as had been the case in the conquest of the nahua nations farther north. there is little doubt that the quiché-cakchiquel peoples were direct descendants of votan's subjects, but the line of traditional history that unites the two empires is broken at many points and cannot be satisfactorily followed. there are evidences also of foreign, chiefly nahua, influences in the molding of quiché institutions, exerted before or after the toltec era in anáhuac, probably at both periods. the traditional history of the quiché empire for three or four centuries before the conquest, rests almost entirely on manuscripts written in the native languages with the roman alphabet, which have only been consulted by one modern writer. into the labyrinth of this complicated record of wars and political changes i shall not attempt to enter, especially since the general nature of quiché institutions does not seem to have been perceptibly modified by the events recorded. an aristocratic monarchy, similar in nearly every feature to that i have described in yucatan, seems to have been the basis of quiché government from the first. all high positions, judicial, military, or sacerdotal, were hereditary and restricted to noble families, who traced their genealogy far back into the mythic annals of the nations. between noble and plebeian blood the lines were sharply defined. the nobles were practically independent and superior in their own provinces, but owed tribute, allegiance, and military aid to the monarch. at the time of guatemala's highest prosperity and glory, when king qikab from his throne in utatlan ruled over all the country, the monarch, if we may credit the traditional account, made an effort to diminish the power of the nobles, by conferring military commands and other high positions on the ablest men of plebeian blood. thus a new class of nobles, called achihab was created. this newly conferred power became, acting with the alienation of the old hereditary nobility, too great to be restrained by the monarch who created it. the achihab became ambitious and insubordinate; they were at last put down, but the dissolution of the empire into several states was the indirect result of their machinations. [sidenote: succession to the quichÉ throne.] respecting the order of succession to the quiché throne torquemada and juarros state that the king's brother was the king elect, and the direct heir to the throne; the king's oldest son was the senior captain and the next heir; and the latter's first cousin, the nephew of the king, was junior captain and third heir. when the king died each heir was promoted one degree, and the vacant post of junior captain was filled by the nearest relative--_whose_ nearest relative the authors neglect to say. whoever may have been elevated to the vacant position the whole system as a regular order of succession would be a manifest absurdity. brasseur de bourbourg agrees with the authors cited and gives to the king, the elect, and the two captains the titles of ahau ahpop, ahau ahpop camha, nim chocoh cawek, and ahau ah tohil, respectively; but when the last position was left vacant by the death of the king, the abbé tells us that "it was conferred upon the eldest son of the new monarch,"--that is, upon the same man who held it before! padre ximenez implies perhaps that the crown descended from brother to brother, and from the youngest brother to a nephew who was a son of the oldest brother. i have no authorities by the aid of which to throw any light upon this confused subject; it is evident, however, that if the last-mentioned system, identical with that which obtained among some of the nahua nations, be not the correct one, nothing whatever is known of the matter in question.[ ] all the authorities state that this remarkable system of succession was established to prevent the power from coming into the hands of young and inexperienced men; and that an incompetent person in the regular line could not succeed to the throne, but retained throughout his life the rank to which he was born. it is not clearly explained how the heir's competency was decided upon, but it seems probable that the matter was settled by the reigning king with the advice of his council of princes. the king's children by his first wife were preferred above the rest, though all received high honors. at rabinal the ahau, or ruling prince, was regularly chosen by the nobles, from the royal family, but was not necessarily a son or brother of the last ruler. among the cakchiquels the succession alternated between two royal families. the king's title was ahpozotzil; the next heir from the other branch bore the title ahpoxahil; their eldest sons, the elder of which became ahpoxahil on the king's death, had the titles ahpop qamahay and galel xahil. inferior titles were galel qamahay, atzih winak, and ahuchan xahil, the bearers of which succeeded to the throne in default of nearer heirs. it will be noticed that this plan of succession is but little clearer than that attributed to the quichés.[ ] [sidenote: coronation in guatemala.] the ceremonies of coronation in the kingdom of rabinal, and, so far as can be known, in the other kingdoms of guatemala, consisted of an assemblage of all the nobles at the capital,--each being obliged to attend or send a representative--the presentation of gifts and compliments to the new king, a discourse of congratulation and advice addressed to him by one of the ancients, and finally a splendid feast which lasted several days and usually degenerated into a drunken orgy. the quichés and cakchiquels also bathed the new king and anointed his body with perfumes before seating him on the throne, which was a seat, not described, placed on a carpet or mat, and surmounted by four canopies of feather-work placed one above another, the largest at the top; the seats of the three lower princes already mentioned were also shaded by canopies, three, two, and one, respectively. whenever he appeared in public the monarch was borne in a palanquin on the shoulders of the nobles who composed his council.[ ] the machinery of government was carried on in the provinces by lieutenants of the king's appointment, and the monarch was advised in all matters of state by a council of nobles. juarros tells us that the supreme quiché council was composed of twenty-four grandees, who enjoyed great privileges and honors, personally attended the king, and managed the administration of justice and the collection of the royal revenue, but were liable to severe punishment if they committed crime. brasseur de bourbourg speaks of a supreme council, giving the names of the princes that composed it, and also of an ordinary council whose members were called _alchaoh_, or 'judges,' and were entrusted with the collection of tribute. the other authorities, torquemada and ximenez, state that the councils were not permanent, but were summoned by the king and selected for their peculiar fitness to give advice upon the subject under consideration. the lieutenants had also their provincial councils to advise them in matters of local importance, but all cases of national import, or affecting in any way the nobles of high rank, were referred to the royal council. so great was the power of the nobles assembled in council, that they might, under certain conditions, depose a tyrannical sovereign and seat the next heir on the throne. no person unless of noble blood could hold any office whatever, even that of doorkeeper to the council-chamber, if we may credit juarros; consequently the greatest pains was taken to insure a lineage free from any plebeian stain. a noble marrying a woman of the common people was degraded to her rank, took her name, and his estate was forfeited to the crown. ximenez states that traveling officials visited from time to time the different provinces, to observe the actions of the regular judges, and to correct abuses.[ ] [sidenote: the quichÉ nobility.] the following is the abbé brasseur's account of the grades of nobility taken from the quiché manuscript published under the title of popol vuh: "three principal families having a common origin constituted the high nobility of quiché, modeled on the ancient imperial family of the toltecs. the first and most illustrious was the house of cawek, the members of which composed the royal family proper; the second was that of nihaïb; and the third that of ahau quiché. each of these houses had its titles and charges perfectly distinct and fixed, which never left it, like the hereditary offices of the english court at the present time; and to each of these offices were attached fiefs, or particular domains, from which the titularies drew their revenue, their attendants, and their vassals, and a palace where they lived during their stay in the capital. the house of cawek, or royal house proper, included only princes of the blood, like the eldest branch of the bourbons in france. it was composed of nine _chinamital_, or great fiefs, whose names corresponded to those of the palaces occupied by these princes in the capital, and whose titles were as follows:--i. ahau ahpop, or 'lord of the princes,' title of the king, corresponding nearly to 'king of kings,' whose palace was called _cuha_; ii. ahau ahpop camha, or 'lord of the princes and seneschal' (_camha_, he who cares for the house, majordomo), whom the spaniards called the second king, and whose palace was called _tziquinaha_, or 'house of birds;' iii. nim chocoh cawek, or 'grand elect of cawek;' iv. ahau ah tohil, or 'lord of the servants of tohil,' priests of tohil, the principal quiché god; v. ahau ah gucumatz, or 'lord of the servants of gucumatz,' (priests of quetzalcoatl); vi. popol winak chituy, or president of the counsellors; vii. lolmet quehnay, the principal receiver of royal tributes, or minister of finance; viii. popol winak pahom tzalatz xcaxeba, or 'grand master of the hall of the council of the game of ball;' ix. tepeu yaqui, 'chief or lord of the yaquis' (toltecs, or mexicans). "the house of nihaïb, the second in rank, had also nine chinamital, with names corresponding to their palaces, and titles as follows: i. ahau galel, 'lord of the bracelets,' or of those who have the right to wear them, and chief of the house of nihaïb; ii. ahau ahtzic winak, 'lord of those who give,' or of those who made presents (especially to ambassadors, who were introduced by him); iii. ahau galel camha, 'lord of the bracelets, and seneschal;' iv. nimah camha, 'grand seneschal;' v. uchuch camha, 'mother of the seneschals;' vi. nima camha nihaïb, 'grand seneschal of nihaïb;' vii. nim chocoh nihaïb, 'grand elect of nihaïb;' viii. ahau awilix, 'lord of awilix' (one of the gods of the quiché trinity); ix. yacol atam, 'grand master of feasts.' "the third house, that of ahau quiché, had only four chinamital with the following titles: i. ahtzic winak ahau, 'great lord of givers;' ii. lolmet ahau, 'grand receiver;' iii. nim chocoh ahau, 'lord grand elect;' iv. ahau gagawitz, 'lord of gagawitz' (one of the gods of the quiché trinity)."[ ] [sidenote: pipiles and nicaraguans.] respecting the chiapanecs, who are not generally considered as the descendants of the peoples who inhabited the country in votan's time, we have no knowledge of their government save a probably unfounded statement by garcía that they were ruled by two chiefs, elected each year by the priests, and never had a king.[ ] the pipiles in salvador, although traditionally among the partially civilized nations, seem to have been governed in the sixteenth century by local chieftains only, like most of the wild tribes already described. these chiefs handed down their power, however, to their sons or nearest relatives. palacio tells us that to regulate marriages and the planting of crops was among the ruler's duties. squier concludes that all these petty chiefs were more or less allied politically, and acted together in matters affecting the common interests.[ ] nicaragua, when first visited by europeans, was divided into many provinces, inhabited by several nations linguistically distinct one from another, one of them, at least, speaking the aztec tongue; but in respect to their government and other institutions, the very meagre information preserved by oviedo enables us to make little or no distinction between the different tribes. in many of the provinces we are told the people lived in communities, or little republics, governed by certain _huehues_, or 'old men,' who were elected by the people. these elective rulers themselves elected a captain-general to direct their armies in time of war, which official they had no hesitation in putting to death when he exhibited any symptoms of insubordination or acquired a power over the army which seemed dangerous to the public good. in other and probably in most provinces a chieftain, or _teite_, ruled the people of his domain with much the same powers and privileges as we have noticed in yucatan and guatemala. these teites had their petty vassals and lords to execute their orders, and to accompany them in public displays, but it seems they could claim no strictly personal services in their palaces from any but members of their own household. peter martyr speaks of a 'throne adorned with rich and princely furniture.' these rulers affected great state, and insisted on a strict observance of court etiquette. they would receive no message, however pressing the occasion, except through the regularly appointed officials; and one of them, in an interview with the spaniards, would not condescend to open his royal mouth to the leader until a curtain was held between him and his foreign hearers. on several occasions they met the spaniards in a procession of men and women gaily decked in all their finery, marching to the sound of shell trumpets, and bearing in their hands presents for the invaders. but even in the provinces nominally ruled by the teites, all legislative power was in the hands of a council called _monexico_, composed of old men, who were elected every four moons. without the consent of the monexico the chief could take action in no public matter whatever, not even in war. the council could decide against the teite, but he had the right to assemble or dissolve it, and to be present at all its meetings. the decisions of the monexico were made known in the market-place by a crier, whose badge of office was a rattle. the lords also, in sending an ambassador or messenger on any public business, gave him a fan, bearing which credential he was implicitly trusted wherever he might go. two members of the council were chosen as executive officers, and one of them must be always present in the market-place to regulate all dealings of the buyers and sellers. squier says that the council-houses were called _grepons_, and its corridors or porticos _galpons_; oviedo in one place terms the buildings _galpones_, and in another applies the name to a class of vassal chiefs.[ ] [sidenote: the maya priesthood.] it is only of the priesthood as connected with the government, as an order of nobility, as a class of the community, that a mention is required here: in their quality of priests proper, religious teachers, oracles of the gods, leaders of ceremonious rites, confessors, and sacrificers, they will be treated of elsewhere. their temporal power, directly exercised, or indirectly through their influence upon kings and chieftains, was perhaps even greater than we have found it among the nahua nations. votan, zamná, cukulcan, and all the other semi-mythical founders of the maya civilization, united in their persons the qualities of high-priest and king, and from their time to the coming of the spaniards ecclesiastical and secular authority marched hand in hand. in yucatan, the itzas at chichen were ruled in the earlier times by a theocratic government, and later the high-priest of the empire, of the royal family of the cheles, became king of izamal, which became the sacred city and the headquarters of ecclesiastical dignitaries. the gigantic mounds still seen at izamal are traditionally the tombs of both kings and priests. the office of chief priest was hereditary, the succession being from father to son--since priests and even the vestal virgins were permitted to marry--but regulated apparently by the opinions of kings and nobles, as well as of ecclesiastical councils. the king constantly applied to the high-priest for counsel in matters of state, and in turn gave rich presents to the head of the church; the security of the temples was also confided to the highest officers of the state. the rank of ixnacan katun, or superior of the vestals, was founded by a princess of royal blood. in guatemala the high-priests who presided over the temples of the quiché trinity, tohil, awilix, and gucumatz, were all princes of the three royal families; their titles have been given in the lists of the quiché nobility; and one of the most powerful kings is said to have created two priestly titles for the family of zakik, to each of which he attached a province for its support. ximenez tells us that in vera paz the chief priest, next in power to the king, was elected from a certain lineage by the people. in the province of chiquimula, mictlan is described as a great religious centre, and a shrine much visited by pilgrims. here the power was in the hands of a sacerdotal hierarchy, hereditary in one family, whose chief bore the title teoti and was aided by an ecclesiastical council of five members, which controlled all the priesthood, and from whose number a successor to the teoti was appointed by the chief of the pipiles, or, as some authorities state, was chosen by lot. thus we see that while the priesthood had great power over even the highest secular rulers in all the maya nations, yet the system by which the high-priests were members of the royal families, rendered their power a support to that of royalty rather than a cause of fear. the fear which kings experienced towards the priests seems consequently to have been altogether superstitious on account of their supernatural powers, and not a jealous fear of any possible rivalry. ordinary priests were appointed by the higher authorities of the church, but whether the choice was confined to certain families, we are not informed. it is altogether probable, however, that such was the case in nations whose lowest secular officers must be of noble blood.[ ] [sidenote: plebeians and slaves.] in the south as in the north, the status of the lower classes, or plebeians, has received no attention at the hands of the spanish observers. we know that in yucatan the nobles were obliged to support from their revenues such of the lower classes as from sickness, old age, or other disabling cause were unable to gain a livelihood. it has been seen also that none of plebeian blood could hold any office, the only exception noted being the attempt of one of the quiché kings to humiliate the aristocracy by raising plebeian soldiers to the new rank of achihab, 'men' or 'heroes.' the lower classes of freemen were doubtless for the most part farmers, each tilling the portion of land allotted him in the domain of a noble; and beyond the obligation to pay a certain tax from the product of their labor, and to render military service in case of necessity, they were probably independent, and often wealthy.[ ] lowest in the scale among the mayas as elsewhere in america were the slaves. slavery was an institution of all the nations in the sixteenth century, and had been traditionally for some centuries. in yucatan, tradition speaks of a time when slavery was unknown; its introduction by a powerful cocome king was one of the acts of oppression which brought about a revolution and deposed him from the throne. during the power of the tutul xius which followed, slavery is said to have been abolished, but must--if indeed the tradition be not altogether unfounded--have been re-introduced at a still later period.[ ] in the annals of other maya nations no time seems to be noted when slaves were not held. this unfortunate class was composed chiefly of captives in war, or of those whose parents had been such; the condition was hereditary, but, in yucatan at least, the children had the right to redeem themselves by settling on unoccupied lands and becoming tribute-payers. foreign slaves were also brought into the country for sale; and cortés speaks of acalan, a city of guatemala, as a place where an extensive trade in human kind was carried on.[ ] in nicaragua a father might sell himself or his children into bondage, when hard pressed by necessity; but in such cases he seems to have had the right of redemption.[ ] in nicaragua and yucatan the thief was enslaved by the owner of stolen property, until such time as he paid its value; he could even be sold to other parties, but it is added that he could only be redeemed in nicaragua with the consent of the cacique. in yucatan, if a slave died or ran away soon after his sale the purchaser was entitled to receive back a portion of the price paid.[ ] [sidenote: treatment of slaves.] kidnapping, according to las casas, was common in guatemala, but the laws against the offence were very severe. he who sold a free native into slavery was clubbed to death, his own wife and children were sold, and a large part of the price received went to fill the public exchequer.[ ] pimentel concludes that slaves were more harshly treated in yucatan than in mexico; gomara and herrera state that no punishment was decreed to him who killed a slave in nicaragua; but in yucatan the killer of another's slave must pay the full value of the property destroyed, and was also amenable to punishment if the murdered slave was his own. in guatemala if a freeman had sexual intercourse with the female slave of another he had to pay the owner her full value or purchase for him another of equal value; but if the woman were a favorite of the owner, the penalty, though still pecuniary, was much increased. in the province of vera paz, as las casas states, if slaves committed fornication with women of their own condition, both parties were slain by having their heads broken between two stones, or by a stick driven down the throat, or by the garrote; the man, however, being sometimes sold for sacrifice. among the pipiles a freeman cohabiting with a slave was himself enslaved, unless pardoned by the high-priest for services rendered in war. in yucatan, as it is expressly stated, and elsewhere probably, the master was permitted to use his female slaves as concubines, but the offspring of such connection could not inherit. thomas gage tells us of a town in guatemala whose inhabitants in the olden time were all slaves and served the people of amatitlan as messengers. the only distinguishing marks of slaves that are mentioned were the shearing of the hair in yucatan, and marks of powdered pine charcoal, called _tile_, in nicaragua.[ ] respecting the tenure of landed property among the maya nations the little information extant applies chiefly to yucatan. the whole country, as we have seen, was divided into many domains, or fiefs, of varying extent, ruled over by nobles, or lords, of different rank. although each lord had, under the king, nearly absolute authority over his domain, yet he does not seem to have been regarded as in any sense the owner of the lands, or to have had a right to sell or in any way alienate them. a certain portion of these lands were set apart for the lord's support, and were worked by his people in common; the rest of the land seems to have been divided among the people, the first occupant being regarded in a certain sense as its owner, and handing it down as an inheritance from generation to generation, but having no right to sell it, and being also obliged to contribute a certain part of its products to the lord of the domain. cogolludo and landa speak of the land as being common property, yet by this they probably do not mean to imply that any man had a right to trespass on the cultivated fields of another, but simply that unoccupied lands might be appropriated by any one for purposes of cultivation. game, fish, and the salt marshes were likewise free to all, but the hunter, fisherman, or salt-maker must pay a tribute to the lords and to the king. in nicaragua land could not be sold, and if the owner wished to change his residence he had to leave all his property to his relatives, since nothing could be removed.[ ] [sidenote: inheritance and taxation.] at a man's death his property, in yucatan, was divided between his sons equally, except that a son who had assisted his father to gain the property might receive more than the rest. daughters inherited nothing, and only received what might be given from motives of kindness by the brothers. in default of sons, the inheritance went to the brothers or nearest male relatives. minor heirs were entrusted to tutors who managed the estate, and from it received a recompense for their services. according to oviedo, property in nicaragua was inherited by the children, but if there were no children, it went to the relatives of both father and mother. squier states that in the latter case all personal property was buried with the deceased.[ ] taxes and tribute paid by the people for the support of the kings and nobles consisted of the products of all the different industries. the merchant contributed from the wares in which he dealt; the farmer from the products of the soil, chiefly maize and cacao; the hunter and fisherman from the game taken in forest and stream. cotton garments, copal, feathers, skins, fowl, salt, honey, and gold-dust composed a large part of the tribute, and slaves are also mentioned in the lists. personal labor in working the lands of the lords, and in supplying his household with wood and water, was also an important element of taxation in the provinces. officials were appointed to assess and collect taxes from all subjects. in yucatan the tribute of the king and that of the local lords were kept separate and were attended to by different officials; but in guatemala it is implied that all taxes were collected together and then distributed to the king and several classes of nobles according to their rank. in the ancient times those who lived in mayapan were exempt from all taxation. in nicaragua, we are told that the teite received no tribute or taxes whatever from his subjects, but in the case of a war or other event involving extraordinary expense, the council decided upon the amount of revenue needed, and chose by lot one of their number to assess and collect it. taxation among the mayas does not seem to have been oppressive, and the attempt to extort excessive tribute contributed largely to the overthrow of the cocome power in the twelfth century.[ ] a sale of property or other contract was legalized in yucatan by the parties drinking before witnesses. a strict fulfillment of all contracts was required both by the law and by public sentiment. heirs and relatives were liable, or at least assumed the liability, for debts; and often paid, as did the lords of the province, the pecuniary penalty incurred by some poor man, especially if the crime had been committed involuntarily or without malice.[ ] [sidenote: administration of justice.] the administration of justice and the execution of the laws were among the mayas entrusted to the officials that have been mentioned in what has been said respecting government. serious crimes or other important matters affecting the interests of the king, of the state, or of the higher ranks of nobility, were referred directly to the royal council presided over by the monarch. the king's lieutenants, or lords of royal blood who ruled over provinces, took cognizance of the more important cases of provincial interest; while petty local questions were decided by subordinate judges, one of whom was appointed in each village or hamlet. but even in the case of the local judges the advice of a council was sought on every occasion, and persons were appointed to assist both judges and parties to the suit in the character of advocates. although these judges had the right to consult with the lord of their province, and the latter, probably, with the royal council, yet after a decision was rendered, there was apparently no right of appeal in any case whatever; but we are told that in yucatan at least a royal commissioner traveled through the provinces and reported regularly on the manner in which the judges performed their duties, and on other matters of public import. both judges and advocates might receive presents from all the parties to a suit, according to cogolludo, and no one thought of applying for justice without bringing some gift proportioned to his means. in guatemala, as las casas states, the judge received half the property of the convicted party; this is probably only to be understood as applying to serious crimes, which involved a confiscation of all property. in vera paz the tax-collectors served also as constables, being empowered to arrest accused parties and witnesses, and to bring them before the judges. very little is known of the order of procedure in the maya courts, but great pains was apparently taken to ascertain all the facts bearing on the case, and to render exact justice to all concerned. court proceedings, testimony, arguments, and decisions are said to have been altogether verbal, there being no evidence that written records were kept as they were by the nahuas, although the maya system of hieroglyphic writing cannot be supposed to have been in any respect inferior to that of the northern nations. nothing in the nature of an oath was exacted from a witness, but to guard against false testimony in yucatan a terrible curse was launched against the perjurer, and a superstitious fear of consequences was supposed to render falsehood impossible. in guatemala so much was the perjurer despised that a fine and a reprimand from the judge were deemed sufficient punishment. torture, if we may credit las casas, by tying the hands, beating with clubs, and the inhalation of smoke, was resorted to in vera paz to extort confession from a person suspected of adultery or other serious crimes. great weight seems to have been attached to material evidence; for instance, it was deemed important to take the thief while in actual possession of the stolen property; and a woman to convict a man of rape must seize and produce in court some portion of his wearing-apparel. the announcement of the judge's decision was, as i have said, delivered verbally, and sometimes, when the parties to the suit were numerous, cogolludo informs us that all were invited to a banquet, during which the verdict was made known. as there was no appeal to a higher tribunal, so there seems to have been no pardoning power, and the judge's final decision was always strictly enforced. except a mention by herrera that the nicaraguan ministers of justice bore fans and rods, i find no account of any distinguishing insignia in the maya tribunals. [sidenote: maya punishments.] punishments inflicted on maya criminals took the form of death, slavery, and pecuniary fines; imprisonment was of rare occurrence, and apparently never inflicted as a punishment, but only for the retention of prisoners until their final punishment was legally determined. cogolludo states that culprits were never beaten, but villagutierre affirms that, at least among the itzas, they were both beaten and put in shackles; and the same author speaks of imprisonment for non-payment of taxes at coban. the death penalty was inflicted by hanging, by beating with the garrote, or club, and by throwing the condemned over a precipice. ximenez mentions burning in guatemala; oviedo speaks of impalements in yucatan; those condemned to death in nicaragua seem to have been sacrificed to the gods by having their hearts cut out; and throwing the body from a wall or precipice is the only method attributed to the pipiles. at a town in yucatan called cachi, oviedo mentions a sharp mast standing in the centre of a square and used by the people for impaling criminals alive. the method of imprisonment, as described by cogolludo, consisted in binding the hands behind the back, placing about the neck a collar of wood and cords, and confining the culprit thus shackled in a wooden cage. at campeche a place of punishment is mentioned by peter martyr and torquemada as having been seen by the early voyagers. three beams or posts were fixed in the ground, to them were attached three cross-beams, and scattered about were blood-stained arrows and spears. this apparatus would indicate, if it was really a place of punishment, a method of inflicting the death-penalty not elsewhere mentioned; and a stone structure adjoining, covered with sculptured emblems of punishment is suggestive of ceremonial rites in connection with executions. the death sentence generally involved the confiscation of the criminal's property and the enslaving of his family. all but the most heinous offences could be expiated by the payment of a fine consisting of slaves or other property, and the whole or a large part of this fine went to the judges, the lords, or the king. murder was punished in all the nations by death, but in yucatan and nicaragua if there were extenuating circumstances, such as great provocation or absence of malice, the crime was atoned by the payment of a fine. in yucatan a minor who took human life became a slave; the killing of another's slave called for payment of the value destroyed; the killing of one's own slave involved a slight penalty or none at all. in nicaragua no penalty was decided upon for the murder of a chief, such a crime being deemed impossible. theft was atoned by a return of the stolen property and the payment of a fine to the public treasury. in case the criminal could not pay the full value he was sold as a slave until such time as he might be able to redeem his freedom. in some cases the amount seems to have been paid with the price he brought as a slave, and in others he served the injured party. fines, however, in most cases seem to have been paid by the relatives and friends of the guilty party, so that the number of persons actually enslaved was perhaps not very large. in guatemala stolen articles of trifling value went with the fine to the public treasury, since the owner would not receive them. the incorrigible thief, when his friends refused to pay his fine, was sometimes put to death; and death was also the penalty for stealing articles of value from the temple. in nicaragua the thief who delayed too long the payment of his fine was sacrificed to the gods; and in salvador, banishment was the punishment for trifling theft, death for stealing larger amounts. landa informs us that in yucatan a noble who so far forgot his position as to steal had his face scarified, a great disgrace. [sidenote: criminal code.] adultery was punished in yucatan and guatemala with death; in the latter if the parties were of the common people they were thrown from a precipice. fornication was atoned by a fine, or if the affronted relatives insisted, by death. a woman who was unchaste was at first reprimanded, and finally, if she persevered in her loose conduct, enslaved. rape in guatemala was punished by death; an unsuccessful attempt at the same, by slavery. marriage with a slave, as already stated, reduced the freeman to a slave's condition; sexual connection with one's own slave was not regarded as a crime. he who committed incest in yucatan was put to death. treason, rebellion, inciting to rebellion, desertion, interference with the payment of royal tribute, and similar offences endangering the well-being of the nations, were sufficient cause for death. in guatemala he who kidnapped a free person and sold him into slavery, lost his life. for an assault resulting in wounds a fine was imposed. he who killed the quetzal, a bird reserved for the kings, was put to death; and the same fate was that of him who took game or fish from another's premises, if the injured party was an enemy and insisted on so severe a penalty. the pipiles condemned a man to be beaten for lying; but the same offence in time of war demanded capital punishment, as did any disrespect shown for the sacred things of religion. ximenez states that in guatemala the _balam_, or sorcerer, was burned; the same offence in vera paz, according to torquemada, caused the guilty party to be beaten to death or hanged. a strict payment of all just debts was enforced, and in guatemala he who bought many things on credit and failed to pay for them was finally enslaved or even killed. both here and in nicaragua the borrower was obliged to return or pay for borrowed articles, and, if the articles were products of the soil, the lender might repay himself from the borrower's field. he who injured another's property, even servants in the lord's palace who broke dishes or furniture, must make good all damage. in yucatan, we are told that a man could not be taken for debt unaccompanied by crime. some additional laws and regulations of the maya nations will appear in their appropriate places in other chapters.[ ] footnotes: [ ] see pp. - of this volume, and especially pp. - , on the maya nations. [ ] although brasseur de bourbourg, on the authority of some of his original mss. perhaps, states that xibalba in the height of its glory was ruled by thirteen princes, two of whom were kings, the second being subordinate to the first; and also that there was a council of twelve, presided over by the king. he also mentions a succession of seventeen kings after votan. _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. , , - . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. - ; _ordoñez_, _hist. del cielo y de la tierra_, ms.; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] 'si moria el señor, aunque le succediesse el hijo mayor, eran siempre los demas hijos muy acatados, y ayudados y tenidos por señores.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . 'si quando el señor moria no eran los hijos para regir y tenia hermanos, regia de los hermanos el mayor o el mas desenbuelto y al heredero mostravan sus costumbres y fiestas para quando fuesse hombre y estos hermanos, aunque el eredero fuesse para regir, mandavan toda su vida, y sino avia hermanos, elegian los sacerdotes y gente principal un hombre sufficiente para ello.' _id._, p. . brasseur de bourbourg, in his french translation of this passage, gives a different meaning from what i deem the correct one as given in my text. he understands that the brother succeeded in any case. 'ce n'étaient pas ses fils qui succédaient au gouvernement, mais bien l'aîné de ses frères,' and also that the person appointed by the priests if there was no brother, ruled only during the heir's minority, 'jusqu'à la majorité de l'héritier,' all of which may be very reasonable, but certainly is not found in the spanish text. [ ] 'organisait les conseils de la religion et de l'état qui devaient, après lui, nommer son successeur.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii, pp. - ; _remesal_, _hist. chyapa_, p. . [ ] 'todos los señores tenian cuenta con visitar, respetar, alegrar a cocom, acompañandole y festejandole y acudiendo a el con los negocios arduos.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . a kind of mayordomo called caluac, whose badge of office was a thick short stick, was the agent through whom the lord performed the routine duties of his position. _ib._ 'concertavan las cosas, y negocios principalmente de noche.' _id._, p. . 'fuè todo el reyno de yucatàn, y sus provincias, con el nombre de mayapàn, desde que los indios fueron à èl y le poblaron, sujeto à vn solo rey, y señor absoluto, con govierno monarquico. no durò esto poco tiempo, sino por muchos años.' _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. . among the itzas cortés was visited by 'el canek, con treinta y dos principales.' _id._, p. . 'despues llamó el canek à consejo à todos sus capitanes, y principales.' _id._, p. . 'vno, como à modo, ò forma de trono pequeño, en que èl solia estar.' _id._, p. . 'vna corona de plumas, de varios colores.' _id._, p. . yucatan 'regido de señores particulares, que es el estado de los reies: governavanse por leies, y costumbres buenas; vivian en paz, y en justicia, que es argumento de su buen govierno.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . brasseur refers to torquemada, tom. xi., cap. xix., on yucatan government, but that chapter relates wholly to guatemala. 'quando los señores de la ciudad de mayapàn dominaban, toda la tierra les tributaba.' in later times they attached much importance to their royal blood. _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . 'dizese, que vn señor de la ciudad de mayapàn, cabeça de el reyno, hizo matar afrentosamente à vn hermano suyo, porque corrompió vna doncella.' _id._, p. . see also on the system of government in yucatan: _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii-iv.; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - , , , - , ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., pp. - , ; _fancourt's hist. yuc._, pp. - , - . [ ] 'it was ordained that the eldest son of the king (that is, of the first king who founded the monarchy) should inherit the crown; upon the second son the title of _elect_ was conferred, as being the next heir to his elder brother; the sons of the eldest son received the title of captain senior, and those of the second captain junior. when the king died, his eldest son assumed the sceptre, and the elect became the immediate inheritor; the captain senior ascended to the rank of elect, the captain junior to that of captain senior, and the next nearest relative to that of captain junior.' _juarros_, _hist. guat._, pp. - . 'luego el capitan menor, entraba por maior, y metian otro en el que avia vacado del capitan menor, que ordinariamente era el pariente mas cercano.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'restait alors la charge d'ahau-ah-tohil; elle était conférée au fils aîné du nouveau monarque.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. , , . 'luego que el primero subió al reino, mandó el padre (the first king) que el segundo fuese capitain, y mandó por ley, que si fuesen cuatro, que el primero reinase, el segundo fuese como principe, el tercero capitan general, y el cuarto capitan segundo, y que muerto el primero, reinasen todos por su órden, si se alcanzasen en vida.' note, 'bien clara está la descendencia de padres á hijos de todos tres hermanos.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, _escolios_, pp. - . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - , , with reference to _roman_, _repub. de los indios_, tom. ii., cap. viii. titles in atitlan. _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. . 'las prouincias de tazulatlan, gente belicosa y braua, si bien con pulicia, porque viuian en poblaciones formadas, y gouierno de republica.' _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. . tazulatlan, or tuzulutlan, was the province of rabinal. _remesal_, _hist. chyapa_, p. . [ ] 'aqui havia muy grandes, y sumptuosas comidas, y borracheras.' 'sentaban al nuevo electo en vna estera mui pintada.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. , - . 'in one of the saloons stood the throne, under four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by several steps.' _juarros_, _hist. guat._, p. . the twenty-four counsellors 'carried the emperor on their shoulders in his chair of state whenever he quitted his palace.' _id._, p. . 'no se diferenciaba el rey de guatemala ó de utatlán de los otros en el trage, sino en que él traia horadadas las orejas y narices, que se tenia por grandeza.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. , . [ ] 'tenia el rey ciertos varones de gran autoridad y opinion, que eran como oidores, y conocian de todos los pleitos y negocios que se ofrecian;' they collected the royal revenues and attended to the expenses of the royal family. 'tenia en cada pueblo grande sus cancillerias con sus oidores, que eran las cabezas de calpul; pero no era muy grande la comision que tenian.' 'poderosos señores, los quales esperaban su confirmacion de sus estados del dicho rey.' 'aun en las cosas pequeñas y de poca importancia entraban en consulta.' 'unos como alquaciles que servian de llamar y convocar al pueblo.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - , - . the king's lieutenants 'tenian su jurisdicion limitada, la qual no era mas, que la que el señor, ò rei les concedia, reservando para si, y su consejo las cosas graves.' these lieutenants held their positions for life if they were qualified and obedient, but to hold them they must have been promoted from lower offices. 'el consejo no era de qualesquiera personas, sino de aquellas, que mas cursadas estaban en la misma cosa, de que se trataba.' they sometimes called in the aid of foreign nations to depose a tyrant. _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , , . 'there was no instance of any person being appointed to a public office, high or low, who was not selected from the nobility.' _juarros_, _hist. guat._, pp. - . some members of the councils were priests when religious interests were at stake. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec iv., tom. viii., cap. x. 'les personnes ou officiers qui servaient le souverain à la cour se nommaient lolmay, atzihunac, calel, ahuchan. c'étaient les facteurs, les contador, et trésoriers.' _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. . 'de l'assemblée des princes des maisons de cawek, d'ahau-quiché et de nihaïb, réunis avec le galel-zakik, et l'ahau-ah-tzutuha, se composait le conseil extraordinaire du monarque.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . the king 'constitua vingt-deux grandes dignités, auxquelles il éleva les membres de la haute aristocratie.' _id._, pp. - . [ ] lists of the nobility. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, pp. - ; _id._, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] 'nunca tuvieron rei, sino solo elegian los sacerdotes cada año dos capitanes, que eran como governadores, à quien todos obedecian, aunque era maior el respeto, i veneracion, que tenian à los sacerdotes.' _garcía_, _orígen de los ind._, p. ; a statement repeated in _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. ; and _heredia y sarmiento_, _sermon_, p. . garcía refers to _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi., where the only statement on the subject is that 'son muy respetados los principales.' [ ] 'no doubt there were individual chiefs who possessed a power superior to the others, exercising a great influence over them, and perhaps arrogating a qualified authority.' _squier's cent. amer._, pp. - ; _palacio_, _carta_, p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. - , , , , , , tom. iii., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _peter martyr_, dec. vi., lib. iii.; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, p. . [ ] on the status of the priesthood see: _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , , , , , ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. ii.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxxiii.; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. , ; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. , , tom. ii., pp. , , , , , , , - . [ ] 'l'idée de la supériorité de caste est tellement évidente dans le _popol-vuh_, par example, que le _peuple_, c'est-à-dire la masse étrangère aux tribus quichées, n'est jamais désigné que sous des nommes d'animaux; ce sont les fourmis, les rats, les singes, les oiseaux, etc.' _viollet-le-duc._, in _charnay_, _ruines amér._, p. . 'acostumbravan buscar en los pueblos los mancos y ciegos y que les davan lo necesario.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . 'y los señores dauan gouernadores a los pueblos, a los quales encomendauan mucho la paz, y buen tratamiento de la genta menuda.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. '_achih_ ... signifie régulièrement héros, guerrier; il semble toutefois s'appliquer à ceux qui n'appartenaient point à l'aristocratie, mais à une classe intermédiaire entre la noblesse et les serfs ou paysans.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, pp. - , - ; _id._, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . among the pipiles 'los que no eran para la guerra, cultivaban las tierras millpas del cazique i papa i sacerdotes, i de las propias suyas davan un tanto para la gente de guerra.' _palacio_, _carta_, p. . beggars mentioned in nicaragua. _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. , , . 'cocom fue primero el que hizo esclavos pero por deste mal se siguio usar las armas con que se defendieron para que no fuessen todos esclavos.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] 'en las guerras, que por su ambicion hazian vnos à otros, se cautiuaban, quedando hechos esclauos los vencidos, que cogian. en esto eran rigurosissimos, y los trataban con aspereza.' _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. - ; _carrillo_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. iii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . in nicaragua, helps tells us that only the common captives were enslaved, the chiefs being killed and eaten. _span. conq._, vol. iii., p. . [ ] 'acaesçe que venden los padres á los hijos, é aun cada uno se puede vender á sí proprio, si quiere é por lo que quisiere.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. .) vol. ii., p. . bienvenida says that in yucatan as soon as the father dies the strongest of those who remain enslave the others. in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. ; _fancourt's hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. , ; _herrera_, _gomara_, and _pimentel_, ubi sup. [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _las casas_, ubi sup.; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. iv.; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. , ; _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., pp. - ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _gage's new survey_, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'las tierras por aora es de comun, y assi el que primero las ocupa las possee.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . 'las tierras eran comunes, y assi entre los pueblos no auia terminos, ò mojones, que las dividiessen: aunque si entre vna provincia, y otra, por causa de las guerras.' _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . las casas, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. , speaks of boundary marks between the property of different owners. 'les habitations était pour la plupart dispersées sans former de village.' _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. . 'leur qualité de seigneurs héréditaires ne les rendait pas, pour cela, maîtres du sol ni propriétaires des habitants.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . 'property was much respected (in nicaragua); but ... no man could put up his land for sale. if he wished to leave the district, his property passed to the nearest blood relation, or, in default, to the municipality.' _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [ ] 'los indios no admittian las hijas a heredar con los hermanos sino era por via de piedad o voluntad.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . 'mejorauan al que mas notablemente auia ayudado al padre, a ganar el hazienda.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _carrillo_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. iii., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _squier_, in _palacio_, _carta_, p. . [ ] 'hanno abondanza di cottone, & ne fanno manti che sono come lenzuoli, e camisette senza maniche, e questo s'è il principal tributo che danno à suoi patroni.' _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. . 'el tributo era mantas pequeñas de algodon, gallinas de la tierra, algun cacao, donde se cogia, y vna resina, que seruia de incienso en los templos, y todo se dize era muy poco en cantidad.' _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . 'allende de la casa hazian todo el pueblo a los señores sus sementeras, y se las beneficiavan y cogian en cantidad que le bastava a el y a su casa.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , - . 'sus mayordomos ... que recibian los tributos, y los dauan a los señores.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. some authors speak of a tribute of virgins and of a coin called _cuzcas_. _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. . 'jamais l'impôt n'était réparti par tête, mais par ville, village ou hameau.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - , , . in guatemala, 'en lo tocante á las rentas del rey y señores, habia este órden, que todo venia á un montón, y de allí le daban al rey su parte, despues daban á los señores, segun cada uno era, y despues daban á los oficiales, y á quienes el rey hacia mercedes.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - . 'ils possédaient les esclaves mâles ou femelles que ces sujets leur payaient en tribut.' _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. - ; _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. - ; _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _carrillo_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. iii., p. . [ ] on the maya laws see: _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , - ; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. - ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. - ; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. - ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., pp. - , tom. iv., pp. - ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. ii.; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _juarros_, _hist. guat._, pp. - ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - , - ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, p. ; _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. - ; _id._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., pp. - ; _helps' span. conq._, vol. iii., pp. - ; _fancourt's hist. yuc._, pp. - ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, pp. - . chapter xxi. education and family matters among the mayas. education of youth--public schools of guatemala--branches of study in yucatan--marrying age--degrees of consanguinity allowed in marriage--preliminaries of marriage--marriage ceremonies--the custom of the droit du seigneur in nicaragua--widows--monogamy--concubinage--divorce--laws concerning adultery--fornication--rape--prostitution--unnatural crimes--desire for children--childbirth ceremonies--rite of circumcision--manner of naming children--baptismal ceremonies. the maya nations appear to have been quite as strict and careful in the education of youth as the nahuas. parents took great pains to instruct their children to respect old age, to reverence the gods, and to honor their father and mother.[ ] they were, besides, encouraged while mere infants to amuse themselves with warlike games, and to practice with the bow and arrow. as they grew older, the children of the poor people were taught to labor and assist their parents. the boys were in their childhood educated by the father, who usually taught them his own trade or calling; the girls were under the especial care of the mother, who, it is said, watched very closely over the conduct of her daughters, scarcely ever permitting them to be out of her sight. children of both sexes remained under the immediate control of their parents until they were of an age to be married, and any disobedience or contumacy was severely punished, sometimes even with death. the boys in guatemala slept under the portico of the house, as it was thought improper that they should observe the conduct and hear the conversation of married people.[ ] in yucatan, also, the young people were kept separate from their elders. in each village was an immense whitewashed shed, under the shelter of which the youths of the place amused themselves during the day, and slept at night.[ ] the various little events in a child's life which among all peoples, savage or civilized, are regarded as of so great importance by anxious mothers, such as its being weaned, its first step, or its first word, were celebrated with feasts and rejoicing; the anniversaries of its birthday were also occasions of much merry-making. the first article that a child made with its own hands was dedicated to the gods.[ ] in yucatan children went naked until they were four or five years old, when the boys were given a breech-clout to wear and a piece of cloth to sleep under; girls began at the same age to wear a petticoat reaching from the waist downward.[ ] in guatemala children were left naked till they were eight or ten years of age, at which time they were required to do light labor.[ ] as soon as a child reached the age of seven years, it was taken by its father to the priest, who foretold its future destiny and instructed it how to draw blood from its body, and perform other religious observances.[ ] [sidenote: education of children.] the mayas entrusted the more advanced education of youth entirely to the priesthood. in guatemala the youths assisted the priests in their duties, and received, in turn, an education suited to their position in life. there were schools in every principal town, at which youths were instructed in all necessary branches by competent teachers. the principal of these was a seminary in which were maintained seventy masters, and from five to six thousand children were educated and provided for at the expense of the royal treasury.[ ] girls were placed in convents, under the superintendence of matrons who were most strict in their guardianship. it is said that they entered when eight years old, and were not free until about to be married.[ ] in yucatan, social distinctions seem to have been more sharply defined than in guatemala. here, the schools of learning were only open to the children of the nobility; a poor man was content to teach his son his own trade or profession. the children of the privileged classes were, however, very highly educated. the boys were initiated, we are told, into the mysteries and strange rites of their religion; they studied law, morals, music, the art of war, astronomy, astrology, divination, prophecy, medicine, poetry, history, picture-writing, and every other branch of knowledge known to their people. the daughters of the nobles were kept in strict seclusion, and were carefully instructed in all the accomplishments required of a maya lady.[ ] in yucatan, the young men usually married at the age of twenty years.[ ] in guatemala, las casas tells us that the men never married until they were thirty, notwithstanding he has previously made the extraordinary assertion that the great prevalence of unnatural lusts made parents anxious to get their children wedded as early as possible.[ ] girls among the higher classes must have been married at a very early age in guatemala, since it is related that when a young noble espoused a maiden not yet arrived at the age of puberty, her father gave him a female slave, to lie with him until the wife reached maturity. the children of this slave could not inherit his property, however.[ ] the guatemalans recognized no relationship on the mother's side only, and did not hesitate to marry their own sister, provided she was by another father.[ ] thus, if a noble lady married an inferior in rank or even a slave, the children belonged to the order of the father, and not of the mother.[ ] torquemada adds that they sometimes married their sisters-in-law and step-mothers.[ ] [sidenote: degrees of kindred.] among the pipiles, of salvador, an ancestral tree, with seven main branches, denoting degrees of kindred, was painted upon cloth, and within these seven branches, or degrees, none were allowed to marry, except as a recompense for some great public or warlike service rendered. within four degrees of consanguinity none, under any pretext, might marry.[ ] in yucatan there was a peculiar prejudice against a man marrying a woman who bore the same name as his own, and so far was this fancy carried that he who did this was looked upon as a renegade and an outcast. here, also, a man could not marry the sister of his deceased wife, his step-mother, or his mother's sister, but with all other relatives on the maternal side, no matter how close, marriage was perfectly legitimate. a yucatec noble who wedded a woman of inferior degree, descended to her social level, and was dispossessed of a part of his property, and deprived of his rank.[ ] in nicaragua no one might marry within the first degree of relationship, but beyond that there was no restriction.[ ] the question of dowry was settled in guatemala by the relatives of the young couple.[ ] the yucatec son-in-law served his father-in-law for four or five years, and the omission of such service was considered scandalous;[ ] while in nicaragua the dower was usually paid in fruit or land.[ ] each of the maya nations seems to have had a method of arranging marriages peculiar to itself. in guatemala the whole affair was managed by the nearest relatives of the betrothed pair, who were kept in profound ignorance of the coming event, and did not even know each other until the day of the wedding. it seems incredible that the young men should have quietly submitted to having their wives picked out for them without being allowed any voice or choice in the matter. yet we are told that so great was their obedience and submission to their parents, that there never was any scandal in these things. if this be the case, what a strange phenomenon guatemalan society must have been, with no love affairs, no wooing permitted, and cupid a banished boy. but, for all that, many a guatemalan youth may have looked coldly upon his bride as he thought of another and, to him, fairer face, and many a loyal young wife may have been sometimes troubled with the vision of a comely form that she had admired before she saw her lord. [sidenote: preliminaries of marriage.] when a man of rank wished to marry his son, he sent a number of his friends with presents to the parents of the young girl upon whom his choice had fallen. if the presents were refused it was a sign that the offer of alliance was declined, and no farther steps were taken in the matter; but if they were accepted it showed that the match was thought a desirable one. in the latter case, a few days having elapsed, another embassy, bearing more costly gifts than before, was dispatched to the parents of the girl, who were again asked to give their consent to the marriage. finally, a third deputation was sent, and this generally succeeded in satisfactorily arranging the affair. the two families then commenced to treat each other as relations, and to visit each other for the purposes of determining the day of the wedding and making preparations for the event. among the lower classes the father usually demanded the bride of her parents in person.[ ] it was customary among the pipiles of salvador for the father of the boy, after having obtained the consent of the girl's parents to the match, to take her to his house when she was twelve years of age, and his son fourteen, and there educate and maintain her as if she were his own child. in return he was entitled to her services and those of his son, until they were able to sustain themselves, and of a suitable age to marry. the parents of the couple then jointly made them a present of a house and gave them the means to start in life. thereafter, if the young man met his father-in-law in the street, he crossed to the other side of the way, and the girl paid the same courtesy to her mother-in-law.[ ] in the greater part of nicaragua matches were arranged by the parents, but there were certain independent towns in which the girls chose their husbands from among the young men, while the latter were sitting at a feast.[ ] i have already alluded to the fact that if in guatemala or yucatan a young man married into a rank lower than his own he lost caste in consequence, hence his parents were the more careful to select for him a bride from among the maidens of his own standing in society. among the mayas of yucatan when the day appointed for a marriage ceremony arrived, the invited friends assembled at the house of the bride's father, where the betrothed couple with their parents and the officiating priest were already waiting. for the joyful occasion a great feast was prepared, as it was customary to incur a large expense in food and wine for the entertainment of invited guests. when all were present, the priest called the bride and bridegroom with their parents before him and delivered to them an address concerning the duties of the wedded state. he then offered incense and certain prayers to the gods, concluding the ceremony by asking a blessing from heaven for the newly wedded couple.[ ] no ceremonies took place when a widow or widower was married; in such case a simple repast or the giving of food and drink one to another was deemed sufficient to solemnize the nuptials.[ ] [sidenote: marriage ceremonies.] it was customary in guatemala, when all preliminaries of a marriage had been settled and the day fixed for the wedding, for the bridegroom's father to send a deputation of old women and principal men to conduct the bride to his house. one of those sent for this purpose carried her upon his shoulders, and when they arrived at a certain designated point near the bridegroom's home, she was met by other men also chosen by her father-in-law, who offered incense four or five times before her and sacrificed some quail or other birds to the gods, at the same time giving thanks for her safe arrival. as soon as she came to the house she was seated with much ceremony upon a couch covered with mats or rich carpets; immediately a number of singers began a song suited to the occasion; musicians played on their instruments; dancers came forth and danced before her.[ ] the consent of the cacique had to be obtained to all marriages that were celebrated in his territory; before the ceremony the priest desired the young man and his bride to confess to him all the sins of their past life. no person was allowed to marry in yucatan until the rite of baptism had been administered.[ ] in guatemala, if the betrothed belonged to the higher classes of society, the cacique joined their hands and then tied the end of the man's mantle to a corner of the woman's dress, at the same time advising them to be faithful and loving toward each other. the ceremony ended, all partook of the wedding feast and the bride and bridegroom were carried to the house intended for them, upon the shoulders of some of those who had assisted at the marriage; they were then conducted to the bridal chamber and, as ximenez tells us, received instructions from two of the most honored old women respecting certain marital duties.[ ] the marriage ceremonies of the pipiles were simple and unique; matches were made by the cacique and carried into effect under his direction. at the appointed time the kinsfolk of the bride proceeded to the house of the bridegroom, whence he was borne to the river and washed. the relatives of the bride performed the same act of cleansing upon the person of the bride. the two parties with their respective charges then repaired to the house of the bride. the couple were now tied together by the ends of the blankets, in which they were enfolded naked and laid away--married.[ ] after the ceremony an interchange of presents took place between the relatives of the newly married couple and they all feasted together. among the civilized nations of nicaragua, when a match was arranged to the satisfaction of the parents, some fowls were killed, cacao was prepared, and the neighbors were invited to be present. the father, mother, or whoever gave away the bride, was asked in presence of the assembled guests whether or not she came as a virgin; if the answer was in the affirmative, and the husband afterwards found that she had been already seduced, he had the right to return her to her parents and she was looked upon as a bad woman; but if the parents answered that she was not a virgin, and the man agreed to take her for a wife, the marriage was valid.[ ] when they were to be united the cacique took the parties with his right hand by the little fingers of their left hands and led them into the house set apart for marriages, leaving them, after some words of advice, in a small room, where there was a fire of candlewood. while the fire lasted they were expected to remain perfectly still, and not until it was burned out did they proceed to consummate the marriage. the following day if the husband made no objection in respect to the girl's virginity, the relations and friends assembled and expressed their gratification with loud cries of joy, and passed the day in feasting and pleasure.[ ] [sidenote: droit de seigneur.] notwithstanding the disgrace attached to a woman who had lost her virginity before marriage and concealed the fact, we are assured by andagoya that in nicaragua a custom similar to the european 'droit du seigneur' was practiced by a priest living in the temple, who slept with the bride during the night preceding her marriage.[ ] a widow was looked upon as the property of the family of her deceased husband, to whose brother she was invariably married, even though he might have a wife of his own at the time. if she had no brother-in-law, then she was united to the nearest living relative on her husband's side.[ ] in yucatan, the widow could not marry again until after a year from her husband's death.[ ] monogamy seems to have been the rule among the maya nations, and many authors assert positively that polygamy did not exist. it was only in the border state of chiapas that the custom is mentioned by remesal. to compensate for this, concubinage was largely indulged in by the wealthy. the punishment for bigamy was severe, and consisted, in nicaragua, of banishment and confiscation of the entire property for the benefit of the injured wife or husband, who was at liberty to marry again, a privilege which was not, however, accorded to women who had children. landa tells us that the chichen itza kings lived in a state of strict celibacy, and diaz relates that a tower was pointed out to him on the coast of yucatan, which was occupied by women who had dedicated themselves to a single life.[ ] with their loveless marriages it was fortunate that divorce could be obtained on very slight grounds. in yucatan, says landa, the father would, after a final separation, procure one wife after another to suit the tastes of his son. if the children were still of tender age at the time the parents separated, they were left with the mother; if grown up, the boys followed the father, while the girls remained with the mother. it was not unusual for the husband to return to the wife after a while, if she was free, regardless of the fact that she had belonged to another in the meantime.[ ] in guatemala the wife could leave her husband on the same slight grounds as the man, and if she refused to return to him after being requested to do so, he was allowed to marry again; she was then considered free, and held of no little consequence. in nicaragua the husband decided whether the children were to remain with him or the divorced wife.[ ] [sidenote: intercourse of the sexes.] the mayas seem to have dealt more leniently with adulterers than the nahuas. in guatemala, the married man who committed adultery with a maiden was, upon complaint of the girl's relations, compelled to pay as a fine from sixty to one hundred rare feathers. it generally happened, however, that the friends of the woman were careful to keep the matter secret, as such a scandal would cause great injury to her future prospects. if a married man was known to sin with a married woman or a widow, both were for the first or even the second offence merely warned, and condemned to pay a fine of feathers; but if they persevered in their crime, then their hands were bound behind their backs, and they were forced to inhale the smoke of a certain herb called _tabacoyay_, which, although very painful, was not a fatal punishment. the single man who committed adultery with a married woman was obliged to pay to the parents of the latter the amount which her husband had paid for her; doubtless this fine was handed over to the injured husband, who, in such a case, repudiated his wife. it sometimes happened, however, that the husband did not report the matter to the authorities, but gave his unfaithful wife a bird of the kind which was used in sacrifices, and told her to offer it to the gods, and, with her companion in crime, to confess and be forgiven. such a husband was regarded as a most virtuous and humane man.[ ] a noble lady taken in adultery was reprimanded the first time, and severely punished or repudiated for the second offence. in the latter case she was free to marry again.[ ] it was a capital crime to commit adultery with a lord's wife; if he who did so was a noble, they strangled him, but if he was a plebeian, they flung him down a precipice.[ ] cogolludo says that among the itzas the man and woman taken in adultery were put to death. the woman was taken beyond the limits of the town to a place where there were many loose stones. there she was bound to a post, and the priest who had judged her having cast the first stone, and the injured husband the second, the crowd that was never missing on such occasions joined so eagerly in the sport that the death of their target was a speedy one. the male adulterer, according to the same account, was also bound to a post, and shot to death in the same manner with arrows.[ ] [sidenote: adultery and fornication.] in vera paz, incorrigible adulterers were enslaved.[ ] in nicaragua, the faithless wife was repudiated by her husband, and not allowed to marry again, but she had the right of retaining her dowry and effects. the adulterer was severely beaten with sticks, by the relations of the woman he had led astray. the husband appears to have taken no part in the matter.[ ] in yucatan, adultery was punished with death. according to cogolludo, offenders of both sexes were shot to death with arrows; landa tells us that the man was killed with a stone by the husband of his paramour, but the woman was punished with disgrace only. it is said that in more ancient times adulterers were impaled or disemboweled. but so great was the horror in which the yucatecs held this crime, that they did not always wait for conviction, but sometimes punished a suspected person by binding him, stripping him naked, shaving off his hair, and thus leaving him for a time.[ ] among the pipiles of salvador he who made advances to a married woman, and did nothing worse, was banished, and his property was confiscated. the adulterer, if we may believe palacio,[ ] was put to death; squier says he became the slave of the dishonored husband.[ ] simple fornication was punished with a fine, to be paid in feathers of a certain rare bird, which, by the laws of vera paz at least, it was death to kill without express permission, as its plumage formed a most valuable article of trade with the neighboring provinces.[ ] but if any complaint was raised, such as by a father in behalf of his daughter, or by a brother for his sister, the seducer was put to death, or at least made a slave.[ ] in yucatan, death seems to have been the inevitable fate of the seducer.[ ] in guatemala and salvador, consummated rape was punished with death. he who merely attempted rape was enslaved.[ ] in nicaragua, the penalty for this crime was not so severe, since he who committed it was only obliged to compensate pecuniarily the parents of his victim; though if he could not do this he became their slave. he who ravished the daughter of his employer or lord was, however, always put to death.[ ] incest is said to have been an unknown crime.[ ] public prostitution was tolerated, if not encouraged, among all the maya nations. in every nicaraguan town there were establishments kept by public women, who sold their favors for ten cocoa-nibs, and maintained professional bullies to protect and accompany them at home and abroad. parents could prostitute their daughters without shame; and it is said, further, that during a certain annual festival, women, of whatever condition, could abandon themselves to the embrace of whomever they pleased, without incurring any disgrace.[ ] it was no unusual thing for parents of the lower orders to send their daughters on a tour through the land, that they might earn their marriage portion by prostitution.[ ] [sidenote: unnatural vices.] all the old writers appear anxious to clear the civilized aborigines from the charge of sodomy, yet the fact that no nation was without strict laws regarding this unnatural vice, combined with the admissions reluctantly made by the reverend fathers themselves, seems to show that pederasty certainly was not unknown. thus, las casas says that sodomy was looked upon as a great and abominable sin in vera paz, and was not known until a god,[ ] called by some chin, by others cavil, and again by others maran, instructed them by committing the act with another deity. hence it was held by many to be no sin, inasmuch as a god had introduced it among them. and thus it happened that some fathers gave their sons a boy to use as a woman; and if any other approached this boy he was treated as an adulterer. nevertheless, if a man committed a rape upon a boy, he was punished in the same manner as if he had ravished a woman. and, adds the same writer, there were always some who reprehended this abominable custom.[ ] in yucatan certain images were found by bernal diaz which would lead us to suppose that the natives were at least acquainted with sodomy,[ ] but here again the good father[ ] takes up the cudgels in behalf of his favorites. in nicaragua sodomites were stoned to death.[ ] the desire to possess children seems to have been very general, and many were the prayers and offerings made by disappointed parents to propitiate the god whose anger was supposed to have deferred their hopes. to further promote the efficacy of their prayers, the priest enjoined upon man and wife to separate for a month or two, to adhere to a simple diet, and abstain from salt.[ ] several superstitious observances were also regarded; thus, among the pipiles, a husband should avoid meeting his father-in-law, or a wife her mother-in-law, lest issue fail them.[ ] these observances tend the more to illustrate their longing to become parents, since the women are said to have been very prolific. the women were delivered with little difficulty or pain,[ ] yet a midwife was called in, who attended to the mother's wants, and facilitated parturition by placing a heated stone upon the abdomen. in yucatan an image of _ixchel_, the goddess of childbirth, was placed beneath the bed. among the pipiles and in guatemala, the woman was confessed when any difficulty arose, and it not unfrequently happened that an officer of justice took advantage of such opportunities to obtain criminating evidence. if the wife's confession alone did not have the desired effect, the husband was called upon to avow his sins; his maxtli was besides laid over the wife, and sometimes blood was drawn from his tongue and ears, to be scattered towards the four quarters with various invocations.[ ] after delivery a turkey hen was immolated, and thanks rendered to the deity for the happy issue. the midwife thereupon washed the child, placed a bow and arrow in its hands, if a boy, a spindle, if a girl, and drew a mark upon its right foot, so that it might become a good mountaineer. [sidenote: childbirth and circumcision.] the birth of a son was celebrated with especial rejoicings, and extensive invitations issued for the feasts that took place on or about the day when the umbilical cord was to be cut,[ ] a ceremony which seems to have borne the same festive character as baptism among the nahuas and other nations. the _ahgih_, astrologer, was asked to name a favorable day for the rite. the cord was then laid upon an ear of maize to be cut off with a new knife and burned. the grains were removed from the cob and sown at the proper season; one half of the yield to be made into gruel and form the first food of the child aside from the mother's milk, the other half to be sent to the ahgih, after reserving a few grains for the child to sow with his own hands when he grew up, and make an offering thereof to his god. at the same time a kind of circumcision may have been performed, a rite which could not, however, have been very general, if indeed it ever existed, for cogolludo positively asserts that it never was practiced in yucatan, and landa thinks that the custom of slitting the foreskin, which the devout performed before the idol, may have given rise to the report. palacio asserts that certain indians in salvador are known to have scarified themselves as well as some boys in the same manner.[ ] [sidenote: naming the children.] the naming of the child was the next important affair. among the pipiles it was taken to the temple on the twelfth day, over a road strewn with green branches,[ ] and here the priest gave it the name of its grandfather or grandmother, after which offerings of cacao and fowl were presented to the idol, and some gifts to the minister. in guatemala the child was named after the god to whom the day of its birth was dedicated, for it was not thought desirable to call it after the parents; other names were, however, applied afterwards, according to circumstances.[ ] las casas adds that the parents lost their name on the birth of the first son and daughter, the father being called 'father of ek,' or whatever might be the name of the son, and the mother receiving the cognomen of 'mother of can,' etc.[ ] the itzas gave their children a name formed of the combined names of the father and mother, that of the latter standing first; thus, in canek, _can_ is taken from the mother's name, _ek_ from the father's. in yucatan, the former home of this people, the custom was almost the same, except that _na_ was prefixed to the names of the parents; thus, na-chan-chel denoted son of chel and chan, but as the name of the father, according to landa, was perpetuated in the son only, not in the daughter, it follows that the girl could not have been named in the same order; it is possible that the mother's name was placed last, and served as surname in their case. in later years this name was not usually imposed until the time of baptism; but in earlier times a distinctive name was given by the priest at the time of taking the horoscope, shortly after birth. the name of the father was borne till the marriage day, the names of both parents being assumed after that event.[ ] on the conclusion of the above ceremonies, the guatemalan or pipile infant and mother were taken to a fountain or river, near a fall if possible, to be bathed, and during the bath incense, birds, or cacao were offered to the water, apparently with a view of gaining the good will of the god of that element. the utensils which had served at the birth, such as warming stone, cups, and knife, were thrown into the water at the same time.[ ] the mothers were good and patient nurses, suckling their infants for over three years, for the habit of taking warm morning drinks, the exercise of grinding maize, and the uncovered bosom, all tended to produce large breasts and an abundant supply of milk. otherwise the children received a hardy training, clothing being dispensed with, and the bare ground serving for a couch. when working, the mother carried them on her back; in yucatan, however, they were usually borne across the hip, and for this reason a large number became bow-legged. landa also mentions another deformity, that produced by head-flattening, which is to be noticed on the sculptures of the maya ruins.[ ] [sidenote: baptismal ceremonies.] it is related by all the old spanish historians, that when the spaniards first visited the kingdom of yucatan they found there traces of a baptismal rite; and, strangely enough, the name given to this rite in the language of the inhabitants, was _zihil_, signifying 'to be born again.' it was the duty of all to have their children baptized, for, by this ablution they believed that they received a purer nature, were protected against evil spirits and future misfortunes. i have already mentioned that no one could marry unless he had been baptised according to their customs; they held, moreover, that an unbaptised person, whether man or woman, could not lead a good life, nor do anything well. the rite was administered to children of both sexes at any time between the ages of three and twelve years. when parents desired to have a child baptised they notified the priest of their intentions. the latter then published a notice throughout the town of the day upon which the ceremony would take place, being first careful to fix upon a day of good omen. this done, the fathers of the children who were to be baptised, selected five of the most honored men of the town to assist the priest during the ceremony. these were called _chacs_.[ ] during the three days preceding the ceremony the fathers and assistants fasted and abstained from women. when the appointed day arrived, all assembled with the children who were to be baptised, in the house of the giver of the feast, who was usually one of the wealthiest of the parents. in the courtyard fresh leaves were strewn, and there the boys were ranged in a row in charge of their godfathers, while in another row were the girls with their godmothers. the priest now proceeded to purify the house with the object of casting out the devil. for this purpose four benches were placed one in each of the four corners of the courtyard, upon which were seated four of the assistants holding a long cord that passed from one to the other, thus enclosing part of the yard; within this enclosure were the children and those fathers and officials who had fasted. a bench was placed in the centre, upon which the priest was seated with a brazier, some ground corn, and incense. the children were directed to approach one by one, and the priest gave to each a little of the ground corn and incense, which, as they received it, they cast into the brazier. when this had been done by all, they took the cord and brazier, with a vessel of wine, and gave them to a man to carry outside the town, with injunctions not to drink any of the wine, and not to look behind him; with such ceremony the devil was expelled.[ ] the yard was then swept clean, and some leaves of a tree called _cihom_, and of another called _copo_, were scattered over it. the priest now clothed himself in long gaudy-looking robes, consisting, according to landa, of a jacket of red feathers with flowers of various colors embroidered thereon; hanging from the ends were other long feathers, and on his head a coronet of plumes. from beneath the jacket long bands of cotton hung down to the ground. in his hand he held some hyssop fastened to a short stick. the chacs then put white cloths upon the children's heads and asked the elder if they had committed any sins; such as confessed that they had, were then placed apart. the priest then ordered the people to sit down and be silent; he next blessed the boys, and offering up some prayers, purified them with the hyssop with much solemnity. the principal officer who had been elected by the fathers, now took a bone, and having dipped it in a certain water, moistened their foreheads, their features, and their fingers and toes.[ ] after they had been thus sprinkled with water the priest arose and removed the cloths from the heads of the children, and then cut off with a stone knife a certain bead that was attached to the head from childhood; they were then given by one of the assistants some flowers to smell, and a pipe through which they drew some smoke, after which they were each presented with a little food, and a vessel full of wine was brought as an offering to the gods, who were entreated to receive it as a thanksgiving from the boys; it was then handed to one of the officials, who had to drink it at one draught. a similar ceremony took place with the female children, at the conclusion of which their mothers divested them of a cord, which was worn during their childhood, fastened round the loins, having a small shell that hung in front. the removal of this signified that they could marry as soon as their parents permitted.[ ] the children were then dismissed, and their fathers distributed presents among those who had assisted at the ceremony. a grand banquet called _emku_, or 'the descent of god,' was then held, and during the nine succeeding days the fathers of the children fasted, and were not to approach their wives.[ ] [sidenote: domestic discipline.] the nicaraguan husbands are said to have been so much under the control of their wives that they were obliged to do the housework while the women attended to the trading. the latter were, moreover, great shrews, and would on the slightest provocation drive their offending husbands out of the house; we are told that it was no unusual occurrence for the neighbors to be suddenly called in to appease some unfortunate man's xanthippe.[ ] the women of yucatan were renowned for their modesty and conjugal faithfulness. landa, one of the first bishops of yucatan, relates an anecdote illustrating this trait. alonso lopez de avila, during the war against bacalar, took prisoner a very beautiful indian girl. struck by her beauty the captor endeavored by all means to induce her to gratify his desires, but in vain. she had promised her warrior-husband, who during those perilous times was constantly face to face with death, that none but he should ever call her wife; how then, while perhaps he yet lived, could she become another's mistress. but such arguments did not quench the spaniard's lust, and as she remained steadfast, he ordered her to be cast among the bloodhounds, who devoured her--a martyr at the hands of the men who pretended to preach jesus christ, and him crucified.[ ] footnotes: [ ] they were taught, says las casas, 'que honrasen á los padres y les fuesen obedientes; que no tuviesen codicia de muchos bienes; que no adulterasen con muger agena; que no fornicasen, ni llegasen á muger, sino á la que fuese suya; que no mirasen á las mugeres para codiciarlas, diciendo que no traspasasen umbral ageno; que si anduviesen de noche por el pueblo, que llevasen lumbre en la mano; que siguiesen su camino derecho, que no bajasen de camino, ni subiesen tampoco del; que á los ciegos no les pusiesen ofendiculo para que cayesen; á los lisiados no escarneciesen y de los locos no se riesen, porque todo aquello era malo; que trabajen y no estubiesen ociosos; y para esto desde niños les enseñavan como havian de hacer las sementeras y como beneficiallas y cogellas.' _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . brasseur de bourbourg remarks that the respectful term of _you_ instead of _thou_, is frequently used by children when addressing their parents, in the popol vuh. _popol vuh_, p. . the old people 'eran tan estimados en esto que los moços no tratavan con viejos, sino era en cosas inevitables, y los moços por casar; con los casados sino muy poco.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] 'dormian en los portales no solo cuando hacian su ayuno, mas aun casi todo el año, porque no les era permitido tratar ni saber de los negocios de los casados, ni aun sabian cuando habian de casarse, hasta el tiempo que les presentaban las mugeres, porque eran muy sujetos y obedientes á sus padres. cuando aquestos mancebos iban á sus casas a ver á sus padres ... tenian su cuenta de que no hablasen los padres cosa que fuese menos honesta.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxix.; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _juarros_, _hist. guat._, p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _juarros_, _hist. guat._, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _juarros_, _hist. guat._, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - ; _carrillo_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. iii., p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. ; herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., says that in later times they married at twelve or fourteen. [ ] _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . [ ] _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. . this is the same passage that brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. , cites as _roman_, _rep. ind._, tom. ii., cap. x. [ ] 'los indios de la vera-paz muchas veces, segun el parentesco, que vsaban, era fuerça que casasen hermanos con hermanas, y era la raçon esta: acostumbraban no casar los de vn tribu, ò pueblo, con las mugeres del mismo pueblo, y las buscaban, que fuesen de otro; porque no contaban por de su familia, y parentesco los hijos que nacian en el tribu ò linage ageno, aunque la muger huviese procedido de su mismo linage; y era la raçon, porque aquel parentesco se atribuìa à solo los hombres. por manera, que si algun señor daba su hija à otro de otro pueblo, aunque no tuviese otro heredero este señor, sino solos los nietos, hijos de su hija, no los reconocia por nietos, ni parientes, en raçon de hacerlos herederos, por ser hijos del otro señor de otros pueblos y asi se le buscaba al tal señor, muger que fuese de otro pueblo, y no de el proprio. y asi sucedia, que los hijos de estas mugeres, no tenian por parientes à los deudos de su madre, por estàr en otro pueblo, y esto se entiende, en quanto à casarse con ellas, que lo tenian por licito, aunque en lo demàs se reconocian. y porque la cuenta de su parentesco era entre solos los hombres, y no por parte de las mugeres. y por esto no tenian impedimento, para casarse, con los tales parientes; y asi se casaban con todos los grados de consanguinidad, porque mas por hermana tenian qualquiera muger de su linage, aunque fuese remotisima, y no tuviese memoria del grado, en que le tocaba, que la hija de su propia madre, como fuese havida de otro marido, y por este error se casaban, con las hermanas de madre, y no de padre.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'en lo que tocava al parentesco, tenian un arbol pintado, i en el siete ramos que signifacava siete grados de parentesco. en estos grados no se podia casar nadie, i esto se entendia por linea recta si no fuese que alguno huviese fecho algun gran fecho en armas, i havia de ser del tercero grado fuera; i por linea traversa tenia otro arbol con quatro ramos que significaban el quarto grado, en estos no se podia casar nadie.... qualquiera que tenia quenta carnal con parienta en los grados susodichos morian por ello ambos.' _palacio_, _carta_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _squier's cent. amer._, p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . 'los dotes eran de vestidos, y cosas de poca sustancia, lo mas se gastaua en los combites.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . [ ] _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _palacio_, _carta_, p. ; _squier's cent. amer._, p. . [ ] _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'haziase vna platica de como se auia tratado, y mirado aquel casamiento, y que quadraua: hecha la platica el sacerdote sahumaua la casa; y con oraciones bendezia a los nouios, y quedauan casados.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [ ] _ib._; _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] 'llegada á casa, luego la ponian y asentaban en un tálamo bien aderezado, y comenzaban grandes bailes y cantares y otros regocijos muchos, con que la fiesta era muy solemne.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'sin él ninguno se casaba.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _juarros_, _hist. guat._, p. . [ ] 'a la noche, dos mugeres honradas y viejas metíanlos en una pieza, y enseñàbanlos como habian de haberse en el matrimonio.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. . [ ] palacio says they were each wrapped in a new white mantle. 'ambos los enbolvian cada qual en su manta blanca nueva.' _carta_, p. . see also _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _squier's cent. amer._, p. . [ ] 'si la tomo por virgen, y la halla corrompida, desecha la, mas no de otra manera.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] 'los novios se están quedos, mirando cómo aquella poca tea se quema; é acabada, quedan casados é ponen en efetto lo demás.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . 'en muriendose la lumbre, quedan casados.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. . [ ] 'la noche ántes habia de dormir con la novia uno que tenian por papa.' _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii. oviedo perhaps alludes to this custom when he says: 'muchos hay que quieren más las corrompidas que no las vírgenes.' _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. . [ ] 'comunmente estas gentes compraban la muger, y aquellos dones que llevaban, era el precio, y así la muger jamas volvía á casa de sus padres aunque enviudase; porque luego el hermano del muerto la tomaba por muger _aunque él fuese casado_, y si el hermano no era para ello, un pariente tenia derecho á ella. los hijos de las tales mugeres no tenian por deudos á los tales abuelos, ni á los demas deudos de las madres, porque la cuenta de su parentesco venia por linea de varones, y así no tenian impedimentos para casarse con los parientes de sus madres, esto se entiende para contraer matrimonio; que en lo demas amábanse y queríanse unos à otros.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] 'no se casavan despues de viudos un año, por no conocer hombre a muger en aquel tiempo, y a los que esto no guardavan, tenian por poco templados y que les vendria por esso algun mal.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. . 'todos toman muchas mugeres, empero vna es la legitima,' says gomara, _hist. ind._, fol. , in speaking of nicaragua. 'comunmente cada uno tiene una sola muger, é pocos son los que tienen más, exçepto los prinçipales ó el que puede dar de comer á más mugeres; é los caçiques quantas quieren.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . the word 'muger' evidently means women who lived with the man, the wife and concubines, for, on p. , it is stated that only one legitimate wife was allowed. the punishment for bigamy helps to bear this out. _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , . 'nunca los yucataneses tomaron mas de una.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , . this view is also taken by cogolludo, _hist. yuc._, p. , who adds, however: 'contradize aguilar en su informe lo de vna muger sola, diziendo, que tenian muchas;' but this may refer to concubines. brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. , says: 'la pluralité des femmes étant admises par la loi,' and gives _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., as his authority; but this author merely refers to concubinage as being lawful. [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . 'tenian grandes pendencias, y muertes sobre ello,' says herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., referring to their married life. [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. - . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . 'acontecio quexarse vn indio contra vn alcalde de su nacion, que sin pedimento suyo hauia castigado a su muger por ocho adulterios, y hechole pagar a el la condenacion, de manera que aliende de su afrenta, le lleuaua su dinero.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. viii. 'cuando queria que la muger se huia y se iba con otro, ó por sencillas se volvia en casa de sus padres, requeríala el marido que volviese, y si no queria, él se podia casar luego con otra, porque en este caso las mugeres eran poderosas y libres. algunos sufrian un año aguardándolas; pero lo comun era casarse luego, porque no podian vivir sin mugeres, á causa de no tener quien les guisese de comer.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] 'quando las mugeres eran halladas en adulterio, la primera vez eran corregidas de palabra; y si no se enmendaban, repudiábanlas; y si era señor, hermano ó pariente del señor de la tierra, luego en dejándola, se podia casarse con quien quisiere. los vasallos hacian tambien esto muchas veces, pero tenian un poco de mas paciencia, porque las corregian dos y cinco veces, y llamaban á sus parientes para que las reprehendiesen. pero si eran incorregibles, denunciaban ellas delante del señor, el cual las mandaba comparecer ante sí y hacianlas esclavas, y la misma pena se daba á las que no querian hacer vida con sus maridos.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - . [ ] oviedo asserts that the husband avenged his own honor. the friar asks: '¿qué pena le dan al adúltero, que se echa con la muger de otro?' the indian answers: 'el marido della riñe con él é le da de palos; pero no lo mata.' _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . squier, _nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. , says that the woman was also severely flogged, but this does not seem to have been the case. see _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , ; _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.; _fancourt's hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] _carta_, p. . [ ] _cent. amer._, p. . [ ] _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. , ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _palacio_, _carta_, p. ; _squier's cent. amer._, p. . [ ] _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. , , tom. iv., pp. , ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _müller_, _amerikanische urreligionen_, p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., pp. - ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. . 'dado que e vido que en otras partes de las indias usavan del nefando peccado en estas tales casas, en esta tierra (yucatan) no e entendido que hiziessen tal, ni creo lo hazian, porque los llagados desta pestilencial miseria dizen que no son amigos de mugeres como eran estos, ca a estos lugares llevavan las malas mugeres publicas, y en ellos usavan dellas, y las pobres que entre esta gente acertava a tener este officio no obstante que recibian dellos gualardon, eran tantos los mocos que a ellas acudian que las traian acossadas y muertas.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viajes_, tom. iii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii.; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] a demon, las casas calls him, but these monks spoke of all the new world deities as 'demons.' [ ] _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . before this he writes: 'y es aqui de saber, que tenian por grave pecado el de la sodomia como abajo dirémos, y comunmente los padres lo aborrecian y prohibian á los hijos. pero por causa de que fuesen instruidos en la religion, mandavanles dormir en los templos donde los mozos mayores en aquel vicio á los niños corrompian. y despues salidos de alli mal acostumbrados, dificil era librarlos de aquel vicio. por esta causa eran los padres muy solicitos de casarlos quan presto podian, por los apartar de aquella corrupcion vilissima aunque casallos muchachos contra su voluntad y forzados, y solamente por aquel respeto lo hacian.' _id._, pp. - . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] 'otro acerrimo infamador de estas naciones, que dios nuestro señor haya, en cuya historia creo yo que tuvo dios harto poca parte, dixo ser indicio notorio de que aquellas gentes eran contaminadas del vicio nefando por haver hallado en cierta parte de aquella tierra, hechos de barro ciertos idolos uno encima de otro. como si entre nuestros pintores ó figulos no se finjan cada dia figuras feas y de diversos actos, que no hay sopecha por nadie obrarse, condenarlos todos por aquello, haciendolos reos de vicio tan indigno de se hablar, no carece de muy culpable temeridad, y asi lo que ariba dije tengo por la verdad, y lo demas por falsos testimonios dignos de divino castigo.' _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . [ ] 'que comiesen el pan seco ó solo maiz, ó que estuviesen tantos dias en el campo metidos en alguna cueva.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. . [ ] _palacio_, _carta_, p. . [ ] in vera paz 'las mugeres paren como cabras, muchas vezes a solas, tendidas en el suelo: otras por los caminos, y luego se van a lauar al rio.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] 'le hazian dezir sus pecados i si no paria, hazia que se confesase el marido, i si no podia con esto, si havia dicho i confesado que conofia alguno, ivan á casa de aquel i traian de su casa la manta é pañetes i ceiñola á la preñada paraque pariese.' _palacio_, _carta_, p. ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . [ ] it would seem that the child remained with the navel-string attached to it until a favorable day was selected for performing the ceremony of cutting it. 'echaban suertes para ver que dia seria bueno para cortar el ombligo.' and further on: 'muchos tribus de indios de centro-america conservan hasta hoy al nacimiento de un niño el uso de quemarle el ombligo; costumbre barbara de que mueron muchos niños.' this would indicate that the cord was burned while attached to the infant. _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] in cezori 'ciertos indios idolatraron en un monte en sus terminos, i entre ellos que uno se harpó i hendió su miembro, i que circuncidaron quatro muchachos de doze años para arriba al uso judaico, i la sangre que salio dellos la sacrificaron á un idolo.' _palacio_, _carta_, p. . 'se harpavan el superfluo del miembro vergonçoso, dexandolo como las orejas, de lo qual se engaño el historiador general de las indias, diziendo que se circumcidian.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . 'ni aquellos religiosos dominicos, ni el obispo de chiapa, haziendo tan particular inquisicion, hazen memoria de auer hallado tal cosa ... los indios, ni estos tienen tradicion de que vsassen tal costumbre sus ascendientes.' _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . 'they are circumcised, but not all.' _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i. circumcision was 'un usage général dans l'yucatan, observé de temps immémorial: elle était pratiquée sur les petits enfants dès les premiers jours de leur naissance.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . this positive and isolated assertion of the abbé must be founded upon some of his mss., as usual. [ ] 'cortarban ramos verdes en que pisase.' _palacio_, _carta_, p. . [ ] brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. , refers only to the first-born. 'dabanle el nombre del dia, en que havia nacido, ò segun lo que precediò en su nacimiento.' _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. . [ ] _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxix. [ ] 'a sus hijos y hijas siempre llamavan del nombre del padre y de la madre, el del padre como propio y de la madre apellativo.' the pre-baptismal name was abandoned when the father's name was assumed. _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , . only the few who were destined to receive the baptism obtained the distinctive name. _medel_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., pp. - ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. . palacio, _carta_, p. , states that this ceremony was performed after the twelfth day, and that the mother only was taken to be bathed. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., and _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'allanarles las frentes y cabeças.' 'comunmente todos estevados, porque ... van ahorcajados en los quadriles.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , ; _juarros_, _hist. guat._, p. . [ ] _chác_ or _chaac_, was the title given to certain laymen who were elected to assist the priest in some of his religious duties. also the name of a divinity, protector of the water and harvests. see _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] who was selected to take the wine, brazier, and cord outside the town, or what he did with it afterwards, we are not told. cogolludo says: 'daban à vn indio vn vaso del vino que acostumbraban beber, y embiabanle fuera del pueblo con èl, mandandole, que ni lo bebiesse, ni mirasse atràs, con que creìan quedaba totalmente expulso el demonio.' _hist. yuc._, p. . 'en un vaso enviaban vino fuera del pueblo, con órden al indio que no lo bebiese ni mirase atras, y con esto pensaban que habian echado al demonio.' _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [ ] 'esta agua hazian de ciertas flores y de cacao mojado y desleido con agua virgen que ellos dezian traida de los concavos de los arboles o de los montes.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] 'los varoncillos usavanles siempre poner pegada a la cabeça en los cabellos de la coronilla una contezuela blanca, y a las muchachas traian ceñidas por las renes muy abaxo con un cordel delgado y en el una conchuela asida que les venia a dar encima de la parte honesta, y destas dos cosas era entre ellos peccado y cosa muy fea quitarla de las mochachas antes del baptismo.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , . [ ] brasseur de bourbourg says they feasted nine days: 'tous ensemble, prêtres et parents, festoyaient après cela, pendant neuf jours, les pères étant obligés, durant cet intervalle, de s'abstenir de leurs femmes.' _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . he appears to have misunderstood cogolludo, to whom he refers, since that author's words are, 'acabando la fiesta en banquetes, y en los nueve dias siguientes no auian de llegar à sus mugeres los padres de los niños.' _hist. yuc._, p. . 'allende de los tres dias que se avia, como por ayuno, abstenido, se avia de abstener nueve mas y lo hazian inviolablemente.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . see further: _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., pp. - ; _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., pp. - . [ ] _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viajes_, tom. iii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. , , ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. . in guatemala 'il est à remarquer ici que quand il s'agit simultanément d'hommes et de femmes dans le discours, les femmes ont presque toujours la préséance sur les hommes.' 'c'est peut-être en mémoire de la mère de hun-ahpu que les femmes-chefs en bien des contrées devaient leurs prérogatives.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, pp. - . in yucatan the women 'son zelosas y algunas tanto que ponian las manos a las de quien tenian zelos, y tan colericas, enojadas, aunque harto mansas, que solian dar buelta de pelo algunas a los maridos con hazerlo ellos pocas vezes.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , . the women of yucatan had, however, their duties to perform. 'son grandes travajadoras y vividoras, porque dellas cuelgan los mayores y mas trabajos de la sustentacion de sus casas y educacion de sus hijos, y paga de sus tributos y con todo esso si es menester llevan algunas vezes mayor carga, labrando y sembrando sus mantenimientos. son a maravilla grangeras, velando de noche el rato que de servir sus casas les queda, yendo a los mercados a comprar y vender sus cosillas.'... the women joined and aided one another in the work, as weaving, etc. 'elles avaient leurs saillies et leurs bons mots pour railler et conter des aventures et par moment aussi pour murmurer de leurs maris.' _id._, p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. . chapter xxii. feasts and amusements of the mayas. special observances--fixed feasts--sacrifice of slaves--monthly feasts of the yucatecs--renewal of the idols--feast of the chacs--hunting festival--the tuppkak--feast of the cacao-planters--war feast--the maya new year's day--feasts of the hunters, fishers, and apiarists--ceremonies in honor of cukulcan--feast of the month of mol--feast of the years kan, muluc, ix, and cauac--yucatec sacrifices--the pit of chichen--sacrifices of the pipiles--feast of victory--feasts and sacrifices in nicaragua--banquets--dances--musical instruments--games. though the information concerning the feasts, religious and otherwise, of the maya nations, is not so full as that touching the nahuas, yet there is no doubt that the former people were quite as fond of such matters as the latter. the quichés had many festivals and special observances, in some of which the whole people took part, while others were performed by private persons through excess of piety. they always made a sacrifice before commencing any work of importance. there were four special things for which they besought the gods; namely, long life, health, progeny, and the necessaries of life. they had particular oratories where they went upon occasions of great distress, and drew blood from several parts of their body. when they desired to have sons they sacrificed at fountains. they had oratories in thick groves, and if they found a spot where a large tree grew over a spring, they held the place to be divine, because two divinities met in the tree and in the pool.[ ] [sidenote: sacrificial festivals.] the religious feasts in which all the people took part were held on certain fixed days of the calendar. one of their most notable and solemn festivals was more a time of penance and vigil than of feasting. when the season of its celebration approached, the lord of a province with the principal men held a council and sent for a diviner, and advised with him concerning the day upon which the sacrifice should take place. the wise man at once began his sorceries, and cast lots in order to ascertain what day would be the most propitious. when the day was fixed, all men had from that time to sleep in houses apart from their wives during a period of sixty or eighty days, or even longer, according to the severity demanded. upon each of these days every one had to offer sacrifice by drawing blood from his arms, thighs, tongue, and other parts of his body. this they did at certain hours of the day and night, and also burned incense. they could not bathe while the observances lasted. from the day when this lent began, the slaves who were to be sacrificed were allowed a certain freedom, and permitted to go about the town wheresoever they pleased. on the neck of each, however, was fastened a ring of gold, silver, or copper, through which a stick was passed, and as a further precaution against escape each was accompanied by a guard of three or four men. they were at liberty to enter any house, whether it was that of the supreme lord or of the poorest man, and wherever they applied for food or drink it was given them. the same liberty was accorded to the guard. when the day of sacrifice arrived, the high-priest attired himself in his finest vestments. these consisted of certain cloaks, with crowns of gold, silver, or other metal, adorned with precious stones. the idols were placed upon a frame ornamented with gold, silver, and gems, and decked with roses and other flowers. the slaves were then brought in procession to the temple yard amid songs, music, and dancing; and the idols were set upon altars, before which were the sacrificial stones. as the hour of sacrifice drew near, the supreme lord, and principal men with him, repaired to the room where the slaves were waiting; each then seized his slave by the hair and carried him before the god, crying with a loud voice: o god our lord, remember thy servants, grant them health, offspring, and prosperity, so that they may increase and serve thee. give us rain, o lord, and seasonable weather to support us, that we may live, hearken to our prayers, aid us against our enemies, give us comfort and rest. on reaching the altar the sacrificing priest stood ready, and the lord placed the victim in his hands. he then, with his ministers, opened the breast with the sacrificial knife, tore out the heart and offered it to the idol, at the same time anointing it with the blood. each idol had its holy table; the sun, the moon, the east, the west, the north, and the south had each one. the heads of the sacrificed were put on stakes. the flesh was seasoned, cooked, and partaken of as a holy thing. the high-priest and supreme lord were given the hands and feet, as the most delicate morsels, and the body was distributed among the other priests. all through the days of the sacrificing great liberty was permitted to the people, grand banquets were held, and drunken revels ensued.[ ] concerning the religious feasts and observances of the yucatecs, landa is the best and most complete authority, and i will therefore take from his work such scattered notices as he gives. in the month of chen they worked in fear and trembling, making new idols. and when these were finished, those for whom they were made gave presents of the best they had to those who had modeled and carved them. the idols were then carried from the building in which they had been made to a cabin made of leaves, where the priest blessed them with much solemnity and many fervent prayers, the artists having previously cleansed themselves from the grease with which they had been besmeared, as a sign of fasting, during the entire time that they remained at work. having then driven out the evil spirit, and burned the sacred incense, the newly made images were placed in a basket, enveloped in a linen cloth, and delivered to their owners, who received them with every mark of respect and devotion. the priest then addressed the idol-makers for a few moments on the excellence and importance of their profession, and on the danger they would incur by neglecting the rules of abstinence while doing such sacred work. finally, all partook of an abundant repast, and made amends for their long fast by indulging freely in wine. in one of the two months called chen and yax, on a day determined by the priest, they celebrated a feast called _ocna_, which means the renovation of the temple in honor of the chacs, whom they regarded as the gods of the fields. during this festival, they consulted the oracle of the bacabs.[ ] this feast was celebrated every year. besides this, the idols of baked clay and the braziers were renewed at this season, because it was customary for each idol to have its own little brazier, in which incense was burned before it; and, if it was necessary, they built the god a new dwelling, or renovated the old one, taking care to place on the walls an inscription commemorating these things, in the characters peculiar to them. [sidenote: festivals of zac and mac.] in the month of zac, on a day appointed by the priest, the hunters held a feast similar to that which, as we shall presently see, took place in the month of zip. this was for the purpose of averting the anger of the gods from them and the seed they had sown, because of the blood which had been shed in the chase; for they regarded as abominable all spilling of blood, except in sacrifice.[ ] they never went out to hunt without first invoking their gods and burning incense before them; and on their return from a successful hunt they always anointed the grim visages of the idols with the blood of the game. on another day of this month a great feast was held, which lasted for three days, attended with incense-burning, sacrifices, and general orgies. but as this was a movable feast, the priests took care to give notice of it in advance, in order that all might observe a becoming fast. during the month of mac, the old people celebrated a feast in honor of the chacs, gods of the cornfields, and of another deity named yzamna. some days before this the following ceremony, called in their language _tuppkak_,[ ] was observed. having brought together all the reptiles and beasts of the field that could be procured in the country, they assembled with them in the court of the temple, in the corners of which were the chacs and the priests, to drive away the evil spirit, each having by his side a jug filled with water. standing on end, in the centre, was an enormous bundle of dry and fine wood, which was set on fire after some incense had been burned. as the wood burned, the assembled crowd vied with each other in tearing out the hearts of the victims they had brought with them and casting them into the flames. if it had been impossible to procure such large game as jaguars, pumas, or alligators, they typified the hearts of these animals by incense, which they threw into the fire; but if they had them, they were immolated like the rest. as soon as all the hearts were consumed, the chacs[ ] put out the fire with the water contained in their pitchers. the object of this feast and of that which followed was to obtain an abundance of water for their cornfields during the year. this feast was celebrated in a different manner from others, because no one fasted before it, with the exception of the beadle (muñidor) of the occasion. on the day of the feast called tuppkak, the people and the priests met once more in the courtyard of the temple, where was erected a platform of stone, with steps leading up to it, the whole tastefully decorated with foliage. the priest gave some incense to the beadle, who burned in a brazier enough to exorcise the evil spirit. this done, the first step of the platform was with great solemnity smeared with mud taken from a well or cistern; the other steps were stained a blue color. as usual, they ended these ceremonies by eating and drinking and making merry, full of confidence in the efficacy of their rites and ceremonies for this year. in the month of muan the cacao-planters held a festival in honor of the gods ekchuah, chac, and hobnil, who were their patron deities.[ ] to solemnize it, they all went to the plantation of one of their number, where they sacrificed a dog having a spot on its skin of the color of cacao. they burned incense to their idols, and made offerings of blue iguanas, feathers of a particular kind of bird, and game. after this they gave to each of the officials[ ] a branch of the cacao-plant. the sacrifice being ended, they all sat down to a repast, at which, it is said, no one was allowed to drink more than three glasses of wine. all then went into the house of him who had given the feast, and passed the time pleasantly together. [sidenote: war-feast in the month of pax.] in the month of pax, a feast was held, called pacumchac, which was celebrated by the nobles and priests of the villages, together with those of the great towns. having assembled, they passed five nights in the temple of cit chac coh,[ ] praying and offering incense. at the beginning of these five days, they went all together to the house of the general of their armies, whose title was nacon, and carried him in state to the temple, where, having placed him on a seat, they burned incense before him as though he had been a god. but though they prayed during these five nights, they did not by any means fast in the day-time, but ate and drank plentifully, and executed a kind of grand war-dance, which they called _holkan okot_, which is to say, 'dance of the warriors.' the five days being passed, the real business of the feast began, which, as it concerned matters of war and victory, was a very solemn affair. it was commenced with ceremonies and sacrifices similar to those already described as taking place in the month of mac. then the evil spirit was expelled in the usual manner, after which were more prayers, offerings, and incensing. while all this was going on, the nobles once more took the nacon upon their shoulders, and carried him in procession round the temple. on their return a dog was sacrificed, its heart being torn out and presented to the idol between two dishes. every one present then shattered a large jug filled with some beverage, which completed this part of the festival. the usual banquet followed, after which the nacon was again placed upon the shoulders of the nobles and carried to his house. there, the nobles and priests partook of a grand banquet, at which all got drunk, except the nacon; the people, meanwhile, returning to their homes. on the morrow, having slept off the effects of the wine, the guests of the nacon received from him large presents of incense which had been previously blessed. he also took advantage of this opportunity to deliver a long discourse, in which he recommended his hearers to observe scrupulously in both town and country the feasts of the gods, in order to obtain a prosperous and abundant year. as soon as the nacon had finished speaking, there was a general and noisy leave-taking, and the guests separated, and set out for their respective homes. there they occupied themselves in celebrating the festivals proper to the season, keeping them up sometimes until the month of pop. these feasts were called zabacilthan, and were observed as follows. the people of each place or district sought among the richest of their number for some who were willing to defray the expenses of the celebration, and recommended them to take the matter into consideration, because it was customary to make merry during the three last months of the year. this having been settled, all met in the house of one of these prominent men, after having driven away the evil spirit as usual. copal was burned, offerings were made, and the wine-cup, which seems to have been the chief attraction on these occasions, was not neglected. and all through these three months, the excesses in which the people indulged were pitiful to see; cuts, bruises, and eyes inflamed with drink were plentiful amongst them; to gratify their passion for drink they cast themselves away. [sidenote: the maya new year's day.] during the last five days of the month of cumhu, which were the last days of the year, the people seldom went out of their houses, except to place offerings in the temples, with which the priests bought incense to be burned in honor of the gods. they neither combed their hair nor washed themselves during these five days; neither men nor women cleansed themselves; they did no work of any kind lest some misfortune should befall them. [sidenote: festivities in yucatan.] the first day of the month of pop, the maya new year's day, was a season of rejoicing, in which all the nation took part. to give more importance to the event, they renewed at this time all the articles which they used, such as plates, cups, baskets, clothes, and the dresses of the idols; they swept their houses and cast everything into the place where they put their rubbish; and no one dared to touch what was cast away, even though greatly in need of it. to prepare for this feast, princes, priests, and nobles, and all who wished to show their devotion, fasted and abstained from their wives for a longer or shorter period, some for three months preceding it, some for two, according to their ideas of propriety, but none for less than thirteen days. during this season of abstinence, they ate their meat unseasoned, which was considered severe discipline. at this time, also, they elected the officers who were to assist the priest at the ceremony. the priest prepared a number of little balls of fresh incense on small boards made for the purpose, for those who fasted to burn before the idols. great care was taken not to break the fast after it had been once commenced; for if this were done it was thought that misfortune must inevitably ensue. new year's day having arrived, all the men assembled in the courtyard of the temple. women could assist at no feast which was celebrated within the temple, except those who went to take part in particular dances; on other occasions, however, the women were allowed to be present. on the day in question the men came alone, adorned with paint, and cleansed from the grease with which they had been bedaubed during the days of penance. when all were assembled, with offerings of food and newly fermented wine, the priest purified the temple and seated himself in the centre of the court, clothed in his robes of office, and having by his side a brazier and the balls of incense before mentioned. after the evil spirit had been expelled, all present offered up prayers, while the assistants kindled the new fire for the year. the priest now cast one of the balls of incense into the brazier, and then distributed the remainder among the assembled worshipers. the nobles came first in the order of their rank, and as each received a ball from the priest, who gave it with great solemnity, he dropped it gently into the brazier and stood still until it was consumed. the inevitable banquet and orgies terminated the ceremonies. this was the manner in which they celebrated the birth of the new year. during the month, some of the most devout among them repeated the feast in their own homes, and this was particularly done by the nobles and priests, who were ever foremost in religious observances. during the month of uo the priests and sorcerers began to prepare for a festival called _pocam_, which was solemnized by the hunters and fishers on the seventh day of the next month, which was zip. having assembled, clothed in their ornaments, at the house of the prince, they expelled the evil spirit, and then uncovered their books and exposed them upon a carpet of green leaves and branches, which had been prepared for this purpose. they next invoked with reverence a deity named cinchau yzamna, who had been, they said, the first priest.[ ] to him they offered various gifts, and burned balls of incense in his honor. in the meantime others took a vessel and a little verdigris with some pure water, which had to be procured from a wood into whose recesses no woman had ever penetrated. they now cleaned the leaves of their books by moistening them; this done, the wisest among them opened a volume and examined the prospects of the coming year, which he declared aloud to all present. he concluded with a brief discourse, in which he advised them how to avoid coming evils. jollity now reigned and the wine flowed freely--a consummation which many of the old priest's hearers had doubtless been long looking forward to impatiently. the solemnities on this occasion were varied at times by performing a dance called _okot uil_. on the following day the doctors and sorcerers with their wives came together in the house of one of their number. the priests, having driven away the evil spirit, brought to view their medicine-bags, in which they kept a number of charms, some little images of ixchel, goddess of medicine, from whom the feast was named _ihcil ixchel_, and some small stones called _am_, which they used in their sorceries. then with great devotion the doctors and sorcerers invoked the gods of medicine, yzamna, citbolontum, and ahau chamahez, while the priests burned incense, and the assistants painted themselves blue, the color of the books used by the priests. bearing their medicine bags in their hands, they then joined in a dance called _chantunyab_, after which the men seated themselves in a row on one side, and the women on the other; a day was appointed for holding the feast during the ensuing year, and then the usual drunken orgies commenced. it is said that the priests abstained from wine on this occasion, perhaps because the women were present; but they took their share, nevertheless, and reserved it for a more private opportunity. on another occasion the hunters, with their wives, assembled in the house of one of their number, and performed there certain ceremonies. the first proceeding was, of course, to expel the evil influence; then the priests, who were never absent from these meetings, placed in the middle of the room some incense, a brazier, and some blue coloring material. next, the huntsmen prayed with great devotion to the gods of the chase, acanum, zuhuy zipi, tabai, and others, and cast incense into the brazier. while this was burning, each took an arrow and a deer's head, which the priest's assistants had painted blue; thus equipped, some danced, holding hands; others pierced their ears or their tongue, and passed through the holes which they made seven leaves of an herb called _ac_. then priests and their assistants made offerings to the gods and joined in the dance. finally, the festivities closed by all present becoming, to quote the words of bishop landa, 'as drunk as baskets.' the next day it was the turn of the fishermen to celebrate a feast, which they did in the same manner as the hunters, except that instead of a deer's head, they smeared their fishing implements with color; neither did they pierce their ears, but cut round about them, and after doing this they executed a dance called _chohom_. then they consecrated a large tree, which they left standing. after the feast had been duly celebrated in the towns, it was customary for the nobles and many of the people to go down to the coast on a grand fishing expedition. the patron divinities of the fishermen were ahkak nexoi, ahpua, ahcitz, and amalcum.[ ] [sidenote: feast of the apiarists.] in the month of tzoz, the apiarists prepared for a feast which was to take place in the next month, called tzec, by a fast, which was, however, optional with all except the priests who were to officiate, and their assistants. the day of celebration having arrived, the participants came together in the house of him who gave the feast, and performed nearly the same ceremonies as the hunters and fishermen, except that they drew no blood from their bodies. the apiarists had for their patron deities the bacabs, and particularly hobnil. they made many propitiatory offerings at this time, especially to the four gods of abundance, to whom they presented four dishes adorned with figures of honey. the usual drunken bout was not omitted. after the mysterious departure of cukulcan,[ ] the maya quetzalcoatl, from yucatan, the people, convinced that he had gone to the abode of the gods, deified him, and built temples and instituted feasts in his honor. these latter were scrupulously observed throughout the entire country up to the time of the destruction of mayapan; but after that event they were neglected by all the provinces but that of mani.[ ] in remembrance, however, of the respect shown of old to cukulcan, these provinces sent annually, by turn, to mani four or five magnificent feather banners, which were used in the ceremonies there. on the sixteenth day of the month of xul, all the nobles and priests of mani, being prepared by fast and penance for the occasion, came together, and with them came a considerable multitude of people. in the evening all set out in procession from the house of the lord, and, accompanied by a large number of professional actors, proceeded slowly towards the temple of cukulcan, which had already been decorated in a suitable manner. upon arriving they placed the banners on high in the temple, offered prayers, and going into the courtyard spread out their idols upon green leaves and branches; then they burned incense in many places, and made offerings of meat cooked without pepper or salt, bean-soup, and calabashes. after this, those who had observed the fast did not go home, but passed five days and five nights in the temple, praying, burning copal, and executing sacred dances. during this time the actors went from one house to another, representing their plays and receiving gifts from those whom they entertained. at the end of the five days they carried all their earnings to the temple and distributed them among the watchers there. afterwards all returned to the prince's palace, taking with them the banners and the idols. thence each betook himself to his home. they said, and confidently believed, that cukulcan descended from heaven on the last day of the feast and received personally the gifts which were presented to him. this festival was called _chic kaban_. during the month of yaxkin it was the custom to prepare for a general festival, called _olohzabkamyax_, held in the month of mol, in honor of all the gods. at this feast, after the usual preliminary rites, they smeared with blue coloring matter the instruments used in every profession, from the sacred implements of the priests to the distaffs of the women, and even the doors of their houses. children of both sexes were daubed in the same manner, but instead of coloring their hands they gave them each nine gentle raps on the knuckles. the little girls were brought to the feast by an old woman, who for that reason was called _ixmol_, conductress. the blows were given to the children in order that they might become skilled workmen in the profession of their fathers or mothers. the usual conclusion ensued. during the month of mol the apiarists had another festival similar to that of the month of tzec, in order to induce their patron gods to cause the flowers to grow, from which the bees gathered honey. [sidenote: festival to insure a crop.] the mayas depended so much upon the produce of the soil for their sustenance that a failure of the crops was one of the heaviest misfortunes that could fall upon them. to avoid this they made four idols, named chichac chob, ek balam chac, ahcan uolcab, and ahbuluc balam.[ ] having placed them in the temple, and, according to custom, burned incense before them, they presented them with two pellets of a kind of resin called _kik_, some iguanas, some bread, a mitre, a bouquet of flowers, and a stone upon which they set great value. besides this, they erected a great wooden arch in the court, which they filled with wood, taking care to leave openings through which to pass backwards and forwards. the greater part of the men then took each a long stick of dry wood, and while a musician mounted on the top of the pile sang and beat a drum, all danced reverently and in good order, as they did so passing in and out the wood-pile. this they kept up until evening, when, leaving their sticks behind them, they went home to eat and rest. during the night they returned, and each taking his faggot, lit it and applied it to the pile, which burned fiercely and rapidly.[ ] as soon as the heap was reduced to red-hot ashes, those who had danced gathered about it, and passed barefooted over the coals, some without injury, and some with; this they believed would avert misfortune and appease the anger of the gods.[ ] it was customary in all the towns of yucatan to erect at the limits of each of the four quarters, east, west, north, and south, two heaps of stones, facing each other, and intended to be used during the celebration of two solemn festivals, which were as follows. in the year of which the dominical letter was _kan_, the sign was _hobnil_, and, according to the yucatecs, these both ruled in the south. they made this year, of baked earth, an idol which they called kanu uayeyab, and having made it they carried it out to the heaps of stones which lay towards the south. they then selected a principal man of the place, and in his house they celebrated the feast. for this purpose they made another image, of the god bolon zacab,[ ] and placed it in the chosen house, in a prominent place, so that all who arrived might see it. this done, the nobles, priests, and people came together, and set out by a road swept clean, ornamented with arches, and strewed with foliage, to the southern heaps of stones, where they gathered about the idol kanu uayeyab. the priest then incensed the god with forty-nine grains of maize, ground up and mixed with copal; the nobles next placed incense in the brazier, and burned it before the idol. the incense burned by the priest was called _zacah_, that used by the nobles, _chahalté_. when these rites were completed the head of a fowl was cut off and offered to the idol, which was now placed on a litter called _kanté_,[ ] and upon its shoulders were placed other little images, as signs of abundance of water and a good year, and these images were frightful to behold. amid dances and general rejoicing the idol was carried towards the house where the statue of bolon zacab had been placed, and while the procession was on the road, the nobles and priests partook of a beverage made from four hundred and fifteen grains of roasted maize, which they called _picula kakla_. arrived at their destination, they placed the image that they carried opposite the idol which they found there, and made many offerings of food and drink, which were afterwards divided among the strangers who were present, the officiating priest receiving only the leg of a deer. some of the devotees drew blood from their bodies, scarified their ears, and anointed with the blood a stone idol named kanal acantun. they modeled a heart of dough of maize and of calabash-seeds, and offered it to the idol kanu uayeyab. and in this manner they honored both the idols during the entire time of the feast, burning before them incense of copal and ground maize, for they held it certain that misfortune would overwhelm them if they neglected these rites. finally, the statue of bolon zacab was carried to the temple, and the other image to the western entrance of the town, where it remained until the next celebration of the feast. [sidenote: maya festivals.] the ceremonies of the new year, under the sign of _muluc_, were very similar to those just described, though held in honor of other deities. a dance performed upon a high scaffolding, attended with sacrifices of turkeys; another executed by the old people, holding little baked-clay images of dogs in their hands; and the sacrifice of a peculiarly marked dog, were, however, additional features. the same may be said of the new year under the sign of _yx_, and of the new year under the sign of _cauac_, when the rites which were performed were sufficiently like those which have gone before to need no further description.[ ] the gods of the yucatecs required far fewer human lives at the hands of their worshipers than those of the nahuas. the pages of yucatec history are not marred by the constant blood-blots that obscure the nahua record. an event which in mexico would be the death-signal to a hecatomb of human victims, would in yucatan be celebrated by the death of a spotted dog. the office of sacrificer which in mexico was one of the highest honors to which a priest could attain, was in yucatan regarded as unclean and degrading.[ ] nevertheless, the yucatec religion was not free from human sacrifice, and although captives taken in war were used for this purpose, yet it is said that such was their devotion, that should a victim be wanting they would dedicate their children to the altar rather than let the gods be deprived of their due.[ ] but it seldom happened that more than one victim was sacrificed at a time, at least in earlier days, and even then he was not butchered as by the nahuas, but was shot through the heart with arrows before being laid upon the sacrificial stone.[ ] [sidenote: sacrifices at chichen itza.] at chichen itza human sacrifices were made in a peculiar manner. in the centre of the city was an immense pit, containing water, and surrounded on all sides by a dense grove, which served to render the spot silent and solitary, in spite of its position. a circular staircase, rudely cut in the rock, descended to the edge of the water from the foot of an altar which stood upon the very brink of the pit.[ ] at first, only animals and incense were offered here, as the teachings of cukulcan forbade the sacrifice of human victims, but after the departure of the great maya apostle the yucatecs returned to the evil of their ways,[ ] and the pit of chichen was once more polluted with human bodies. at first one victim sufficed, but the number gradually increased, until, during the later years of maya independence, hundreds were immolated at a time. if some calamity threatened the country, if the crops failed or the requisite supply of rain was wanting, the people hastened to the pit of horror, to offer prayers and to appease the wrath of the gods with gifts of human life. on the day of sacrifice, the victims, who were generally young virgins, were taken to the temple, clothed in the garments appropriate to the occasion, and conducted thence to the sacred pit, accompanied by a multitude of priests and priestesses of all ranks. there, while the incense burned on the altar and in the braziers, the officiating priest explained to them the things for which they were to implore the gods into whose presence they were about to be introduced. a long cord was then fastened round the body of each victim, and the moment the smoke ceased to rise from the altar, all were hurled into the gulf. the crowd, which had gathered from every part of the country to see the sacrifice, immediately drew back from the brink of the pit and continued to pray without cessation for some time. the bodies were then drawn up and buried in the neighboring grove.[ ] the pipiles had two idols, one in the figure of a man, called quetzalcoatl, the other in the shape of a woman, called itzqueye. certain days of their calendar were specially set apart for each of the deities, and on these the sacrifices were made. two very solemn sacrifices were held in each year, one at the commencement of summer, the other at the beginning of winter. at these, herrera says, only the lords were present.[ ] the sacrifice was made in the interior of the temple, and the victims were boys between the ages of six and twelve years, bastards, born among themselves. for a day and a night previous to the sacrifice, drums and trumpets were sounded and on the day following the people assembled. four priests then came out from the temple, each bearing a small brazier with burning incense; together they turned in the direction of the sun, and kneeling down offered up incense and prayers; they then did the same toward the four cardinal points.[ ] their prayers finished, they retired within four small chapels built at the four corners of the temple, and there rested. they next went to the house of the high-priest, and took thence the boy who was to be sacrificed and conducted him four times round the court of the temple, dancing and singing. when this ceremony was finished, the high-priest came out of his house, with the diviner and guardian of the sanctuary, and ascended the steps of the temple, with the cacique and principal men, who, however, remained at the door of the sanctuary. the four priests now seized the boy by the arms and legs, and the guardian of the temple coming out with little bells on his wrists and ankles, opened the left breast of the victim, tore out the heart, and handed it to the high-priest, who placed it in a small embroidered purse which he carried. the four priests received the blood of the victim in four jicaras, or bowls, made from the shell of a certain fruit, and descending one after the other to the courtyard, sprinkled the blood with their right hands in the direction of the cardinal points. if any blood remained over they returned it to the high-priest, who placed it with the purse containing the heart in the body of the victim through the wound that had been made, and the body was interred in the temple. this was the ceremony of sacrifice at the beginning of each of the two seasons. [sidenote: pipile feast of victory.] when information was received from their war chief that he had gained a victory, the diviner ascertained to which of the gods sacrifice was to be made. if to quetzalcoatl, the ceremony lasted fifteen days; if to itzqueye, five days; and upon each day they sacrificed a prisoner. these sacrifices were made as follows: all those who had been in the battle returned home in procession, singing and dancing, bringing with them the captives who were to be sacrificed, their wrists and ankles decorated with feathers and chalchiuites, and their necks with strings of cacao-nibs. the high-priests and other ministers went out at the head of the populace to meet them with music and dancing, and the caciques and captains delivered over those who were to be sacrificed to the high-priest. then they all went together to the courtyard of their _teupa_, or temple, where they continued dancing day and night during the time the sacrifices lasted. in the middle of the court was a stone bench on which the victim was stretched, four priests holding him by the feet and hands. the sacrificing priest then came forward, adorned with many feathers and loaded with little bells, holding in his hand a flint knife, with which he opened the breast of the victim, tore out the heart, brandished it toward the cardinal points, and finally threw it into the air with sufficient force to cause it to fall directly in the middle of the court, saying: "receive, oh god, this thank-offering for the victory."[ ] this sacrifice was public and beheld by all the people. the men drew blood from their private parts, and the women from their ears, tongue, and other parts of the body; as the blood flowed it was taken up with cotton and offered by the men to quetzalcoatl, by the women to itzqueye. when the pipiles were about to undertake any hunting or fishing expedition, they first made an offering to their gods. for this purpose they took a living deer,[ ] and leading it to the temple yard, they there strangled and afterwards flayed it, saving the blood in a vessel. the liver, lungs, and stomach were chopped in small pieces, which were afterwards laid aside with the heart, head, and feet. the remainder of the deer was cooked by itself, and the blood likewise, and while this was being done the people danced. the high-priest with his assistant next took the head by the ears, and each of the four priests one of the feet, while the guardian of the sanctuary put the heart into a brazier and burnt it with copal and ulli to the god who was the protector of hunting. after the dance, the head and feet were scorched in the fire before the idol and given to the high-priest to be eaten. the flesh and blood were eaten by the other ministers of the temple before the idol, and the same was done with other animals sacrificed. the entrails of fish were burned before the idol.[ ] [sidenote: sacrifices in nicaragua.] among the civilized nations of nicaragua, it would appear there were eighteen distinct festivals, corresponding with the eighteen months in their calendar.[ ] these were proclaimed by the priest, holding the instrument of sacrifice in his hand, from the steps leading to the sacrificial altar in the court of the temple. he made known who and how many were to be sacrificed, and whether they were to be prisoners taken in battle or individuals reared among themselves for the purpose.[ ] when the victim was stretched upon the stone, the officiating priest walked three times round him, singing in a doleful tone; he then opened the victim's breast, plucked out his heart, and daubed his face with the blood. he next dismembered the body and gave the heart to the high-priest, the feet and hands to the king, the thighs to him who had captured him, the entrails to the trumpeters, and the remainder to the people, that all might eat.[ ] the heads of those sacrificed were set as trophies on trees appointed for the purpose.[ ] if the person sacrificed had been bought, they buried the entrails, hands, and feet, in a gourd, and burned the heart and all the rest.[ ] as it was lawful for a father to sell his own children, and each person himself, they therefore did not eat the flesh of such sacrifices because they were their own countrymen and relations. when they ate the flesh of foreigners sacrificed, they held exciting dances, and passed the days in drunken revels and smoking, but had no sexual intercourse with their wives while the festival lasted.[ ] at certain feasts they offered blood drawn from their own bodies, with which they rubbed the beard and lips of the idol. the priests wore white cotton cloaks, some short and small, others hung from the shoulders to the heels, with bands having bags attached, in which they carried sharp stone knives, papers, ground charcoal, and certain herbs. the lay brothers bore in their hands little flags with the idol they held most in veneration painted thereon, and small purses containing powder and awls; the youths had bows and arrows, darts and shields. the idol, in form and appearance very frightful, was set upon a spear and carried by the eldest priest. the ascetics marched in file, singing, to the place of worship. they spread mantles and strewed roses and flowers, that the standards might not touch the ground. the procession halted; the singing ceased; they fell to prayer. the prelate clapped his hand; some drew blood from the tongue, others from the ears, from the privy member, or from whatever part their devotion led them. they took the blood on paper or on their fingers and smeared the idol's face. in the meantime the youths danced, leaped about, and shook their weapons. those who had gashed themselves, cured their wounds by an application of powdered charcoal and herbs that they carried for the purpose. in these observances they sprinkled maize with the blood from their privy parts, and it was distributed and eaten as blessed bread.[ ] [sidenote: banquets of the people.] like the mexicans the mayas had a great predilection for entertaining each other at banquets, and it is related of them that they often spent on one such occasion a sum that it had taken them many months to earn. seasons of betrothal and marriage were always enlivened by sumptuous feasts. whenever any contract had to be arranged, a feast was given and the act of eating and drinking together in public and before witnesses sufficed to make such contract valid.[ ] the lords and principal men gave feasts to each other, and as it was incumbent upon all the guests to return the compliment, there must have been a continual round of feasting. cogolludo states that meat was eaten at banquets only, and this may in some measure account for the frequency with which they occurred, and the etiquette that required the invitation to be returned. they observed a certain formality at their entertainments, seating themselves either in twos or fours. each of the guests received a roasted fowl, some bread, and an abundance of cacao. when the meal was finished, presents were distributed to the guests, each being presented with a mantle, a small stool, and a handsome cup. beautiful women acted as cup-bearers, and when one of these presented a cup of wine to a guest, she turned her back to him while he drank. the feast lasted until all were intoxicated, and then the wives led their drunken husbands home. when a marriage banquet, or one in commemoration of the deeds of their ancestors, was given, no return invitation was expected.[ ] their entertainments were usually enlivened by a company of dancers and musicians, who performed dramatic representations under the leadership of one who was called _holpop_, or master of the ceremonies; he gave instructions to the actors, directed the singers and musicians, and from him all had to take their cue. the actors were called _balzam_, a name corresponding to jester or mimic. as women were not permitted to take part in the mummeries, their places were supplied by men. their movements during the play were grave and monotonous, yet they were clever in mimicry and caricature, which they frequently made use of as a means of reproving their chief men.[ ] the plays were generally of a historical character, having for their subject the great deeds of their ancestors; their songs consisted of ballads founded upon local traditions and legendary tales.[ ] [sidenote: music and dances.] a favorite dance of the mayas was one called _colomche_; a large number of men took part in it, sometimes as many as eight hundred. these formed a ring, and were accompanied during their movements by a number of musicians. when the dancing began, two of the actors, still keeping step with the rest, came out from the ring, one holding in his hand a bunch of wands and dancing upright, while the other cowered down, still dancing. then he who had the wands threw them with all his force at his companion, who with great dexterity parried them with a short stick. when the two had finished, they returned to their former position in the circle, and two others took their place and went through the same performance, the rest following in their turn. they had also war dances, in which large numbers joined, the performers holding small flags in their hands.[ ] they had a variety of musical instruments, prominent among which was the _tunkul_, which was almost the same thing as the teponaztli of the mexicans.[ ] they had other drums made of a hollow trunk and covered at one end with deer-skin, tortoise shells that they struck with deer's horns, trumpets,--some of marine shells and others of hollow canes with a calabash at the end,--whistles and flutes made from bone and cane, besides various kinds of rattles.[ ] landa says that in every village there was a large house or rather shed, for it was open on all sides, in which the young men met for amusement.[ ] oviedo, who witnessed some dances and games among the nicaraguans, thus describes one he saw at tecoatega after the harvesting of the cacao. as many as sixty persons, all men, though a number of them represented women, took part in a dance. they were painted of various colors and patterns, and wore upon their heads beautiful tufts of feathers, and about their persons divers ornaments, while some wore masks like birds' heads. they performed the dance going in couples and keeping at a distance of three or four steps between pair and pair. in the centre of a square was a high pole of more than sixty feet in height driven firmly into the ground; on the top was seated a gaudily painted idol which they called the god of the _cacaguat_, or cacao; round the top were fixed four other poles in the form of a square, and rolled upon it was a thick grass rope at the ends of which were bound two boys of seven or eight years of age. one of them had in one hand a bow and in the other a bunch of arrows; the other boy carried a beautiful feather fan and a mirror. at a certain step of the dance the boys came out from the square and the rope began to unroll; they went round and round in the air, always going further out and counterbalancing one another, the rope still unrolling. while they were descending, the sixty men proceeded with their dance to the sound of singers beating drums and tabors. the boys passed through the air with much velocity, moving their arms and legs to present the appearance of flying. when they reached the ground the dancers and singers gave some loud cheers and the festival was concluded.[ ] another favorite amusement was a performance on a swinging bar. for this two tall forked posts were firmly planted in the ground; across them and resting in the forks a pole was strongly bound. this pole passed at right angles through a hole in the centre of a thick bar, made to revolve upon it and of very light wood; near the end of the bar were cross sticks for the performers to take hold of. a man placed himself at each end, and when the bar was set in motion they went tumbling round and round, to the delight of the spectators.[ ] footnotes: [ ] 'los universales sacrificios se ofrecian ordinariamente cuando venian las fiestas, las cuales habia en unas provincias cinco, y en otras seis, ó se ofrecian por necesidad particular, por uno de estos dos respectos.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxix. [ ] 'aquel dia era libertado para hacer grandes banquetes y borracheras, y así se mataban infinitas aves, mucha caza y vinos muy diferentes, hacian muchas danzas y bailes en presencia de los ídolos. duraban aquestas fiestas, tres, cinco y siete dias, segun lo que ordenaban los ministros, y lo decian cuando habian de comenzar. en estos dias, en cada tarde andaban en procesion con grandes cantos y músicas, llevando al ídolo por las calles y plazas, y donde habia lugar preeminente, hacian altares y ponian mesas, y allí paraban, y como nosotros representamos farsas, así ellos jugaban á la pelota delante de sus dioses.' _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxvii. [ ] the manner in which this was done will be described elsewhere in this chapter. [ ] 'ce qui, d'accord avec divers autres indices, annoncerait bien que l'effusion du sang, et surtout du sang humain, dans les sacrifices, était d'origine étrangère, nahuatl probablement.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] meaning 'quenching of fire.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, p. . yzamna is otherwise called zamná. [ ] this word _chacs_, which before was interpreted as the 'gods of the cornfields,' probably here means the priests of those deities. in a former chapter we have seen the word applied to those who assisted at the rite of baptism. [ ] '_ekchuah_, écrit ailleurs _echuah_, était le patron des marchands et naturellement des cacaos, marchandise et monnaie à la fois.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] 'officiales;' this may mean officiating priests, or overseers on the plantations, or almost anything else. [ ] '_cit_ paraît être une sorte de cochon sauvage; _chac_ est le nom générique des dieux de la pluie, des campagnes, des fruits de la terre, etc. _coh_ est le puma ou lion américain; suivant d'autres, _chac-coh_ est le léopard.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] '_cinchau-yzamná_ est une orthographe erroné, si l'on en juge après les leçons précédentes; c'est probablement une mauvaise abréviation de _kinich-ahau-ytzamná_, donné, d'ailleurs, comme l'inventeur des lettres et de l'écriture, l'auteur de tous les noms imposés au yucatan.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] 'c'étaient là sans doute les dieux de la pêche, à propos desquels cogolludo dit les paroles suivantes: "on dit aussi que bien après la conquête, les indiens de la province de titz imin, quand ils allaient pêcher le long de la côte de choáca, avant de se mettre à la pêche, commençaient par des sacrifices et des oblations à leurs faux dieux, leur offrant des chandelles, des réaux d'argent et des _cuzcas_, qui sont leurs émeraudes, et d'autres pierres précieuses, en certain endroits, au _ku_ et oratoires qui se voient encore dans les bras de mer (estuaires) et les lagunes salées qu'il y a sur cette côte vers le _rio de lagartos_."' (_hist. yuc._, tom. iv., cap. iv.); _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] '_cuculcan_, écrit quelquefois _kukulcan_, vient de _kuk_, oiseau qui paraît être le même que le quetzal; son déterminatif est _kukul_ qui uni à _can_, serpent, fait exactement le même mot que _quetzal cohuatl_, serpent aux plumes vertes, ou de quetzal.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] 'la province de mani avait été colonisée par les tutul-xius, dont l'origine était toltèque ou nahuatl; les fêtes de kukulcan se bornant à cette province après la destruction de mayapan, ne laissent point de doute sur l'origine de ce personnage, et donnent lieu de penser que le reste du yucatan, tout en vénérant jusqu'à un certain point ce mythe ou ce prophète, avait gardé au fond la religion qui avait précédé celle des toltèques. ce serait un point d'histoire d'une grande importance au point de vue philosophique. nous trouverons plus loin d'autres indices du culte primitif des mayas.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] '_ek-balam-chac_ signifie tigre noir dieu des champs: ce sont du reste des noms donnés au tigre encore aujourd'hui. _ahcan_ est le serpent mâle en général. _ahbuluc-balam_ signifie celui des onze tigres.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] 'ne croirait-on pas lire la description de cette fête des scythes, rapportée par hérodote, et que m. viollet-leduc a insérée dans ses _antiquités mexicaines_, formant l'introduction de l'ouvrage de m. désiré charnay: _cités et ruines américaines_, page .' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] '_bolon_ est l'adjectif numéral neuf, _zacab_, dont la racine est _zac_, blanc, est le nom d'une sorte de maïs moulu, dont on fait une espèce d'orgeat. cette statue était-elle une image allégorique de cet orgeat offert en cette occasion?' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] '_kanté_, bois jaune; c'est probablement le cèdre.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] 'la charge de _nacon_ était double; l'un était perpétuel et peu honorable, parce que c'était lui qui ouvrait la poitrine aux victimes humaines qu'on sacrifiait.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . 'el oficio de abrir el pecho a los sacrificados, que en mexico era estimado, aqui era poco honroso.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [ ] _ib._ [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _herrera_, ubi sup. [ ] the present appearance of the pit is thus described by stephens: 'setting out from the castillo, at some distance we ascended a wooded elevation, which seemed an artificial causeway leading to the senote. the senote was the largest and wildest we had seen; in the midst of a thick forest, an immense circular hole, with cragged, perpendicular sides, trees growing out of them and overhanging the brink, and still as if the genius of silence reigned within. a hawk was sailing around it, looking down into the water, but without once flapping its wings. the water was of a greenish hue. a mysterious influence seemed to pervade it, in unison with the historical account that the well of chichen was a place of pilgrimage, and that human victims were thrown into it in sacrifice. in one place, on the very brink, were the remains of a stone structure, probably connected with ancient superstitious rites; perhaps the place from which the victims were thrown into the dark well beneath.' _yucatan_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] we have seen that even the memory of cukulcan was neglected in all the provinces of yucatan but one. [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. i.; _medel_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. [ ] 'ivanse derechos todos quatro juntos á do sale el sol, i se hincavan de rodillas ante el, i le zaumavan diciendo palabras é invocaciones, i esto fecho se dividian hacia quatro partes, lest, oest, norte, sur, i predicavan sus rictos i ceremonias.' _palacio_, _carta_, p. . [ ] 'yua el sacristan y sacauale con la nauaja el coraçon, y arrojauale al dios, o a la diosa, y dezia, toma el fruto desta vitoria.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. [ ] brasseur de bourbourg says: 'cerf blanc.' _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'le sacrifice du cerf blanc, d'abord un des plus augustes, devint, plus tard, l'offrande commune et exclusive des chasseurs qui désiraient se rendre favorables les dieux protecteurs de la chasse et des forêts.' _id._, p. ; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. - . [ ] 'echauan las fiestas que eran diez y ocho, como los meses subidos en el gradario, o sacrificadero que tenian los patios de los templos.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. in the evidence taken by fray françisco de bobadilla the number of festivals is given as twenty-one and eleven; i must therefore leave the reader to decide for himself which is correct. 'y.--en un año tenemos veynte é un dias de fiestas (é no juntos estos dias).... f.--en el tiempo de aquellas onçe fiestas, que deçis que teneys cada año.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. , . [ ] 'for there are two kindes of humane sacrifices with them: the one, of enemies taken in the warres, the other of such as are brought vp and maintained at home.' _peter martyr_, dec. vi., lib. vi. [ ] 'and whosoeuer should haue no parte nor portion of the sacrificed enemie, would thinke he shoulde bee ill accepted that yeere.' _ib._ [ ] 'euery king nourisheth his appointed trees in a fielde neere vnto him, obseruing the names of euery hostile country, where they hange the heads of their sacrificed enemies taken in the warres.' _ib._ [ ] herrera gives a similar account of the disposal of the body, but adds: 'saluo que ponian la cabeça en los arboles.' _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. i think it improbable that the heads were treated in the same manner as those of their enemies. peter martyr says nothing distinctly of the disposal of the head, but, speaking of the sacrifice, says 'they reuerence all parts thereof, and partly bury them beefore the dores of their temples, as the feete, handes, and bowels, which they cast together into a gourde, the rest (together with the hartes, making a great fire within the view of those hostile trees, with shril hyms, and applauses of the priestes) they burne among the ashes of the former sacrifices, neuer thence remooued, lying in that fielde.' dec. vi., tom. vi. [ ] 'en aquellas fiestas no trabaxamos ni entendemos en más de emborracharnos; pero no dormimos con nuestras mugeres, é aquellos dias, por quitar la ocasion, duermen ellas dentro en casa é nosotros fuera della: é al que en tales dias se echa con su muger, nuestros dioses les dan dolençia luego, de que mueren; é por esso ninguno lo osa haçer, porque aquellos dias son dedicados á nuestros dioses.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _peter martyr_, dec. vi., lib. vi., vii.; _squier_, in _palacio_, _carta_, p. . [ ] 'en las ventas, y contratos, no auia escritos que obligassen, ni cartas de papago, que satisfaciessen, pero quedaba el contrato valido con que bebiessen publicamente delante de testigos.' _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. - . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] 'son graciosos en los motes, y chistes, que dizen à sus mayores, y iuezes: si son rigurosos, ambiciosos, auarientos, representando los sucessos que con ellos les passan, y aun lo que vèn à su ministro doctrinero, lo dizen delante dèl, y à vezes con vna sola palabra.' _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] see _carrillo_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. iii., pp. , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , . [ ] 'el timbal yucateco (_tankul ó tunkul_,) es el instrumento mas notable de la música yucateca, y en general de la música americana, que acompañaban las danzas ó bailes sagrados, y el nombre maya de ese notable instrumento, nos revela hasta hoy el carácter sagrado de aquellas fiestas, pues el nombre de _tunkul ó tankul_, significa ligeramente la hora de la adoracion.' _carrillo_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. iii., p. . i have one of these instruments in my possession. [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. , ; _carrillo_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. iii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] this is very similar to the nahua game, described on page , et seq., of this volume. [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. - , - , pl. v., fig. i., ii. chapter xxiii. food, dress, commerce, and war customs of the mayas. introduction of agriculture--quichÉ tradition of the discovery of maize--maize culture--superstitions of farmers--hunting and fishing--domestic animals, fowl, and bees--preservation and cooking of food--meals--drinks and drinking-habits--cannibalism--dress of the mayas--maxtlis, mantles, and sandals--dress of kings and priests--women's dress--hair and beard--personal decoration--head-flattening, perforation, tattooing, and painting--personal habits--commerce--currency--markets--superstitions of travelers--canoes and balsas--war--military leaders--insignia--armor--weapons--fortifications--battles-- treatment of captives. the tierra caliente and the low forest-clad foothills of the usumacinta region on the confines of yucatan, guatemala, chiapas, and tabasco, present claims as strong at least as those of any other locality to be considered the birth-place of american civilization. here apparently votan and gucumatz, demi-gods or civilizers, won their first triumphs over the powers of barbarism. in the most remote times to which we are carried by vague tradition and mythic fable, gods with strangely human attributes, or men of wonderful supernatural powers, newly arrived in this land, took counsel one with another how they might subject to their power and reclaim from barbarism the native bands of savages, or 'animals,' who roamed naked through the forests, and subsisted on roots and wild fruits. the discussion of the tradition with reference to its historic signification, is foreign to my present purpose, but as the story includes the traditional origin of agriculture and the discovery of maize under the form of a new creation, it is an appropriate introduction to the present chapter on the food, dress, and commerce of the maya nations. the story runs as follows in the aboriginal quiché annals:[ ] behold how they began to think of man, and to seek what must enter into the flesh of man. then spake he who begets, and he who gives being, tepeuh, gucumatz, the creator and the former, and said: "already the dawn is nigh; the work is finished; behold the support, the foster-father, is ennobled; the son of civilization, man, is honored, and humanity on the face of the earth." they came, and in great numbers they assembled; in the shadows of the night they joined their wise counsel. then sought they and consulted in sadness, meditating; and thus the wisdom of these men was manifest; they found and were made to see what must enter into the flesh of man; and the dawn was near. [sidenote: discovery of maize.] in paxil, or cayala ('land of divided and stagnant waters') as it is called, were the ears of yellow maize and of white. these are the names of the barbarians who went to seek food; the fox, the jackal, the paroquet, and the crow,--four barbarians who made known to them the ears of the white maize and of the yellow, who came to paxil and guided them thither. there it was they obtained at last the food that was to enter into the flesh of man, of man created and formed; this it was that was his blood, that became the blood of man--this maize that entered into him by the provision of him who creates, of him who gives being. and they rejoiced that they had at last arrived in this most excellent land, so full of good things, where the white and yellow maize did abound, also the cacao, where were sapotes and many fruits, and honey; all was overflowing with the best of food in this country of paxil, or cayala. there was food of every kind; there were large and small plants, to which the barbarians had guided them. then they began to grind the yellow and white maize, and of them did xmucané make nine drinks, which nourishment was the beginning of strength, giving unto man flesh and stature. such were the deeds of the begetter and giver of being, tepeuh, gucumatz. thereupon they began to speak of creating our first mother and our first father. only yellow maize and white maize entered into their flesh, and these alone formed the legs and arms of man; and these were our first fathers, the four men who were formed, into whose flesh this food entered. and from this time of its traditional discovery by gucumatz, or quetzalcoatl, down to the conquest by the spaniards and even down to the present time, the yellow and white maize, in their several varieties, have been the chief reliance of the maya as of the nahua nations for daily food. every year during the latter months of the dry season, from march to may, the farmer busied himself in preparing his _milpa_, or cornfield, which he did by simply cutting or uprooting the dense growth and burning it. the ashes thus produced were the only fertilizer ever employed, and even this was probably never needed in this land of tropical fertility. just before the first rain fell, equipped with a sack of seed-maize on his shoulder and a sharpened stick in his hand, he made holes at regular intervals among the ashes, and in each deposited five or six grains, covering it with the same instrument, aided perhaps by the foot. in yucatan the planters united in bands of twenty for mutual assistance, working together until the land of all the club was properly seeded. it was not customary to plant very large fields, but rather many in different localities, to guard against a possible partial failure of the crops from local causes. hedges, ditches, and fences were constructed to enclose the milpas, so effective in the lacandone country that the spaniards' horses were unable to leap them. the corn was carefully kept free from weeds while growing, and watched by boys after it had begun to ripen. in nicaragua, where, oviedo tells us, more attention was paid to agriculture than in any other region visited by him, the boys took their station in trees scattered over the field, or sometimes on raised covered scaffolds of wood and reeds, called _barbacoas_, where they kept up a continual shouting to drive away the birds. irrigation was practiced when the rains were backward, and if we may credit oviedo, by thus artificially forcing the crop in nicaragua, well-filled corn was plucked only forty days after planting the seed. villagutierre states that the itzas spent most of their time in worship, dancing, and getting drunk, trusting to uncultivated fruits and the fertility of their soil for a subsistence, and contenting themselves with very small milpas. [sidenote: cultivation of the soil.] after maize, cacao was perhaps the crop to which most attention was paid. it grew in hot and shady localities, and where there was no natural shade, trees were set out for the purpose. it was called _cacaguat_ in nicaragua, and was gathered from february to april. several varieties, of a somewhat inferior quality, grew wild, and were much used by the natives. the cultivation of beans, pepper, cotton, and of numerous native fruits, was carried on extensively, but we have no details respecting the methods employed.[ ] in connection with the planting and growth of the various cultivated plants, the mayas entertained some peculiar superstitions. far from understanding the simplest laws of nature, they recognized only supernatural agencies in the growth or blighting of their crops. in yucatan, cogolludo states that no meat was eaten while cotton was growing, from fear that it would fail to mature. the nicaraguans, according to dávila, ate no salt or pepper, nor did they drink any intoxicating beverage, or sleep with their women during the time of planting. oviedo also observed certain bundles of sticks placed at the corners of each field, as well as leaves, stones, and cotton rags, scattered over the surface by ugly and deformed old hags, for some unknown but doubtless superstitious purpose. palacio tells us that the pipiles before beginning to plant gathered in small bowls specimens of all the seeds, which, after performing certain rites with them before the idol, they buried in the ground, and burned copal and ulli over them. blood was drawn freely from different parts of the body, with which to anoint the idol; and, as ximenez states, the blood of slain fowls was sprinkled over the land to be sown. in the case of cacao the finest grains of seed were exposed to the moonlight during four nights; and whatever the seed to be planted, the tillers of the soil must sleep apart from their wives and concubines for several days, in order that on the night before planting they might indulge their passions to the fullest extent; certain persons are even said to have been appointed to perform the sexual act at the very moment when the first seeds were deposited in the ground. before beginning the operation of weeding, they burned incense at the four corners of the field, and uttered fervent prayers to the idols. when the corn was ripe they plucked the finest ears and offered them to the gods, to the priests, and sometimes also to the poor. at harvest time the corn was heaped up in the field, and was not moved until the grain itself gave the signal that it was ready; the signal was, as brasseur states it, the springing up of a fresh blade, or, according to ximenez, the falling of an ear from the heap.[ ] the home of the mayas in nearly every part abounded in many varieties of game, and the authors report the natives to have been expert hunters and fishermen, but respecting the particular methods employed in capturing food from forest, ocean, and river, little information has been preserved. the people of yucatan used the bow and arrow; were especially skillful at throwing a kind of arrow or dart by means of a piece of wood three fingers thick, pierced with a hole at one third its length; and, according to cogolludo, they bred hunting dogs which were trained to follow and seize deer, tigers, and boars, as well as badgers, rabbits, armadillos, and iguanas. the latter animal was, as it still is, a favorite food. tradition relates that the tutul xius when they first came to yucatan used no weapons, but were famous for their skill in taking game by means of snares, traps, and similar devices. in guatemala, a blow-pipe and earthen bullets were sometimes used to shoot birds. a portion of all game taken had to be given to the rulers of town and province, and also a large portion--half, las casas tells us, in guatemala--must be offered to the god of hunting, or, in other words, furnished for the priests' tables. fish and turtles were the chief articles of food in some coast regions, and the nicaraguans are described by oviedo as expert fishermen, who took fish from ocean and river by means of rods, lines, and flies, also in cotton nets, and by pens and embankments in the tide waters. they are said to have had a plant, the _baygua_, a decoction of which being put in the water brought the fish senseless to the surface. the itzas and probably others used the harpoon. young alligators just hatched were esteemed as delicacies in vera paz, and large fleets of canoes were sent at the proper season to take them. the tapir was also a favorite article of food. toads and other reptiles seem to have been eaten when other supplies were not at hand.[ ] [sidenote: use of meat as food.] as an article of daily food, meat was comparatively little used; cogolludo even goes so far as to say it was never eaten in yucatan except at feasts. besides the game-supply, dogs of a certain species were raised for food. they were of small size, without hair, could not bark, and when castrated became immensely fat. they were called _xulos_ in nicaragua, and _tzomes_ in yucatan, but were probably the same as the _techichis_ already mentioned in mexico. turkeys, ducks, geese, and other fowl were domesticated; and pigs, rabbits, and hares are mentioned as having been bred. multitudes of bees were kept for their honey and wax, and hives are spoken of by las casas without description. gomara says the bees were small and the honey somewhat bitter. the only methods of making salt that i find particularly mentioned were to bake tide-washed earth, boiling down the brine made of the product, and also to boil the lye produced by leeching the ashes of a palm called _xacxam_. the former method was practiced in guatemala, at great cost of labor and wealth, as herrera says; the second is referred to yucatan. many roots were of course utilized for food, and a peculiar herb, called _yaat_, was mixed with lime and carried constantly in the mouth by the nicaraguans on the march or journey, as a preventive of fatigue and thirst.[ ] respecting the preservation and cooking of food, as well as the habits of the people in taking their daily meals, there are no differences to be recorded from what has been said of the nahuas. the inevitable tortillas and tamales were the standard dish, made in the same way as at the north; meat was dried, salted, roasted, and stewed, with pepper for the favorite seasoning. fruits were perhaps a more prominent article of food, and were eaten for the most part raw.[ ] cogolludo informs us that the yucatecs eat regularly once a day, just before sunset; and we are also told that they took great pains to keep their bright-colored table-cloths and napkins in a state of perfect cleanliness. in nicaragua, they were accustomed to wash the hands and mouth after eating; and the chiefs, who sat in a circle on wooden benches and were served by the women, also washed at the commencement of the meal. the men and women eat always separately, the latter taking their food from the ground, or sometimes from a palm-leaf basket-work platter. very little food sufficed for the mayas and they could bear hunger for a long time, but like all the aboriginal inhabitants of america they eat plentifully when well supplied, taking no heed for a time in the future when food might be lacking.[ ] [sidenote: drinks prepared from maize.] we have seen that in the beginning, according to the tradition, xmucané invented nine drinks, which were prepared from maize. the exact composition of these famous beverages of antiquity is not given; but landa speaks of at least six, in the preparation of which maize was used, at least as an ingredient. to make the first, the corn was half-boiled in lime-water, coarsely ground, and preserved in small balls, which were simply mixed with water for use; this beverage was much used on journeys, and was often the only provision, serving for food as well. the second was made of the same hulled corn ground fine and mixed in water so as to form a gruel, which was heated and thickened over the fire, and was a favorite drink taken hot in the morning. the third was parched corn ground, mixed in water, and seasoned with pepper or cacao. the fourth was composed of ground maize and cacao, and was designed especially for public festivals. for the fifth a grease, much like butter, was extracted from cacao and mixed with maize. the sixth was prepared from raw maize ground. the fermented liquor, made of maize and cacao, which was drunk by the itzas, was called _zaca_. native wines were made of honey and water, of figs, and of a great variety of fruits; that made of the native fruit called _jacote_, and one of red cherries, were very popular in nicaragua. _chicha_ was a fermented drink made of pine-apple juice, honey or sugar, and water. pulque made from the maguey is mentioned, but this plant does not seem to have played so important a rôle in the south as in the north; at least there is very little said of it. a very strong and stinking wine is also mentioned as being prepared from a certain root. herrera tells us that the maize-wines resembled beer, and andagoya that their intoxicating properties were not very lasting. benzoni complains that the native wines failed to comfort the spirit, warm the stomach, and sooth to sleep like those of castile. chocolate and other drinks prepared from cacao were universal favorites, and were prepared both from wild and cultivated varieties. oviedo states that in nicaragua none but the rich and noble could afford to drink it, as it was literally drinking money. he describes the manner of preparing the cacao, _coco_, or _cacaguat_. it was picked from the trees from february to april, dried in the sun, roasted, ground in water, mixed with a quantity of _bixa_ until it was of a bright blood-color, and the dried paste was preserved in cakes. with this paste the natives delighted to bedaub their faces. to prepare the drink, they do not seem to have employed heat, at least in this part of the country, but simply dissolved the paste in water, and poured it from one dish into another to raise a froth. the mayas seem to have been a people greatly addicted to the vice of drunkenness, which was much less disgraceful and less severely punished by the laws than among the nahuas. it was quite essential to the thorough enjoyment of a feast or wedding to become intoxicated; the wife even handed the tempting beverages to her husband, modestly averted her head while he drank, kindly guided him home when the festivities were over, and even became intoxicated herself occasionally, if landa may be believed. the same authority represents the natives of yucatan as very brutal and indecent when drunk, and oviedo says that he who dropped down senseless from drink in a banquet was allowed to remain where he fell, and was regarded by his companions with feelings of envy.[ ] [sidenote: eating human flesh.] the custom of eating the flesh of human victims who were sacrificed to the gods, was probably practiced more or less in all the maya regions; but neither this cannibalism nor the sacrifices that gave rise to it were so extensively indulged in as by the mexicans. some authors, as gomara, deny that human flesh was ever eaten in yucatan, but others, as herrera, villagutierre, and peter martyr, contradict this, although admitting that cases of cannibalism were rare, and the victims confined to sacrificed enemies. las casas states that in guatemala the hands and feet were given to the king and high-priest, the rest to other priests, and that none was left for the people. in nicaragua the high-priest received the heart, the king the feet and hands, he who captured the victim took the thighs, the tripe was given to the trumpeters, and the rest was divided among the people. the head was not eaten. the edible portions were cut in small pieces, boiled in large pots, seasoned with salt and pepper, and eaten together with cakes of maize. at certain feasts also maize was sprinkled with blood from the genitals. according to herrera some spaniards were eaten in yucatan, but albornoz tells us that the natives of honduras found the foreigners too tough and bitter to be eaten.[ ] [sidenote: dress of the mayas.] by reason of the warmer climate in the southern lands, or of a difference in the popular taste, somewhat less attention seems to have been paid to dress and personal adornment by the mayas than by the nahuas, or rather the maya dress was much more simple and more uniform among the different classes of society; and, so far as can be determined from the very scanty information extant, there was only a very slight variation in the dress of the different nations--much less, indeed, than would naturally be expected between the tribes of the low yucatan plains and of the guatemalan highlands. very little of the information that has been preserved, however, relates to the people of guatemala. men wore almost universally the garment known in mexico as the maxtli, a long strip of cotton cloth, wound several times round the loins and passing between the legs. this strip was often twisted so as to resemble a cord, and the higher the class or the greater the wealth of the wearer, the greater the length of the cord and the number of turns about the body. among the itzas and other tribes of yucatan, instead of passing this garment between the legs, its ends were often allowed to hang, one in front and the other behind, being in such cases more or less embroidered or otherwise decorated.[ ] in more modern times the maxtli seems to have been, in some cases at least, replaced by cotton drawers, fastened with a string round the waist, and having the legs rolled up to the middle of the thigh.[ ] a large proportion of the mayas, especially of the poorer classes, wore commonly no other garment than the one mentioned; but very few were without a piece of cotton cloth about four or five feet square, which was used as a covering at night and was often worn in the daytime, by tying two corners on the same side over the shoulders and allowing the cloth to hang down the back. the spaniards uniformly apply the somewhat indefinite term 'mantle' to this garment. these mantles are still worn.[ ] the only other garment mentioned, and one not definitely stated to have been worn except in yucatan, was a kind of loose sleeveless shirt reaching to the knees. these shirts as well as the mantles were worn both white and dyed in brilliant and variegated colors.[ ] i find no mention of other material than cotton used for clothing, except in the case of the cakchiquels, who, according to brasseur, wore both bark and maguey-fibre.[ ] there is nothing to indicate that the dress of nobles, priests, or kings, differed essentially from that of the common people, except in fineness of material or richness and profusion of ornaments. it is probable, however, that the higher classes were always clad in the garments which have been described, while a majority of the plebeians wore only the maxtli, which was sometimes only a single strip of cloth passing once round the waist and between the legs. as rulers and priests are often spoken of as dressed in 'large white mantles' or 'flowing robes,' it is probable that the mantle worn by them was much larger, as well as of finer stuff, than that described. landa speaks of a priest in yucatan who wore an upper garment of colored feathers, with strips of cotton hanging from its border to the ground. palacio tells us of priestly robes in salvador of different colors, black, blue, green, red, and yellow. according to remesal the priests of guatemala were filthy, abominable, and ugly, in fact very hogs in dress. in nicaragua, herrera describes white cotton surplices, and other priestly vestments, some small, others hanging from the shoulders to the heels, with hanging pockets, in which were carried stone lancets, with various herbs and powders, indispensable in the practice of sacerdotal arts. ximenez represents the guatemalan king's dress as like that of the people, except that he had his ears and nose pierced, of which more anon.[ ] [sidenote: dress of women and children.] the women universally wore a skirt formed by winding a wide piece of cotton cloth round the body and fastening it at the waist. this garment reached from the waist to the knee, as worn by the plebeian women, but those of a higher class covered with it their legs as low as the ankles. in some parts of nicaragua, especially on the islands, herrera says that except this skirt, which was so scanty as hardly to merit a better name than breech-clout, the women were naked; but elsewhere they were always particular to cover their breasts from sight. this they accomplished in some cases by a piece of cloth round the neck, and fastened under the arms; but they also often wore a kind of chemise, or loose sack, with holes for the head and arms, and sometimes with short sleeves. the latter garment was always worn on feast-days by those who had it to wear. andagoya mentions a sort of cape worn in nicaragua, which had a hole for the head, and covered the breasts and half of the arms. herrera speaks of a sack open at both ends, and tightened at the waist, worn in nicaragua; and landa mentions the same garment in yucatan. the women, like the men, used a square mantle to sleep under, and carried it with them on journeys. children were allowed to remain naked in yucatan till they were four or five years old, and in guatemala to the age of eight or nine years; but in yucatan, landa tells us, that a boy at the age of three years, had a white ornament tied in his hair, and a girl at the same age had a shell fastened by a string in such a manner as to cover certain parts of her person.[ ] it is very difficult to form any definite idea of the maya methods of dressing the hair, save that all allowed it to grow long, and most persons separated it into tresses, winding some of them about the head and allowing others to hang down the back. landa informs us that the yucatecs burned the hair on the crown, allowing it to remain short there, but permitted the rest to grow as long as it would, binding it round the head except a queue behind. in nicaragua, the forehead was shaved, and sometimes the whole head except a tuft at the crown. the women everywhere and men generally took great pains with the hair; the former often mixed feathers with their raven locks, which were dressed differently according as the owners were married or single, and particular care was devoted to the coiffure of a bride. all the authorities agree that the priests in yucatan wore the hair long, uncombed, and often saturated with sacrificial blood. plumes of feathers seem to have been their usual head-dress. palacio and herrera mention a colored head-dress, mitre, or diadem with hanging plumes worn by a priest in salvador. over the hair a piece of cloth was usually worn by females, in which the abbé brasseur finds a resemblance to the egyptian _calantica_. a tuft of hair hanging over the face of children often made them cross-eyed; indeed, mothers are said to have arranged it with a view to this very effect, deemed by them a desirable thing, or to have attached to the forehead a small hanging plaster for the same purpose. the number of 'bizcos' treated by dr cabot, who accompanied mr stephens in his excursion through yucatan, shows that though squinting eyes are still common in the country, the defect has at least lost its charm to the maya mothers.[ ] no beard was worn, and the few hairs that made their appearance on the face were immediately extracted. according to landa, mothers are said to have burned the faces of young children with hot cloths to prevent the growth of a beard in later years. after the conquest many of the natives grew beards, which, though sometimes long, were always thin and coarse. something like a beard is also to be seen on some of the sculptured faces among the maya ruins. oviedo met in nicaragua a man about seventy years of age, who had a long flowing white beard.[ ] the mayas, when they covered the feet at all, wore a kind of sandal of coarse cloth, or more frequently of dry deer-skin. these sandals were simply pieces of skin, often double, covering and fitting somewhat the sole, and fastened by cotton strings from the ankle to the toes and perhaps also to the heel. i find no account of hand-coverings except in the popol vuh, where gloves are spoken of as being used in the game of ball.[ ] [sidenote: disfigurement of the physique.] having provided for their comfort by the use of the articles of dress already described, the mayas, like most other american aborigines, deemed it essential to modify and improve their physique by artificial means. this they accomplished by head-flattening, teeth-filing, perforation of the ears, nose, and lips, tattooing, and painting; yet it is not probable that all these methods of disfigurement were practiced by all the natives. in nicaragua, the heads of infants were flattened; the people believed that the custom had been originally introduced by the gods; that the compressed forehead was the sign of noble blood and the highest type of beauty; and besides that the head was thus better adapted to the carrying of burdens. in yucatan, according to landa, the same custom obtained. four or five days after birth the child was laid with the face down on a bed and the head was compressed between two pieces of wood, one on the forehead and the other on the back of the head, the boards being kept in place for several days until the desired cranial conformation was effected. so great was the pressure that the child's skull was sometimes broken. i find no account of forehead-flattening in guatemala and chiapas, though mr squier, following fuentes' unpublished history, says that among the quichés, cakchiquels, and zutugils the back of the head was flattened by the practice of carrying infants tied closely to a straight board. yet from the frequent occurrence of this cranial type in the sculptured profiles in chiapas, honduras, and yucatan, there can be no doubt that in the most ancient times a flattened forehead was the ideal of manly beauty, and i think we have sufficient reason to believe that the artificial shaping of the skull was even more universally practiced in ancient than in modern times. the origin of the custom is a most interesting topic for study and speculation.[ ] the practice of filing the teeth prevailed to a certain extent among the women of yucatan, whose ideal of dental charms rendered a saw-teeth arrangement desirable. the operation was performed by certain old women, professors of the art, by means of sharp gritty stones and water.[ ] the piercing of ears, nose, and lips was practiced among all the nations by both men and women apparently, except in guatemala, where, ximenez tells us, it was confined to the kings, who perforated the nose and ears as a mark of rank and power. we have no authority for supposing that persons of any class in yucatan and nicaragua were restrained from this mutilation of their faces, or from wearing in the perforated features any ornaments they could afford to purchase. such ornaments were small sticks, bones, shells, and rings of amber or gold. other ornaments besides those inserted in the ears, nose, and lips, were bracelets, rings, gold beads, and medals, shell necklaces, metallic and wooden wands, gilded masks, feathers and plumes, and pearls. besides this piercing for ornamental purposes, it should be noted that perforation of cheeks and tongues, and scarifyings of other parts of body and limbs, were common in connection with religious rites and duties.[ ] [sidenote: tattooing and painting.] tattooing was effected in yucatan and nicaragua by lacerating the body with stone lancets, and rubbing the wounds with powdered coal or black earths, which left indelible marks. stripes, serpents, and birds seem to have been favorite devices for this kind of decoration. the process was a slow and painful one, and to submit to it was deemed a sign of bravery. the tattooing was done by professors who made this art a specialty. cogolludo says the itzas had the whole body tattooed, but landa and herrera tell us that neither in yucatan nor in nicaragua were the breasts of the women subjected to this decorative mutilation.[ ] painting the face and body was universal, but little can be said respecting the details of the custom, save that red and black were apparently the favorite colors, and colored earths the most common material of the paints. bixa was, however, much used for red, and cacao tinted with bixa to a blood-red hue was daubed in great profusion on the faces of the nicaraguans. in yucatan young men generally restricted themselves to black until they were married, indulging afterwards in varied and bright-colored figures. black was also a favorite color for war-paint. odoriferous gums were often mixed with the paints, especially by the women, which rendered the decoration durable, sticky, and most disagreeable to foreign olfactories. it appears that in guatemala, and probably elsewhere, a coat of paint was employed, not only for ornamental purposes, but as a protection against heat and cold. at certain nicaraguan feasts and dances the naked bodies were painted in imitation of the ordinary garments, cotton-fibre being mixed with the paint.[ ] [sidenote: personal habits.] all were fond of perfumes, and besides the odoriferous substances mixed by the ladies in their paint, copal and other gums were burned on many occasions, not only in honor of the gods, but for the agreeable odor of the smoke; sweet-smelling barks, herbs, and flowers were also habitually carried on the person.[ ] all the mayas, especially females, were rather neat than otherwise in their personal habits, taking great pains with their dress and so-called decorations. they bathed frequently in cold water and sometimes indulged in hot baths, perhaps in steam-baths; but of the latter very little is said, although brasseur says it was used in guatemala under the name of _tuh_. the women were very modest and usually took much pains to prevent the exposure of their persons, but in bathing and on certain other occasions both sexes appear to have been somewhat careless in this respect. in both yucatan and nicaragua mirrors were employed by the men, but the women required or at least employed no such aids.[ ] although such disfigurements as have been described, painting, tattooing, and perforation, are reported by all the authors, and were all doubtless practiced, yet one can hardly avoid forming the idea in reading the narratives of the conquerors, that such hideous mutilations were confined to certain classes and certain occasions, and that the mass of the people in every-day life presented a much less repulsive aspect. * * * * * i have already spoken of the tenure of landed property and the laws of inheritance among the mayas. to the accumulation of wealth in the form of personal property they do not seem to have attached much importance. they were content for the most part with a supply of simple food for their tables, the necessary household utensils, and such articles of dress and ornament as were required by their social rank; with these and a sufficient surplus to entertain their friends in a fitting style, they took little care for the future. yet traders were a class much honored, and their profession was a lucrative one. an active trade was carried on in each town, as also between different towns, provinces, and nations, in order that the people of each locality might be supplied with the necessary commodities both of home and foreign production. few details have been preserved respecting the manner of conducting trade, but what is known on the subject indicates that the commercial system was identical with that of the nahuas, to which a preceding chapter has been devoted. commodities of every class, food, dress, ornaments, weapons, and implements, were offered for sale in the market-place, or plaza, of every village, where all transactions between buyers and sellers were regulated by an official who had full authority to correct abuses and punish offences against the laws of trade. fairs were held periodically in all the larger towns, which were crowded by buyers and sellers from abroad. traveling merchants traversed the country in every direction busied in the exchange and transport of varied local products. yucatan did a large foreign trade with tabasco and honduras, from both of which regions large quantities of cacao were imported. other international routes of commerce doubtless existed in different directions; we have seen that the nahua merchants crossed the isthmus of tehuantepec to traffic in maya lands, and the southern merchants were doubtless not unrepresented in the northern fairs. transportation was effected for the most part by carriers overland, and in many parts of the country, as in yucatan, magnificent paved roads offered every facility to the traveler; quite an extensive coasting-trade was also carried on by water. the ordinary mercantile transactions were effected by exchange, or barter, of one commodity for another; but where this was inconvenient cacao passed current as money among all the nations. thus a rabbit in nicaragua sold for ten cacao-nibs, and one hundred of these seeds would buy a tolerably good slave. notwithstanding the comparatively small value of this cacao-money, oviedo tells us that counterfeiting was sometimes attempted. according to cogolludo, copper bells and rattles of different sizes, red shells in strings, precious stones, and copper hatchets often served as money, especially in foreign trade. doubtless many other articles, valuable and of compact form were used in the same way. landa speaks of net-work purses in which the money of the natives was carried. [sidenote: market regulations.] we are informed that in yucatan articles of ordinary consumption, like food, were sold always at a fixed price, except maize, which varied slightly in price according to the yield. maize was sold by the carga, or load, which was about one half of the castilian fanega. in nicaragua the matter of price was left altogether to the contracting parties. the mayas of all nations were very strict in requiring the exact fulfilment of contracts, which, in yucatan, as has been said, and in guatemala also, according to brasseur de bourbourg, were legalized by the parties drinking together, the beverage being generally colored with certain leaves called _max_. in the nicaraguan markets some extraordinary regulations were enforced. men could not visit the market-place of their own towns, either to buy, sell, or for any other purpose; they even incurred the risk of receiving a sound beating, if they so much as peeped in to see what was going on. all the business was transacted by the women; but boys, into whose minds, by reason of their tender years, carnal thoughts were supposed not to have entered, might be present to assist the women, and even men from other towns or provinces, were welcome, provided they did not belong to a people of different language. no peculiar ceremonies are mentioned as accompanying the setting-out or return of trading caravans, but some customs observed by travelers, a large proportion of whom were probably merchants, are recorded. in yucatan all members of a household prayed often and earnestly for the safe return of the absent member; and the traveler himself, when he chanced to come in contact with a large stone which had been moved in opening the road, reverently laid upon it a green branch, brushing his knees with another at the same time as a preventive of fatigue. he also carried incense on his journey, and at each nightfall, wherever he might be, he stood on end three small stones, and on three other flat stones placed before the first he burned incense and uttered a prayer to ekchua, god of travelers, whose name signifies 'merchant.' when the traveler was belated, and thought himself likely to arrive after dark at his proposed stopping-place, he deposited a stone in a hollow tree, and pulled out some hairs from his eyebrows, which he proceeded to blow towards the setting sun, hoping thereby to induce that orb to retard somewhat its movements. in guatemala, small chapels were placed at short intervals on all the lines of travel, where each passer halted for a few moments at least, gathered a handful of herbs, rubbed with them his legs, spat reverently upon them, and placed them prayerfully upon the altar with a small stone and some trifling offering of pepper, salt, or cacao. the offering remained untouched, no one being bold enough to disturb the sacred token.[ ] [sidenote: maya boats and navigation.] oviedo states that in nicaragua, or at least in certain parts of that country, the people had no canoes, but resorted to balsas when it became necessary to cross the water. the balsa in this region was simply a raft of five or six logs tied together at the ends with grass, and covered with cross-sticks. the author referred to saw a fleet of these aboriginal vessels which bore fifteen hundred warriors. on the coast of yucatan and in the lakes of peten, the natives had many canoes for use in war and commerce, and were very skillful in their management. these canoes were 'dug-outs' made from single trunks, capable of carrying from two to fifty persons, and propelled by paddles. cogolludo tells us that canoes with sails were seen by córdova during his voyage up the coast, and some modern writers speak of the famous canoe met by columbus off the honduras coast as having been fitted with sails; but in the latter case there seems to be no authority for the statement, and that sails were ever employed may well be considered doubtful. the boat seen by columbus was eight feet wide, "as long as a galley," bore twenty-five men, and an awning of mats in the centre protected the women and children. all the information we have respecting boats in guatemala is the statement of peter martyr that the 'dug-outs' were also in use there, and of juarros that the lacandones had a large fleet of boats; guatemala was a country, however, whose physical conformation would rarely call for navigation on an extensive scale. villagutierre says that the chiapanecs used gourd balsas, or 'calabazas.'[ ] * * * * * wars among the maya nations were frequent,--more so probably during the century preceding the spanish conquest, when their history is partially known, than in the more glorious days of the distant past,--but they were also, as a rule, of short duration, partaking more of the character of raids than of regular wars. one campaign generally decided the tribal or national dispute, and the victors were content with the victory and the captives taken. landa and herrera report that the nations of yucatan learned the art of war from the mexicans, having been an altogether peaceful people before the nahua influence was brought to bear on them. the latter also suspects that the yucatec war-customs, as observed by the spaniards, may have been modified by the teaching of guerrero and aguilar, white men held for several years as prisoners before the invaders came; but neither theory seems to have much weight. the profession of arms was everywhere an honorable one, but military preferment and promotion seem to have been somewhat more exclusively confined to the nobility than among the nahuas. according to landa, a certain number of picked men were appointed in each town, who were called _holcanes_, must be ready to take up arms whenever called for, and received a small amount of money for their services while in actual war. this is the only instance of a paid soldiery noted in the limits of our territory.[ ] in nicaragua tapaligui was the most honorable title a man could win by bravery, and from the number of those who bore the title the war-captain was in most provinces appointed either by the monexico, or council, or by the cacique. this captain was for the most part independent of the civil ruler in time of war, but boyle speaks of certain cities where the cacique himself commanded the army. the civil chief, however, if he possessed the requisite bravery, often accompanied the troops to the field to take command at the captain's death, or appoint his successor.[ ] in yucatan they had two war-captains, one of whom held his position by inheritance, while the other was chosen for a term of three years. the title of the latter was nacon, and his office seems to have been attended with some inconveniences, since during the three years he could know no woman, eat no meat, indulge in no intoxication, and have but little to do with the public. fish and iguana-flesh were allowed him, but it must be served on dishes used by no one but himself, and must not be served by women. in vera paz the captains were chosen from among the most distinguished braves, and seem to have held their position for life.[ ] [sidenote: insignia of warriors.] in yucatan skins and feathers, worn according to fixed rules, not recorded, were among the most prominent insignia of warriors. the face was painted in various colors; and tattooing the hands was a privilege accorded to the brave. the itzas fought naked, but painted face, body, and limbs black, the brave tattooing the face in stripes. feather plumes are the only insignia mentioned in connection with guatemalan warriors; but the grade of a pipile's prowess was indicated by the number of holes he had in ears, nose, and other features. all officers in the nicaraguan armies had distinguishing marks, which they wore both in time of war and of peace; the tapaligui was allowed to shave his head except on the crown, where the hair was left a finger long, with a longer tuft projecting from the centre. the arrangement of the feathers on the shield also indicated to the soldiers an officer's rank.[ ] the universal maya armor was a thick quilted sack of cotton, which fitted closely over the body and arms, and reached generally to the middle of the thighs, although alvarado found the guatemalans clad in similar sacks reaching to the feet. in yucatan, according to landa, a layer of salt was placed between the thicknesses of cotton, making the garment very hard and impenetrable. as the guatemalan armor is described as being three fingers thick and so heavy that the soldiers could with difficulty run or rise after falling, we may suppose that salt or some similar material was also used by the quichés. squier mentions, apparently without sufficient authority, short breeches worn to protect the legs. the spaniards were not long in recognizing the advantages of the native cotton armor, and it was commonly adopted or added to their own armor of steel. the head-armor, when any was worn, seems to have been ordinarily a kind of cap, also of quilted cotton. landa says that in yucatan a few leaders wore wooden helmets; they are also mentioned by gomara and las casas. peter martyr speaks of golden helmets and breast-plates as worn in nicaragua. shields were made of split reeds, were round in form, and were covered generally with skins and decorated with feathers, though a cotton covering was also used in nicaragua.[ ] [sidenote: aboriginal weapons.] bows and arrows, lances, and darts were used as weapons of war by all the maya tribes, the projectiles being usually pointed with flint, but often also with fish-bone or copper. arrows were carried in quivers and were never poisoned. the yucatec bow, as landa informs us, was a little shorter than the man who carried it, and was made of a very strong native wood; the string was made of the fibres of certain plants. the arrows were light reeds with a piece of hard wood at the end. oviedo tells us of lances, or pikes, in nicaragua, which were thirty spans long, and others in yucatan fifteen spans long; herrera says they were over twenty feet long in guatemala, and that their heads were poisoned; though oviedo denies that poison was used. in nicaragua and yucatan heavy wooden swords, called by the mexicans _macuahuitl_, were used, but i find no special mention of these weapons in guatemala. a line of sharp flints were firmly set along the two edges, and, wielded with both hands they were a most formidable weapon. waldeck found in modern times the horn of a sawfish covered with skin and used as a weapon. he thinks the aboriginal weapon may have been fashioned after this natural model. slings were extensively used in yucatan, and also copper axes to some extent, but these are supposed to have been imported from mexico, as no metals are found in the peninsula.[ ] the quichés, cakchiquels, and other tribes inhabiting the high lands of guatemala, chose the location of their towns in places naturally well nigh inaccessible, strengthening them besides with artificial fortifications in the shape of massive stone walls and deep ditches. ruins of these fortified towns are very numerous and will be described elsewhere; a few words respecting utatlan, the quiché capital, and one of the most securely located and guarded cities, will suffice here. standing on a level plateau, the city was bounded on every side by a deep ravine, believed to have been at some points artificial, and which could only be crossed at one place. guarding this single approach a line of massive stone structures connected by ditches extends a long distance, and within this line of fortifications, at the entrance of the pass, is el resguardo, a square-based pyramidical structure, one hundred and twenty feet high, rising in three terraces, and having its summit platform inclosed by a stone wall, covered with hard cement. a tower also rises from the summit. the spaniards under alvarado found their approach obstructed at various points in guatemala by holes in which were pointed stakes fixed in the ground, and carefully concealed by a slight covering of turf; palisades, ditches, and walls of stone, logs, plants, or earth, were thrown across the road at every difficult pass; and large stones were kept ready to hurl or roll down upon the invaders. numerous short pointed sticks were found on at least one occasion fixed upright in the ground, apparently a slight defense, but really a most formidable one, since the points were poisoned. doubtless all these methods of defence had been practiced often before in their international wars against american foes. strong defensive works are also mentioned in chiapas, and andagoya tells us of a town in nicaragua fortified by a high and impenetrable hedge of cacti. in yucatan the spaniard's progress was frequently opposed, at points favorable for such a purpose, by temporary trenches, barricades of stone, logs, and earth, and protected stations for bowmen and slingers; but in the selection of sites for their towns, notwithstanding the generally level surface of their country, facilities for defence seem to have been little or not at all considered. one, only, of the many ruined cities which have been explored, tuloom, on the eastern coast, stands on an eminence overlooking the ocean, in a very strong natural position; but strangely enough it is just here, where artificial defenses were least needed, that we find a massive wall surrounding the chief structures,--the only city wall standing in modern times, though mayapan was traditionally a walled town, and a few slight traces of walls have been found about other cities.[ ] [sidenote: declaration of war.] the ambition of the native rulers to increase their dominions by encroachments upon their neighbors' territory was probably the cause of most wars among the maya nations; but raids were also undertaken occasionally, with no other object than that of obtaining victims for sacrifice. in the consultations preceding the declaration of war the priesthood had much to say, and played a prominent part in the accompanying ceremonies. in salvador the high-priest with four subordinates decided on the war by drawing of lots and by various other sorceries, and even gave directions how the campaign was to be carried on. the high-priest was generally on the ground, in charge of certain idols, when an important battle was to be fought. supplies were carried, in yucatan at least, on the backs of women, and the want of adequate means of transportation is given as one reason why the maya wars were usually of short duration. the nicaraguan soldier, as oviedo states, regarded a calabash of water and a supply of the herb _yaat_ already mentioned, as the most indispensable of his supplies. respecting their ceremonies before giving battle we only know that on one occasion in yucatan they brought a brazier of burning perfume which they placed before the spanish forces, with the intimation that an attack would be made as soon as the fire went out; and also that alvarado noticed in guatemala the sacrifice of a woman and a bitch as a preliminary of battle. all fought bravely, with no apparent fear of death, endeavoring to capture the enemy alive, rather than to kill them, and at the same time to avoid being captured themselves by the sacrifice of life if necessary. in most nations it was deemed important to terrify the enemy by shouting, clanging of drums, sticks, and shells, and blowing of whistles. the armies of yucatan are said to have exhibited somewhat better order in their military movements than those of other nations. they formed their forces into two wings, placing in the centre a squadron to guard the captain and high-priest. the nicaraguans fought desperately until their leader fell, but then they always ran away. he who from cowardice failed to do his duty on the battle-field was by the nicaraguan code disgraced, abused, insulted, stripped of his weapons, and discharged from the service, but was not often put to death. as has been stated in a preceding chapter treason and desertion were everywhere punished with death. all booty except captives belonged to the taker, and to return from a campaign without spoil was deemed a dishonor. [sidenote: pipile war festival.] captives, if of noble blood or high rank, were sacrificed to the gods, and were rarely ransomed. the captor of a noble prisoner received high honors, but was punished if he accepted a ransom, the penalty being death in nicaragua. the heads of the sacrificed captives were in yucatan suspended in the branches of the trees, as memorials of victory, a separate tree being set apart for each hostile province. the bones, as landa tells us, were kept by the captors, the jaw-bone being worn on the arm, as an ornament. we read of no actual torture of prisoners, but the cakchiquels danced about the victim to be sacrificed, and loaded him with insults. among the pipiles it was left to the priests to decide whether the sacrifice should be in honor of a god or goddess; if the former, the festival lasted, according to palacio, fifteen days; the captives were obliged to march in procession through the town, and one was sacrificed each day; if the feast was dedicated to a deity of the gentler sex, five days of festivities and blood sufficed. prisoners of plebeian blood were enslaved, or only sacrificed when victims of higher rank were lacking. they were probably the property of the captors. at the close of a campaign in which no captives were taken, the nicaraguan captains went together to the altar, and there wept ceremonial tears of sorrow for their want of success. the authorities record no details of the methods by which peace was ratified; the yucatecs, however, according to cogolludo, expressed to the spaniards a desire for a suspension of hostilities, by throwing away their weapons, and by kissing their fingers, after touching them to the ground.[ ] footnotes: [ ] this history, written with roman characters, but in the quiché language, in the early years of the conquest, was quoted by brasseur de bourbourg as the _ms. quiché de chichicastenango_, in his _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. - ; a translation into spanish by ximenez appeared in , _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - ; and a translation into french by brasseur de bourbourg in , _popol vuh_, pp. - . brasseur's rendering is followed for the most part in my text, but so far as this extract is concerned there are only slight verbal differences between the two translations. [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _id._, p. . on the coast of yucatan, 'des racines dont ils font le pain, et qu'ils nomment maïs.' _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. . the lacandones applied themselves 'al trabajo de sus milpas, y sementeras de maiz, chile, y frixoles, entre que sembravan piñas, platanos, batatas, xicamas, xacotes, zapotes, y otras frutas;' their milpas were large, and were cleared with stone hatchets. _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. - . the itzas had 'mucha grana, cera, algodòn, achiote, baynillas, y otras legumbres.' _id._, pp. , . many varieties of beans raised in nicaragua. _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . 'vi muchos destos perales en la provinçia de nicaragua, puestos á mano en las heredades é plaças ó assientos de los indios, é por ellos cultivados. É son tan grandes árboles como nogales algunos dellos.' _id._, p. . planting of maize, _id._, pp. - ; tom. iv., pp. - . see also on agriculture: _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, pp. - ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viajes_, tom. iii., pp. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _squier's cent. amer._, pp. , ; _viollet-le-duc_, in _charnay_, _ruines amér._, p. ; _humboldt_, _essai pol._, tom. i., p. ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. - ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. ; _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] in the province of campeche the spaniards were feasted on 'peacockes and crammed foule both of the mountaynes, woods, and water, as patryches, quayles, turtles, duckes, geese, and fourefooted wilde beastes, as boores, hartes, and hares: besides wolfes, lyons, tygers, and foxes.' _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. ii. 'juntanse tambien para la caça de l en l, mas o menos, y la carne del venado assan en parillas, porque no se les gaste, y venidos al pueblo, hazen sus presentes al señor, y distribuyen como amigos y el mesmo hazen en la pesca.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , . in vera paz 'tejones, que tienen buena carne, el bilab es mejor que carnero: venadillos vermejos, y otros bayos, y muchos otros que los indios flechan, y comen algunos desollados, otros ahumados, y assados, en barbocoa, y en charque, y todo malguisado.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiii., xiv., ii. at cozumel 'el pescado es su casi principal manjar.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . see also _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. , , , tom. iv., p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. , - , ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. - , , , , tom. iii., p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vi., ii., dec. vi., lib. iii.; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. viii.; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _id._, _hist. ind._, fol. - ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _fancourt's hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] cortés, _cartas_, p. , tells us that no bread was made in yucatan, but that maize was eaten roasted. the best tortillas in nicaragua were called _tascalpachon_. _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. , , , , , , tom. iii., p. . see also _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiii. [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. ; _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , , ; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ix., lib. x., cap. iv.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. , - , tom. iv., p. ; _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. - , ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxvii.; _waldeck_, _voy. pitt._, p. ; _cortés' despatches_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - , . [ ] in yucatan: 'these barbarians eate onely their enemies, or such strangers as come vnto them, otherwise they abstaine from mans flesh.' _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vi. in guatemala the heads and tripe were seasoned with wine. _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. clxxvii.; _id._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vi., vii., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. , - , , ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viajes_, tom. iii., p. ; _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. , ; _albornoz_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _helps' span. conq._, vol. iii., p. ; _pimentel_, _mem. sobre la raza indígena_, p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. . [ ] the itzas, men and women, wore 'faxas' varas long and / vara wide. _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , , . at campeche, a strip of cotton one hand wide, twisted and wound or times about the body. _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. - . this garment called _mastate_. _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . ends embroidered and decorated with feathers. _landa_, _relacion_, p. . _almayzares_, called in new spain _mastil_; otherwise naked. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _cortés' despatches_, p. . the chiapanecs naked except this cloth about the loins. _remesal_, _hist. chyapa_, pp. , . [ ] plate showing the costume of an indian of the interior. _waldeck_, _voy. pitt._, pl. v. trowsers of cotton in salvador. _squier's cent. amer._, p. . [ ] called _tilmas_ or _hayates_, a yard and a half square. _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . mantles called _zuyen_. _id._, p. . 'mantas pintadas.' _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . [ ] cotton robes of bright colors. _squier's cent. amer._, p. . 'tuniques.' _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. . 'sacks.' _fancourt's hist. yuc._, pp. - . 'camisetas de colores.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . 'xaquetas de algodon.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . 'camisette senza maniche.' _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, pp. , . [ ] _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . mayas dress like the mexicans. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - ; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. - ; _remesal_, _hist. chyapa_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] 'l'étoffe rayée d'une ou de plusieurs couleurs que les femmes se roulent encore autour du corps en la serrant à la ceinture comme un jupon, descendant plus ou moins bas au-dessous du genou, se trouve être exactement la même que l'on voit aux images d'isis et aux femmes égyptiennes des époques pharaoniques.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . skirt from the waist to feet, called _pic_. _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. - , . 'ropas de algodon, que llaman naguas.' _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viajes_, tom. iii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , , - , . [ ] 'es lo mas dificultoso en los indios el reduzirlos à cortarles el pelo.' _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , . in guatemala somewhat less attention seems to have been paid to the hair. 'trayanlo encrespado, ò rebujado en la cabeça como estopas, à causa de que no se lo peynauan.' _remesal_, _hist. chyapa_, p. ; cogolludo, _hist. yuc._, p. , speaks of straw and palm-leaf hats, but he probably refers to his own time. hair of priests filled with blood. _id._, p. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _squier's cent. amer._, pp. , . in nicaragua 'traen rapadas las cabeças de la mitad adelante é los aladares por debaxo, é déxanse una coleta de oreja á oreja por detrás desde la coronilla.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. , ; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., lib. viii., cap. x. aguilar wore a 'corona y trença de cabellos, como los naturales.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _id._, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _palacio_, _carta_, p. . [ ] _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, p. ; _charnay_, _ruines amér._, p. ; _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] 'traian sandalias de cañamo o cuero de venado por curtir seco.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . they generally went barefoot. _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . sandals in nicaragua called _gutaras_. _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. - ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _id._, in _palacio_, _carta_, p. ; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , , . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] a war party: 'agujeradas narizes, y orejas con sus narigeras, y orejeras de cuzcas, y otras piedras de diuersos colores.' _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . the itzas wore in the nose 'una baynilla olorosa,' and in the ears, 'vn palo labrado.' _id._, p. . 'sartales de caracoles colorados,' much prized by the itzas. _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. . small sticks in the ears, and little reeds or amber rings, or grains of vanilla, in the nose. _id._, pp. , . a few silver and gold ear-ornaments. _id._, pp. - . on the peninsula of yucatan, 'trayan las orejas horadadas para çarcillos.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . the priest carried 'un isopo en la mano de un palo corto muy labrado, y por barbas o pelos del isopo ciertas colas de unas culebras que son como caxcaveles.' _id._, pp. - . women pierced nose and ears. _id._, p. . in nicaragua 'traen sajadas las lenguas por debaxo, é las orejas, é algunos los miembros viriles, é no las mugeres ninguna cosa destas, y ellos y ellas horadadas las orejas de grandes agujeros.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. - , tom. i., p. . king in yucatan wore 'des bracelets et des manchettes d'une élégance égale à la beauté de la matière.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . '_tecaüh_, qui est le bijou que les chefs indiens portaient fréquemment à la lèvre inférieure ou au cartilage du nez.' _id._, p. . see also _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _camargo_, _hist. tlax._, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcix., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. vii., cap. ix., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. x., cap. iii., iv.; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. , ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, p. ; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. , , ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . [ ] 'los oficiales dello labravan la parte que querian con tinta, y despues sejavanle delicadamente las pinturas, y assi con la sangre y tinta quedavan en el cuerpo las señales, y que se labran poco a poco por el tormento grande, y tambien se ponen despues malos, porque se les enconavan los labores, y haziase materia, y que con todo esso se mofavan de los que no se labravan.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. , ; _remesal_, _hist. chyapa_, p. ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. ; _fancourt's hist. yuc._, pp. , ; _bussierre_, _l'empire mex._, p. . [ ] _remesal_, _hist. chyapa_, p. ; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , - , , ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. , ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , , , ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. , , , tom. iv., p. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, pp. - , . [ ] 'eran amigos de buenos olores y que por esto usan de ramilletes de flores y yervas olorosas, muy curiosos y labrados.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . 'des roseaux longs de deux palmes, et qui répandaient une excellente odeur quand on les brûlait.' _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. ; _valois_, _mexique_, p. . [ ] 'se vañavan mucho, no curando de cubrirse de las mugeres, sino quando podia cubrir la mano.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . 'se lavan las manos y la boca despues de comer.' _id._, p. . the women stripped naked in the wells where they bathed; they took hot baths rather for health than cleanliness. _id._, p. . the women 'tienen poco secreto, y no son tan limpias en sus personas ni en sus cosas con quanto se lavan como los ermiños.' _id._, p. . 'los hombres haçen aguas puestos en cluquillas, é las mugeres estando derechas de piés á dó quiera que les viene la gana.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., iv.; _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _carbajal espinosa_, _hist. mex._, tom. i., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] the following are my authorities on the maya commerce, many references to simple mentions of articles bought and sold and to the use of cacao as money being omitted. _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii., lib. vii., cap. ix., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., ix.; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , - , - ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. , ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., p. , tom. iv., pp. - , , , ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i.; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. , ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - , , ; _id._, _popol vuh_, p. ; _squier's nicaragua_ (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _id._, _cent. amer._, p. ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viajes_, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _id._, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , , , ; _peter martyr_, dec. viii., lib. v.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. ; _juarros' hist. guat._, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v.; _folsom_, in _cortés' despatches_, pp. - ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, pp. - . see vol. i., p. , of this work. [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. the chiapanecs were among the boldest warriors. _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. , ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. viii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. x., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. - ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , - ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. . [ ] cotton armor called in some places _escaupiles_. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. both white and colored. _id._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. x., lib. iv., cap. vi., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib. iii., cap. i. called by the quichés _achcayupiles_. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. ; _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iii., p. , tom. iv., p. ; _alvarado_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . [ ] macanas used as weapons in nicaragua. _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. , , tom. i., pp. - , tom. iii., pp. , . crystal-pointed arrows used by the itzas, and chiefs had short flint knives, with feathers on the handles. _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , , . hardened rods, or pikes. _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. , . darts thrown from a 'tiradera.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap, xvii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vi., lib. v., cap. x., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. a bat was the sign of a cakchiquel armory. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _popol vuh_, p. . see also maya weapons. _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. , ; _peter martyr_, dec. vi., lib. v.; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. ; _scherzer_, _wanderungen_, p. ; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _waldeck_, _voy. pitt._, p. , with cut; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., pp. , ; _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _id._, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. ; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. . [ ] see vol. iv., chap. iv., v., for a full description of maya ruins, with plates. see _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _alvarado_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. , ; _godoi_, in _id._, p. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. - ; _juarros_, _hist. guat._, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., pp. - ; _fuentes_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. x., cap. iii.; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viajes_, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. ii., p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. , , , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. iv.; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. - , , , ; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , , ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. , ; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. - ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. , - , , tom. iii., pp. , , tom. iv., pp. - ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. , ; _juarros' hist. guat._, p. , etc.; _peter martyr_, dec. viii., lib. v.; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. , , - ; _alvarado_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. , ; _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _id._, pp. - ; _squier's cent. amer._, pp. , ; _id._, _nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. , - ; _ternaux-compans_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. ; _boyle's ride_, vol. i., p. ; _fancourt's hist. yuc._, pp. , . chapter xxiv. maya arts, calendar, and hieroglyphics. scarcity of information--use of metals--gold and precious stones--implements of stone--sculpture--pottery--manufacture of cloth--dyeing--system of numeration--maya calendar in yucatan--days, weeks, months, and years--indictions and katunes--perez' system of ahau katunes--statements of landa and cogolludo--intercalary days and years--days and months in guatemala, chiapas, and soconusco--maya hieroglyphic system--testimony of early writers on the use of picture-writing--destruction of documents--specimens which have survived--the dresden codex--manuscript troano--tablets of palenque, copan, and yucatan--bishop landa's key--brasseur de bourbourg's interpretation. our knowledge of maya arts and manufactures, so far as it depends on the statements of the early spanish writers is very slight, and may be expressed in few words; especially as most of these arts seem to have been very nearly identical with those of the nahuas, although many of them, at the time of the conquest at least, were not carried to so high a grade of perfection as in the north. some branches of mechanical art have indeed left material relics, which, examined in modern times, have extended our knowledge on the subject very far beyond what may be gleaned from sixteenth-century observations. but a volume of this work is set apart for the consideration of material relics with numerous illustrative plates, and although the temptation to use both information and plates from modern sources is particularly strong in some of the topics of this chapter and the following, a regard for the symmetry of the work, and the necessity of avoiding all repetition, cause me to confine myself here almost exclusively to the old authors, as i have done in describing the nahua arts. [sidenote: knowledge of metals.] iron was not known to the mayas, and it is not quite certain that copper was mined or worked by them. the boat so often mentioned as having been met by columbus off the coast, and supposed to have come from yucatan, had on board crucibles for melting copper, and a large number of copper hatchets. similar hatchets together with bells, ornaments, and spear and arrow points of the same metal were seen at various points, and were doubtless used to a considerable extent throughout yucatan, chiapas, and guatemala. but there are no metallic deposits on the peninsula, and the copper instruments used there, or at least the material, must have been brought from the north, as it is indeed stated by several authors that they were. no metallic relics whatever have been found among the ruins of yucatan, and only very few in other maya regions. copper implements are not mentioned by the early visitors to nicaragua, and although that country abounds in ore of a variety easily worked, yet there is no evidence that it was used, and squier's statement that the nicaraguans were skillful workers in this metal, probably rests on no stronger basis than the reported discovery of a copper mask at ometepec. godoi speaks of copper in chiapas, and also of a metallic composition called _cacao_! small articles of gold, intended chiefly for ornamental purposes, were found everywhere in greater or less abundance by the spaniards, the gold being generally described as of a low grade. cortés speaks of the gold in yucatan as alloyed with copper, and the same alloy is mentioned in guatemala by herrera, and in nicaragua by benzoni. the latter author says that gold was abundant in nicaragua but was all brought from other provinces. he also states that there were no mines of any kind, but oviedo, on the contrary, speaks of 'good mines of gold.' articles of gold took the form of animals, fishes, birds, bells, small kettles and vases, beads, rings, bracelets, hatchets, small idols, bars, plates for covering armor, gilding or plating of wooden masks and clay beads, and settings for precious stones. peter martyr speaks of gold as formed in bars and stamped in nicaragua, and villagutierre of silver 'rosillas' in use among the itzas. we have but slight information respecting the use of precious stones. oviedo saw in nicaragua a sun-dial of pearl set on jasper, and also speaks of wooden masks covered with stone mosaic and gold plates in tabasco. martyr tells us that the natives of yucatan attached no value to spanish counterfeited jewels, because they could take from their mines better ones of genuine worth.[ ] [sidenote: stone carving.] the few implements in common use among the mayas, such as knives, chisels, hatchets, and metates, together with the spear and arrow heads already mentioned, were of flint, porphyry, or other hard stone. there is but little doubt that most of their elaborate sculpture on temples and idols was executed with stone implements, since the material employed was for the most part soft and easily worked. the carvings in the hard sapote-wood in yucatan must have presented great difficulties to workmen without iron tools; but the fact remains that stone implements, with a few probably of hardened copper, sufficed with native skill and patience for all purposes. villagutierre informs us that the lacandones cut wood with stone hatchets. cogolludo speaks of the remarkable facility which the natives displayed in learning the mechanical arts introduced by spaniards, in using new and strange tools or adapting the native implements to new uses. all implements whether of the temple or the household, seem to have been ceremonially consecrated to their respective uses. oviedo speaks of deer-bone combs used in guatemala, and of another kind of combs the teeth of which were made of black wood and set in a composition like baked clay but which became soft on exposure to heat. the early writers speak in general terms of idols of various human and animal forms, cut from all kinds of stone, and also from wood; martyr also mentions an immense serpent in what he supposed to be a place of punishment in yucatan, which was 'compacted of bitumen and small stones.' the itzas constructed of stone and mortar the image of a horse, modeled on an animal left among them by cortés. the spanish authors say little or nothing of the sculpture of either idols or architectural decorations, except that it was elaborate, and often demon-like; but their observations on the subject would have had but little value, even had they been more extended, and fortunately architectural remains are sufficiently numerous and complete, at least in yucatan, honduras, and chiapas, to supply information that, if not entirely satisfactory, is far more so than what we possess respecting other branches of maya art. brasseur de bourbourg speaks of vases exquisitely worked from alabaster and agate in yucatan; there is some authority for this in modern discoveries, but little or none, so far as i know, in the writings of the conquerors. earthenware, shells, and the rind of the gourd were the material of maya dishes. all speak of the native pottery as most excellent in workmanship, material, and painting, but give no details of its manufacture. herrera, however, mentions a province of guatemala, where very fine pottery was made by the women, and palacio tells us that this branch of manufactures was one of the chief industries of aguachapa, a town of the pipiles. all that is known of cloths and textile fabrics has been given in enumerating the various articles of dress; of any differences that may have existed between the nahua and maya methods of spinning and weaving cotton we know nothing. it is probable that the native methods have not been modified essentially in modern times among the same peoples. we are told that in yucatan the wife of a god invented weaving, and was worshiped under the name of ixazalvoh; while another who improved the invention by the use of colored threads was yxchebelyax, also a goddess. spinning and weaving was for the most part women's work, and they are spoken of as industrious and skillful in the avocation. bark and maguey-fibre were made into cloth by the cakchiquels, and oviedo mentions several plants whose fibre was worked into nets and ropes by the nicaraguans. the numerous dye-woods which are still among the richest productions of the country in many parts, furnished the means of imparting to woven fabrics the bright hues of which the natives were so fond. bright-colored feathers were highly prized and extensively used for decorative purposes. garments of feathers are spoken of, which were probably made as they were in mexico by pasting the plumage in various ornamental figures on cotton fabric.[ ] [sidenote: system of numeration.] the following table will give the reader a clear idea of the maya system of numeration as it existed in yucatan; the definitions of some of the names are taken from the maya dictionary, and may or may not have any application to the subject: hun, 'paper' ca, 'calabash' ox, 'shelled corn' can, 'serpent' or 'count' ho, 'entry' uac uuc uaxac, 'something standing erect' bolon, _bol_, 'to roll or turn' lahun, _lah_, 'a stone' buluc, 'drowned' lachá, (lahun-ca), + oxlahun, + canlahun, + holhun, (ho-lahun), + uaclahun, + , etc. hunkal, _kal_, 'neck,' or a measure, × huntukal, + catukal, + , etc. uaxactukal, or hunkal catac uaxac, + , or + _catac_, 'and' luhucakal, × - (?) buluctukal, + lahcatukal, + oxlahutukal, + , etc. cakal, × huntuyoxkal catuyoxkal lahuyoxkal buluctuyoxkal oxhal, × huntucankal lahucankal buluctucankal cankal, × hutuyokal catuyokal lahuyokal ho-kal, × huntu uackal catu uackal lahu uackal holhu uackal uackal, × lahu uuckal buluc tu uuckal uuckal, × huntu uaxackal uaxackal, × , etc. lahuncal, × holhukal, × hunbak, × hotubak lahutubak cabak, × hotu yoxbak , lahuyoxbak or hunpic (modern) , oxbak, × , oxbak catac lahuyoxkal, × + , capic (modern) , hunpic (ancient) , ca pic (ancient) , calab , , kinchil or huntzotzceh , , hunalau thus the mayas seem to have had uncompounded names for the numerals from to , , , and , , and to have formed all numbers by the addition or multiplication of these. the manner in which the combinations were made seems clear up to the number . thus we have and , and , etc., up to ; is _hun-kal_, is _hun-tu-kal_, etc., indicating that _tu_, which i do not find in any dictionary, is simply 'and' or a sign of addition. the composition of _lahu-ca-kal_ is clear only in the sense of _ten_ from _twice twenty_; is two twenties, is three twenties, and so on regularly by twenties up to , for which a new word _bak_ is introduced; after which the numbers proceed, twice , thrice , etc., to , , _pic_, corresponding to the nahua _xiquipilli_. but while the composition is intelligible so far as the multiples of and are concerned, it is far from clear in the case of the intermediate numbers. for instance, is _ca-kal_, and forming , , etc., as was formed from , we should have _hun-tu-ca-kal_, _ca-tu-ca-kal_, etc., instead of the names given, _hun-tu-yox-kal_, etc., or, interpreting this last name as the former were interpreted we should have instead of . the same observation may be made respecting every number, not a multiple of , up to ; that is, each number is less by than the composition of its name would seem to indicate. if we gave to _tu_ the meaning 'towards,' then _hun-tu-yox-kal_ might be interpreted ' (from ) towards ,' or ; but in such a case the word for , _hun-tu-kal_, must be supposed to be a contraction of _hun-tu-ca-kal_, ' (from ) towards .' other irregularities will be noticed by the reader in the numbers above . i have thought it best to call attention to what appears a strange inconsistency in this system of numeration, but which may present less difficulties to one better acquainted than i with the maya language.[ ] [sidenote: the maya calendar.] authorities on the maya calendar of yucatan, the only one of which any details are known, are bishop landa and don juan pio perez. the latter was a modern writer who devoted much study to the subject, was perfectly familiar with the maya language, and had in his possession or consulted elsewhere many ancient manuscripts. there are also a few scattered remarks on the subject in the works of other writers.[ ] the maya day was called _kin_, or 'sun'; _malik ocok kin_ was the time just preceding sunrise; _hatzcab_ was the time from sunrise to noon, which was called _chunkin_ or 'middle of the day'; _tzelep kin_ was the declining sun, or about three o'clock p. m.; _oc na kin_ was sunset. the night was _akab_, and midnight was _chumuc akab_. other hours were indicated by the position of the sun in the daytime, and by that of some star--the morning star, the pleiades, and the gemini as landa says--during the night. [illustration: days of the maya calendar.] the following table shows the names of the twenty days with the orthography of different writers, and the meaning of the names so far as known: kan 'henequen string,' 'yellow,' 'serpent.' chicchán _chichan_ would be 'small,' a thing that grows or increases slowly. cimi (quimi, cimij) preterite of _cimil_, 'to die.' manik possibly 'passing wind.' lamat possibly 'abyss of water,' found as _lambat_ in oajaca calendar. muluc possibly 'reunion,' also in chiapas calendar. oc 'what may be held in the palm of the hand,' 'foot,' 'leg.' chuen 'board,' or name of a tree, perhaps _chouen_ of quiché calendar. eb 'stairway' or 'ladder.' ben (been) perhaps been, an ancient prince, or 'to spend with economy.' ix (hix, gix) possibly 'roughness.' the quiché _itz_ is 'sorcerer.' men 'builder.' cib (quib) 'wax' or 'copal.' caban ezanab (ecnab, edznab) cauac ahau (ajau) 'king,' beginning of the period of (or ) years. ymix _imox_, in quiché calendar is the mexican cipactli. ik (yk) 'wind' or 'breath.' akbal in quiché, 'vase.' the hieroglyphics by which the names of the days were expressed are shown in the accompanying cut in their proper order of succession,--kan, chicchan, etc., to akbal; but it is to be noted that although this order was invariable, yet the month might begin with any one of the four days kan, muluc, ix, and cauac. the month, made up as i have said of twenty days, was called _u_, or 'moon,' indicating perhaps that time was originally computed by lunar calculations. it was also called _uinal_, a word whose signification is not satisfactorily given. the year contained eighteen months, whose names with the hieroglyphics by which they were written, are shown in the cut on the opposite page, in their order, pop, uo, zip, etc., to cumhu. not only did the months succeed each other always in the same order, but pop was always the first month of the year, which began on a date corresponding to july of our calendar, a date which varies only forty-eight hours from the time when the sun passes the zenith--an approximation as accurate as could be expected from observations made without instruments. [sidenote: months of the maya calendar.] [illustration: months of the maya calendar.] the following table shows the names of the months, their meaning, and the day on which each began, according to our calendar: pop (poop, popp) 'mat' july uo (woo, voo) 'frog' aug. zip (cijp) name of a tree, 'defect,' 'swollen' aug. tzoz (zoc, zotz) 'bat' sept. tzec (zeec) possibly 'discourse,' 'skull' oct. xul 'end' oct. yaxkin (dze-yaxkin, tze yaxkin) 'beginning of summer' nov. mol (mool) 'to reunite'. dec. chen (cheen) 'well' dec. yax (yaax) 'green' or 'blue' or 'first' jan. zac (zak) 'clear,' 'white' feb. ceh (qeh, quej, queh) 'deer' feb. mac, 'to close,' 'lid,' a measure mar. kankin, 'yellow sun' apr. muan (moan) 'showery day,' the bird called 'ara' apr. pax (paax) a musical instrument may kayab, 'singing' june cumhu (cumkú) noise of an explosion, as of thunder june [ ] [sidenote: intercalary days.] the year was called _haab_, and consisted of the eighteen months already named,--which would make days,--and of five supplementary, or intercalary days, to complete the full number of . these intercalary days were called _xma kaba kin_, or 'nameless days,' and also _uayab_ or _nayeb haab_, _u na haab_, _nayab chab_, _u yail kin_, _u yail haab_, _u tuz kin_, or _u lobol kin_, which may mean 'bed' or 'chamber' of the year, 'mother of the year,' 'bed of creation,' 'travail of the year,' 'lying days,' or 'bad days,' etc. they were added at the end of each year, after the last day of cumhu, and although they are called nameless, and were perhaps never spoken of by name, yet they were actually reckoned like the rest;--that is, if the last day of cumhu was akbal, the five intercalary days would be reckoned as kan, chicchan, cimi, manik, and lamat, so that the new year, or the month of pop, would begin with the day muluc. besides this division of time into years, months, and days, there was another division carried along simultaneously with the first, into twenty-eight periods of thirteen days each,[ ] which may for convenience be termed weeks, although the natives did not apply any name to the period of thirteen days, and perhaps did not regard it as a definite period at all, but used the number thirteen as a sacred number from some superstitious motives;[ ] yet its use produces some curious complications in the calendar, of which it is a most peculiar feature. the name of each day was preceded by a numeral showing its position in the week, and these numerals proceeded regularly from one to thirteen and then began again at one. thus kan meant 'kan, the first day of the week'; cauac, 'cauac, the twelfth day of the week,' etc. it is probable also that the days of the month were numbered regularly from to , as events are spoken of as occurring on the th of zip, etc., but the numeral relating to the week was the most prominent. the table shows the succession of days and weeks for several months: ========================================= | | | | | | a | pop. | b | a | uo. | b | ---+----------+----+----+----------+----+ | kan | | | kan | | | chicchán | | | chicchán | | | cimi | | | cimi | | | manik | | | manik | | | lamat | | | lamat | | | muluc | | | muluc | | | oc | | | oc | | | chuen | | | chuen | | | eb | | | eb | | | ben | | | ben | | | ix | | | ix | | | men | | | men | | | cib | | | cib | | | caban | | | caban | | | ezanab | | | ezanab | | | cauac | | | cauac | | | ahau | | | ahau | | | ymix | | | ymix | | | ik | | | ik | | | akbal | | | akbal | | ========================================= a: day of week. b: day of month. ========================================= | | | | | | a | zip. | b | a | tzoz. | b | ---+----------+----+----+----------+----+ | kan | | | kan | | | chicchán | | | chicchán | | | cimi | | | cimi | | | manik | | | manik | | | lamat | | | lamat | | | muluc | | | muluc | | | oc | | | oc | | | chuen | | | chuen | | | eb | | | eb | | | ben | | | ben | | | ix | | | ix | | | men | | | men | | | cib | | | cib | | | caban | | | caban | | | ezanab | | | ezanab | | | cauac | | | cauac | | | ahau | | | ahau | | | ymix | | | ymix | | | ik | | | ik | | | akbal | | | akbal | | ========================================= of the twenty days only four,--kan, muluc, ix, and cauac--could begin either a month or a year. whatever the name of the first day of the first month, every month in the year began with the same day, accompanied, however, by a different numeral. the numeral of the first day for the first month being , that of the second would be , and so on for the other months in the following order: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . to ascertain the numeral for any month must be added to that of the preceding month, and subtracted from the sum if it be more than . [sidenote: succession of the years.] by extending the table of days and months over a period of years,--an extension which my space does not permit me to make in these pages,--the reader will observe that by reason of the intercalary days, and of the fact that weeks of days each make only instead of days, if the first year began with the day kan, the second would begin with muluc, the third with ix, the fourth with cauac, the fifth with kan, and so on in regular order; therefore the years were named by the day on which they began, kan, muluc, ix, etc., since the year would begin with any one of these combinations only once in years. thus the four names of the days kan, muluc, ix, and cauac served as signs for the years, precisely as the signs _tochtli_, _calli_, _tecpatl_, and _acatl_ with their numerals served among the aztecs. in the circle in which the mayas are said to have inscribed their calendar, these four signs are located in the east, north, west, and south respectively, and are considered the 'carriers of the years.' it will be seen that, starting from kan, although every fifth year began with the day, or sign, kan, yet the numeral did not occur again in connection with any first day until thirteen years had passed away; so that kan or kan alone not only named the year which it began, but also a period of thirteen years, which is spoken of as a 'week of years' or an 'indiction.' the first indiction of thirteen years beginning with kan, the second began with muluc, the third with ix, and the fourth with cauac. after the indiction whose sign was cauac, the next would begin again with kan; that is years would have elapsed, and this period of years was called a katun, corresponding with the aztec cycle, as explained in a preceding chapter. thus we see that the four signs kan, muluc, ix, and cauac served to name certain days of the month; they also named the years of the indiction, since in connection with certain numerals they were the first days of these years; they further named the indictions of the katun, of which with the numeral they were also the first days; and finally they named, or may have named, the katun itself which they begun, also in connection with the numeral . how the katuns were actually named we are not informed. the completion of each katun was regarded by the mayas as a most critical and important epoch, and was celebrated with most imposing religious ceremonies. also a monument is said to have been raised, on which a large stone was placed crosswise, also called _katun_ as a memorial of the cycle that had passed. it is unfortunate that some of these monuments cannot be discovered and identified among the ruins. thus far the maya calendar is, after a certain amount of study, sufficiently intelligible; and is, except in its system of nomenclature, essentially identical with that of the nahuas. the calendars of the quichés, cakchiquels, chiapanecs, and the natives of soconusco, are also the same so far as their details are known. the names of months and days in some of these calendars will be given in this chapter. [sidenote: the ahau katunes.] another division of time not found in the nahua calendar, was that into the ahau katunes. the system according to which this division was made is clear enough if we may accept the statements of sr perez; several of which rest on authorities that are unknown to all but himself. according to this writer, the ahau katun was a period of years, divided into two parts; the first part of years was enclosed in the native writings by a square and called _amaytun_, _lamayte_, or _lamaytun_; and the second, of the other four years, was placed as a 'pedestal' to the others, and therefore called _chek oc katun_, or _lath oc katun_. these four years were considered as intercalary and unfortunate, like the five supplementary days of the year, and were sometimes called _a yail haab_, 'years of pain.' this katun of years was called ahau from its first day, and the natives began to reckon from ahau katun, because it began on the day ahau, on which day some great event probably took place in their history. the day ahau at which these periods began was the second day of such years as began with cauac; and ahau, the first day of the first period, was the second of the year cauac; ahau was the second day of the year cauac, etc. if we construct a table of the years from cauac in regular order, we shall find that if the first period was ahau katun because it began with ahau, the second, years later, was ahau katun, beginning with ahau; the third was ahau katun, etc. that is, the ahau katunes, instead of being numbered , , , etc., in regular order was preceded by the numerals , , , , , , , , , , , , and . of these ahau katunes, making years, constituted a great cycle, and we are told that it was by means of the ahau katunes and great cycles of years that historical events were generally recorded. sr perez states that the year of our era was the maya year cauac, 'according to all sources of information, confirmed by the testimony of don cosme de burgos, one of the conquerors, and a writer (but whose observations have been lost).' therefore the ahau katun began on the second day of that year; the ahau katun, years later, in ; the ahau in ; the , in ; the , in ; the , in ; the , in ; the , in ; the , in ; the , in , etc. as a test of the accuracy of his system of ahau katunes, the author says that he found in a certain manuscript the death of a distinguished individual, ahpulá, mentioned as having taken place in the th year of ahau katun, when the first day of the year was kan, on the day of ix, the th day of the month zip. now the ahau began in the year cauac, or ; the th year from was , or kan; if the month of pop began with kan, then the d month, zip, began with kan, and the th of that month fell on ix, or sept. . all this may be readily verified by filling out the table in regular order. on the other hand we have landa's statement that the ahau katun was a period of years; he gives however the same order of the numerals as perez,--that is , , , , , , , , , , , , . he also states that the year was the beginning of ahau; but if ahau was the second day of , that year must have been cauac, and , years later, would have been cauac, the second day of which would have been ahau; which does not agree at all with the order of numerals. in fact no other number of years than for each ahau katun will produce this order of numerals, which fact is perhaps the strongest argument in favor of sr perez' system. cogolludo also says that the mayas counted their time by periods of years called katunes, each divided into sub-periods of four years each. sr perez admits that other writers reckon the ahau katun as years, but claims that they have fallen into error through disregarding the _chek oc katun_, or unlucky years of the period. a maya manuscript furnished and translated by perez is published by stephens and in landa's work, and repeatedly speaks of the ahau katun as a period of years. again, this is the very manuscript in which the death of ahpulá was announced, and the date of that event is given as years _before the completion of ahau_, instead of the sixth year of that period as stated in the calculations of sr perez; and besides, the date is distinctly given as , instead of , which dates will in nowise agree with the system explained, or with the date of given as the beginning of ahau. moreover, as i have already said, several of the statements on which perez bases his computations are unsupported by any authority save manuscripts unknown to all but himself. such are the statements that the ahau katun began on the d day of a year cauac; that ahau was reckoned as the first; and that ahau began in . these facts, together with various other inaccuracies in the writings of sr perez are sufficient to weaken our faith in his system of the ahau katunes; and since the other writers give no explanations, this part of the maya calendar must remain shrouded in doubt until new sources of information shall be found.[ ] the following quotation made by sr perez from a manuscript, contains all that is known respecting what was possibly another method of reckoning time. "there was another number which they called _ua katun_, and which served them as a key to find the katunes, according to the order of its march, it falls on the days of the _uayeb haab_, and revolves to the end of certain years: katunes , , , , , , , , , , , , ." [sidenote: bissextile additions.] we have seen that the maya year by means of intercalary days added at the end of the month cumhu was made to include days. how the additional six hours necessary to make the length of the year agree with the solar movements were intercalated without disturbing the complicated order already described, is altogether a matter of conjecture. the most plausible theory is perhaps that a day was added at the end of every four years, this day being called by the same name and numeral as the one preceding it, or, in other words, no account being made of this day in the almanac, although it was perhaps indicated by some sign in the hieroglyphics of these days. the nicaraguan calendar was practically identical with that of the aztecs, even in nomenclature although there were naturally some slight variations in orthography. the following table shows the names of the months in several other maya calendars, whose system so far as known is the same as that in yucatan. chiapas quiché.[ ] cakchiquel.[ ] and soconusco.[ ] ------------------------+---------------------------+-------------- nabe tzih ' st word' | i bota 'rolls of mats' | tzun u cab tzih ' d word' | qatic 'common seed' | batzul rox tzih ' d word' | izcal 'sprouts' | sisac che 'tree' | pariche 'firewood' | muetasac tecoxepual | tocaxequal 'seeding time' | moc tzibe pop | nabey tumuzuz | olati 'painted mat' | ' st flying ants' | | rucab tumuzuz | ulol zak 'white' | ' d flying ants' | chab 'bow' | cibixic 'time of smoke' | oquinajual huno bix gih | uchum 'resowing time' | veh ' st song of sun' | | nabe mam | nabey mam ' st old man' | elech ' st old man' | | u cab mam | ru cab mam ' d old man' | nichqum ' d old man' | | nabe ligin ga | ligin ka 'soft hand' | sbanvinquil ' st soft hand' | | u cab ligin ga | nabey togic ' st harvest' | xchibalvinquil ' d soft hand' | | nabe pach | ru cab togic ' d harvest' | yoxibalvinquil ' st generation' | | u cab pach | nabey pach | xchanibalvinquil ' d generation' | ' st generation' | tziquin gih | ru cab pach | poin 'time of birds' | ' d generation' | tzizi lagan | tziquin gih | mux 'to sew the standard'| 'time of birds' | cakam 'time of | cakam | yaxquin red flowers' | 'time of red flowers' | [sidenote: days in guatemala and chiapas.] the names of the days in the same calendars are as follows: quiché and cakchiquel.[ ] chiapas (tzendal?) soconusco.[ ] ---------------------------------+------------------------------------ imox 'sword-fish' | imox or mox ig 'spirit' or 'breath' | igh or ygh akbal 'chaos' | votan qat 'lizard' | chanan or ghanan can 'snake' | abah or abagh camey 'death' | tox quieh 'deer' | moxic ganel 'rabbit' | lambat toh 'shower' | molo or mulu tzy 'dog' | elab or elah batz 'monkey' | batz ci or balam, 'broom,' 'tiger' | evob or enob ah 'cane' | been yiz or itz 'sorcerer' | hix tziquin 'bird' | tziquin ahmak 'fisher,' 'owl' | chabin or chahin noh 'temperature' | chic or chiue tihax 'obsidian' | chinax caok 'rain' | cahogh or cabogh hunahpu 'shooter of blowpipe' | aghual i shall treat of the maya hieroglyphics by giving first the testimony of the early writers respecting the existence of a system of writing in the sixteenth century; then an account of the very few manuscripts that have been preserved, together with illustrative plates from both manuscripts and sculptured stone tablets; to be followed by bishop landa's alphabet, a mention of brasseur de bourbourg's attempted interpretation of the native writings, and a few speculations of other modern writers on the subject. the statements of the early writers, although conclusive, are not numerous, and i will consequently translate them literally. landa says that "the sciences which they taught were--to read and write with their books and characters with which they wrote, and with the figures which signified (explained, or took the place of?) writings. they wrote their books on a large leaf, doubled in folds, and inclosed between two boards which they made very fine (decorated); and they wrote on both sides in columns, according to the folds; the paper they made of the roots of a tree, and gave it a white varnish on which one could write well; these sciences were known by certain men of high rank (only), who were therefore more esteemed although they did not use the art in public." "these people also used certain characters or letters with which they wrote in their books their antiquities and their sciences; and by means of these and of figures and of certain signs in their figures they understood their things, and made them understood, and taught them. we found among them a great number of books of these letters of theirs, and because they had nothing in which there were not superstitions and falsities of the devil, we burned them all, at which they were exceedingly sorrowful and troubled."[ ] according to cogolludo, "in the time of their infidelity the indians of yucatan had books, made of the bark of trees, with a white and durable varnish, ten or twelve yards long, which by folding were reduced to a span. in these they painted with colors the account of their years, wars, floods, hurricanes, famines, and other events." "the son of the only god, of whose existence, as i have said, they were aware, and whom they called ytzamná, was the man, as i believe, who first invented the characters which served the indians as letters, because they called the latter also ytzamná."[ ] the itzas, as villagutierre tells us, had "characters and figures painted on the bark of trees, each leaf, or tablet, being about a span long, as thick as a real de à ocho (a coin), folded both ways like a screen, which they called _analtees_."[ ] mendieta states that the mexicans had no letters, "although in the land of champoton it is said that such were found, and that they understood each other by means of them, as we do by means of ours."[ ] acosta says that in yucatan "there were books of leaves, bound or folded after their manner, in which the learned indians had their division of their time, knowledge of plants and animals and other natural objects, and their antiquities; a thing of great curiosity and diligence."[ ] the maya priests "were occupied in teaching their sciences and in writing books upon them."[ ] in guatemala, according to benzoni, "the thing of all others at which the indians have been most surprised has been our reading and writing.... nor could they imagine among themselves in what way white paper painted with black, could speak."[ ] peter martyr gives quite a long description of the native wood-bound books, which he does not refer particularly to yucatan, although brasseur, apparently with much reason, believes they were the maya _analtés_ rather than the regular aztec picture writings. the description is as follows in the quaint english of the translator. "they make not their books square leafe by leafe, but extend the matter and substance thereof into many cubites. they reduce them into square peeces, not loose, but with binding, and flexible bitumen so conioyned, that being compact of wooden table bookes, they may seeme to haue passed the hands of some curious workman that ioyned them together. which way soeuer the book bee opened, two written sides offer themselues to the view, two pages appeare and as many lye vnder, vnlesse you stretch them in length: for there are many leaues ioyned together vnder one leafe. the characters are very vnlike ours, written after our manner, lyne after lyne, with characters like small dice, fishookes, snares, files, starres, & other such like formes and shapes. wherein they immitate almost the egyptian manner of writing, and betweene the lines they paint the shapes of men, & beasts, especially of their kings & nobles.... they make the former wooden table bookes also with art to content and delight the beholder. being shut, they seeme to differ nothing from our bookes, in these they set downe in writing the rites, and the customes of their laws, sacrifices, ceremonies, their computations, etc."[ ] [sidenote: maya hieroglyphic system.] respecting hieroglyphic records in chiapas and guatemala, we have the statement of ordoñez that "votan wrote a work upon the origin of the indians," and that he, ordoñez, had a copy of the book in his possession; a complaint in the quiché annals known as the popol vuh, that the 'national book' containing the ancient records of their people had been lost; and finally the reported discovery and destruction in soconusco of archives on stone by nuñez de la vega in . all this amounts to little save as indicating the ancient use of hieroglyphics by the followers of votan, a fact sufficiently proven, as we shall see, by the engraved tablets of palenque and copan.[ ] the nicaraguans at the time of the conquest had records painted in colors upon skin and paper, undoubtedly identical in their figures with those of the nahuas, to whom the civilized people of nicaragua were nearly related in blood and language. no specimens of these southern hieroglyphics have, however, been preserved. oviedo and herrera slightly describe the paintings and later writers have followed them.[ ] [sidenote: maya manuscripts.] of the aboriginal maya manuscripts three specimens only, so far as i know, have been preserved. these are the _mexican manuscript, no. _, of the imperial library at paris; the _dresden codex_; and the _manuscript troano_. concerning the first we only know of its existence and the similarity of its characters to those of the other two and of the sculptured tablets. the document was photographed in by order of the french government, but i am not aware that the photographs have ever been given to the public. the _dresden codex_ is preserved in the royal library of dresden. a complete copy was published in lord kingsborough's collection of mexican antiquities, and fragments were also reproduced by humboldt. it was purchased in vienna by the librarian götz in , but beyond this nothing whatever is known of its history and origin. it was published by kingsborough as an aztec picture-writing, although its characters present little if any resemblance to those of its companion documents in the collection. its form was also different from all the rest, since it is written on both sides of five leaves of maguey-paper. at the time of its publication, however, the existence of any but aztec hieroglyphics in america was unknown. mr stephens in his antiquarian exploration of central america, at once noticed the similarity of its figures to those of the sculptured hieroglyphics found there, but he used this similarity to prove the identity of the northern and southern nations, since it did not occur to him that the aztec origin of the dresden document was a mere supposition. mr brantz mayer, fully aware of the differences between this and other reputed mexican picture-writings, went so far as to pronounce it the only genuine aztec document that he had seen. there can be no reasonable doubt, however, at this day, that the maya and nahua (or maya and aztec, since some authors will not agree with my use of the term nahua) hieroglyphic systems were practically distinct, although it would be hardly wise to decide that they are absolutely without affinities in some of their details. the accompanying cut from stephens' work shows a small fragment of the dresden codex.[ ] [illustration: fragment of the dresden codex.] [sidenote: the manuscript troano.] the _manuscript troano_ was found about the year in madrid by the abbé brasseur de bourbourg, and was reproduced in fac-simile by a chromo-lithographic process by the commission scientifique du mexique, under the auspices of the french government. its name comes from that of its possessor in madrid, sr tro y ortolano, and nothing whatever is known of its origin; two or three other old american manuscripts are reported to have been brought to light in spain since the publication of this. the original is written on a strip of maguey-paper about fourteen feet long and nine inches wide, the surface of which is covered with a whitish varnish, on which the figures are painted in black, red, blue, and brown. it is folded fan-like into thirty-five folds, presenting when shut much the appearance of a modern large octavo volume. the hieroglyphics cover both sides of the paper, and the writing is consequently divided into seventy pages, each about five by nine inches, having been apparently executed after the paper was folded, so that the folding does not interfere with the written matter. one of the pages as a specimen is shown in the following plate, an exact copy, save in size and color, of the original. the regular lines of written characters are uniformly in black, while the pictorial portions, or what may perhaps be considered representative signs, are in red and brown, chiefly the former, and the blue appears for the most part as a background in some of the pages. a few of the pages are slightly damaged, and all the imperfections are, as it is claimed, faithfully reproduced in the published copy, which with the editor's comments fills two quarto volumes in the series published by the commission mentioned.[ ] [sidenote: maya inscriptions in stone.] the plates on the following pages from the works of stephens and waldeck i present as specimens of the maya writing, as it is found carved in stone in yucatan, honduras, and chiapas. for particulars respecting the ruins in connection with which they were discovered, i refer the reader to volume iv. of this work. fig. represents the hieroglyphics sculptured on the top of an altar at copan, in honduras, the thirty-six groups cover a space nearly six feet square. fig. is a tablet set in the interior wall of a building in chichen, yucatan. the tablet is placed over the doorways and extends the whole length of the room, forty-three feet; only a part, however, is shown in the cut. fig. is a full-size representation of the carving on a green stone, or chalchiuite, found at ococingo, chiapas. i take it from the english translation of morelet's travels. many of the monoliths of copan have a line of hieroglyphics on their side. plates representing specimens of these monuments will be given in volume iv. fig. shows a portion of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the famous 'tablet of the cross' at palenque.[ ] [illustration: page of manuscript troano.] [illustration: fig. .--altar inscription from copan.] [illustration: fig. .--tablet from chichen.] [illustration: fig. .--chalchiuite from ococingo.] [illustration: fig. .--tablet from palenque.] * * * * * [sidenote: bishop landa's alphabet.] i have given on a preceding page in this chapter, the signs by which the natives of yucatan expressed the names of their days and months, taken from the work of bishop landa. the same author has also preserved a maya alphabet. on account of landa's failure to appreciate the importance of the native hieroglyphics, or to comprehend the system, and also very likely on account of his copyist's carelessness--for the original manuscript of landa's work has not been found--the passage relating to the alphabet is very vague, unsatisfactory, and perhaps fragmentary; but it is of the very highest importance, since the alphabet here given in connection with the calendar signs already spoken of, furnish apparently the only ground for a hope that the veil of mystery which hangs over the maya inscriptions may one day be lifted. i therefore give landa's description as nearly as possible in his own words, copying also the original spanish in a note. "of their letters i give here (see alphabet on the next page) an a, b, c, since their heaviness (number and intricacy?) permits no more; because they use one character for all the aspirations of the letters, and another in the pointing of the parts (punctuation), and thus it goes on to infinity, as may be seen in the following example: _lé_ means 'a snare' or to hunt with it; to write it with their characters, we having given them to understand (although we gave, etc.) that they are two letters, they wrote it with three, placing after the aspiration _l_ the vowel _e_, which it has before it, and in this they do not err, although they make use, if they wish, of their curious method. example: [illustration: _e l e lé_] then at the end they attach the adjoined part. _ha_ which means 'water,' because the _haché_ (sound of the letter _h_) has _a_, _h_, before it, they put it at the beginning with _a_, at the end in this manner: [illustration: _ha_] they also write it in parts but in both ways. i would not put (all this) here, nor treat of it, except in order to give a complete account of the things of this people. _ma in kati_ means 'i will not'; they write it in parts after this manner."[ ] [illustation: _ma i n ka ti_] [illustration: a a a a b b c(q?) t È h h i ca(?) k l l m n o o p pp cu ku x x u(?) u (dj or dz?) z ha ma to sign of (me, mo?) aspiration.] respecting this alphabet landa adds: "this language lacks the letters that are missing here; and has others added from ours for other necessary things; and they already make no use of these characters, especially the young who have learned ours." it will be noticed that there are several varying characters for the same letter, and several syllabic signs. the characters of landa's alphabet, and the calendar signs can be identified more or less accurately and readily with some of those of the hieroglyphic inscriptions in stone, the manuscript troano, and the dresden codex. the resemblance in many cases is clear, in others very vague and perhaps imaginary, while very many others cannot apparently be identified. although landa's key must be regarded as fragmentary, i believe there is no reason to doubt its authenticity. but one attempt has been made to practically apply this key to the work of deciphering the maya documents, that of the abbé brasseur de bourbourg. this writer, after a profound study of the subject, devotes one hundred and thirty-six quarto pages to a consideration of the maya characters and their variations, and fifty-seven pages to the translation of a part of the manuscript troano. the translation must be pronounced a failure, especially after the confession of the author in a subsequent work that he had begun his reading at the wrong end of the document,[ ]--a trifling error perhaps in the opinion of the enthusiastic abbé, but a somewhat serious one as it appears to scientific men. his preliminary examinations doubtless contain much valuable information which will lighten the labors and facilitate the investigations of future students; but unfortunately, such is their nature that condensation is impracticable. a long chapter, if not a volume, would be required to do them anything like justice, and they must be omitted here. brasseur de bourbourg devoted his life to the study of american primitive history. in actual knowledge of matters pertaining to his chosen subject, no man ever equaled or approached him. besides being an indefatigable student he was an elegant writer. in the last decade of his life he conceived a new and complicated theory respecting the origin of the american people, or rather the origin of europeans and asiatics from america, made known to the world in his _quatre lettres_. his attempted translation of the manuscript troano was made in support of this theory. by reason of the extraordinary nature of the views expressed, and the author's well-known tendency to build magnificent structures on a slight foundation, his later writings were received for the most part by critics, utterly incompetent to understand them, with a sneer or, what seems to have grieved the writer more, in silence. now that the great _américaniste_ is dead, while it is not likely that his theories will ever be received, his zeal in the cause of antiquarian science and the many valuable works from his pen will be better appreciated. it will be long ere another shall undertake with equal devotion and ability the well nigh hopeless task. [sidenote: interpretation of maya records.] i close the chapter with a few quotations from modern writers respecting the maya hieroglyphics and their interpretation. tyler says "there is even evidence that the maya nation of yucatan, the ruins of whose temples and palaces are so well known from the travels of catherwood and stephens, not only had a system of phonetic writing, but used it for writing ordinary words and sentences."[ ] wuttke suggests that landa's alphabet originated after the conquest, a suggestion, as schepping observes, excluded by mendieta's statement, but "otherwise very probable in consideration of the phoneticism developed in mexico shortly after the conquest."[ ] and finally wilson says, "while the recurrence of the same signs, and the reconstruction of groups out of the detached members of others, clearly indicate a written language, and not a mere pictorial suggestion of associated ideas, like the mexican picture-writing." "in the most complicated tablets of african hieroglyphics, each object is distinct, and its representative significance is rarely difficult to trace. but the majority of the hieroglyphics of palenque or copan appear as if constructed on the same polysynthetic principle which gives the peculiar and distinctive character to the languages of the new world. this is still more apparent when we turn to the highly elaborate inscriptions on the colossal figures of copan. in these all ideas of simple phonetic signs utterly disappear. like the _bunch-words_, as they have been called, of the american languages, they seem each to be compounded of a number of parts of the primary symbols used in picture-writing, while the pictorial origin of the whole becomes clearly apparent. in comparing these minutely elaborated characters with those on the tables, it is obvious that a system of abbreviation is employed in the latter. an analogous process seems dimly discernible in the abbreviated compound characters of the palenque inscription. but if the inference be correct, this of itself would serve to indicate that the central american hieroglyphics are not used as phonetic, or pure alphabetic signs; and this idea receives confirmation from the rare recurrence of the same group.... the palenque inscriptions have all the characteristics of a written language in a state of development analogous to the chinese, with its word-writing; and like it they appear to have been read in columns from top to bottom. the groups of symbols begin with a large hieroglyphic on the left-hand corner; and the first column occupies a double space. it is also noticeable that in the frequent occurrence of human and animal heads among the sculptured characters they invariably look toward the left; an indication, as it appears to me, that they are the graven inscriptions of a lettered people, who were accustomed to write the same characters from left to right on paper or skins. indeed, the pictorial groups on the copan statues seem to be the true hieroglyphic characters; while the palenque inscriptions show the abbreviated hieratic writing. to the sculptor the direction of the characters was a matter of no moment; but if the scribe held his pen, or style, in his right hand, like the modern clerk, he would as naturally draw the left profile as we slope our current hand to the right. arbitrary signs are also introduced, like those of the phonetic alphabets of europe. among these the t repeatedly occurs: a character which, it will be remembered, was also stamped on the mexican metallic currency."[ ] footnotes: [ ] two spindles with golden tissue. _cortés_, _cartas_, pp. , . six golden idols, each one span long, in nicaragua. _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. v. golden hatchets, carats fine, weighing over lbs. _id._, lib. iv., cap. vi. houses of goldsmiths that molded marvellously. _id._, cap. vii. see also _id._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v. little fishes and geese of low gold at catoche. _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . golden armor and ornaments at tabasco river. _id._, pp. - . idols of unknown metals among the itzas. _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , . gilded wooden mask, gold plates, little golden kettles. _diaz_, _itinéraire_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x. pp. , . vases of chiseled gold in yucatan. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. ; _id._, in _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. , , tom. i., p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i., dec. vi., lib. ii., vi.; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. ; _godoi_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., p. . respecting a copper mask from nicaragua and two copper medals from guatemala, see vol. iv. of this work. [ ] for slight notices of the various mechanical arts of the mayas see the following authorities: _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. , , , tom. iv., pp. , , - ; _torquemada_, _monarq. ind._, tom. i., p. , tom. ii., p. ; _laet_, _novus orbis_, p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. , , , ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ix., lib. x., cap. ii., xiv.; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , , - ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , - , , - ; _remesal_, _hist. chyapa._, p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. ii., dec. vi., lib. iii.; _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. , - ; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _cortés_, _cartas_, p. ; _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viajes_, tom. iii., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxiv.; _id._, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. - ; _palacio_, _carta_, p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., pp. , ; _foster's pre-hist. races_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. , , . [ ] _beltran de santa rosa maría_, _arte_, pp. - ; _id._, in _brasseur de bourbourg_, ms. _troano_, tom. ii., pp. - . 'el modo de contar de los indios es de cinco en cinco, y de quatro cincos hazen veinte.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - ; _perez_, _cronologia antigua de yuc._, with french translation, in _id._, pp. - ; english translation of the same in _stephens' yucatan_, vol. i., pp. - ; original spanish also in the _registro yucateco_; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - , - ; _veytia_, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - ; _id._, ms. _troano_, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] cogolludo omits the month tzoz, and inserts a month vaycab, vtuz kin, or vlobol kin, between cumhu and pop. he also in one place puts cuchhaab in the place of kan. _hist. yuc._, p. - . see also _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - ; _waldeck_, _voy. pitt._, p. . the abbé brasseur de bourbourg, in his attempted interpretation of the manuscript troano, gives the following curious etymologies of the names of these months. 'le vocable _pop_, que beltran écrit long, _poop_, signifie la natte, "estera ò petate," dit pio perez, qui donne encore à _pop_ le sens d'un arbrisseau ou d'une plante qu'il ne décrit point, mais qui, fort probablement, doit être de la nature des joncs dont on fait les différentes espèces de nattes connues au yucatan. en prenant ce vocable avec l'orthographe de beltran, _poop_ se composerait de _po_, primitif inusité, exprimant l'enflure, la vapeur, l'expansion par la chaleur d'une matière dans une enveloppe, et de _op_, briser, rompre pour sortir, crevasser par la force du feu.... beltran ajoute que _uo_ désigne en outre le têtard, une sorte de petit crapaud et un fruit indigène, appelé _pitahaya_ aux antilles ... _uo_, au rapport du même auteur énonce l'idée des caractères de l'écriture, en particulier des voyelles.... cet hiéroglyphe paraît assez difficile à expliquer. sa section inférieure renferme un caractère qui semble, en raccourci, celui de la lettre _h_, et la section supérieure est identique avec le signe que je crois une variante du _ti_, localité, lieu. ce qu'on pourrait interpréter par "le possesseur enfermé du lieu," indice du têtard, de l'embryon dans son enveloppe. (?) l'ensemble de l'idée géologique, qui a présidé à la composition du calendrier maya, se poursuit dans les noms des mois, ainsi que dans ceux des jours. après le marécage, déjà crevassé par le chaleur, apparaît le têtard, l'embryon de la grenouille, laissé au fond de la bourbe, symbole de l'embryon du feu volcanique couvant sous la terre glacée et qui ne tardera pas à rompre son enveloppe, ainsi qu'on le verra dans les noms des mois suivants.... _zip_, analysé, donne _zi ip_, bois à brûler qui se gonfle outre mesure, sens intéressant qui rappelle le grand arbre du monde, gonflé outre mesure par les gaz et les feux volcaniques, avant d'éclater.... j'inclinerais à penser que landa a voulu exprimer par _tzoz_, non la chauve-souris _zos_, mais _tzotz_, la chevelure, vocable qui dans toutes les langues du groupe mexico-guatémalien indique symboliquement la chevelure de l'eau, la surface ondoyante, remuante de la mer, d'un lac ou d'une rivière: c'est à quoi semblent correspondre les signes de la glace qui se présentent dans l'image du mois _tzoz_. il s'agirait donc ici de la chevelure, de la surface des eaux gelées au-dessus de la terre et que la force du feu volcanique commence à rider, à faire grimacer, ainsi que l'énonce le nom du mois suivant.... tzec.... ce que l'auteur du calendrier a voulu exprimer, c'est bien probablement une tête de mort de singe, aux dents grimaçantes, image assez commune dans les fantaisies mythologiques de l'amérique centrale et qu'on retrouve sculptée fréquemment dans les belles ruines de copan.... une intention plus profonde encore se révèle dans ces têtes de singes. car si les danses et les mouvements de ces animaux symbolisent, dans le sens mystérieux du _popol vuh_, le soulèvement momentané des montagnes à la surface de la mer des caraìbes, leurs têtes, avec l'expression de la mort, ne sauraient faire allusion, probablement, qu'à la disparition de ces montagnes sous les eaux, où elles continuèrent à grimacer, dans les récifs et les _ronfleurs_, comme elles avaient fait grimacer la glace, en se soulevant.' as it would occupy too much space to give the abbé's explanations of all the months, the above will suffice for specimens. see _ms. troano_, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] landa says, however, 'vingt-sept trezaines et neuf jours, sans compter les supplémentaires.' _relacion_, p. . [ ] the number may come from the original reckoning by lunations, days being about the time the moon is seen above the horizon in each revolution, days of increase, and of decrease. _perez_, in _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . or it may have been a sacred number before the invention of the calendar, being the number of gods of high rank. _brasseur de bourbourg_, _ib._ [ ] 'contaban sus eras, y edades, que ponian en sus libros de veinte en veinte años, y por lustros de quatro en quatro.... llegando estos lustros a cinco, que ajustan veinte años, llamaban _katùn_, y ponian vna piedra labrada sobre otra labrada, fixada con cal, y arena en las paredes de sus templos, y casas de los sacerdotes, como se vè oy en los edificios.' _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . 'llaman a esta cuenta en su lengua uazlazon katun que quiere dezir la _gerra_ de los katunes.' _landa_, _relacion_, p. . 'para cuenta de veintenas de años en calendarios de los indios yucatecos, lo mismo que las indicciones nuestras; pero de mas años que estas, eran trece _ahaues_ que contenian años, que era para ellos un siglo.' _beltran de santa rosa maría_, _arte_, p. . brasseur de bourbourg is disposed to reject the system of sr perez, but he in his turn makes several errors in his notes on the subject. in _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - , . the maya ms. referred to in the text is found with its translation in _id._, pp. - , and _stephens' yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] the quiché year, according to basseta, began on december , of our calendar. following an anonymous ms. history of guatemala, the cakchiquel year began on january ; and the st of parichè in was on january . _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] 'algunos de estos nombres estan en lengua zotzil, y los demas se ignora en qué idioma se hallan.' _pineda_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, tom. iii., p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, pp. - . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, ubi sup.; _boturini_, _idea_, p. ; _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. ii., pp. - ; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. ; _orozco y berra_, _geografía_, p. ; veytia, _hist. ant. mej._, tom. i., p. , makes votan the first month; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. ; _pineda_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, tom. iii., p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. , . the same author quotes fuensalida to the effect that the itza priests still kept in his time a record of past events in a book 'like a history which they call analte.' _id._, p. . [ ] _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. - . 'analtehes, ò historias, es vna misma cosa.' _id._, p. . [ ] _mendieta_, _hist. ecles._, p. . [ ] _acosta_, _hist. de las ynd._, p. ; _clavigero_, _storia ant. del messico_, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec, iv., lib. x., cap. ii. [ ] _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, fol. - . [ ] _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. viii., or latin edition of cologne, , p. ; also quoted in _brasseur de bourbourg_, ms. _troano_, tom. i., pp. - ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. . carli tells us that the inhabitants of amatitlan in guatemala were especially expert in making palm-leaf paper for writing. _cartas_, pt ii., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. . references to modern authors who, except possibly medel, have no other sources of information than those i have quoted, are as follows: 'dans le yucathan, on m'a montré des espèces de lettres et de caractères dont se servent les habitants.... ils employaient au lieu de papier l'écorce de certaines arbres, dont ils enlevaient des morceaux qui avaient deux aunes de long et un quart d'aune de large. cette écorce était de l'épaisseur d'une peau de veau et se pliait comme un linge. l'usage de cette écriture n'était pas généralement répandu, et elle n'était connue que des prêtres et de quelques caciques.' _medel_, in _nouvelles annales des voy._, , tom. xcvii., pp. - ; _waldeck_, _voy. pitt._, p. ; _squier's cent. amer._, p. ; _morelet_, _voyage_, tom. i., p. ; _fancourt's hist. yuc._, p. ; _carrillo_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, da época, tom. iii., pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _ordoñez_, _hist. cielo, etc._, ms., and _nuñez de la vega_, _constit. diæces._, quoted by _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., pp. , ; _id._, _popol vuh_, p. ; _juarros_, _hist. guat._, p. ; _pineda_, in _soc. mex. geog., boletin_, tom. iii., pp. - . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _gallatin_, in _amer. ethno. soc., transact._, vol. i., p. ; _malte-brun_, _précis de la géog._, tom. vi., p. ; _squier's nicaragua_, (ed. ,) vol. ii., pp. - . [ ] _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. iii., no. ; _humboldt_, _vues_, tom. ii., pp. - , pl. xvi. mr prescott, _mex._, vol. i., pp. - , says that this document bears but little resemblance to other aztec mss., and that it indicates a much higher stage of civilization; but he also fails to detect any stronger likeness to the bas-reliefs of palenque, of which latter, however, he probably had a very imperfect idea. it cannot be interpreted, for 'even if a rosetta stone were discovered in mexico, there is no indian tongue to supply the key or interpreter.' _mayer_, _mex. as it was_, pp. - . 'le codex de dresde, et un autre de la bibliothèque nationale à paris, bien qu'offrant quelque rapport avec les rituels, échappent à toute interprétation. ils appartiennent, ainsi que les inscriptions de chiappa et du yucatan à une écriture plus élaborée, comme incrustée et calculiforme, dont on croit trouver des traces dans toutes les parties très-anciennement policées des deux amériques.' _aubin_, in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. i., p. lxxi. see _stephens' cent. amer._, vol. ii., pp. , - ; _id._, _yucatan_, tom. ii., pp. , . [ ] _brasseur de bourbourg_, _ms. troano; Études sur le système graphique et la langue des mayas_, paris, - , º, vols., colored plates. [ ] _waldeck_, _palenqué_, pl. ; _stephen's cent. amer._, vol. i., pp. - , - ; _id._, _yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. - ; _morelet's trav._, p. ; vol. iv., pp. - , - , , and chap. vi., of this work. [ ] the spanish text is as follows: 'de sus letras porne aqui un _a_, _b_, _c_, que no permite su pesadumbre mas porque usan para todas las aspiraciones de las letras de un caracter, y despues, al puntar de las partes otro, y assi viene a hazer _in infinitum_, como se podra ver en el siguiente exemplo. _lé_, quiere dezir laço y caçar con el; para escrivirle con sus carateres, haviendoles nosotros hecho entender que son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres, puniendo a la aspiracion de la _l_ la vocal _é_, que antes de si trae, y en esto no hierran, aunque usense, si quisieren ellos de su curiosidad. exemplo: _e l e lé_. despues al cabo le pegan la parte junta. _ha_ que quiere dezir agua, porque la _haché_ tiene _a_, _h_, antes de si la ponen ellos al principio con _a_, y al cabo desta manera: _ha_. tambien lo escriven a partes pero de la una y otra manera, yo no pusiera aqui ni tratara dello sino por dar cuenta entera de las cosas desta gente. _ma in kati_ quiere dezir no quiero, ellos lo escriven a partes desta manera: _ma i n ka ti_.' _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - ; also in _brasseur de bourbourg_, _ms. troano_, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] _bibliothèque mexico-guatémalienne_, paris, , p. xvii. [ ] _tylor's researches_, pp. - . [ ] _wuttke and schepping_, in _spencer's descriptive sociology_, no. ., div. ii., pt -b, p. . see note of this chapter. [ ] _wilson's pre-historic man_, p. , et seq. chapter xxv. buildings, medicine, burial, physical peculiarities, and character of the mayas. scanty information given by the early voyagers--private houses of the mayas--interior arrangement, decoration, and furniture--maya cities--description of utatlan--patinamit, the cakchiquel capital--cities of nicaragua--maya roads--temples at chichen itza and cozumel--temples of nicaragua and guatemala--diseases of the mayas--medicines used--treatment of the sick--propitiatory offerings and vows--superstitions--dreams--omens--witchcraft--snake-charmers --funeral rites and ceremonies--physical peculiarities--character. a full résumé of the principles of maya architecture, gathered from observations of ruins made by modern travelers, will be given in another part of this work.[ ] i shall, therefore, without regard to the inevitable scantiness and unsatisfactory nature of such information, confine myself in this chapter to the descriptions furnished by the old writers, who saw the houses and towns while they were occupied by those who built them and the temples before they became ruins, or at least were contemporaries of such observers. the accounts given of the dwellings of the mayas are very meagre. the early voyagers on the coast of yucatan, such as grijalva and córdova, saw well-built houses of stone and lime, with sloping roofs thatched with straw or reeds; or, in some instances, with slates of stone;[ ] but this is all they tell us, and, indeed, they had little opportunity for close examination; the natives of those parts were fierce and warlike, and little disposed to submit to invasion, so that the handful of adventurers had barely time to look hastily about them after effecting a landing before they were driven back wounded to their boats. here, as elsewhere, too, the temples and larger buildings naturally attracted their sole attention, both because of their strangeness and of the treasures which they were supposed to or did contain. these men were soldiers, gold-hunters; they did not travel leisurely; they had no time to examine the architecture of private dwellings; they risked and lost their lives for other purposes. bishop landa, however, has something to say on the subject of maya dwellings. the roof, he says, was covered with straw, which they had in great abundance, or with palm-leaves, which answered the purpose admirably. a considerable pitch was given to the roof, that the rain might run off easily. the house was divided in its length, that is, from side to side, by a wall, in which several doorways were left as a means of communication with the back room where they slept. the front room where guests were received was carefully whitewashed, or in the houses of nobles, painted in various colors or designs; it had no door but was open all the length of the front of the house, and was sheltered from sun and rain by the eaves which usually descended very low.[ ] there was always a doorway in the rear for the use of all the inmates. the fact of there being no doors made it a point of honor among them not to rob or injure each other's houses. the poor people built the houses of the rich.[ ] a new dwelling could not be occupied until it had been formally blessed and purged of the evil spirit.[ ] [sidenote: nicaraguan dwellings.] in nicaragua, the dwellings were mostly made of canes, and thatched with straw. in the large cities the houses of the nobles were built upon platforms several feet in height, but in the smaller towns the residences of all classes were of the same construction, except that those of the chiefs were larger and more commodious. some, however, appear to have been built of stone.[ ] of the dwellings in guatemala, still less is said. villagutierre mentions a lacandone village in which were one hundred and three houses with sloping thatched roofs, supported upon stout posts. the front of each house was open, but the back and sides were closed with a strong stockade. the interior was divided into several apartments. cogolludo says that their houses were covered with plaster, like those of yucatan.[ ] the house, or rather shed, near the gulf of dulce, in which cortés stayed, had no walls, the roof resting upon posts.[ ] in other parts of guatemala he saw 'large houses with thatched roofs.'[ ] gage does not give a glowing account of their dwellings. "their houses," he writes, "are but poor thatched cottages, without any upper rooms, but commonly one or two only rooms below, in the one they dress their meat in the middle of it, making a compass for fire, with two or three stones, without any other chimney to convey the smoak away, which spreading it self about the room, filleth the thatch and the rafters so with sut, that all the room seemeth to be a chimney. the next unto it, is not free from smoak and blackness, where sometimes are four or five beds according to the family. the poorer sort have but one room, where they eat, dress their meat and sleep."[ ] las casas tells us that when the guatemalans built a new house they were careful to dedicate an apartment to the worship of the household gods; there they burned incense and offered domestic sacrifices upon an altar erected for the purpose.[ ] [sidenote: household furniture.] little is said about the interior appointment and decoration of dwellings. landa mentions that in yucatan they used bedsteads made of cane,[ ] and the same is said of nicaragua by oviedo, who adds that they used a small four-legged bench of fine wood for a pillow.[ ] in guatemala, there was in each room a sort of bedstead large enough to accommodate four grown persons, and other small ones for the children.[ ] brasseur de bourbourg gives a description of gorgeous furniture used in the houses of the wealthy in yucatan, but unfortunately the learned abbé has for his only authority on this point the somewhat apocryphal ordoñez' ms. the stools, he writes, on which they seated themselves cross-legged after the oriental fashion, were of wood and precious metals, and were often made in the shape of some animal or bird; they were covered with deer-skins, tanned with great care, and embroidered with gold and precious stones. the interior-walls were sometimes hung with similar skins, though they were more frequently decorated with paintings on a red or blue ground. curtains of finest texture and most brilliant colors fell over the doorways, and the stucco floors were covered with mats made of exquisite workmanship. rich hued cloths covered the tables. the plate would have done honor to a persian satrap. graceful vases of chased gold, alabaster or agate, worked with exquisite art, delicate painted pottery, excelling that of etruria, candelabra for the great odorous pine torches, metal braziers diffusing sweet perfumes, a multitude of _petits riens_, such as little bells and grotesquely shaped whistles for summoning attendants, in fact all the luxuries which are the result of an advanced civilization, were, according to brasseur de bourbourg, to be found in the houses of the maya nobility.[ ] [sidenote: maya fortifications.] of the interior arrangement of the yucatec towns we are told nothing except that the temples, palaces, and houses of the nobility were in the centre, with the dwellings of the common people grouped about them, and that the streets were well kept.[ ] some of them must, however, have been very large and have contained fine buildings. during córdova's voyage on the coast of yucatan a city was seen which, says peter martyr, "for the hugenesse thereof they call cayrus, of cayrus the metropolis of Ægipt: where they find turreted houses, stately tenples, wel paued wayes & streets where marts and faires for trade of merchandise were kept."[ ] during grijalva's voyage a city, the same one perhaps, was seen, which diaz, the chaplain of the expedition, says was as 'large as the city of seville.'[ ] none of the yucatec cities appear to have been located with any view to defense, or to to have been provided with fortifications of any description.[ ] the towns of guatemala, on the other hand, were very strongly fortified, both artificially and by the site selected. juarros thus describes the city of utatlan in guatemala: "it was surrounded by a deep ravine that formed a natural fosse, leaving only two very narrow roads as entrances to the city, both of which were so well defended by the castle of _resguardo_, as to render it impregnable. the centre of the city was occupied by the royal palace, which was surrounded by the houses of the nobility; the extremities were inhabited by the plebeians. the streets were very narrow, but the place was so populous, as to enable the king to draw from it alone, no less than , combatants, to oppose the progress of the spaniards. it contained many very sumptuous edifices, the most superb of them was a seminary, where between and children were educated; they were all maintained and provided for at the charge of the royal treasury; their instruction was superintended by masters and professors. the castle of the atalaya was a remarkable structure, which being raised four stories high, was capable of furnishing quarters for a very strong garrison. the castle of resguardo was not inferior to the other; it extended paces in front, in depth, and was stories high. the grand alcazar, or palace of the kings of quiché, surpassed every other edifice, and in the opinion of torquemada, it could compete in opulence with that of montezuma in mexico, or that of the incas in cuzco. the front of this building extended from east to west geometrical paces, and in depth ; it was constructed of hewn stone of different colors; its form was elegant, and altogether most magnificent; there were principal divisions, the first contained lodgings for a numerous troop of lancers, archers, and other well disciplined troops, constituting the royal body guard; the second was destined to the accommodation of the princes, and relations of the king, who dwelt in it, and were served with regal splendour, as long as they remained unmarried; the third was appropriated to the use of the king, and contained distinct suits of apartments, for the mornings, evenings, and nights. in one of the saloons stood the throne, under four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by several steps; in this part of the palace were, the treasury, the tribunals of the judges, the armory, the gardens, aviaries, and menageries, with all the requisite offices appending to each department. the th and th divisions were occupied by the queens and royal concubines; they were necessarily of great extent, from the immense number of apartments requisite for the accommodation of so many females, who were all maintained in a style of sumptuous magnificence, gardens for their recreation, baths, and proper places for breeding geese, that were kept for the sole purpose of furnishing feathers, with which hangings, coverings, and other similar ornamental articles, were made. contiguous to this division was the sixth and last; this was the residence of the king's daughters and other females of the blood royal, where they were educated and attended in a manner suitable to their rank."[ ] patinamit, the cakchiquel capital, was nearly three leagues in circumference. it was situated upon a plateau surrounded by deep ravines which could be crossed at only one point by a narrow causeway which terminated in two gates of stone, one on the outside and the other on the inside of the thick wall of the city. the streets were broad and straight, and crossed each other at right angles. the town was divided from north to south into two parts by a ditch nine feet deep, with a wall of masonry about three feet high on each side. this ditch served to divide the nobles from the commoners, the former class living in the eastern section, and the latter in the western.[ ] peter martyr says of the cities of nicaragua: "large and great streetes guarde the frontes of the kinges courts, according to the disposition and greatnes of their village or towne. if the town consist of many houses, they haue also little ones, in which, the trading neighbours distant from the court may meete together. the chiefe noble mens houses compasse and inclose the kinges streete on euery side: in the middle site whereof one is erected which the goldesmithes inhabite."[ ] the mayas constructed excellent and desirable roads all over the face of the country. the most remarkable of these were the great highways used by the pilgrims visiting the sacred island of cozumel; these roads, four in number, traversed the peninsula in different directions, and finally met at a point upon the coast opposite the island.[ ] diego de godoi, in a letter to cortés, states that he and his party came to a place in the mountains of chiapas, where the smooth and slippery rock sloped down to the edge of a precipice, and which would have been quite impassable had not the indians made a road with branches and trunks of trees. on the side of the precipice they erected a strong wooden railing, and then made all level with earth.[ ] [sidenote: maya temples.] of the maya temples very little is said. there was one at chichen itza which had four great staircases, each being thirty-three feet wide and having ninety-one steps, very difficult of ascent. the steps were of the same height and width as ours. on both sides of each stairway was a low balustrade, two feet wide, made of good stone, like the rest of the building. the edifice was not sharp-cornered, because from the ground upward between the balustrades the cubic blocks were rounded, ascending by degrees and elegantly narrowing the building. there was at the foot of each balustrade a fierce serpent's head very strangely worked. on the top of the edifice there was a platform, on which stood a building forty-three feet by forty-nine feet, and about twenty feet high, having only a single doorway in the centre of each front. the doorways on the east, west and south, opened into a corridor six feet wide, which extended without partition walls round the three corresponding sides of the edifice; the northern doorway gave access to a corridor forty feet long and six and a third feet wide. through the centre of the rear wall of this corridor a doorway opened into a room twelve feet nine inches by nineteen feet eight inches, and seventeen feet high; its ceiling was formed by two transverse arches supported by immense carved beams of zapote-wood, stretched across the room and resting, each at its centre, on two square pillars.[ ] the island of cozumel was especially devoted to religious observances, and was annually visited by great numbers of pilgrims; there were therefore more religious edifices here than elsewhere. among them is mentioned a square tower, with four windows, and hollow at the top; at the back was a room in which the sacred implements were kept; it was surrounded by an enclosure, in the middle of which stood a cross nine feet high, representing the god of rain.[ ] other temples so closely resembled those of mexico as to need no further description here.[ ] [sidenote: nicaraguan temples.] the temples of nicaragua were built of wood and thatched; they contained many low, dark rooms, where the idols were kept and the religious rites performed. before each temple was a pyramidal mound, on the flat top of which the sacrifices were made in the presence of the whole people.[ ] in guatemala, cortés saw temples like those of mexico.[ ] the temple of tohil, at utatlan, was, according to brasseur de bourbourg, a conical edifice, having in front a very steep stairway; at the summit was a platform of considerable size upon which stood a very high chapel, built of hewn stone, and roofed with precious wood. the walls were covered within and without with a very fine and durable stucco. upon a throne of gold, enriched with precious stones, was seated the image of the god.[ ] * * * * * the particular diseases to which the mayas were most subject are not enumerated, but there is no reason to doubt that they suffered from the same maladies as their neighbors the nahuas. they seem to have been greatly afflicted with various forms of syphilis,[ ] and in winter, with catarrh and fever.[ ] they were much troubled, also, with epidemics, which not unfrequently swept the country with great destruction.[ ] [sidenote: treatment of the sick.] medicinal practitioners were numerous. their medicines, which were mostly furnished by the vegetable kingdom, were administered in the usual forms,[ ] and their treatment of patients involved the customary mummeries. clysters were much used.[ ] for syphilis they used a decoction of a wood called _guayacan_, which grew most plentifully in the province of nagrando in nicaragua.[ ] for rheumatism, coughs, colds, and other complaints of a kindred nature, they used various herbs, among them tobacco,[ ] and a kind of dough made of 'stinking poisonous worms.'[ ] sores arising from natural causes they washed in a decoction of an herb called _coygaraca_, or poulticed it with the mashed leaves of another named _mozot_.[ ] wounds taken in battle they always treated with external applications.[ ] cacao, after the oil had been extracted was considered to be a sure preventive against poison.[ ] when a rich man or a noble fell sick a messenger was dispatched with gifts to the doctor, who came at once and staid by his patient until he either got well or died. if the sickness was not serious the physician merely applied the usual remedies, but it was thought that a severe illness could only be brought on by some crime committed and unconfessed. in such cases, therefore, the doctor insisted upon the sick man making a clean breast of it, and confessing such sin even though it had been committed twenty years before. this done, the physician cast lots to see what sacrifices ought to be made, and whatever he determined upon was always given even though it amounted to the whole of the patient's fortune.[ ] in yucatan the practitioner sometimes drew blood from those parts of the patient's body in which the malady lay.[ ] lizana mentions a temple at izamal to which the sick were carried that they might be healed miraculously.[ ] in guatemala, as elsewhere, propitiatory offerings of birds and animals were made in ordinary cases of sickness, but if the patient was wealthy and dangerously ill he would sometimes strive to appease the anger of the gods and atone for the sins which he was supposed to have committed by sacrificing male or female slaves, or, in extraordinary cases, when the sick man was a prince or a great noble, he would even vow to sacrifice a son or a daughter in the event of his recovery; and although the scapegoat was generally chosen from among his children by female slaves, yet so fearful of death, so fond of life were they, that there were not wanting instances when legitimate children, and even only sons were sacrificed. and it is said, moreover, that they were inexorable as jephthah in the performance of such vows, for it was held to be a great sin to be false to a bargain made with the gods.[ ] [sidenote: practice of sorcery.] the mayas, like the nahuas, were grossly superstitious. they believed implicitly in the fulfillment of dreams, the influence of omens, and the power of witches and wizards. no important matter was undertaken until its success had been foretold and a lucky day determined by the flight of a bird or some similar omen. whether the non-fulfilment of the prediction was provided against by a _double entendre_, after the manner of the sibyls, we are not told. the cries or appearance of certain birds and animals were thought to presage harm to those who heard or saw them.[ ] they as firmly believed and were as well versed in the black art as their european brethren of a hundred years later, and they appear to have had the same enlightened horror of the arts of gramarye, for in guatemala, at least, they burned witches and wizards without mercy. they had among them, they said, sorcerers who could metamorphose themselves into dogs, pigs, and other animals, and whose glance was death to their victims. others there were who could by magic cause a rose to bloom at will, and could bring whomsoever they wished under their control by simply giving him the flower to smell. unfaithful wives, too, would often bewitch their husbands that their acts of infidelity might not be discovered.[ ] all these things are gravely recounted by the old chroniclers, not as matters unworthy of credence, but as deeds done at the instigation of the devil to the utter damnation of the benighted heathen. cogolludo, for instance, speaking of the performances of a snake-charmer, says that the magician took up the reptile in his bare hands, as he did so using certain mystic words, which he, cogolludo, wrote down at the time, but finding afterwards that they invoked the devil, he did not see fit to reproduce them in his work. the same writer further relates that upon another occasion a diviner cast lots, according to custom, with a number of grains of corn, to find out which direction a strayed child had taken. the child was eventually found upon the road indicated, and the narrator subsequently endeavored to discover whether the devil had been invoked or not, but the magician was a poor simple fool, and could not tell him.[ ] nor does there seem to have been any great difference between the credulity and superstition of conquerors and conquered in other respects. the spanish fathers, if we may judge from their writings, believed in the aztec deities as firmly as the natives; the only difference seems to have been that the former looked upon them as devils and the latter as gods. when the spaniards took notes in writing of what they saw, the costa ricans thought they were working out some magic spell; when the costa ricans cast incense towards the invaders telling them to leave the country or die,[ ] the spaniards swore that the devil was in it, and crossed themselves as a counter-spell. the yucatecs observed a curious custom during an eclipse of the moon. at such times they imagined that the moon was asleep, or that she was stung and wounded by ants. they therefore beat their dogs to make them howl, and made a great racket by striking with sticks upon doors and benches; what they hoped to accomplish by this, we are not told.[ ] * * * * * [sidenote: funeral rites.] the mayas disposed of the bodies of their dead by both burial and cremation. the former, however, appears to have been the most usual way. in vera paz, and probably in the whole of guatemala, the body was placed in the grave in a sitting posture, with the knees drawn up to the face. the greater part of the dead man's property was buried with him, and various kinds of food and drink were placed in the grave that the spirit might want for nothing on its way to shadow-land.[ ] just before death took place, the nearest relation, or the most intimate friend of the dying man, placed between his lips a valuable stone, which was supposed to receive the soul as soon as it passed from the body. as soon as he was dead, the same person removed the stone and gently rubbed the face of the deceased with it. this office was held to be a very important one, and the person who performed it preserved the stone with great reverence. when the lord of a province died, messengers were sent to the neighboring provinces to invite the other princes to be present at the funeral. while awaiting their arrival the body was placed in a sitting posture, in the manner in which it was afterwards to be interred,[ ] and clothed in a great quantity of rich clothing.[ ] on the day of the funeral the great lords who had come to attend the ceremony, brought precious gifts and ornaments, and placed them by the side of or on the person of the corpse. each provided also a male or female slave, or both, to be sacrificed over the grave of the deceased. the body was then placed in a large stone chest,[ ] and borne with great solemnity to its last resting-place, which was generally situated on the top of a hill. the coffin having been lowered into the grave with its ornaments, the doomed slaves were immolated, and also cast in along with the implements which they had used in life, that they might follow their accustomed pursuits in the service of their new master in the other world. finally, the grave was filled up, a mound raised over it, and a stone altar erected above all, upon which incense was burned and sacrifices were made in memory of the deceased. the common people did not use coffins, but placed the body in a sitting posture and wrapped up in many cloths, in an excavation made in the side of the grave, burying with it many jars, pans, and implements. they raised a mound over the grave of a height in proportion to the rank of the defunct.[ ] only the poorer classes of the yucatecs buried their dead. these placed corn in the mouth of the corpse, together with some money as ferriage for the maya charon. the body was interred either in the house or close to it. some idols were thrown into the grave before it was filled up. the house was then forsaken by its inmates, for they greatly feared the dead.[ ] the books of a priest were buried with him, as were likewise the charms of a sorcerer.[ ] the itzas buried their dead in the fields, in their every-day clothes. on the graves of the males they left such implements as men used, on those of the females they placed grinding-stones, pans, and other utensils used by the women.[ ] in nicaragua, property was buried with the possessor if he or she had no children; if the contrary was the case, it was divided among the heirs. nicaraguan parents shrouded their children in cloths, and buried them before the doors of their dwellings.[ ] among the pipiles the dead were interred in the house they had lived in, along with all their property. a deceased high-priest was buried, clad in the robes and ornaments appertaining to his office, in a sepulchre or vault in his own palace, and the people mourned and fasted fifteen days.[ ] cremation or partial cremation seems to have been reserved for the higher classes. in yucatan, an image of the dead person was made, of wood for a king, of clay for a noble. the back part of the head of this image was hollowed out, and a portion of the body having been burned, the ashes were placed in this hollow, which was covered with the skin of the occiput of the corpse. the image was then placed in the temple, among the idols, and was much reverenced, incense being burned before it, almost as though it had been a god. the remainder of the body was buried with great solemnity. when an ancient cocome king died, his head was cut off and boiled. the flesh was then stripped off, and the skull cut in two crosswise. on the front part of the skull, which included the lower jaw and teeth, an exact likeness of the dead man was molded in some plastic substance. this was placed among the statues of the gods, and each day edibles of various kinds were placed before it, that the spirit might want for nothing in the other life, which, by the way, must have been a poor one to need such terrestrial aliment.[ ] when a great lord died in nicaragua, the body was burned along with a great number of feathers and ornaments of different kinds, and the ashes were placed in an urn, which was buried in front of the palace of the deceased. as usual, the spirit must be supplied with food, which was tied to the body before cremation.[ ] [sidenote: mourning for the dead.] according to the information we have on the subject, the mourning customs of the mayas appear to have been pretty much the same everywhere. for the death of a chief or any of his family the pipiles lamented for four days, silently by day, and with loud cries by night. at dawn on the fifth day the high-priest publicly forbade the people to make any further demonstration of sorrow, saying that the soul of the departed was now with the gods. the guatemalan widower dyed his body yellow, for which reason he was called _malcam_. mothers who lost a sucking child, withheld their milk from all other infants for four days, lest the spirit of the dead babe should be offended.[ ] * * * * * the mayas, like the nahuas, were mostly well-made, tall, strong, and hardy. their complexion was tawny. the women were passably good-looking, some of them, it is said, quite pretty, and seem to have been somewhat fairer-skinned than the men. what the features of the mayas were like, can only be conjectured. their sculpture would indicate that a large hooked nose and a retreating forehead, if not usual, were at least regarded with favor, and we know that head-flattening was almost universal among them. beards were not worn, and the yucatec mothers burned the faces of their children with hot cloths to prevent the growth of hair. in landa's time some of the natives allowed their beard to grow, but, says the worthy bishop, it came out as rough as hog's bristles. in nicaragua it would seem that they did not even understand what a beard was; witness the following 'pretie policy' of Ægidius gonsalus: "all the barbarians of those nations are beardlesse, and are terribly afraide, and fearefull of bearded men: and therefore of . beardlesse youthes by reason of their tender yeres, Ægidius made bearded men with the powlinges of their heades, the haire being orderly composed, to the end, that the number of bearded men might appeare the more, to terrifie the[|m] if they should be assailed by warre, as afterwarde it fell out."[ ] squinting eyes were, as i have said before, thought beautiful in yucatan.[ ] [sidenote: character of the mayas.] of all the maya nations, the yucatecs bear the best character. the men were generous, polite, honest, truthful, peaceable, brave, ingenious, and particularly hospitable, though, on the other hand, they were great drunkards, and very loose in their morals. the women were modest, very industrious, excellent housewives, and careful mothers, but, though generally of a gentle disposition, they were excessively jealous of their marital rights; indeed, bishop landa tells us that upon the barest suspicion of infidelity on the part of their husbands they became perfect furies, and would even beat their unfaithful one.[ ] the guatemalans are spoken of as having been exceedingly warlike and valorous, but withal very simple in their tastes and manner of life.[ ] arricivita calls the lacandones thieves, assassins, cannibals, bloody-minded men, who received the missionaries with great violence.[ ] the fact that the lacandones strove to repel invasion, without intuitively knowing that the invaders were missionaries, may have helped the worthy padre to come to this decision, however. the nicaraguans were warlike and brave, but at the same time false, cunning, and deceitful. their resolute hatred of the whites was so great that it is said that for two years they abstained from their wives rather than beget slaves for their conquerors.[ ] * * * * * next after the collecting of facts in any one direction comes their comparison with other ascertained facts of the same category, by which means fragments of knowledge coalesce and unfold into science. this fascinating study, however, is no part of my plan. if in the foregoing pages i have succeeded in collecting and classifying materials in such a manner that others may, with comparative ease and certainty, place the multitudinous nations of these pacific states in all their shades of savagery and progress side by side with the savagisms and civilizations of other ages and nations, my work thus far is accomplished. but what a flood of thought, of speculation and imagery rushes in upon the mind at the bare mention of such a study! isolated, without the stimulus of a mediterranean commerce, hidden in umbrageous darkness, walled in by malarious borders, and surrounded by wild barbaric hordes, whatever its origin, indigenous or foreign, there was found on mexican and central american table-lands an unfolding humanity, unique and individual, yet strikingly similar to human unfoldings under like conditions elsewhere. europeans, regarding the culture of the conquered race first as diabolical and then contemptible, have not to this day derived that benefit from it that they might have done. it is not necessary that american civilization should be as far advanced as european, to make a perfect knowledge of the former as essential in the study of mankind as a knowledge of the latter; nor have i any disposition to advance a claim for the equality of american aboriginal culture with european, or to make of it other than what it is. as in a work of art, it is not a succession of sharply defined and decided colors, but a happy blending of light and shade, that makes the picture pleasing, so in the grand and gorgeous perspective of human progress the intermediate stages are as necessary to completeness as the dark spectrum of savagism or the brilliant glow of the most advanced culture. [sidenote: conclusion.] this, however, i may safely claim; if the preceding pages inform us aright, then were the nahuas, the mayas, and the subordinate and lesser civilizations surrounding these, but little lower than the contemporaneous civilizations of europe and asia, and not nearly so low as we have hitherto been led to suppose. whatever their exact status in the world of nations--and that this volume gives _in esse_ and not _in posse_--they are surely entitled to their place, and a clear and comprehensive delineation of their character and condition fills a gap in the history of humanity. as in every individual, so in every people, there is something different from what may be found in any other people; something better and something worse. one civilization teaches another; if the superior teaches most, the inferior nevertheless teaches. it is by the mutual action and reaction of mind upon mind and nation upon nation that the world of intellect is forced to develop. taking in at one view the vast range of humanity portrayed in this volume and the preceding, with all its infinite variety traced on a background of infinite unity, individuality not more clearly evidenced than a heart and mind and soul relationship to humanity everywhere, the wide differences in intelligence and culture shaded and toned down into a homogeneous whole, we can but arrive at our former conclusion, that civilization is an unexplained phenomenon whose study allures the thoughtful and yields results pregnant with the welfare of mankind. footnotes: [ ] see vol. iv., pp. , et. seq. [ ] 'a todo lo largo tenian los vecinos de aquel lugar muchas casas, hecho el cimiento de piedra y lodo hasta la mitad de las paredes, y luego cubiertas de paja. esta gente del dicho lugar, en los edificios y en las casas, parece ser gente de grande ingenio: y si no fuera porque parecia haber allí algunos edificios nuevos, se pudiera presumir que eran edificios hechos por españoles.' _diaz_, _itinerario_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. ; see also _id._, pp. , . 'las casas son de piedra, y ladrillo con la cubierta de paja, o rama. y aun alguna de lanchas de piedra.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . 'the houses were of stone or brick, and lyme, very artificially composed. to the square courts or first habitations of their houses they ascended by ten or twelue steps. the roofe was of reeds, or stalkes of herbs.' _purchas his pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. ; _bernal diaz_, _hist. conq._, fol. - ; _bienvenida_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. ii., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. , tom. iii., p. ; _montanus_, _nieuwe weereld_, p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i. [ ] 'c'est encore aujourd'hui de cette manière que se construisent à la campagne les maisons non seulement des indigènes, mais encore de la plupart des autres habitants du pays, au yucatan et ailleurs.' _brasseur de bourbourg_, in _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] 'their houses of bricke or stone, are couered with reedes, where there is a scarcitie of stones, but where quarries are, they are couered with shindle or slate. many houses haue marble pillars, as they haue with vs.' _peter martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iii., dec. vi., lib. v.; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _benzoni_, _hist. mondo nuovo_, p. . [ ] _hist. yuc._, p. . 'las casas eran ciento y tres, de gruessos, y fuertes maderos, en que se mantenian los techos, que eran de mucha paja, reziamente amarrada, y con su corriente, y descubiertos todos los frontispicios, y tapados los costados, y espaldas, de estacada, con sus aposentos, donde las indias cozinavan, y tenian sus menesteres.' _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. - . [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] _id._, pp. , . [ ] _new survey_, p. . [ ] _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. cxxiv. [ ] _relacion_, p. . [ ] 'Á la parte oriental, á siete ú ocho passos debaxo deste portal, está un echo de tres palmos alto de tierra, fecho de las cañas gruessas que dixe, y ençima llano é de diez ó doçe piés de luengo é de cinco ó seys de ancho, é una estera de palma gruessa ençima, é sobre aquella otras tres esteras delgadas é muy bien labradas, y ençima tendido el caçique desnudo é con una mantilla de algodon blanco é delgada revuelta sobre sí; é por almohada tenia un banquito pequeño de quatro piés, algo cóncavo, quellos llaman duho, é de muy linda é lisa madera muy bien labrado, por cabeçera.' _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] 'y en cada aposento vn tapesco, sobre maderos fuertes, que en cada vno cabian quatro personas; y otros tapesquillos aparte, en que ponian las criaturas.' _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. . gage writes: they have 'four or five beds according to the family.... few there are that set any locks upon their doors, for they fear no robbing nor stealing, neither have they in their houses much to lose, earthen pots, and pans, and dishes, and cups to drink their chocolatte, being the chief commodities in their house. there is scarce any house which hath not also in the yard a stew, wherein they bath themselves with hot water.' _new survey_, p. . [ ] _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii., iii. [ ] dec. iv., lib. i. [ ] _diaz_, _itinerario_, in _icazbalceta_, _col. de doc._, tom. i., p. . [ ] see vol. iv. of this work, pp. - . [ ] _juarros_, _hist. guat._, pp. - ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. lii.; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. ; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. - . [ ] _juarros_, _hist. guat._, pp. - ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] dec. vi., lib. vi.; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [ ] _lizana_, in _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., pp. , - . [ ] _godoi_, in _ternaux-compans_, _voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. - . at the lake of masaya in nicaragua, boyle noticed a 'cutting in the solid rock, a mile long, and gradually descending to depth of at least three hundred feet! this is claimed as the work of a people which was not acquainted with blasting or with iron tools. nature had evidently little hand in the matter, though a cleft in the rock may perhaps have helped the excavators. the mouth of this tunnel is about half a mile from the town.' _ride_, vol. ii., p. . herrera, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii., mentions the same thing in a very different manner: 'la subida y baxada, tan derecha como vna pared, que como es de peña viua, tiene en ella hechos agujeros, adonde ponen los dedos de las manos, y de los pies.' [ ] for description of ruins of this building as they now exist, and cuts of staircase, ground plan, and ornamentation, see vol. iv., pp. - . bishop landa thus describes it: 'este edificio tiene quatro escaleras que miran a las quatro partes del mundo: tienen de ancho a xxxiii pies y a noventa y un escalones cada una que es muerte subirlas. tienen en los escalones la mesma altura y anchura que nosotros damos a los nuestros. tiene cada escalera dos passamanos baxos a ygual de los escalones, de dos piez de ancho de buena canteria como lo es todo el edificio. no es este edificio esquinado, porque desde la salida del suelo se comiençan labrar desde los passemanos al contrario, como estan pintado unos cubos redondos que van subiendo a trechos y estrechando el edificio por muy galana orden. avia quando yo lo vi al pie de cada passamano una fiera boca de sierpe de una pieça bien curiosamente labrada. acabadas de esta manera las escaleras, queda en lo alto una plaçeta llana en la qual esta un edificio edificado de quatro quartos. los tres se andan a la redonda sin impedimento y tiene cada uno puerta en medio y estan cerrados de boveda. el quarto del norte se anda por si con un corredor de pilares gruessos. lo de en medio que avia de ser como el patinico que haze el orden de los paños del edificio tiene una puerta que sale al corredor del norte y esta por arriba cerrado de madera y servia de quemar los saumerios. ay en la entrada desta puerta o del corredor un modo de armas esculpidas en una piedra que no pude bien entender. tenia este edificio otros muchos, y tiene oy en dia a la redonda de si bien hechos y grandes, y todo en suelo del a ellos encalado que aun ay a partes memoria de los encalados tan fuerte es el argamasa de que alla los hazen. tenia delante la escalera del norte algo aparte dos teatros de canteria pequeños de a quatro escaleras, y enlosados por arriba en que dizen representavan las farsas y comedias para solaz del pueblo. va desde et patio en frente destos teatros una hermosa y ancha calçada hasta un poço como dos tiros de piedra. en este poço an tenido, y tenian entonces costumbre de echar hombres vivos en sacrificio a los dioses en tiempo de seca, y tenian no morian aunque no los veyan mas. hechavan tambien otros muchas cosas, de piedras de valor y cosas que tenían depciadas.... es poço que tiene largos vii estados de hondo hasta el agua, hancho mas de cien pies y redondo y de una peña tajada hasta el agua que es maravilla. parece que tiene al agua muy verde, y creo lo causan las arboledas de que esta cercado y es muy hondo. tiene en cima del junto a la boca un edificio pequeño donde halle yo idolos hechos a honra de todos los edificios principales de la tierra, casi como el pantheon de roma. no se si era esta invencion antigua o de los modernos para toparse con sus idolos quando fuessen con ofrendas a aquel poço. halle yo leones labrados de bulto y jarros y otras cosas que no se como nadie dira no tuvieron herramiento esta gente. tambien halle dos hombres de grandes estaturas labrados de piedra, cado uno de una pieça en carnes cubierta su honestidad como se cubrian los indios. tenian las cabeças por si, y con zarcillos en las orejas como lo usavan los indios, y hecha una espiga por detras en el pescueço que encaxava en un agujero hondo para ello hecho en el mesmo pescueço y encaxado quedava el bulto cumplido.' _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] 'vieron algunos adoratorios, y templos, y vno en particular, cuya forma era de vna torre quadrada, ancha del pie, y hueca en lo alto con quatro grandes ventanas, con sus corredores, y en lo hueco, que era la capilla, estauan idolos, y a las espaldas estaua vna sacristia, adonde se guardauan las cosas del seruicio del templo: y al pie deste estaua vn cercado de piedra, y cal, almenado y enluzido, y en medio vna cruz de cal, de tres varas en alto, a la qual tenian por el dios de la lluuia.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. i. 'junto à vn templo, como torre quadrada, donde tenian vn idolo muy celebrado, al pie de ella auia vn cercado de piedra, y cal muy bien luzido, y almenado, en medio del qual auia vna cruz de cal tan alta, como diez palmos,' to which they prayed for rain. _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . it is doubtless the same structure of which gomara writes: 'el templo es como torre quadrada, ancha del pie, y con gradas al derredor, derecha de medio arriba, y en lo alto hueca, y cubierta de paja, con quatro puertas o ventanas con sus antepechos, o corredores. en aquello hueco, que parece capilla, assientan o pintan sus dioses.' _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. . [ ] the pyramids are of different size: 'aunque todos de vna forma. son al modo de los que de la nueua españa refiere el padre torquemada en su monarquia indiana: leuantado del suelo vn terrapleno fundamento del edificio, y sobre èl vàn ascendiendo gradas en figuras piramidal, aunque no remata en ella, porque en lo superior haze vna placeta, en cuyo suelo estàn separada (aunque distantes poco) dos capillas pequeñas en que estaban los idolos (esto es en lo de vxumual) y alli se hazian los sacrificios, assi de hombres, mugeres, y niños, como de las demàs cosas. tienen algunos de ellos altura de mas de cien gradas de poco mas de medio pie de ancho cada vno.' _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . landa describes a pyramidal structure which differs from others: 'ay aqui en yzamal un edificio entre los otros de tanta altura que espanta, el qual se vera en esta figura y en esta razon della. tiene xx gradas de a mas de dos buenos palmos de alto y ancho cada un y terna, mas de cien pies de largo. son estas gradas de muy grandes piedras labradas aunque con el mucho tiempo, y estar al agua, estan ya feas y maltratadas. tiene despues labrado en torno como señala esta raya, redonda labrado de canteria una muy fuerte pared a la qual como estado y medio en alto sale una ceja de hermosas piedras todo a la redonda y desde ellas se torna despues a seguir la obra hasta ygualar con el altura de la plaça que se haze despues de la primera escalera. despues de la qual plaça se haze otra buena placeta, y en ella algo pegado a la pared esta hecho un cerro bien alto con su escalera al medio dia, donde caen las escaleras grandes y encima esta una hermosa capilla de canteria bien labrada. yo subi en lo alto desta capilla y como yucatan es tierra llana se vee desde ella tierra quanto puede la vista alcançar a maravilla y se vee la mar. estos edificios de yzamal eran por todos xi o xii, aunque es este el mayor y estan muy cerca unos de otros. no oy memoria de los fundadores, y parecen aver sido los primeros. estan viii leguas de la mar en muy hermoso sitio, y buena tierra y comarca de gente.' _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _peter martyr_, dec. vi., lib. v. [ ] _cortés_, _cartas_, p. . [ ] _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . see also _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. . [ ] 'y en estas partes é indias pocos chripstianos, é muy pocos digo, son los que han escapado deste trabajoso mat (buboes) que hayan tenido partiçipaçion carnal con las mugeres naturales desta generaçion de indias; porque á la verdad es propria plaga desta tierra, é tan usada á los indios é indias como en otras partes otras comunes enfermedades.' _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'comiença el inuierno de aquella tierra desde san francisco, quando entran los nortes, ayre frio, y que destiempla mucho a los naturales: y por estar hechos al calor, y traer poca ropa, les dan rezios catarros, y calenturas.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iv. [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - . [ ] ay infinitos generos de cortezas, rayzes, y hojas de arboles, y gomas, para muchas enfermedades, con que los indios curauan en su gentilidad, con soplos, y otras inuenciones del demonio.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., p. . [ ] 'curan viejas los enfermos ... y echan melezinas con vn cañuto, tomando la decoccion en la boca, y soplando. los nuestros les hazian mil burlas, desuenteando al tiempo, que querian ellas soplar, o riendo del artificio.' _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . [ ] 'ay en esta terra mucha diuersidad de yeruas medicinales, con que se curan los naturales: y matan los gusanos, y con que restriñen la sangre, como es el piciete, por otro nombre tabaco, que quita dolores causados de frio, y tomado en humo es prouechoso para las reumas, asma, y tos; y lo traen en poluo en la boca los indios, y los negros, para adormecer, y no sentir el trabajo.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. [ ] 'hazen en el (atiquizaya) vna massa de gusanos hediondos y ponçoñosos, que es marauillosa medicina para todo genero de frialdades, y otras indisposiciones.' _id._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., pp. - . [ ] 'curauan los heridos con poluos de yeruas, o carbon que lleuauan para esto.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. i., p. . [ ] _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. viii., p. ; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] 'otro altar y templo sobre otro cuyo levantaron estos indios en su gentilidad á aquel su rey ó falso dios _ytzmat-ul_, donde pusieron la figura de la mano, que les servia de memoria, y dizen que alli le llevavan los muertos y enfermos, y que alli resucitavan y sanavan, tocandolos la mano; y este era el que está en la parte del puniente; y assi se llama y nombra kab-ul que quiere dezir mano obradora.' _lizana_, in _landa_, _relacion_, p. . [ ] _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - , - . [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. - . [ ] _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, tom. viii., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _gomara_, _hist. ind._, fol. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] _ib._ [ ] in campeche the priests 'lleuauan braserillos de barro en que echauan anime, que entre ellos dizen copal, y sahumauan a los castellanos, diziendoles que se fuessen de su tierra, porque los matarian.' _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. [ ] _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] cogolludo says that a calabash filled with _atole_, some large cakes, and some maize bran, were deposited in the grave. the first, for the soul to drink on its journey; the second, for the dogs which the deceased had eaten during his life, that they might not bite him in the other world; and the last to conciliate the other animals that he had eaten. _hist. yuc._, p. . [ ] brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. , says that the body was embalmed; but ximenez, from whom his account is evidently taken, is silent on this point. [ ] ximenez, _hist. ind. guat._, p. , et seq., affirms that wealthy people, when they began growing old, set about collecting a vast number of clothes and ornaments in which to be buried. [ ] brasseur de bourbourg, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. , says that the body was deposited in the grave seated upon a throne. [ ] _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, pp. - ; _palacio_, _carta_, p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. - . [ ] unless a great number of people were living in it, when they seem to have gathered courage from each other's company, and to have remained. [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [ ] _villagutierre_, _hist. cong. itza_, p. . [ ] _palacio_, _carta_, p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . [ ] _palacio_, _carta_, p. ; _brasseur de bourbourg_, _hist. nat. civ._, tom. ii., p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [ ] _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., pp. - . in the island of ometepec the ancient graves are not surrounded by isolated stones like the calputs of the modern indians, but are found scattered irregularly over the plain at a depth of three feet. urns of burnt clay are found in these graves, filled with earth and displaced bones; and vases of the same material, covered with red paintings and hieroglyphics, stone points of arrows, small idols, and gold ornaments. _sivers_, _mittelamerika_, pp. - . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; id. lib. viii., cap. x.; _ximenez_, _hist. ind. guat._, p. ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. ; _palacio_, _carta_, pp. - . [ ] _peter martyr_, dec. vi., lib. v. [ ] _andagoya_, in _navarrete_, _col. de viages_, tom. iii., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _gomara_, _conq. mex._, fol. ; _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. ; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, p. ; _landa_, _relacion_, pp. - ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, p. ; _de laet_, _novus orbis_, p. . [ ] _landa_, _relacion_, pp. , , - ; _villagutierre_, _hist. conq. itza_, pp. , ; _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. ; _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _cogolludo_, _hist. yuc._, pp. , - ; _gomara_, _hist. ynd._, fol. ; _las casas_, in _kingsborough's mex. antiq._, vol. viii., pp. - . [ ] _gomara_, _hist. ynd._, fol. ; _dávila_, _teatro ecles._, tom. i., p. ; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. ; _las casas_, _hist. apologética_, ms., cap. xlvi. [ ] _crónica seráfica_, pp. - . [ ] _herrera_, _hist. gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. ii.; _oviedo_, _hist. gen._, tom. iv., p. . end of the second volume. transcriber's note: words that were printed in italics are marked with _ _. printing and spelling errors have been corrected. a list of these corrections can be found at the end of the document. inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation and between the list of illustrations and the actual titles of plates have not been corrected. smithsonian institution----bureau of ethnology. art in shell of the ancient americans. by william h. holmes. contents. page. introductory implements and utensils unworked shells vessels spoons knives celts scrapers agricultural implements fishing appliances weapons tweezers ornaments pins beads perforated shells discoidal beads massive beads tubular beads runtees beads as ornaments beads as currency mnemonic use of beads pendants perforated plates engraved gorgets the cross the scalloped disk the bird the spider the serpent the human face the human figure illustrations. page. plate xxi.--natural shells as vessels xxii.--vessels artificially shaped xxiii.--vessel with engraved surface xxiv.--spoons xxv.--celts xxvi.--cutting and scraping implements xxvii.--weapons, agricultural implements, etc. xxviii.--fishing appliances xxix.--manufacture of pins and beads xxx.--pins, atlantic coast forms xxxi.--pins, pacific coast forms xxxii.--beads, perforated shells xxxiii.--beads, discoidal in form xxxiv.--beads, massive in form xxxv.--beads, tubular in form xxxvi.--beads, "runtees" xxxvii.--the wampum belt in treaties xxxviii.--wampum belts xxxix.--wampum belts xl.--wampum belt xli.--wampum belt xlii.--wampum belt xliii.--the penn belt xliv.--strings of wampum xlv.--ancient pendant ornaments xlvi.--plain pendants, atlantic coast forms xlvii.--plain pendants, pacific coast forms xlviii.--plain pendants, pacific coast forms xlix.--plain pendants, pacific coast forms l.--perforated plates li.--engraved gorgets, the cross lii.--engraved gorgets, the cross liii.--engraved gorgets, the cross liv.--engraved gorgets, scalloped disks lv.--engraved gorgets, scalloped disks lvi.--engraved gorgets, scalloped disks lvii.--scalloped disks, etc. lviii.--engraved gorgets, the bird, etc. lix.--engraved gorgets, the bird, etc. lx.--engraved gorgets, the bird lxi.--engraved gorgets, the spider lxii.--engraved gorgets, the rattlesnake lxiii.--engraved gorgets, the rattlesnake lxiv.--engraved gorgets, the rattlesnake lxv.--engraved gorgets, the rattlesnake lxvi.--the serpent lxvii.--engraved gorgets, the human face lxviii.--engraved gorgets, the human face lxix.--engraved gorgets, the human face lxx.--engraved gorgets, the human face lxxi.--engraved gorgets, the human figure lxxii.--engraved gorgets, the human figure lxxiii.--engraved gorgets, the human figure lxxiv.--engraved gorgets, the human figure lxxv.--engraved gorgets, the human figure lxxvi.--the human figure lxxvii.--sculptured frogs art in shell of the ancient americans. by william h. holmes. introductory. the student will find scattered throughout a wide range of archæologic literature frequent but casual mention of works of art in shell. individual uses of shell have been dwelt upon at considerable length by a few authors, but up to this time no one has undertaken the task of bringing together in one view the works of primitive man in this material. works of ancient peoples in stone, clay, and bronze, in all countries, have been pretty thoroughly studied, described, and illustrated. stone would seem to have the widest range, as it is employed with almost equal readiness in all the arts. clay is widely used and takes a foremost place in works of utility and taste. metals are too intractable to be readily employed by primitive peoples, and until a high grade of culture is attained are but little used. animal substances of compact character, such as bone, horn, ivory, and shell, are also restricted in their use, and the more destructible substances, both animal and vegetable, however extensively employed, have comparatively little archæologic importance. all materials, however, are made subservient to man and in one way or another become the agents of culture; under the magic influence of his genius they are moulded into new forms which remain after his disappearance as the only records of his existence. each material, in the form of convenient natural objects, is applied to such uses as it is by nature best fitted, and when artificial modifications are finally made, they follow the suggestions of nature, improvements being carried forward in lines harmonious with the initiatory steps of nature. had the materials placed at the disposal of primitive peoples been as uniform as are their wants and capacities, there would have been but little variation in the art products of the world; but the utilization of a particular material in the natural state gives a strong bias to artificial products, and its forms and functions impress themselves upon art products in other materials. thus unusual resources engender unique arts and unique cultures. such a result, i apprehend, has in a measure been achieved in north america. in a broad region at one time occupied by the mound-building tribes we observe a peculiar and an original effort--an art distinctive in the material employed, in the forms developed, and to some extent in the ideas represented. it is an age of shell, a sort of supplement to the age of stone. it is not my intention here to attempt at extended discussion of the bearings of this art upon the various interesting questions of anthropologic science, but rather to present certain of its phases in the concrete, to study the embodiment of the art of the ancient american in this one material, and to present the results in a tangible manner, not as a catalogue of objects, but as an elementary part of the whole body of human art, illustrating a particular phase of the evolution of culture. this paper is to be regarded simply as an outline of the subject, to be followed by a more exhaustive monograph of the art in shell of all the ancient american peoples. art had its beginning when man first gathered clubs from the woods, stones from the river bed, and shells from the sea-shore for weapons and utensils. in his hands these simple objects became modified by use into new forms, or were intentionally altered to increase their convenience. this was the infancy, the inception of culture--a period from which a tedious but steady advance has been made until the remarkable achievements of the present have been reached. rude clubs have become weapons of curious construction and machinery of marvelous complication, and the pebbles and shells are the prototypes of numerous works in all materials. rude rafts which served to cross primeval rivers have become huge ships, and the original house of bark and leaves is represented by palaces and temples, glittering with light and glowing with color. the steps which led up to these results are by no means clear to us; they have not been built in any one place or by any one people. nations have risen and fallen, and have given place to others that in turn have left a heap of ruins. we find it impossible to trace back through the historic ages into and beyond the prehistoric shadows, the pathway to culture followed by any one people. the necessity for groping increases with every backward step, and we pick up one by one the scattered links of a chain that has a thousand times been broken. so far our information is meager and fragmentary, and centuries of research will be required to round up our knowledge to such a fullness as to enable us to rehabilitate the ancient races, a result to be reached only by an exhaustive comparative study of the art products of all peoples and of all ages. by collecting the various relics of art in shell i shall be able to add a fragment to this great work. destructible in their character these relics are seldom preserved from remote periods, and it is only by reason of their inhumation with the dead that they appear among antiquities at all. a majority of such objects, taken from graves and tumuli, known to post-date even the advent of the white race in north america, are so far decayed that unless most carefully handled they crumble to powder. it is impossible to demonstrate the great antiquity of any of these relics. many of those obtained from the shell heaps of the atlantic coast are doubtless very ancient, but we cannot say with certainty that they antedate the discovery more than a few hundred years. specimens obtained from the mounds of the mississippi valley have the appearance of great antiquity, but beyond the internal evidence of the specimens themselves we have no reliable data upon which to base an estimate of time. the age of these relics is rendered still less certain by the presence of intrusive interments, which place side by side works of very widely separated periods. the antiquity of the relics themselves is not, however, of first importance; the art ideas embodied in them have a much deeper interest. the tablets upon which the designs are engraved may be never so recent, yet the conceptions themselves have their origin far back in the forgotten ages. deified ancestors and mythical creatures that were in the earlier stages rudely depicted on bark and skins and rocks were, after a certain mastery over materials had been achieved, engraved on tablets of flinty shell; and it is probable that in these rare objects we have, if not a full representation of the art of the ancient peoples, at least a large number of their most important works, in point of execution as well as of conception. man in his most primitive condition must have resorted to the sea-shore for the food which it affords. weapons or other appliances were not necessary in the capture of mollusks; a stone to break the shell, or one of the massive valves of the shells themselves, sufficed for all purposes. the shells of mollusks probably came into use as utensils at a very early date, and mutually with products of the vegetable world afforded natural vessels for food and water. for a long period the idea of modifying the form to increase the convenience may not have been suggested and the natural shells were used for whatever purpose they were best fitted. in time, however, by accidental suggestions it would be found that modifications would enhance their usefulness, and the breaking away of useless parts and the sharpening of edges and points would be resorted to. farther on, as it became necessary to carry them from point to point, changes would be made for convenience of transportation. perforations which occur naturally in some species of shell, would be produced artificially, and the shells would be strung on vines or cords and suspended about the neck; in this way, in time, may have originated the custom of wearing pendants for personal ornament. following this would be the transportation of such articles to distant places by wandering tribes, exchanges would take place with other tribes, and finally a trade would be developed and a future commerce of nations be inaugurated. results similar to the foregoing would spring doubtless from the employment of substances other than shell, but that material most closely associated with the acquisition of food would come first prominently into use. the farther these useful articles were carried from the source of supply the greater the value that would attach to them, and far inland the shell of the sea might easily become an object of unusual consideration. having an origin more or less shrouded in mystery, it would in time become doubly dear to the heart of the superstitious savage, perhaps an object of actual veneration, or at least one of such high esteem that it would be treasured by the living and buried with the dead. the material so plentiful on the sea-shore that it was thought of only as it proved useful for vessels and implements, became a valued treasure in the interior; its functions were gradually enlarged and differentiated; it was worked into varied shapes, such as pendants for the ears, beads for the neck, pins for the hair, and elaborate gorgets for the breast; it served its turn as fetich and charm; and was frequently used in the ceremonial jugglery of the mystic dance. the slightest modification of these relics by the hand of man attracts our attention, and from that infant stage of the art until the highest and most elaborate forms are reached they have the deepest interest to the student of human progress. implements and utensils. unworked shells. some writers have suggested that the ancient peoples of the interior districts must have held shells from the sea in especial esteem, not only on account of their rarity, but also by reason of some sacred properties that had, from the mystery of their origin, become attached to them. it would appear, however, that shells were valued chiefly for their utility and beauty, and that fresh water as well as marine varieties were constantly employed. in their unworked state, for their beauty alone, they are treasured by peoples in all grades of culture, from the savage up through the barbarian stages to the most civilized state. as they are most conveniently shaped for utensils and implements, they have been of great service in the arts, and were thus of the greatest importance to primitive peoples. it must not be supposed that the natural shells found in graves were always destined for use in an unworked state, but they should doubtless in many cases be regarded as highly-valued raw material intended for use in the manufacture of articles of utility and taste, in the tempering of potter's clay, or in effecting exchanges with neighboring tribes. as vessels for food and drink, and as cups for paint, many species are most conveniently shaped. good examples may be found in the _haliotis_, so plentiful on the pacific coast, the _helcioniscus_ of the pacific islands, the _pattelidæ_ of central and south america, or the _pecten_ of many seas. in their natural state they have a twofold interest to us--as utensils they are the forerunners of many more elaborate forms that have been evolved in more advanced stages of culture, and in their distribution they give us important insight into the commerce and migrations of their aboriginal owners. _pectens._--the pectens are very widely distributed, and on account of their beauty of form and color have been in great favor with all peoples. they figure in the heraldic devices of the middle ages and in the symbolic paintings of the ancient mexicans. they have been employed extensively by the ancient inhabitants of america as ornaments and rattles, and many examples exhumed from graves, mounds, and refuse heaps appear to have been used as utensils, cups for paint, and vessels for food and drink. they are especially plentiful in the cemeteries of the ancient californians, from which schumacher and bowers have made excellent collections, and specimens may be found in the great museums of the country. a very good example of this shell (_janira dentata_)[ ] is shown in fig. , plate xxi, which represents a paint cup from santa barbara, cal. this cup is still partially filled with dark, purplish, indurated paint. some were receptacles for asphaltum, while others, which are quite empty, were employed probably for domestic purposes. the species chiefly used on the atlantic coast are the _pecten irradians_ and _p. concentricus_. on the pacific coast the _pecten caurinus_ and _p. hastatus_ are employed by the makah and other indians for rattles, and it is probable that some of the rudely perforated specimens found in our collections were intended for the same purpose. _clams._--clams formed a very important part of the food of the ancient seaboard tribes, and the emptied shells have been utilized in a great variety of ways. the valves of many species are large and deep, and are available for cups and dishes, and as such are not scorned even by the modern clam-baker, who, like the ancient inhabitant, makes periodical visits to the sea-shore to fish and feast. they were also used as knives, scrapers, and hoes, and in historic times have been extensively used in the manufacture of wampum. the hard-shell clam, _venus mercenaria_, on account of the purplish color of portions of the valves, has been most extensively used for this purpose. a southern variety, the _mercenaria præparca_, is much larger and furnishes excellent dishes. the soft-shell clam, _mya arenaria_, has been an important article of food, but the valves are not serviceable in the arts. the hen clam, _mactra ponderosa_, which has large handsome valves, has also been used to some extent for utensils. on the pacific coast the large clam, _pachydesma crassatelloides_, is known also to be similarly used. _unios._--shells of the great family of the _unios_ have always held an important place in the domestic and mechanical arts of the savages of north america. their chalky remains are among the most plentiful relics of the mounds and other ancient burial-places, and they come from kitchen middens and the more recent graves with all the pearly delicacy of the freshly emptied shell. the valves of many varieties of these shells are well adapted to the use of man. not large enough for food vessels, they make most satisfactory spoons and cups, and are frequently found to retain portions of the pigments left from the last toilet of the primeval warrior and destined for use in the spirit land. it is probable, however, that they were much more frequently employed as knives and scrapers, and as such have played their part in the barbaric feast of the primitive village, or have assisted in the bloody work of scalp-taking and torture. they are pretty generally distributed over the country, and their occurrence in the mounds will probably have but little importance in the study of artificial distribution. very little trouble has been taken by explorers and writers to identify the numerous species collected. _haliotis._--the _haliotis_ affords one of the best examples of the varied uses to which the natural shell has been applied by savage peoples. recent explorations conducted by the government exploring parties in california have brought to the notice of archæologists and the world the existence of a new field of research--the burial-places of the ancient tribes of the pacific coast. many of the interments of this region are probably post-columbian. several species of this beautiful shell were used and are taken from the graves in great numbers, the pearly lusters being almost perfectly preserved. many were used as paint-cups, and still retain dark pigments, probably ochers; one of these, a fine example of the _haliotis californianus_, is shown in fig. , plate xxi. some had contained food, and in a few cases still retained the much-esteemed _chia_ seed, while in others were found asphaltum, which was employed by these peoples in a variety of arts, the rows of eyes in the _haliotis_ usually being stopped with it, and in one case, as shown in a specimen in the national museum, it has been used to deepen a cup by building up a rim around the edge of a shallow shell. many others are quite empty, and doubtless served as bowls, dishes, and spoons, or were ready at hand for the manufacture of implements and ornaments. buried with the dead, they were designed to serve the purposes for which they were used in life. this shell probably formed as important a factor in the commerce of these tribes as did the large conchs of the atlantic coast in that of the mound-builders and their neighbors. in recent times they are known to have a high value attached to them, and professor putnam states[ ] that a few years ago a horse could be had in exchange for a single shell of the _haliotis rufescens_. this species is a great favorite toward the south, and the _haliotis kamschatkana_, which furnishes a dark greenish nacre, is much used farther north. the rougher and more homely oyster-shell has also enjoyed the favor of the mound-building tribes, and has probably served many useful purposes, such as would only be suggested to peoples unacquainted with the use of metal. many species of the _fissurella_ and _dentalium_ shells were in common use, advantage being taken of the natural perforations for stringing, the latter being quite extensively used for money on the pacific slope. in fig. , plate xxi, a cut is given of a _mytilus_ shell paint-cup from an ancient peruvian grave. it is copied from plate of the necropolis of ancon.[ ] it is represented as still containing red paint, probably cinnabar. a great variety of the larger univalve sea-shells were used in the unaltered state, the _busycons_ probably taking the most important place, species of the _strombus_, the _cassis_, the _nautilus_ and _fasciolaria_ following in about the order named. the _busycon perversum_ has been more extensively used than any other shell, and consequently its distribution in one form or other is very wide. it is obtained along the atlantic and gulf coasts from massachusetts to mexico, and within the united states it is artificially distributed over the greater part of the atlantic slope. the uses to which this shell has been put by the ancient americans are so numerous and varied that i shall not attempt to enumerate them here. they are, however, pretty thoroughly brought out in the subsequent pages of this paper. from the employment of shells in their complete state their modification for convenience is but a slight step, and when once suggested is easily accomplished--holes are bored, handles are carved or added, margins are ground down, useless parts are broken away, and surfaces are polished. the columellæ are removed from the large univalves, and the parts used for a great variety of purposes. the mechanical devices employed have been very simple, such as flint implements for cutting, and rough stones for breaking and grinding. hand-drills were at first used for perforating; but later mechanically revolving drills were devised. [illustration: pl. xxi--shell vessels. . from a plate in de bry. . from a peruvian grave. . _pecten_, california grave. ( / ) . _haliotis_, california grave. ( / )] vessels. i shall not attempt to take up the various classes of objects in shell in the order of their development, as it would be hard to say whether food utensils, weapons, or ornaments were first used. it is also difficult to distinguish weapons proper from implements employed in the arts, such as celts, knives, hammers, etc., as it is probable they were all variously used according to the needs of their possessors. having briefly treated of natural vessels, it seems convenient to go on with vessels shaped by art. early explorers in many portions of the american continent record, in their writing, the use by the natives of shells of various kinds as vessels. we have in this case historic evidence which bears directly upon prehistoric customs. indeed, it is not impossible that the very shells used by the natives first encountered by europeans, are the identical ones exhumed so recently from burial places, as many of the finer specimens of shell objects have associated with them articles of undoubted european manufacture. a notice of the earliest recorded use of these objects naturally introduces the prehistoric use. with many nations that were bountifully supplied with convenient earthen and stone vessels, as well perhaps as others of the hard shells of fruits, the sea-shell was nevertheless a favorite vessel for drinking. herrera describes the use of silver, gold, shell, and gourd cups at the banquets of the elegant monarch montezuma ii, who "sometimes drank out of cocoas and natural shells richly set with jewels." other authors make similar statements. clavigero says that "beautiful sea-shells or naturally formed vessels, curiously varnished, were used." in many of the periodical feasts of the florida indians shells were in high favor, and it is related how at a certain stage of one of the dances two men came in, each bearing very large conch-shells full of black drink, which was an infusion of the young leaves of the _cassine_ (probably _ilex cassine_, l.). after prolonged ceremonies, this drink was offered to the king, to the whites present, and then to the entire assembly.[ ] it is a remarkable fact that a similar custom has been noticed among the moquis of arizona. lieutenant bourke witnessed the snake dance of that tribe a few years ago, and states that in front of the altar containing the snakes was a covered earthen vessel, which contained four large sea-shells and a liquid of some unknown composition, of which the men who handled the snakes freely drank. vessels thus associated with important ceremonial customs of savages would naturally be of first importance in their sepulchral rites. de bry, in the remarkable plates of his "brevis narratio," furnishes two instances of such use. plate shows a procession of nude females who scatter locks of their hair upon a row of graves, on each of which has been placed a large univalve shell, probably containing food or drink for the dead, and in plate we have another illustration of this custom, the shell being placed on the heap of earth raised above the grave of a departed chieftain. in plate xxi, fig. , an outline of the shell represented is given; it resembles most nearly the pearly nautilus, but, being drawn by the artist from memory or description, we are at liberty to suppose the shell actually used was a large _busycon_ from the neighboring coast, probably more or less altered by art. haywood, hakluyt, tonti, bartram, adair, and others mention the use of shells for drinking vessels, and in much more recent times indians are known to have put them to a similar use. on account of the rapidity with which they decay, we can know nothing of surface deposits of shells by prehistoric or even by comparatively recent peoples. it is only through the custom of burying valued articles with the dead that any of these relics are preserved to us. when we consider the quantity of such objects necessarily destroyed by time, exposure, and use, we marvel at the vast numbers that must have been, within a limited period of years, carried inland. in the more recent mounds there may be found specimens obtained by the indians through the agency of white traders, but the vast majority were derived doubtless from purely aboriginal sources. many instances could be cited to show that the whites have engaged in the trade in shells. kohl, in speaking of early trade with the ojibways of lake superior, states that when the traders "exhibited a fine large shell and held it to the ears of the indians, these latter were astonished, saying they heard the roaring of the ocean in it, and paid for such a marvelous shell furs to the value of $ or $ , and even more."[ ] cabeça de vaca[ ] traded in sea-shells and "hearts" of sea-shells among the charruco indians of the gulf coast nearly three hundred and fifty years ago. the form of vessel of most frequent occurrence is made by removing the whorl, columella, and about one-half of the outer shell of the large univalves. the body of the lower whorl is cut longitudinally, nearly opposite the lip and parallel with it. the spire is divided on the same plane, a little above the apex, giving a result well illustrated in fig. , plate xxii. a very convenient and capacious bowl is thus obtained, the larger specimens having a capacity of a gallon or more. the work of dividing the shell and removing neatly the interior parts must have been one of no little difficulty, considering the compactness of the shell and the rudeness of the tools. for nomadic peoples these vessels would have a great superiority over those of any other material, as they were not heavy and could be transported without danger of breaking. in the manufacture of these vessels the _busycon perversum_ seems to have been a great favorite; this may be the result of the less massive character of the shell, which permits more ready manipulation. the spines are less prominent and the walls more uniform in thickness than in shells of most other varieties found along the atlantic seaboard. specimens of the _strombus_, _cassis_, and _fasciolaria_ were occasionally used. the specimen illustrated in fig. , plate xxii, is from a mound at ritcherville, ind., and is now in the national museum at washington. it is made from a _busycon perversum_, and is ten and one-half inches in length by six and one-half in width at the most distended part. the body and spire have been cut in the manner described above, and the interior whorl and columella have been skillfully taken out. the rim is not very evenly cut, but is quite smooth. the outer surface of the shell has been well polished, but is now worn and scarred by use. the substance of the shell is very well preserved. a second example, now in the national collection, is from an ancient mound at naples, ill. it is very similar to the preceding, being made from the same species of shell. it is eleven inches in length by seven in width. the body of the shell is well preserved, the apex, however, being broken away. a small specimen, also in the national museum, was obtained from a mound at nashville, tenn., by professor powell. it is three and a half inches in length, and very shallow, being but a small portion of the lower whorl of a _busycon_. [illustration: pl. xxii--vessels. . shell vessel made from a _busycon perversum_, ind. ( / ) . earthen vessel made in imitation of shell, mo. ( / )] among the more recent acquisitions to the national collection are two very fine specimens of these _busycon_ vessels. one of these was obtained from a mound at east dubuque, ill. it is eleven inches in length by seven in width at the widest part; the exterior surface is highly polished; the interior is less so, having suffered somewhat from decay; the beak is very long and slender, and has been used as a handle. the whole vessel has a dipper-like appearance. the finest example of these vessels yet brought to my notice was obtained from a mound at harrisburg, ark., by dr. palmer, in october, . it differs from the other specimens described in having an elaborate ornamental design engraved on the exterior surface. in shape it corresponds pretty closely to the first specimen figured, no part of the spire, however, being cut away; the interior parts have been removed, as usual. the surface is quite smooth, and the ridges on the inner surface of the spire are neatly rounded and polished. its length is eleven inches, and its width seven. plate xxiii is devoted to the illustration of this specimen. the entire exterior surface, from apex to base, is covered with a design of engraved lines and figures, which are applied in such a manner as to accord remarkably well with the expanding spiral of the shell. the upper surface of the spire is unusually flat, and has been ground quite smooth. it will be seen by reference to fig. , plate xxiii, that a series of lines, interrupted at nearly regular intervals by short cross lines and rectangular intaglio figures, has been carried from the apex outward toward the lip. another series of lines begins on the upper margin next the inner lip of the shell, passes around the circumference of the upper surface, and extends downward over the carina, covering, as shown in the other figure, the entire body of the vessel, excepting the extreme point of the handle. the base of the shell, which is perforated, has a small additional group of lines. the lines of the principal series are, on the more expanded portion of the body of the shell, about eight inches long, and are interrupted by two rows of short lines and two rows of incised rectangular figures. the space between the latter contains the most interesting feature of the design. three arrow-head shaped figures, two inches in length by one and one-half in width, are placed, one near the outer lip, another near the inner lip, and the third in the middle of the body, a little below the center. these figures are neatly cut and symmetrical, and resemble a barbed and blunt-pointed arrow-head. near the center of each is a small circle, which gives the figure a close resemblance to a variety of perforated stone implements, one specimen of which has been found near osceola, ark. whatever may be the significance of this design, and it is undoubtedly significant, it is at least a very remarkable piece of work and a highly successful effort at decoration. the pottery of this region which is generally highly decorated with painted and incised lines, contains nothing of a character similar to this, and it is probable that what i have come to consider a rule in such matters applies in this case; the design on the shell is significant or ideographic, that on the pottery is purely ornamental. [illustration: pl. xxiii--engraved vessel. harrisburg, ark.] for the purpose of showing the very wide distribution of vessels made from large seashells, especially the _busycon perversum_, i introduce here descriptions of most of the specimens heretofore reported. dr. rau, in his paper on ancient aboriginal trade in north america, states that in the collection of colonel jones, of brooklyn, there is a vessel formed from a _cassis_ which is eight and a half inches long, and has a diameter of seven inches where its periphery is widest. it was obtained from a stone grave near clarksville, habersham county, georgia.[ ] two fine specimens of the _cassis flammea_ were taken from mounds in nacoochee valley, georgia. they were nearly ten inches in length and about seven inches in diameter. the interior whorls and columellæ had been removed, so that they answered the purpose of drinking cups or receptacles of some sort.[ ] from a stone grave mound near franklin, on the big harpeth river, prof. joseph jones took two large sea-shells, one of which was much decayed. the interior surface of these shells had been painted red, and the exterior had been marked with three large circular spots.[ ] in the grave of a child, near the grave just mentioned, the following relics were found: "four large sea-shells, one on each side of the skeleton, another at the foot, and the fourth, a large specimen, with the interior apartments cut out and the exterior surface carved, covered the face and forehead of the skull."[ ] in a small mound opposite the city of nashville, tenn., professor jones found "a large sea-conch." the interior portion or spiral of which had been carefully cut out; it was probably used as a drinking vessel, or as the shrine of an idol as in a case observed by dr. troost.[ ] two large shells of _busycon_, from which the columellæ had been removed, were obtained from the lindsley mounds, sixty miles east of nashville, by professor putnam.[ ] professor wyman, writing of the mounds of eastern tennessee, says that "among the implements are well-preserved cups or dishes, made of the same species of shell [_busycon perversum_] as the preceding, but of much more gigantic size than those now found. one of them measures a foot in length, though the beak has been broken off. when entire its length could not have been less than fourteen or fifteen inches. these shells probably came from the gulf of mexico, and found their way into tennessee as articles of traffic. the dishes are made in the same way, and not to be distinguished from those found in florida at the time of the first visit of the europeans, or from those, as will be seen further, found in the ancient burial mounds. the great similarity in the style and make of these dishes renders it quite probable that they were manufactured in florida."[ ] a number of similar dishes, made from the same shell, were obtained from mounds at cedar keys, florida, by professor wyman.[ ] francis cleveland, c. e., who, in , had charge of the excavation known as the "deep cut" on the ohio canal, informed colonel whittlesey that at the depth of twenty-five feet in the alluvium several shells belonging to the species _busycon perversum_ were taken out.[ ] dr. drake, writing of the cincinnati mounds, mentions "several large marine shells, belonging, perhaps, to the genus _buccinum_, cut in such a way as to serve for domestic utensils, and nearly converted into a state of chalk."[ ] mr. atwater states that "several marine shells, probably _buccinum_, cut in such a manner as to be used for domestic utensils, were found in a mound on the little miami river, warren county, ohio."[ ] a _cassis_ of large size, from which the inner whorls and columella had been removed to adapt it for use as a vessel, was found in clark's mound, on paint creek, scioto valley, ohio.[ ] this specimen is eleven and a half inches in length by twenty-four in circumference at the largest part. it is further stated that fragments of these and other shells are found in the tumuli and upon the altars of the mound-builders. in digging the ohio and erie canal, there was found, near portsmouth, its southern terminus on the ohio river, a cluster of five or six large shells, which appeared to have been thus carefully deposited by the hand of man. they were about three feet beneath the surface. the columellæ of some large shells, probably the _strombus gigas_, were also discovered.[ ] several large marine shells were found in a mound near grand rapids, mich. they were all hollowed out, apparently for carrying or storing water, and in one case perforated at the upper edge on opposite sides for suspension by a cord or thong.[ ] mr. farquharson mentions a vessel made from a _busycon perversum_, obtained from a mound near davenport, iowa. the shell has been cut through about an inch above the center; it is thirteen inches in length by seven in width, and has a capacity of nearly two pints.[ ] he also describes a large specimen of _cassis_ from a mound in muscatine county, iowa.[ ] long, in his expedition from pittsburgh to the rocky mountains in , speaks of a large shell which seems to have been reverenced as a kind of oracle. this may have been one of the large, brilliantly-colored fossil _baculites_ so common in the upper missouri region. his description will be given in full in treating of the sacerdotal uses of shells. in the naturalist for october, , mr. frey describes a sea-shell drinking vessel, somewhat modified by art, having a length of four and one-half inches. this, with other relics, among which were many shell beads, was found in an ancient grave in eastern new york, probably in the mohawk valley. these vessels of shell have also served as models for the primitive potter. the ancient peoples of the middle mississippi district were extremely skillful in the reproduction of natural objects in clay, and it is not surprising that they should imitate the form of the shell. in the peabody museum is an earthen vessel copied from a shell vessel of the class just described, the characteristic features being all well imitated. it is about nine inches wide, eleven long and four deep. it is neatly made, and ornamented with the red and white designs peculiar to the pottery of this region. it was taken from one of the stanley mounds, saint francis river, ark. a small earthen vessel made in imitation of these shell vessels is illustrated in fig. , plate xxii. it is of the ordinary blackish ware so common in the middle mississippi district. the general shape of the shell is well represented; the sides, however, are nearly symmetrical and the spire is represented by a central node, surrounded by four inferior nodes. it is four inches wide and five and one-half long. three others represent shell vessels, somewhat less closely, the spires and beaks being added to the opposite sides of ordinary cups. spoons. as domestic utensils bivalve shells have held a place hardly inferior in importance to that of the large univalves. marine and fluviatile varieties have been used indiscriminately, and generally in the natural state, but occasionally altered by art to enhance their beauty or add to their convenience. the artificial utensils do not, however, present a very great variety of form, the alteration consisting chiefly in the carving out of a kind of handle, by which device hot food could be eaten without danger of burning the fingers. the handle, which may be seen in all stages of development, is produced by cutting away portions of the anterior and basal margins of the shell, leaving the salient angle projecting; this angle is then undercut from the opposite sides so that it is connected with the body of the valve by a more or less restricted neck. the outer edge of the handle is frequently ornamented with notches, and in a few cases a round perforation has been made near the anterior tip for the purpose of suspension. in one case a rude design of small circular depressions has been added to the upper surface. in the finished implement the hinge, ligament, and teeth have been cut away, the thick dorsal margin carefully ground down, leaving a smooth, neat edge, and the anterior point, which was presented to the lips in eating or drinking, was well rounded and polished. the whole surface of the shell in the more finished specimens has been most carefully dressed. altogether, the fashioning of these spoons must be regarded as a very ingenious performance for savages, and has cost much more labor than would the attachment of a handle, for which purpose it is not improbable the lateral notches may at times have been used. our collections furnish no examples of marine univalves worked in this manner; a few slightly altered specimens, however, have been reported. nearly all the specimens of carved spoons that have come to my notice are made from a few species of _unio_. it is a curious fact that most of these utensils have been made from the left valve of the shell, which gives such a position to the handle that they are most conveniently used by the right hand, thus indicating right-handedness on the part of these peoples. in the national collection there are two left-handed specimens, one from nashville, tenn., and one from union county, ky. professor putnam states that he has "examined over thirty of these shell-spoons now in the museum [peabody], and all are made from the right [left] valves of _unionidæ_, and so shaped as to be most conveniently used with the right hand."[ ] by reference to fig. , plate xxiv, the probable manner of grasping and using the spoon will be seen. it will also be observed that the left valve of the shell is used to make the right-handed spoon, supposing of course that the point of the spoon is presented to the lips, the hinge corner being much less convenient for that purpose. in regard to the use of these objects, which have occasionally been taken for ornaments, it should be mentioned that very many of them have been found within earthen vessels placed in the graves with the dead. the vessels, in all probability, were the receptacles of food, the spoons being so placed that they could be used by the dead as they had been used by the living. the specimen shown in fig. , plate xxiv, was obtained by professor powell, from a mound near nashville, tenn. it is made from the left valve of a very delicate specimen of the _unio ovatus_,[ ] and has been finished with more than usual care. the entire rim is artificially shaped, the natural shell being much reduced, and six notches ornament the outside of the handle. the bowl of the spoon is nearly four inches in length and two and one-half in width. eight other specimens were obtained from the same locality by professor powell. all are made from the _unio ovatus_, one only being left-handed. all are inferior in finish to the specimen illustrated. the handles of a number are rudimentary, and the margins and surfaces are but slightly worked. the spoon illustrated in fig. , plate xxiv, is made from the left valve of a _unio alatus_ (?) and was obtained from a mound at madisonville, ohio. it is an unusually well-finished and handsome specimen, and notwithstanding its fragile character, is well preserved. a portion of the point has, unfortunately, been broken away. the handle is ornamented with four shallow notches, the anterior point being neatly rounded and perforated for suspension. the edges of the utensil have been carefully finished, and both the inner and outer surfaces have been ground down and polished so that all the natural markings are obliterated, and the surface shows the pearly marbling of the foliation. this specimen is figured in an interesting paper,[ ] prepared by mr. charles f. low, as an ornament, this use being suggested by its finish and decoration; but as it was found in what was presumably a food vessel, and at the same time resembles so closely the spoons of other localities, i take the liberty of classifying it with them. one of the most interesting collections of these utensils was made in union county, ky., by s. s. lyon. our information in regard to this lot of specimens is, unfortunately, quite meager, as mr. lyon's report gives them but casual mention. fig. , plate xxiv, illustrates the finest of these specimens on a scale of one-half. the shell used is a large specimen of _unio ovatus_, the bowl of the spoon being about four inches long and three wide. as the right valve has been used, the utensil is left-handed. the handle is ornamented with two marginal notches; the basal point is long and spine-like, and is deeply undercut. the anterior point is beak-like in shape, the nicely made perforation holding, in relation to it, the position of an eye, which, together with the comb-like notches above, gives a pretty close resemblance to a bird's head. the point of the spoon is broken away. [illustration: pl. xxiv--shell spoons. . manner of grasping spoon. . from a mound in kentucky. ( / ) . from a mound near nashville. ( / ) . from a mound in ohio. ( / )] the seven remaining spoons from this locality have a variety of handles, all of which are notched on the outer margin, while a few only are deeply undercut; all have been made from the left valve of the _unio ovatus_ (?) and are of medium size and ordinary finish. another specimen in the national collection comes from henderson county, ky. the shell used is the _unio ovatus_; the handle is notched on the outer margin, but is only slightly under-cut; the thick margin of the shell about the hinge has not been removed. a spoon made from the left valve of a _unio silignoidens_ (?) has recently been obtained from a mound at osceola, ark.; it is but slightly worked, having a series of small notches cut in the basal margin, toward the front. the natural history museum of new york contains a specimen of this class, labeled as coming from georgia. it has a rounded handle, without either perforation or notches. the peabody museum contains a very superior collection, consisting of specimens from several localities. six of these, made from _unionidæ_, mostly from the _unio ovatus_, were obtained from one of the bowling mounds near nashville, tenn.; others crumbled on being handled and were lost. several others were obtained in the same region.[ ] two more were found in an earthen vessel between two skeletons, in one of the lindsley mounds at lebanon, sixty miles east of nashville.[ ] in a stone-cist mound on the big harpeth river, prof. joseph jones found "a few large fresh-water mussel-shells, which were much altered by time. these mussel-shells appeared from their shape to have been artificially carved, and to have been used as ornaments and also as spoons or cups for dipping up food and drink."[ ] three fine specimens have recently been obtained from graves at harrisburg, ark. they are but slightly worked as compared with the more elaborate specimens. the hinge, teeth, and ligaments have been ground down and a portion of the postero-dorsal margin removed, leaving the posterior point and basal margin projecting for a handle. the surfaces are well smoothed. the general outline of the shell is subtriangular; it is three inches wide by four and one-half in length and is probably made from the _unio cuneatus_. beverly gives a plate illustrating two virginia indians, man and wife, at dinner; on the mat by the woman is "a cockle-shell, which they sometimes use instead of a spoon." "the spoons which they eat with, do generally hold half a pint; and they laugh at the english for using small ones, which they must be forc'd to carry so often to their mouths, that their arms are in danger of being tir'd, before their belly."[ ] knives. from a very early date shells must have been employed quite extensively by the ancient americans as implements, as weapons for war and the chase, as appliances for fishing, as agricultural implements, and as knives, gougers, scrapers, perforators, etc., in a variety of arts. it is a noteworthy fact, however, that our collections do not abound in objects of these classes, and our literature furnishes but little information on the subject. our interest lies chiefly in such of these objects as have been shaped by the hand of man, but to illustrate their use we will find it instructive to study the various ways in which the natural shells have been employed. in this manner we may trace the origin and development of artificial forms. as we have seen in the early modification of food utensils the beginning of the art of cutting and shaping shell, which in time led to the manufacture of objects of taste, and probably proved an important step in the evolution of native american art, so in this convenient and workable material, as employed in the mechanical arts, we witness the inception of many important human industries, and in the rude machines constructed from shell probably behold the prototypes of numerous works in stone and metal. it cannot be supposed that such of these objects as we do possess are of very ancient date, as the material is not sufficiently enduring. it is also improbable that such objects would, as a rule, be so frequently deposited in graves, as food vessels or objects of personal display, and objects not so deposited must soon have disappeared. the early explorers of the american coast make occasional mention of the employment of shells in the various arts. as many of these notices are interesting, and have an important bearing upon the subject under consideration, i will present a number of them here. among a majority of the american indians, knives of stone, obsidian, jasper, and flint were in general use, but it would seem that shells artificially shaped and sharpened were also sometimes used for shaping objects in wood and clay, in preparing food, in dressing game, and in human butchery. strachey informs us, in volume vi of the hakluyt society, that when the omnipotent powhatan "would punish any notorious enemy or trespasser, he causeth him to be tyed to a tree, and with muscle shells or reedes the executioner cutteth off his joints one after another, ever casting what is cutt off into the fier; then doth he proceede with shells and reedes to case the skyn from his head and face."[ ] such knives were also used by powhatan's women for cutting off their hair.[ ] a number of authors mention the use of shells as scalping-knives. kalm, speaking of the indians of new jersey, says that "instead of knives, they were satisfied with little sharp pieces of flint or quartz, or else some other hard kind of a stone, or with a sharp shell, or with a piece of bone, which they had sharpened."[ ] the indians encountered by henry hudson during his first voyage, in making him welcome, "killed a fat dog, and skinned it in great haste with shells which they had."[ ] beverly asserts that before the english supplied the virginia indians with metallic tools, "their knives were either sharpen'd reeds, or shells, and their axes sharp stones bound to the end of a stick, and glued in with turpentine. by the help of these they made their bows of the locust tree."[ ] drake, in his "world encompassed," speaking of some of the southern tribes of south america, probably the patagonians, says that "their hatchetts and knives are made of mussel-shells, being great and a foot in length, the brickle part whereof being broken off, they grind them by great labor to a fine edge and very sharpe, and as it seemeth, very durable.[ ] * * * their working tools, which they use in cutting these things and such other, are knives made of most huge and monstrous mussell shells (the like whereof have not been seen or heard of lightly by any travelers, the meate thereof being very savourie and good in eating), which, after they have broken off the thinne and brittle substance of the edge, they rub and grind them upon stones had for the purpose, till they have tempered and set such an edge upon them, that no wood is so hard but they will cut it at pleasure with the same."[ ] according to sproat, shell knives were used by the indians of vancouver's island in carving the curious wooden images placed over graves.[ ] ancient shell knives are very rarely found in collections. such specimens as have come to my notice could as well be classed as scrapers or celts. we will probably not be far wrong in concluding that such implements were used for scraping and digging as well as for cutting. as a rule, knives proper were simply sharpened bivalve shells. the scrapers so frequently mentioned were doubtless often the same, but probably more frequently portions of the lower whorl of the large univalves. celts. implements of this class are generally made from the lower part of large univalves. they were probably used in a variety of ways, with handles and without. the spine-like base of the shell forms the shaft, the blade being cut from the broadly expanded wall of the lower whorl. nearly all the specimens in the national collection have been obtained in this way. in plate xxv three very fine examples are figured. the specimen illustrated in fig. is more than usually well fashioned, and is extremely massive, having the proportions and almost the weight of typical stone celts. it is five inches in length, two and three-fourths in width, and nearly one inch through at the thickest part. the edge is even and sharp, and but slightly rounded; the beveled faces are quite symmetrical, and meet at an angle of about °; the faces are curved slightly, following the original curvature of the shell, and the sides are evenly dressed and taper gently toward the upper end which shows some evidence of battering. the surface of the specimen is slightly chalky from decay. it has been made from a _strombus gigas_, or some equally massive shell. it was collected at orange bluff, fla., by t. s. barber. a profile view of the same specimen is presented in fig. . the specimen shown in fig. was found in madison county, ky., and is the only one in the national collection from the mississippi valley. it was obtained from a mound, but in what relation to the human remains i have not learned. it is fashioned much like the specimen just described; it is one and a half inches in width at the upper end, and two inches wide near the cutting edge. it has also been made from a very massive shell. fig. illustrates a specimen from st. michael's parish, barbadoes, west indies. it is made from the basal portion of a _busycon perversum_. the handle is curved and neatly rounded, and the edge is beveled or sharpened on the inside only. [illustration: pl. xxv--shell celts. . orange bluff, fla. ( / ) . orange bluff, fla. ( / ) . madison county, ky. ( / ) . barbadoes, w. i. ( / )] in the national collection there are about twenty of these objects; six are from tampa, fla.; four of these are fragmentary; the remaining two are short and triangular, and have been made, one from a _busycon perversum_, the other from a _busycon_ or _strombus_. the cutting edge is wide and well sharpened. two are from cedar keys, fla., and are made from thin-walled specimens of the _busycon perversum_. the larger is six and one-half inches in length by three in width toward the base; the other is about one-half as large. both are rudely made, and show the effects of use. five came from east pass, choctawhatchie bay, fla. two of them are fragmentary; one of the entire specimens is very well made, and has a regularly beveled, oblique edge, while another is remarkable in having a curiously worn edge, which is deeply serrated by use or weathering. the majority of these specimens are from ancient shell heaps. three are from st. michael's parish, barbadoes, west indies, one of which has already been described. professor wyman, in the naturalist for october, , illustrates two of these celt-like implements from the fresh-water shell heaps near st. johns, fla. one is made from a triangular piece cut from a _busycon carica_, so as to comprise a portion of the rostrum, which serves as a handle, and a portion of a swollen part of the body, which terminates in the cutting edge of the tool. the sides and apex are smoothed and rounded, while the base is regularly rounded and ground to an edge like that of a gouge, but with the bevel on the inside. this author states that another specimen, obtained at old enterprise, shows clearly that it was detached from the shell by first cutting a groove and then breaking off the fragment. he also gives two views of a small shell celt which, from the exterior markings and the thick ridge on the inside, is thought to have been cut from the base of a _strombus gigas_. "the broad end is ground to a blunt edge like that seen in most of the stone chisels from the other states, and the other is ground to a blunt point." these implements are frequently mentioned by early explorers. in plate of the "admiranda narratio," an indian is represented[ ] with a shell implement, scraping away the charred portions from the interior of a canoe which is being hollowed out by fire. the same implement was employed for removing the bark from the tree trunks used. catlin, in speaking of the klahoquat indians of vancouver's island, says that "a species of mussel-shell of a large size, found in the various inlets where fresh and salt water meet, are sharpened at the edge and set in withes of tough wood, forming a sort of adze, which is used with one hand or both, according to its size; and the flying chips show the facility with which the excavation is made in the soft and yielding cedar, no doubt designed and made for infant man to work and ride in."[ ] wood, speaking of the indians of new england, says that "their cannows be made either of pine-trees, which before they were acquainted with _english_ tooles, they burned hollow, scraping them smooth with clam-shels and oyster-shels, cutting their out-sides with stone-hatchets."[ ] the method of hafting these implements, when used for axes and adzes, was doubtless the same as that employed for stone implements of similar shapes. this is illustrated in fig. , plate xxvii, the handle being securely fastened by cords or sinews. it will be seen that but one of the specimens mentioned comes from the interior, and that from madison county, ky. scrapers. the great majority of the scraping implements obtained from the mounds, graves, and shell heaps are simply valves of _unio_ or clam-shells, unaltered except by use; yet there is a widely distributed class of worked specimens, which have been altered by making a rough perforation near the center of the valve, and by the grinding down and notching of the edges. a very fine specimen is illustrated in fig. , plate xxvi. it is formed of the left valve of a _unio tuberculosus_. it was taken from a mound at madisonville, ohio, and is now in the national collection. a similar specimen from the same locality is illustrated in an account of the exploration conducted by the scientific and literary society of madisonville.[ ] i have seen four other fine specimens from the same locality; all are made of the shell of the _unio tuberculosus_ (?). it will be seen by reference to fig. that the posterior point of the shell is much worn, as if by use, while at the opposite end, near the hinge, the margin has been slightly notched. the large specimen, figured in the madisonville pamphlet, as well as all other examples from this locality, are also much worn at the posterior end, and slightly notched on the anterior margin. the perforations are roughly made, and nearly one-half an inch in diameter. i have carefully examined all the specimens of this class within my reach, probably twenty-five in all, most of which are in the national collection, and i find them all very much alike. they are from two to five inches in length, have rude central perforations, and are worn by use at the posterior point, and notched on the anterior margin. the blunting of one end by use calls for no explanation, but the purpose of the perforation is a little obscure. it may have been used for convenience in transportation, but more probably for attaching a handle. on discovering that a notch had in all cases been made at the upper end, i became convinced that the latter use was intended. whether the supposed handle has been long or short, or attached longitudinally or transversely, i am unable to determine. in plate xxvi, figs. and , two methods of hafting are illustrated. if used for striking, the long handle would be the more suitable, but if for scraping, dressing skins, scaling fish, or shaping wood or clay, the handle suggested in fig. would be the most convenient. the clam-shell agricultural implements, so frequently mentioned by explorers along the atlantic coast, were attached to handles in the manner of hoes or adzes, as shown in fig. , plate xxvii. it is possible that the specimens under consideration may have been hafted in this manner. a perforated valve of a _unio gibbosus_, which has probably been used as a knife or scraper, is shown in fig. , plate xxvii. it was obtained from a cave near nashville, and is now in the national collection. another interesting variety of shell implement is shown in fig. , plate xxvi. it was obtained from the oconee river, near milledgeville, ga., and is made from the left valve of a _unio vericosus_. its perfect state of preservation indicates that it is of quite recent manufacture. a deep, sharply cut groove encircles the beak and hinge of the shell, and the posterior margins are considerably worn. a few shallow lines have been engraved on the smooth convex surface of the valve. the position of the groove suggests the method of hafting shown in fig. . fig. , plate xxvi, represents a perforated _pecten_, which may have been used as an implement or as part of a rattle. it was collected by mr. webb on the west coast of florida. [illustration: pl. xxvi--shell implements. . scraper, georgia. ( / ) . probable manner of hafting. . implement from a mound, ohio. ( / ) . probable manner of hafting. . probable manner of hafting. . perforated _pecten_, florida. ( / )] agricultural implements. the first explorers of the atlantic seaboard found many of the tribes cultivating the soil to a limited extent, corn being the chief product. the methods and appliances were exceedingly primitive, and the implements employed, whether wood, bone, stone, or shell, possess but little interest to art. unworked shells, lashed to rude handles, served all the purposes as well as if wrought out in the most fanciful manner. the large, firm valves of clam-shells were most frequently used, as the following extracts will show. "before the indians learned of the english the use of a more convenient instrument, they tilled their corn with hoes made of these shells, to which purpose they are well adapted by their size."[ ] a further reference to this shell is found in wood's new england prospect: "the first plowman was counted little better than a juggler: the _indians_ seeing the plow teare up more ground in a day, than their clamme shels could scrape up in a month, desired to see the workemanship of it, and viewing well the coulter and share, perceiving it to be iron, told the plowman, hee was almost _abamocho_, almost as cunning as the devill."[ ] and again the same author says: "an other work is their planting of corne, wherein they exceede our _english_ husband-men, keeping it so cleare with their clamme shell-hooes, as if it were a garden rather than a corne-field, not suffering a choking weede to advance his audacious head above their infant corne, or an undermining worme to spoile his spurnes."[ ] other writers make but the most casual mention of this subject. de bry gives, in plate xxi, vol. ii, a picture in which a number of natives are engaged in cultivating their fields. in fig. , plate xxvii, i give an enlarged cut of one of the implements employed; the original drawing has probably been made from memory by the artist, and the cut serves no purpose except to give an idea of the general shape of the implement and to suggest the manner of hafting, if indeed the implement is not made wholly from a crooked stick. [illustration: pl. xxvii--shell implements. . shell implement, tennessee. . probable manner of hafting celt. . implement illustrated in de bry. . shell club-head, florida. . shell implement, peru.] fishing appliances. the use of shell in the manufacture of fishing implements seems to have been almost unknown among the tribes of the atlantic coast, and with the exception of a few pendant-like objects, resembling plummets or sinkers of stone, nothing has been obtained from the ancient burial mounds of the mississippi valley. hooks of shell, however, are very plentiful in the ancient burial-places of the pacific coast, and are frequently so well shaped as to excite our admiration. hooks and other fishing apparatus, in whole or in part made of shell, are extensively employed by the present natives of the pacific islands and among the numerous tribes of the northwest coast, although bone and ivory are in much higher favor for these purposes. we cannot say with certainty for what purpose the various sinker-like objects of shell were used. in all cases they are so perforated or grooved as to be suspended by a string; but it is the custom of all savage peoples to employ very heavy pendants as ornaments for the ears or for suspension about the neck, and where stone could be secured for such ordinary uses as the sinking of nets or lines, it seems improbable that objects of shell, which form superb ornaments, would be so employed. that hooks were used to some extent by the atlantic coast indians is proved by the association of bone hooks with other ancient relics. i am not aware that their use has been noticed by early writers, who describe at length, however, the capture of fish by means of arrows, spears, and nets. the ancient mexican manuscripts contain many drawings showing the use of nets in fishing, but the use of hooks and lines is not suggested. in the absence of positive proof as to the exact manner in which the plummet-like objects were utilized, i shall for the present follow the custom of the best authors and classify the heavier specimens as sinkers. the smaller specimens will be described as pendant ornaments. in fig. , plate xxviii, a very handsome specimen from a refuse heap on blennerhasset island, ohio river, is shown. it has been cut from the columella of a _busycon perversum_, the reverse whorl being indicated by the well-preserved spiral groove, and was suspended by means of a small, well-made perforation near the upper end. the surface is weathered and chalky with age. another specimen, from the same locality, differs but slightly from this; the perforated end is broken away; the surface is deeply weathered, and the more compact laminæ stand out in high relief. two specimens from sarasota bay, fla., resemble these very closely in shape and size; instead of a perforation, however, they are grooved near the upper end. they are made from the columellæ of the _busycon perversum_. one of them is shown in fig. , plate xxviii. it is possible that a number of the small shells usually supposed to be perforated for use as ornaments have been used for sinkers. one such specimen, collected by professor velie in florida, is preserved in the national collection. it is made from an almost entire specimen of a small but compact univalve--a dextral-whorled _busycon_ or a _strombus_. a shallow groove has been cut near the basal point for the purpose of attaching a line. a fourth specimen, from florida, is represented by a cast presented by professor velie; it is three inches in length and nearly one inch in diameter, and has been derived from the columella of a _busycon perversum_. it has a broad groove near the upper end, with a long, sloping shoulder, the body being somewhat conical below. other specimens of similar character have recently been added to the national collection. a grooved specimen of medium size was obtained from a mound at madisonville, ohio, and is figured by the explorers.[ ] a few smaller specimens come from new york, and others from kentucky, but they were probably intended for ornaments, and as such i prefer to class them. from the pacific coast we have a large number of examples, one of the finest being illustrated in fig. , plate xxviii. it is a flattish, somewhat pear-shaped pendant, and has a neatly cut groove near the upper end. it was collected by bowers on the island of santa rosa, cal., and was probably made from a _pachydesma_ or _amiantis_. a new-looking specimen from santa barbara, carved from a flat bit of pearly _haliotis_, represents a fish, the mouth, gills, body, and tail being distinctly shown. it may have been used as a bait. by far the most interesting examples of fishing implements of ancient date have been obtained from graves in california; these are well represented in the collections made by schumacher and bowers. a number of specimens may be seen in the national museum; one sinker from this collection has already been described. fish-hooks, however, constitute the great majority of the specimens, and many of them are of such unprecedented forms that they have been mistaken for ornaments. the marked peculiarity consists in the great width of the body of the hook, and the deeply involuted character of the barbless point, making it seem impossible that a fish should be impaled at all. it may be that this hook was intended only as a contrivance for securing bait, and that the fish, having swallowed this, was unable to disgorge it, and in this way was secured by the fisherman. in plate xxviii, three of these hooks are illustrated. the method of fastening them to the line is not well known, and the form does not suggest it, except in a few cases in which the shaft is enlarged slightly at the upper end. the head is never perforated, but is frequently pointed, and may have been inserted in a head of some other material and secured by means of asphaltum. the fact that portions of this material still adhere to the upper part of the shaft confirms this conjecture. none of these hooks are barbed. similar hooks of bone, exhibited in the national collection, have barbs on the outside, near the point. hooks resembling these are used by some tribes to secure the ends of strings of beads. prof. f. w. putnam has described a number of these hooks which belong to the peabody museum. the largest is two and three-fourths inches in length and one inch wide at the middle of the shank. these came from san clemente, san miguel, and santa cruz islands, and the mainland about santa barbara, and are accompanied by stone implements used in their manufacture.[ ] the natives of tahiti had fish-hooks made of mother-of-pearl, and every fisherman made them for himself. they generally served for the double purpose of hook and bait. "the shell is first cut into square pieces, by the edge of another shell, and wrought into a form corresponding with the outline of the hook by pieces of coral, which are sufficiently rough to perform the office of a file; a hole is then bored in the middle; the drill being no other than the first stone they pick up that has a sharp corner; this they fix into the end of a piece of bamboo and turn it between the hands like a chocolate mill; when the shell is perforated, and the hole sufficiently wide, a small file of coral is introduced, by the application of which the hook is in a short time completed, few costing the artificer more time than a quarter of an hour."[ ] the specimens illustrated are made from the thicker portions of species of the _haliotis_ or of the valves of the dark purplish _mytilus californianus_. they are handsome objects, their surfaces being well rounded and polished. in the collection there are specimens which illustrate very well the process of manufacture. a series of these is given in plate xxviii. fig. shows a small fragment broken out roughly from the shell, probably by a stone or shell implement. fig. shows a similar specimen in which an irregular perforation has been made. in fig. we see a considerable advance toward completion; the hole has been enlarged by rubbing or filing with some small implement, and the outline approximates that of the finished hook. figs. , , and represent typical examples of the completed hooks. these range in size from one-half to three inches in length, the width being but slightly less. the skill acquired in the manufacture of such objects of use is of the greatest importance in the development of art. it is only through the mastery of material thus engendered that the arts of taste become possible. [illustration: pl. xxviii--shell fishing appliances. , , . manufacture of hooks. , , . hooks from graves, california. . pendant or sinker, california. , . pendants, atlantic slope. ( / )] weapons. it would hardly seem at first glance that shells or shell substance could be utilized for weapons to any advantage. a close examination, however, of some of the more massive varieties will convince us that they could be made available. the specific gravity of some varieties, such as the _strombus_ and _busycon_, is equal to that of moderately compact stone, and with their long, sharp beaks they would, with little modification, certainly make formidable weapons. dr. charles rau seems to have been the first to call attention to the use of shells as club-heads by the tribes of florida. in his valuable paper on the archæological collections of the national museum he gives a very good description, which i copy in full: "it further appears that the florida indians applied shells of the _busycon perversum_ as clubs or _casse-tetes_ by adapting them to be used with a handle, which was made to pass transversely through the shell. this was effected by a hole pierced in the outer wall of the last whorl in such a manner as to be somewhat to the left of the columella, while a notch in the outer lip, corresponding to the hole, confined the handle or stick between the outer edge of the lip and the inner edge of the columella. the anterior end of the canal, broken off until the more solid part was reached, was then brought to a cutting edge nearly in the plane of the aperture. a hole was also made in the posterior surface of the spire behind the carina in the last whorl, evidently for receiving a ligature by means of which the shell was more firmly lashed to the handle."[ ] mention of these objects is also made by knight in a recent pamphlet, the method of hafting being illustrated.[ ] professor wyman, in the naturalist for , describes and illustrates an object of this class, made from a _busycon_, which he is inclined to regard as one of the conch-shells said to have been used by the indians for trumpets. it is presumably from one of the shell heaps on the st. johns river, fla.[ ] in fig. , plate xxvii, i illustrate one of the national museum specimens. the posterior point is much reduced by grinding, the apex and nodes are somewhat battered, and the whole surface of the shell is worn and discolored. there are about a dozen specimens in the national collection; in nearly all cases they are made from heavy walled specimens of the _busycon perversum_, and range from three to eight inches in length. they are described as coming from three localities, st. johns river, clearwater river, and sarasota bay, fla. all were probably obtained from shell heaps, and although ancient, two of the specimens still retain rude and insignificant-looking handles of wood. it will be seen from the foregoing that shells have actually been employed as weapons, a use, however, which would probably never have been suggested but for the great scarcity of stone along the southern coast. tweezers. a rather novel use of shells by the ancient indians is mentioned by early writers. the two valves of small mussels or clams were made to do service as tweezers for pulling out their hair. adair, speaking of the choctaws, says that "both sexes pluck all the hair off their bodies with a kind of tweezers, made formerly of clam shells."[ ] strachey states that shells were used by the virginian indians for cutting hair. beverly says of the virginia indians that they "pull their beards up by the roots with muscle-shells, and both men and women do the same by the other parts of their body for cleanliness sake."[ ] heckewelder states that "before the europeans came into the country their apparatus for performing this work consisted of a pair of mussel-shells, sharpened on a gritty stone, which answered the purpose very well, being somewhat like pincers."[ ] fig. , plate xxvii, reproduced from a plate in the necropolis of ancon[ ] represents two small _mytilus_ shells pierced at the beak and bound together with a cord. they were found in one of the ancient graves of peru, and may have been used for a similar purpose. ornaments. pins. having studied the application of shell material to the various utilitarian arts, i turn to the consideration of what may, with more or less propriety, be called the arts of taste. the skill acquired by the primitive artisan in shaping the homely spoon or the rude celt served a good purpose in the more elegant arts, and opened the way to a new and unique field for the development and display of the remarkable art instincts of these savages. it probably required no great skill and no very extended labor to fashion the various utensils and implements of the outer walls of the univalves or the thin valves of clams and mussels; but to cut out, grind down, and polish the columellæ of the large conchs required a protracted effort and no little mechanical skill. of the various objects shaped from the columellæ, beads are probably the most important; but a large class of pin-shaped articles naturally come first, as they consist of entire or nearly entire columellæ dressed down to the desired shape. the use of these objects is still problematical. as they are found in most cases deposited with human remains, they were doubtless highly valued. they must have served a definite purpose in well-established and wide-spread customs, as they are found distributed over a district almost co-extensive with that occupied by other shell vestigia of marine origin. let us first study the process of manufacture. a considerable number of the larger species of marine univalves have been brought into requisition. various species of _busycon_, _strombus_, and _fasciolaria_ offer almost equal facilities; the former, however, seems to have been decidedly the favorite, the _busycon perversum_ having furnished at least three-fourths of the columns used. this result may be attributed, however, to the fact that, for reasons already mentioned, the _perversum_ was so universally employed for vessels, the axes extracted from these being then ready for further manipulation. the outer case of the shell being somewhat fragile it is probable that the sea has very frequently broken it away, leaving the dismantled columella to be washed ashore in a shape convenient for manufacture or for inland trade. if the demand for these objects was very great, it is to be presumed that on shores where they abound these shells were broken open and the columns extracted for purposes of traffic. the state of tennessee is found to be the great store-house of these as well as other ancient objects of shell. this is probably owing to two causes: first, that far inland, where they were difficult to procure, and very costly, they were highly esteemed, and hence consecrated to the use of the dead; and, second, the conditions under which they were buried had much to do with preserving them from rapid decay, while on the coast or when exposed to the atmosphere they soon disappeared. an interesting series of specimens illustrating the various stages of manufacture of articles from the columella is presented in plate xxix. in fig. a section of a _busycon perversum_ is given. the position of the columella and its relations to the exterior parts may be clearly seen. the reverse whorl of the spire will be noticed, and the consequent sinistral character of the groove. fig. illustrates the extracted columella in its untrimmed state. a similar specimen is shown in fig. , plate xxxi. it was obtained from the site of an old indian lodge on the island of martha's vineyard. this, with a number of smaller specimens, may be seen in the national museum. they show no signs of use, and were probably destined for manufacture into pins or beads. columellæ in this state are very frequently found in the mounds and graves of the interior states; a majority probably belong to the _busycons_, but a considerable number are derived from the _strombidæ_. a few specimens of large size may be seen in the national collection. fig. represents a roughly dressed pin, of a type peculiar to the pacific coast. fig. illustrates a completed pin of the form most common in the middle mississippi province. fig. shows a rather rare form of pin, pointed at both ends. bone pins of this form are quite common. fig. represents a nearly symmetrical cylinder. fig. illustrates the manner of dividing the cylinders into sections for beads. [illustration: pl. xxix--manufacture of implements and ornaments. . section of _busycon perversum_. . roughly trimmed columella. . headless pin, western form. . tennessee form. . pin pointed at both ends. . (omitted.) . manner of cutting into beads. . derivation of a celt from _busycon_. . derivation of ornaments from _haliotis_. . derivation of ornaments from _busycon_. . bead with cylindrical, countersunk perforation. . bead with conical perforation. . bead with bi-conical perforation. . bead imperfectly perforated.] in some very important additions to the national museum were made, from the mounds of tennessee. these include a great wealth of objects in shell. from the mcmahan mound at sevierville, tenn., there are a dozen shell pins, all made from the _busycon perversum_. the entire specimens range from three to six inches in length; two are fragmentary, having lost their points by decay. in shape these objects are quite uniform, being, however, as a rule, more slender in the shaft than the average pin. the heads range from one-half to one inch in length, and are generally less than one inch in diameter. they are somewhat varied in shape, some being cylindrical, others being conical above. the shaft is pretty evenly rounded, but is seldom symmetrical or straight. it is rarely above one-half an inch in diameter, and tapers gradually to a more or less rounded point. the groove of the canal shows distinctly in all the heads, and may often be traced far down the shaft. in a number of cases the surface retains the fine polish of the newly-finished object, but it is usually somewhat weathered, and frequently discolored or chalky. these specimens were found in the mounds along with deposits of human remains, and generally in close proximity to the head; this fact suggests their use as ornaments for the hair. two illustrations are given in plate xxx. fig. represents a fine example, six and a quarter inches in length. the head is deeply grooved, and is apparently cut from the middle part of the columella, the shaft being formed from the spine-like basal point. the spiral canal, which is clearly defined, makes but one revolution in the entire length of the pin. in fig. a somewhat similar specimen is represented. two fine specimens come from a mound on fain's island, tennessee river. the larger one is made from the columella of some heavy shell, probably the _strombus gigas_. the head is cylindrical, and the shaft large, but imperfect. the smaller is a little more than two inches in length, the head being small and conical, and the point more than usually blunt. another specimen was obtained from a mound at taylor's bend, near dandridge, tenn. the head is almost spherical, and the point broken off; the whole surface is new looking and highly polished. a number of bone pins pointed at both ends were obtained from fain's island, besides many perforators and other well-made implements of bone. prof. c. c. jones describes[ ] a number of shell pins without mentioning localities, stating, however, that such pins have been obtained from a mound on the chattahoochie river, below columbus, ga. he publishes illustrations of two varieties. one, of the ordinary type, is five and a half inches in length, one inch of that distance being occupied by the head, which is an inch and a quarter in diameter. the shank is an inch and a half in circumference, and, while tapering somewhat, is quite blunt at the point. the other is of somewhat rare occurrence, being pointed at both ends. an example of this variety is given in fig. , plate xxx. they are usually small and short, seldom exceeding three inches in length. in the national collection there are ten fine pins, obtained by c. l. stratton from a mound on the french broad river, fifteen miles above knoxville, tenn. four only are made from the _busycon perversum_. the largest specimen has a very large, cylindrical head, with an extremely deep groove. the shaft has been at least five inches long, and is nearly one-half an inch in diameter. another fine specimen is five inches long, very slender, and nearly symmetrical. a small, almost headless pin, not quite one and a half inches in length, is peculiar in having a longitudinal perforation. it has probably been strung as a bead. a fourth specimen is five and three-quarters inches in length. the head is well rounded above, and the shaft tapers gradually to a slender symmetrical point. the other specimens from the same locality are in an advanced stage of decay, the points being entirely destroyed. the peabody museum contains a large number of very fine specimens of this class. the most important of these were obtained from the brakebill, lick creek, and turner mounds of tennessee, by the rev. e. o. dunning. the largest of these is upward of six inches in length. an unusually symmetrical and well-preserved specimen from the lick creek mound is nearly seven inches in length. one specimen only in this collection differs from the type already described; this has been made from a dextral-whorled shell; the head is somewhat spherical, but is unusual in having an umbonate projection at the top. it is illustrated in fig. , plate xxx. another small pin, which is about one and one-half inches in length, has a poorly defined head, and would seem useless for the purposes ordinarily suggested for the larger specimens. a recent collection from pikeville, tenn., includes a number of specimens made from the spike-like base of the _busycon perversum_. they are roughly finished, and taper to a point at both ends. the larger ones are six inches in length and nearly one inch in diameter. all are perforated longitudinally. this perforation is neatly made and about one-eighth of an inch in diameter. in one specimen which has been broken open two perforations may be seen running almost parallel with each other, as if they had been bored from opposite ends and had failed to meet. the length of these perforations is quite remarkable, and it is difficult to understand how, with the primitive tools at the disposal of these people, a uniform diameter could be given throughout. one of these objects is shown in fig. , plate xxx. other states besides tennessee have furnished a limited number of shell pins. their occurrence in a mound near columbus, ga., has already been mentioned. the national collection contains a fine specimen from macon, ga., collected by j. c. plant. the peabody museum has a number from mounds on the saint francis river, ark. one of these is illustrated in fig. , plate xxx. they differ from the pins heretofore described, being in all cases unsymmetrical. the shaft is flat and somewhat curved, and joins the mushroom-shaped head near one edge. this results from the peculiar shape of the portion of the shell from which the pin is derived, the head being cut from the peripheral ridge and the shaft from the body below or the shoulder above. two specimens of this class have recently been obtained from a mound at osceola, ark. a profile view of one is shown in fig. , plate xxx. a pin of this class, from a burial mound at black hammock, fla., is described and illustrated by professor wyman.[ ] from the fact of its being perforated at the point, he regards it as a pendant ornament. he states that it is cut from the suture, where a whorl joins the preceding one. in this respect it resembles the specimens from arkansas. it is made from a _busycon perversum_. in the national museum we have two specimens from florida. one of these, from pensacola, is illustrated in fig. , plate xxx, and is of the ordinary form. the other is a short, broad-headed specimen, illustrated in fig. , plate xxx. in the peabody museum are two small specimens of the ordinary type, from a mound near jamestown, va. one of these, a small, pointed variety, is given in fig. , plate xxx. [illustration: pl. xxx--pins--eastern forms.] in volume vi of schoolcraft's indian tribes, a pin, probably of shell, is shown in a plate illustrating relics from south carolina. a few localities have furnished bone, stone, and clay pins similar to these in shape. specimens of the latter may be found both in the national and peabody museums. they were probably intended as stoppers for bottle-shaped earthen vessels. bone pins are generally headless, and have in most cases been intended as implements for perforating and for sewing. mr. schumacher found a pin-like object of bone on the island of san clemente, cal. it resembles the shell pins pretty closely, having a somewhat spherical head. it is figured by professor putnam in a recent work.[ ] as already stated, the exact uses to which these pins were applied by the mound-building tribes are unknown; various uses have been suggested by archæologists. the favorite idea seems to be that they were hair-pins, used by the savages to dress and ornament the hair. it would seem that many of them are too clumsy for such use, although when new they must have been very pretty objects. the shorter and headless varieties would certainly be quite useless. similar objects of bone or ivory, often tastefully carved, are used by the natives of alaska for scratching the head, although it seems improbable that this should have been their most important function. professor dall suggests that some of the shell pins may have been used as were the "blood-pins" of the indians of the northwest coast. when game is killed by an arrow or bullet, the pin is inserted in the wound, and the skin drawn and stitched over the flat head, so that the much valued blood may be prevented from escaping. a small, very tastefully carved specimen of these pins is given in plate xxxi, fig. . it was obtained from the indians of oregon. a similar specimen comes from san miguel island, cal. it is possible that they may have served some purpose in the arts or games of the ancient peoples; yet when we come to consider the very great importance given to ornaments by all barbarians, we return naturally to the view that they were probably designed for personal decoration. from the pacific coast we have shell pins of a very different type. they also are made from the columellæ of large marine univalves, and were probably used as ornaments, doubtless to a great extent as pendants. these objects have been obtained in great numbers from the ancient graves of the california coast, at santa barbara, at dos pueblos, and on the neighboring islands of santa clara, santa catalina, san clemente, and santa rosa. professor dall is of the opinion that the shell mostly used is the _purpura crispata_, the smaller specimens probably being derived from the _mitra maura_. such a very concise description of these objects is given by prof. f. w. putnam in a recent paper that i beg leave to quote it here, omitting his references to figures: "a columella was ground down to the required size and shape, and made into a pendant by boring a hole through the larger end. in order to make this pendant still more attractive, the spiral groove is filled with asphaltum, or a mixture of that material and a red pigment. sometimes the spiral groove was so nearly, or even wholly, obliterated in the process of grinding the columella into shape as to make it necessary to enlarge or even recut the groove in order to make a place for the much-loved asphaltum." another form, made from another shell, is described, the whorls of which are "loose and open, so that a natural tube exists throughout the length of the spire; at the same time the spiral groove in the central portion is very narrow; consequently it has to be artificially enlarged for the insertion of the asphaltum, which thus winds spirally about the shell. as the natural orifice at the large end of the shell seems to have been too large for properly adjusting and confining the ornament as desired, this difficulty was overcome by inserting a small shell of _dentalium_, or by making a little plug of shell, which is carefully fitted and bored."[ ] the national collection contains upward of fifty of these pins, which come from ancient graves at santa barbara and dos pueblos, cal., and from the islands of santa cruz and san miguel. these vary in length from one to five inches, the well-finished specimens seldom reaching one half an inch in diameter. at the upper end they round off somewhat abruptly to an obtuse point, but taper to a sharp point at the lower end, something like a cigar. two fine examples are shown in figs. and , plate xxxi. all show the spiral groove, and nearly all have portions of the asphaltum remaining. the columellæ from which they are made may be to some extent naturally perforated, but are certainly not sufficiently so to permit the ready passage of a cord. the points are seldom sharp, and are often broken off. a bit of _dentalium_ inserted into the perforation and set with asphaltum helps to enforce the point and to guard against further breakage. the larger specimens are seldom perforated transversely at either end, while the smaller ones are almost always perforated at the larger end, which is slightly flattened. a good example is shown in fig. , plate xxxi. a peculiar bulb-pointed specimen is illustrated in fig. , plate xxxi. the bulb is made from the upper end of the columella. there are six of these pins in the collection. the consideration of these pins leads naturally to the presentation of other classes of objects manufactured from the columellæ of marine univalves among which beads are the most numerous and important. [illustration: pl. xxxi--pins--pacific coast forms. . shell pin from san miguel island. . shell pin from dos pueblos, cal. . an untrimmed columella. . bone pin from oregon. . shell pin from san miguel island. . shell pin from san miguel island. ( / )] beads. i shall not attempt within the limits of this paper to give more than an outline of this important division of my subject. the use of beads seems to have been almost universal with peoples of all times and of all grades of culture, and the custom of wearing them is a relic of barbarism that promises to be carried a long way into the future. all suitable natural objects have been brought into requisition--animal, vegetable, and mineral. shells from the sea, precious stones from the mountains, and fruits from the forest have been utilized; and claws of birds, teeth of animals, and even the nails of the human hand have been worked into ornaments to gratify the barbaric vanity of the "untutored savage." the flinty substance of the shells of mollusks has been a favorite material at all times and with all peoples. especially is this true of the shell-loving natives of north america, among whom shell beads have been in use far back into the prehistoric ages, and who to-day, from oregon to florida, burden themselves to discomfort with multiple strings of their favorite ornament; and this, too, without reference to their value as money or their service as charms. on the necks of brawny and unkempt savages i have seen necklaces made of the highly glazed _oliva_, or of the iridescent nacre of the pearly _haliotis_, that would not shame a regal wardrobe, and have marveled at the untaught appreciation of beauty displayed. beads made of shell may have three divisions based upon derivation, and three based upon function. first, they consist of all smaller varieties of natural shells, pierced for suspension, or only slightly altered, to add to beauty or convenience; second, they are made of the shells of bivalves and the outer walls of univalves; or, third, of the columellæ of the larger univalves cut to the desired sizes, and shaped and polished to suit the savage taste. as to function, they may be classed as personal ornaments, as money, and as material for mnemonic records. perforated shells. under this head i shall examine briefly the manner of piercing or altering the smaller varieties of shells preparatory to stringing. the multitudes of perforated shells exhumed from the graves of our ancient tribes afford a fruitful field of study, and our large collections of more recent specimens serve to illustrate the manner in which they were employed. in plate xxxii illustrations are given showing the various methods of manipulation and perforation. in north america the _marginella_, the _oliva_, and the _cyprea_ seem to lead in importance. fig. represents an _oliva_, the apex of which has been broken away and the rough edge ground down, producing a passage for a thread, which may be introduced through the natural aperture below. this is a common method of perforation in many widely separated districts, and with a considerable variety of shells. the specimen figured is from a mound in cocke county, tenn. it is an _oliva literata_ from the atlantic coast. fig. shows a very usual method of treating small univalves. the most prominent part of the lower whorl is ground down until the wall is quite thin, and a small round hole is then drilled through it. the specimen illustrated is a large _olivella biplicata_, obtained from the island of santa rosa, cal. figs. and illustrate specimens from mexico. some thin-bladed implement, probably of stone, has been used to saw a slit or notch in the first convolution of the shell near the inner lip. fig. has one of these perforations, and fig. has two. the shell is the _oliva literata_, from the atlantic coast. fig. is simply one-half of an _olivella biplicata_ with the interior parts extracted. it is made by cutting the shell longitudinally and drilling a central perforation. the specimen figured is from san miguel island, cal. fig. illustrates the manner of breaking out a disk preparatory to making a bead. this disk, when perforated, is frequently used by the indians of the pacific coast without additional finish. fig. shows two examples of beads made from small specimens of the _olivella biplicata_; both extremities are ground off, leaving a rather clumsy cylinder. the originals are from graves on the island of santa rosa. such beads are frequently worn at the present time. one of the specimens shown in fig. is from a grave in monroe county, new york, and the other is from a mound in perry county, ohio. the shell is the _marginella conoidalis_, which has a wide distribution in the ancient burial-places of the atlantic slope. in making the perforation the shoulder is often ground so deeply as to expose the entire length of the interior spiral. fig. represents a perforated _cerrithidea sacrata_, from santa rosa island, cal. the method of perforating employed is a usual one with small shells of this form. similar specimens come from many parts of the united states. beads of this and the preceding variety are said to have constituted the original wampum of the atlantic seaboard. fig. illustrates a rude bead made from the spire of a univalve, probably a small specimen of _busycon perversum_. most of the body of the shell has been removed and a perforation made near the border. three of these specimens were found in a burial mound at murphysboro, ill. fig. illustrates a perforated _cyprea_ from the pacific coast. this is a recent specimen, which illustrates an ancient as well as a modern method of perforation. fig. shows a rather peculiar method of treating _cyprea_ shells by the tribes of the pacific coast and the pacific islands. the prominent part of the back is cut or ground away, and the columella is partially or wholly removed, a passage the full size of the natural aperture being thus secured. this is also an ancient as well as a modern method of treatment. [illustration: pl. xxxii--perforated shell beads. ( / )] small bivalve shells are prepared for stringing by drilling one or more holes in the center or near the margin, according to the manner in which they are to be strung. such beads have been in almost universal use by primitive peoples, both ancient and modern. shells with natural perforations, such as the _fissurellas_ and _dentalia_, are extensively employed by the west coast peoples, and foreign varieties of the latter have been largely imported by europeans, and from very early times have been used by the tribes of all sections. the natural perforation of the _fissurella_ is often artificially enlarged, and additional perforations are made near the margin. examples may be seen in plate xlix. i shall include under the head of beads all small objects having a central or nearly central perforation, made for the purpose of stringing them in numbers. in shape, they range from straw-like cylinders, three, four, and even five inches long, with longitudinal perforations, to thin, button-like disks, two or more inches in diameter. in general the cylinders are made from the columellæ of univalves, and the disks from the outer walls of the same, or from the shells of bivalves. of course, there are forms that fall under no classification, such as disks with perforations parallel with the faces, or cylindrical forms with transverse perforations, while many small, pendant-like objects, of varied shapes, are strung with the beads, and might be classed with them; but these are exceptions, and can be described along with the classified objects most nearly resembling them. the grinding down and the perforating of natural shells is easily accomplished, so that any savage could afford to decorate his person with this jewelry in profusion. but the class of beads illustrated in plates xxxiii, xxxiv, and xxxv could not have been made without the expenditure of much time and labor, and doubtless owe their existence, in a measure, to mercenary motives. as they were made from the walls or columellæ of massive shells, they must have been broken or cut out, ground smooth about the edges, and perforated; this, too, with most primitive tools. discoidal beads. in shape discoidal beads range from the concavo-convex sections of the curved walls of the shell to totally artificial outlines, in such forms as doubly-convex disks, cylinders, and spheroids. in size the disks vary from very minute forms, one-tenth of an inch in diameter and one-thirtieth of an inch in thickness, to two inches in diameter and nearly one-half an inch in thickness. the thickness of the finished beads is governed in a great measure by the thickness of the shell from which they are manufactured. the _venus mercenaria_ of the atlantic coast and the heavier _unios_ of the mississippi valley give a general thickness of from one-eighth to three-eighths of an inch, while others, such as the heavy clams of the pacific, are very much thicker. the walls of univalves, especially near the base, are often extremely heavy, while the smaller varieties of shells furnish specimens of wafer-like thinness. in plate xxxiii a series of beads of this class is given, beginning with the smaller disks and ending with those of large, though not the largest, size. in fig. i present two views of a minute disk, obtained, with many others of similar shape and size, from a mound on lick creek, tenn. the perforations in these specimens, as well as in most of those that follow, are bi-conical, and sufficiently irregular in form to indicate that they are hand-made. beads of this general appearance have been found in a multitude of graves and mounds, distributed over a large part of north as well as of south america. a vast majority of these beads are doubtless of aboriginal make, as they are found in the oldest mounds. fig. represents a minute form from santa cruz island, cal. the peripheral surface is ornamented with a net-work of incised lines. fig. illustrates a small cylindrical bead, with large perforation, from a mound near prairie du chien, wis. it was found, with a number of others, near the neck of the skeleton of a child. fig. represents a small spheroidal bead from the great mound near sevierville, tenn.; it is neatly made and well preserved. figs. and illustrate specimens of roughly finished concavo-convex disks, much used by both ancient and modern tribes of california, arizona, and new mexico. i essayed at one time to purchase a long necklace of these homely ornaments from a navajo indian in arizona, but soon discovered that it was beyond my reach, as my best mule was hardly considered a fair exchange for it. these beads are made from the _oliva_ chiefly, but to some extent from small bivalves. this bead is not common in the mounds of the mississippi valley, but is used by many modern savages. it seems to be the form called, by the indians of virginia, "roenoke," which, according to beverly, is made of the cockle-shell, broken into small bits, with rough edges, and drilled through in the same manner as beads. fig. represents a smoothly cut bead of medium size, said to have been obtained from a grave at lynn, mass. it has been cut from the curved wall of some large univalve, and is very similar to modern specimens in use over a greater part of the united states. fig. belongs to a necklace brought from the northwest coast, and is very much like the specimen shown in fig. . fig. is a well-made specimen from sevierville, tenn. the sides are ground perfectly flat and the edges are well rounded. the shell is very compact, and well preserved, and bears a close resemblance to bone or ivory. fig. represents a thin, fragile disk, from a mound in southern illinois. it is made of a _unio_, and separates into thin sheets or flakes, like mica. figs. and illustrate two compact, nearly symmetrical specimens from a mound at paint rock ferry, tenn. fig. is from the same locality, and is hemispherical in shape. fig. represents a button-like disk, with large conical perforation, from a mound at paint rock ferry, tenn. it has probably been made from the wall of a large marine univalve. the fine specimen shown in fig. comes from a mound in cocke county, tenn., and is unusually well preserved. it is very compact, having the appearance of ivory, and has probably been made from the basal portion of a large univalve. the perforation is extremely large, and is conical, having been bored entirely from one side. figs. and represent two fine specimens from california. they are nearly symmetrical, the faces being flat or slightly convex. the smaller one has been coated with some dark substance--the result, probably, of decay--which has broken away in places, exposing the chalky shell. the edges are ornamented with shallow lines or notches. such disks, when used as ornaments, probably formed the central piece of a necklace, or were fixed singly to the hair, ears, or costume. as long as these larger specimens retained the color and iridescence of the original shell, they were extremely handsome ornaments, but in their present chalky and discolored state they are not prepossessing objects. this plate will serve as a sort of key for reference in the study of beads of this class, as the specimens are typical. [illustration: pl. xxxiii--discoidal beads. ( / )] massive beads. beads made from the columellæ of univalves have generally a number of distinguishing characteristics. they are large and massive, and rarely symmetrical in outline, being sections of roughly dressed columns. they are somewhat cylindrical, and often retain the spiral groove as well as other portions of the natural surface. in cases where the form is entirely artificial they may be distinguished by the sinuous character of the foliation. the perforation is nearly always with the axis of the bead, and is in most cases bi-conical. in plate xxix a series of cuts is given which illustrates the various methods of perforation and shows very distinctly the differences between the rude work of savages and the mechanically perfect work of modern manufacturers. beads of this class are more decidedly aboriginal in character than those of any other group, and are without doubt of very ancient origin. they are widely distributed, and have been found in graves and mounds covering an area outlined by massachusetts, canada west, minnesota, missouri, and the gulf and atlantic coasts. figs. , , , , and of plate xxxiv represent typical specimens of this class. in every case they are considerably altered by decay, rarely retaining any of the original polish. all come from ancient burial mounds, some of the interments of which probably antedate, while others post-date, the coming of the whites. the bead shown in fig. is made from the columella of a _busycon perversum_. it is a rude, tapering cylinder, with rounded ends and deep spiral groove. the perforation is bi-conical and somewhat irregular. this, with many similar beads, made of both dextral and sinistral shells, was associated with human remains in the great mound at sevierville, tenn. the bead illustrated in fig. has been made from the column of some dextral whorled shell. it was obtained from a mound on lick creek, east tenn. it is a typical specimen of average size, and illustrates very well the large collection of this class of relics made by dr. troost. fig. was obtained from a mound at franklin, tenn. it is cut from the columella of a _busycon perversum_, and is of the usual form, being a heavy, short cylinder, rounded at the ends until it is somewhat globular. the perforation is very large, and has been made almost entirely from one end. the surface is much weathered, the firmer _laminæ_ being distinctly relieved. other specimens from the same locality are much smaller. fig. is from a grave in an ancient cemetery at swanton, vt., and is similar to the preceding, having been cut, however, if correctly represented, from a dextral whorled shell. the cut is copied from a paper by g. h. perkins.[ ] fig. illustrates a very large specimen of these beads from the lick creek mound, east tenn. the surface is encrusted, stained, and decayed. it has been made from the broad beak of a _strombus_ or dextral whorled _busycon_. the perforation is symmetrical and bi-conical. specimens upwards of two inches in length and one and one-fourth in width come from the same place. the larger perforations are three-eighths of an inch in diameter at the ends and quite small in the middle. fig. represents a large bead of symmetrical outline, made from the columella of a _busycon perversum_. the shape is artificial, with the exception of a small portion of the spiral canal. the surface retains much of the original polish, but exfoliation has commenced on one side. the perforation is about three-sixteenths of an inch in diameter at the ends and one-sixteenth in the middle. there is a slight offset where the perforations meet. it is from a burial mound at harrisburg, ark. the bead shown in fig. is one of a large number obtained from a mound at east st. louis, ill. it is a symmetrical, well-polished cylinder. the small portion of the spiral groove which remains indicates that it is derived from a _busycon perversum_. the perforation is neatly made and doubly conical in shape. the symmetry, finish, and fine condition of this bead lead to the suspicion that it may be of recent manufacture. its form is by no means a common one among ancient mound relics. the bead represented in fig. is described and illustrated by squier and davis.[ ] this, with many similar specimens, was taken from a mound in the ohio valley. it is made from the columella of some marine univalve, and is well wrought and symmetrical. fig. is a flattish, highly polished bead from monroe county, new york. the material, which resembles ivory, may have been obtained from the tusk of some animal. it is slightly concave on one side and convex on the other. the perforation is neatly made and of uniform diameter throughout. in fig. i present a bead of unusual shape; it is made from the basal portion of some heavy univalve. the axis and perforation are at right angles to the plane of lamination. the middle portion of the bead has been excavated, producing a form resembling a labret or lip-block, in common use by many tribes. it is from a mound on french broad river, tenn. we have a bead of similar shape, but which has a lateral perforation, from a mound at nashville, tenn. fig. illustrates a spheroidal bead obtained from an ancient grave on santa rosa island, cal. the form is unusually symmetrical and the perforation neatly made, being small, doubly conical, and slightly countersunk at one end. the surface is smooth and retains a little of the original purplish hue of the shell, probably a _hennites giganteus_. others of the same shape from this locality exhibit like characteristics. a few similar specimens come from san miguel island. another large specimen from this locality is shown in fig. . it is somewhat flat, and is quite wide in the middle portion, tapering rapidly towards the ends. the perforation is small and regular. the lines of foliation are distinctly marked, but are not sufficiently characteristic to indicate the part of the shell from which the bead is derived. _pearls._--two of the most remarkable beads in the national collection are illustrated in figs. and . the latter is an enormous pearl, probably derived from the _haliotis californianus_. it is somewhat pear-shaped, the base being rounded and the apex a little bent. the transverse section is subtriangular. having been buried for an unknown period in the soil or sand, it has suffered greatly from decay, and has probably lost considerably by exfoliation. the thin, chalky lamellæ come away readily in concentric scales, exposing the iridescent _nacre_ beneath. the perforation is about one-sixteenth of an inch in diameter, and seems to pass through a natural cavity in the interior of the pearl. the smaller specimen given in fig. is in many respects, similar to the large one. another, of about the same size as fig. bears quite a marked resemblance to a lima bean, and is pierced laterally, giving a button like appearance. these specimens were obtained from graves on san miguel island, by stephen bowers. [illustration: pl. xxxiv--massive beads and pearls. ( / )] tubular beads. in plate xxxv i have arranged a number of cylindrical beads, together with a few others of unclassified form. figs. and illustrate the most common form of the ancient wampum, the white example being made from the columella of a small univalve, and the dark one from the purple portion of a _venus mercenaria_. the specimens represented belong to the celebrated "penn belt," preserved in the rooms of the historical society of pennsylvania. it is not known positively that beads of this particular shape were employed in pre-columbian times; but it is certainly one of the earliest historical forms, and one which has been manufactured extensively by the indians as well as by the whites. they may be found both in very old and in very recent graves, in widely separated parts of the united states and british america, and have always formed an important part of the stock of the indian trader. figs. and represent a very large class of pacific coast forms. these are from the island of san miguel. they are simple white cylinders, with somewhat irregular bi-conical perforations. many examples may be found which taper slightly toward the ends. they are coated with a rusty-looking deposit, which breaks away easily, exposing the chalky substance of the shell. they range from one-half to three inches in length, and from one-eighth to three-eighths in diameter. they are probably made from the thick valves of the _pachydesma crassatelloides_ or the _amiantis callosa_. they were probably used as beads for the neck and as pendant ornaments for the ears. the longer specimens may have been worn in the nose. it is also said that beads of this class were used as money. fig. illustrates a very long, tubular bead found at piscataway, md. it has been made from the columella of some large univalve. it is four and a half inches long and one-fourth of an inch in diameter. the surface is smooth, but a little uneven, and the ends taper slightly. the perforation which has apparently been made from both ends, as there is an offset near the middle, is quite regular, though slightly enlarged near the ends. a large number of beads of the class illustrated in fig. , plate xxxv, were obtained from the ancient graves of san miguel island, cal. they have been made from one of the large bivalve shells of the pacific coast, probably the _pachydesma crassatelloides_. the curvature of the bead is the result of the natural curve of the valve from which it is fashioned. the larger specimens are nearly five inches in length. in the middle portion they are three-eighths of an inch in diameter. they taper gradually towards the ends to the size of the perforation, which averages about one-sixteenth of an inch. the curvature of the bead is so great that there has been much difficulty in making the perforations from opposite ends meet, and none of the larger specimens will permit the passage of a wire, although the perforations lap considerably and water passes through quite freely. it will be observed that the surface of these objects is coated with a dark, rough film, which, when broken away, exposes the natural shell. such beads may have been used as nose ornaments, but more probably formed parts of some composite ornament for the neck or ear. fig. represents a bone nose ornament obtained from the pai-ute indians by professor powell. its shape is not unlike that of the curved bead just described. the large rude bead given in fig. is made from the thick lip or rim of the _haliotis californianus_. this, with a number of similar specimens, was obtained from an ancient grave at dos pueblos, cal. the perforations are all large and symmetrical. in one case the hole has been reduced at the ends by inserting small bits of shell, through which minute passages have been made. in figs. and i give two illustrations of a bead of rather remarkable form. a large number of similar specimens have been brought from dos pueblos, la patera, and the islands of san miguel and santa cruz. they are made from the hinge of the _hennites giganteus_, a large bivalve, having a delicate purplish tinge. the shape results from the form of the hinge; the curve is the natural curve of the shell; and the notch near the middle of the convex side is the natural pit, often somewhat altered by art to add to the appearance or to assist in completing the perforation. the holes are generally very small, and have been made with much difficulty, owing to the curvature of the bead. where by accident the perforation has become enlarged at the end, it has been bushed by setting in a small piece of shell. the specimen figured is perforated near the end for suspension, no longitudinal perforation having been attempted. fig. shows one of these beads in an unfinished state, the portion of the hinge used being roughly broken out and slightly rounded. we have in the national collection specimens of this class in all stages of manufacture. professor haldeman has described and illustrated a number of similar beads. he describes the rounded notch near the middle as artificial, and considers it a device to help out the perforation or facilitate the stringing. professor putnam, in the same work,[ ] states that the "notches were subsequently filled with asphaltum even with the surface of the shell." the curved bead illustrated in fig. is made from a _dentalium indianorum_ (?) by removing the conical point. these shells, either entire or in sections, are much used by the indians of the northwest, both as ornaments and as a medium of exchange. [illustration: pl. xxxv--beads. , . beads from the penn belt. , . pacific coast forms. . bead from maryland. . a pacific coast form. . a pai-ute nose ornament (bone). . bead made from a _haliotis_. , , . beads made from hinge of _hennites_. . bead made from a _dentalium_. . bead from mound, tenn. ( / )] runtees. in plate xxxvi i present a number of illustrations of a class of relics which have occasionally been mentioned in literature, and which are represented to some extent in our collections. as these objects resemble beads rather more closely than pendants, i shall refer to them in this place, although mr. schoolcraft considers them badges of honor or rank, and treats them as gorgets. he describes them as consisting of a "circular piece of flat shell, from one and a half to two inches in diameter, quartered with double lines, having the devices of dots between them. this kind was doubly perforated in the plane of the circle."[ ] in "notes on the iroquois," by the same author, we have a much fuller description. he says that "this article is generally found in the form of an exact circle, rarely a little ovate. it has been ground down and repolished, apparently, from the conch. its diameter varies from three-fourths of an inch to two inches; thickness, two-tenths in the center, thinning out a little towards the edges. it is doubly perforated. it is figured on the face and its reverse, with two parallel latitudinal and two longitudinal lines crossing in its center, and dividing the area into four equal parts. its circumference is marked with an inner circle, corresponding in width to the cardinal parallels. each division of the circle thus quartered has five circles, with a central dot. the latitudinal and longitudinal bands or fillets have each four similar circles and dots, and one in its center, making thirty-seven. the number of these circles varies, however, on various specimens. in the one figured there are fifty-two."[ ] figs. and are copied from plate of schoolcraft. the smaller was obtained from an ancient grave at upper sandusky, ohio, and the larger from an indian cemetery at onondaga, n. y. others have been found at jamesville, lafayette, and manlius, in the latter state. the indians, according to mr. schoolcraft, have no traditions respecting this class of objects, and we are quite in the dark as to their significance or the manner in which they were used. mr. w. m. beauchamp, of baldwinsville, n. y., has very kindly sent me sketches of two of these objects. the originals were obtained from an ancient village site at pompey, n. y. one is almost a duplicate of the smaller specimen copied from schoolcraft, but the other, which is illustrated in fig. , plate xxxvi, presents some novel features. the central portion of the face is occupied by a rosette-like design, which consists of six sharply oval figures that radiate from the center like the spokes of a wheel. these rays are ornamented with a series of oblique lines, arranged in couplets. the margin is encircled by a narrow band, similarly figured. mr. beauchamp expresses the opinion that these specimens are of european origin. the specimen shown in fig. belongs to a necklace now in the national collection. this necklace was obtained from the indians of new mexico by lieutenant whipple, and consists of three of these shell ornaments, together with about fifty small porcelain beads. the shell beads are strung at regular intervals. the specimen illustrated is ornamented with a design in minute conical pits, arranged precisely as are the circlets in the crosses and encircling bands of the new york and ohio specimens. the edges and surfaces are much worn by use. the substance of the shell is well preserved, and has an ivory-like appearance although in the specimen shown in the cut the lamination of the shell is distinctly seen. the perforations in these three specimens are quite symmetrical, and suggest the use of machinery. the method of perforation is identical in all these specimens, and will be readily understood by reference to the two sections given in figs. and . all of these specimens are nearly circular; but the regularity of the outline is in some cases marred by shallow notches produced by wear at the perforations. this wear has been accelerated by the abrasion of the small beads with which the disks have probably been strung. it will be noticed that there is quite a close resemblance between these objects and the "runtees" of the early writers. beverly gives an illustration of an indian boy who is described as wearing a necklace of these "runtees," which "are made of the conch shell, as the peak is, only the shape is flat and like a cheese, and drill'd edge-ways."[ ] a portion of this illustration is copied in fig. , plate xxxvi. it will be seen by reference to this cut that the manner of stringing corresponds with the method in which the objects under consideration would have to be strung. [illustration: pl. xxxvi--runtees. . new york. . new york. . arizona. . new york. , . sections. . manner of wearing. ( / )] it is probable that the signification of the designs engraved upon these ornaments will remain forever a matter of conjecture. it cannot be affirmed that the cross, which occurs on the faces of most of the specimens, has any particular significance, although it may represent the points of the compass. that it may have some emblematic meaning is, however, not impossible. i have counted the number of circlets on all of the specimens with which i am acquainted. the result is shown in the following table: ----------------+-------------------------+------------------+------ | in the cross. | | +-------------------------+ in the |total. |longitudinal | transverse| circle, exclusive| | arm. | arm. | of cross. | ----------------+-------------+-----------+------------------+------ no. (fig. ) | | | | no. (fig. ) | | | | no. (fig. ) | | | | no. [a] | | | | no. [a] | | | | no. [b] | | | | ----------------+-------------+-----------+------------------+------ [a] schoolcraft: notes on iroquois, p. . [b] from sketch by mr. beauchamp. the central circlet having been counted with each arm of the cross, the total number of circlets in each specimen will be one less than the sum of the three columns. these circlets may be numerals. the design may be significant of some rank, the badge of a secret order, or the totem of a clan. the general arrangement of the figures upon the face of these disks suggests an incipient calendar. these beads are doubtless american in origin, as nothing of a similar form, so far as i can learn, occurs in european countries. the fact that they are found in widely separated localities indicates that they were probably used in trade since the advent of the whites. this is possibly some form of bead held in high esteem by tribes of the atlantic coast when first encountered by the whites who have taken up its manufacture for purposes of trade. beads as ornaments. i have already spoken casually of the use of beads for personal ornament, but it will probably be better to enlarge a little upon the subject at this point. beads are generally found in the graves of ancient peoples in a loose or disconnected state, the strings on which they were secured having long since decayed. we cannot, therefore, with certainty, restore the ancient necklaces and other composite ornaments; but we can form some idea of their character by a study of the objects of which they were made and the positions held by these objects at the period of exhumation. much can also be learned by a study of the ornaments of modern peoples in similar stages of culture. as a rule, the combinations in the pendant ornaments of the ancient american seem to have been quite simple. being without glass, and practically without metals, they had few of the resources of the modern savage. their tastes were simple and congruous, not having been disturbed by the debasing influence of foreign innovation, which is the cause of so much that is tawdry and incongruous in the art of modern barbarians. a curious example of a modern necklace is given by professor haldeman,[ ] who had in his possession an abyssinian necklace "composed of european beads, cowries (_cyprea_ shell), a triangular plate of glass, two small copper coins, small spheric brass buttons, cornelian, date-seeds, numerous cloves pierced through the sides, a fragment of wood, a bit of cane, and an arab phylactery." something can be learned of the practices of the ancient americans in the use of beads and pendant ornaments generally, by a study of the remains of their paintings and sculptures--such, for instance, as may be found in the goldsborough manuscripts or the superb lithographs of waldeck, examples of which are given in plate xlv. in a number of cases necklaces of the mound-builders have been found upon the necks of skeletons, just as they were placed at the time of burial. captain atwater in describing the contents of a mound at marietta, ohio, makes the statement that on the breast of a skeleton "lay a stone ornament, with two perforations, one near each end, through which passed a string, by means of which it was suspended around the wearer's neck. on the string, which was made of sinew, and very much injured by time, were placed a great many beads made of ivory or bone."[ ] a similar necklace is described by mr. matson, in the ohio centennial report, p. . it was found on the skeleton of a little girl, and was so made as to be larger in the center of the neck in front, tapering almost to a point at the middle of the back. on page of the same volume much more varied uses of bead ornaments are suggested. mr. matson describes four skeletons, on each of which shell beads were found. in three cases they had been placed about the neck only; in the fourth, nearly thirty yards of beads had been used. there were four strands about the neck, crossing over on the breast and back and passing down between the legs. strings passed down the legs to the feet, and were also found along the arms and around the wrists. the arrangement of the various parts of a necklace or string of pendants is found to be much alike the world over, consisting of a strand of beads, small toward the ends and increasing in size toward the middle, where a central bead or pendant of peculiar form or unusual size is placed. the practices of modern barbarians in the employment of beads as ornaments are extremely varied. they are employed in dressing the hair, in head-dresses and plumes, and pendants to these; as pendants to the hair, ears, nose, and lips; as necklaces and bracelets; as belts for the waist and sashes to be thrown across the shoulders; and as anklets and pendent ornaments to all parts of the costume. father rasles, writing of the abnaki indians of canada in , says: "if you wish to see him in all his finery, you will find he has no other ornaments but beads; these are a kind of shell or stone, which they form into the shape of little grains, some white and others black, which they string together in such a way as to represent different showy figures with great exactness. it is with these beads that our indians bind up and plait their hair on their ears and behind; they make of them pendants for the ears, collars, garters, large sashes of five or six inches in breadth, and on these kinds of ornaments they pride themselves much more than a european would on all his gold and jewelry."[ ] it is related of the new england indians that more than a hundred years ago, they "hung strings of money about their necks and wrists, as also upon the necks and wrists of their wives and children. they also curiously make girdles, of one, two, three, four, and five inches thickness, and more, of this money; which, sometimes, to the value of ten pounds or more, they wear about their middle, and as a scarf about their shoulders and breasts. yea, the princes make rich caps and aprons, or small breeches of these beads, thus curiously strung into many forms and figures; their black and white finely mixed together."[ ] it is further recorded that the new england indians "wore ear-rings and nose-jewels; bracelets on their arms and legs, rings on their fingers, necklaces made of highly polished shells found in their rivers and on their coasts. the females tied up their hair behind, worked bands round their heads and ornamented them with shells and feathers, and wore strings of beads round several parts of their bodies. round their moccasins they had shells and turkey spurs, to tinkle like little bells as they walked."[ ] the indian women of the new netherlands also gave great attention to personal decoration. one writer states that they ornamented the lower border of their skirts "with great art, and nestle the same with strips, which are tastefully decorated with wampum. the wampum with which one of these skirts is ornamented is frequently worth from one to three hundred guilders. * * * their head-dress forms a handsome and lively appearance. around their necks they wear various ornaments, which are also decorated with wampum. those they esteem as highly as our ladies do their pearl necklaces. they also wear bead hand-bands, or bracelets, curiously wrought, and interwoven with wampum. their breasts appear about half covered with an elegantly wrought dress. they wear beautiful girdles, ornamented with their favorite wampum, and costly ornaments in their ears."[ ] smith states, in writing of powhatan, that he found him "reclining proudly upon a bedstead a foote high, upon tenne or twelve mattes, richly hung with manie chaynes of great pearles, about his necke, and covered with a great couvering of rahaughcums,"[ ] and the young women who surrounded him wore "a great chaine of white beades over their shoulders."[ ] the following is from wood, whose quaint and graphic descriptions of the new england indians are always interesting: "but a sagamore with a humberd in his eare for a pendant, a black hawk on his _occiput_ for his plume, mowhackees for his gold chaine, a good store of wampompeage begirting his loynes, his bow in his hand, his quiver at his back, with six naked _indian_ spatterlashes at his heels for his guard, thinkes himselfe little inferior to the great _cham_; he will not stick to say he is all one with king _charles_. hee thinkes hee can blow down castles with his breath and conquer kingdomes with his conceit."[ ] du pratz, in speaking of the louisiana indians, says: "the women's ear-rings are made of the center part of a large shell called bingo, which is about the thickness of one's little finger, and there is a hole in the ear about that size for holding it."[ ] lewis and clark found the shoshone indians of the upper missouri using shells of the pearl oyster to decorate the collars of their fur tippets. the children wore beads around their necks; grown persons suspended them in little bunches from the ears, and the collars of the men were formed either of sea-shells from the southwest or from twisted grass with porcupine quills.[ ] among the carrier indians of the northwest both sexes perforate their noses, and from them the men often suspend an ornament consisting of a piece of an oyster shell or a small piece of brass or copper. the women, particularly those who are young, run a wooden pin through their noses, upon each end of which they fix a kind of shell bead, which is about an inch and a half long, and nearly the size of the stem of a common clay pipe. these beads they obtain from their neighbors, the at-e-nâs, who purchase them from another tribe that is said to take them from the sea-shore, where they are reported to be found in plenty. it is also stated of the same indians that "the young women and girls wear a parcel of european beads, strung together and tied to a lock of hair directly behind each ear. the men have a sort of collar of the shell beads already mentioned, which they wind about their heads or throw around their necks."[ ] the absurd extreme to which this passion for ornament is carried is well illustrated by an example given by swan, who, speaking of the tribes north of the columbia river, says that "some of these girls i have seen with the whole rim of their ears bored full of holes, into each of which would be inserted a string of these shells that reached to the floor, and the whole weighing so heavy that, to save their ears from being pulled off, they were obliged to wear a band across the top of the head."[ ] when, however, beads are found in the graves in quantity, by thousands or tens of thousands, we shall probably have to attribute to them other than ornamental uses. captain tom, of the nishinam tribe of california, according to powers,[ ] had nearly a half bushel of shell beads and trinkets. one string of these, worn by his wife on special occasions, contained sixteen hundred pieces; but these treasures were hoarded because of their value as money rather than as ornaments. the wampum belts used by many of the tribes of indians are known to contain enormous numbers of beads. one of the historical belts kept by the onondagas among their treasures contains nearly ten thousand beads. the famous belt of william penn has about three thousand. sir john lubbock, in his "prehistoric times," expresses surprise at the great number of beads sometimes found, instancing the grave creek mound of virginia, which contained between three and four thousand. this number will, however, appear very insignificant when compared with a collection such as the costume of the great king philip could have furnished. drake relates that philip had a coat "made all of wampampeag," which, when in need of money, he "cuts to pieces, and distributes it plentifully among the nipmoog sachems and others, as well to the eastward as southward, and all round about."[ ] by adding to this store of beads the contents of two belts, one of which was nine inches in breadth, and so long that when placed upon the shoulders it reached to the ankles, we conclude that the greatest collection ever taken from a prehistoric mound could not compare for a moment with the treasure of this one historic chieftain. a great deal of art is shown in the stringing and mounting of beads. the simplest form is a single strand, a twisted string of vegetable fiber, a strip of buckskin, or a bit of sinew being passed through the perforations. again, rows of strands are placed side by side and fastened at intervals in such a manner as to keep them approximately parallel, or the beads when long are put on equidistant cross strands, the longitudinal strands serving to keep them in place; they are also woven into the fabric by being mounted upon one of the strands before twisting. it is also a very usual practice to sew them on strips of cloth or buckskin, patterns being produced by using beads of different colors. the manner of stringing in the manufacture of belts will be given in detail under mnemonic uses of beads. beads as currency. it will probably be impossible to prove that the prehistoric peoples of north america employed a medium of exchange in a manner corresponding to our use of money. it is a well-known fact, however, that a currency of shell beads was in general use throughout the atlantic coast region very early in the historic period. of all objects within the reach of savage peoples, shells, either in their natural forms or in fragments artificially fashioned for convenience of use, are the best adapted for such a purpose. in examining the contents of ancient cemeteries and mounds where all objects of value were to some extent deposited, we find no other relics that could have been conveniently used for such a purpose. it is not probable that objects subject to rapid decay, such as wood, fruits, and seeds, could ever have come into general use for money, although such objects are employed to some extent by savages in different parts of the world. the unlimited supply or easy manufacture of these objects would be against their use for this purpose, whereas the difficulty of shaping and perforating the flinty substance of shells would prevent such a plentiful production as to destroy the standard of value. objects and substances having a fairly uniform value, resulting from their utilitarian attributes, have been employed by primitive peoples as standards of value; as, for instance, cattle, in ancient rome; salt, in assyria; tin, in britain, and cocoa, in mexico. but such mediums of exchange are local in use. with these articles this function is only accidental. the utilization of shells for money would naturally originate from the trade arising from their use as utensils and ornaments in districts remote from the source of supply. yielding in the worked state a limited supply, and at the same time filling a constant demand, they formed a natural currency, their universal employment for purposes of ornament giving them a fixed and uniform value. they have undoubtedly been greatly prized by the ancient peoples, but on the part of the open-handed savage they were probably valued more as personal ornaments than as a means of gratifying avaricious propensities. lewis h. morgan, who had access to all the sources of information on the subject, says that "wampum has frequently been called the money of the indian; but there is no sufficient reason for supposing that they ever made it an exclusive currency, or a currency in any sense, more than silver or other ornaments. all personal ornaments, and most other articles of personal property, passed from hand to hand at a fixed value; but they appear to have had no common standard of value until they found it in our currency. if wampum had been their currency it would have had a settled value, to which all other articles would have been referred. there is no doubt that it came nearer to a currency than any other species of property among them, because its uses were so general, and its transit from hand to hand so easy, that everyone could be said to need it." yet he admits that "the use of wampum reaches back to a remote period upon this continent"; and further, that it was an original indian notion which prevailed among the iriquois as early at least as the formation of the league. he goes on to state that "the primitive wampum of the iriquois consisted of strings of a small fresh-water spiral shell called in the seneca dialect _ote ko-á_, the name of which has been bestowed upon the modern wampum."[ ] loskiel says that "before the europeans came to north america, the indians used to make strings of wampom chiefly of small pieces of wood of equal size, stained either black or white. few were made of muscle, which were esteemed very valuable and difficult to make; for, not having proper tools, they spent much time in finishing them, and yet their work had a clumsy appearance."[ ] hutchinson is of the opinion that "the indians resident northeastward of the province of new york had originally no knowledge of this sort of money or medium of trade."[ ] the great body of our historical evidence goes to show, however, that a currency of shell was in use among the atlantic coast tribes when first encountered by the europeans. thomas morton, in speaking of the indians of new england as far back as , says that "they have a kinde of beads in steede of money to buy withal such things as they want, which they call wampampeak; and it is of two sorts, the one is white and the other is a violet coloure. these are made of the shells of fishe; the white with them is as silver with us, the other as our gould, and for these beads they buy and sell, not only amongst themselves, but even with us. we have used to sell them any of our commodities for this wampampeak, because we know we can have beaver again from them for it: and these beads are current in all parts of new england, from one end of the coast to the other, and although some have endeavoured by example to have the like made, of the same kinde of shels, yet none has ever, as yet, obtained to any perfection in the composure of them, but the savages have found a great difference to be in the one and the other; and have knowne the counterfett beads from those of their owne making and doe slight them."[ ] according to roger williams also, the indians of new england, as far back as his observations extend, were engaged in the manufacture of shell money as a well-established industry. it seems altogether impossible that such a custom should have been successfully introduced by the english, as the indian is well known to be averse to anything like labor excepting in his traditional occupations of war and the chase, and if the whites had introduced it, would certainly have looked to them for a supply by means of trade in skins and game rather than apply himself to a new and strange art. roger williams says that "they that live upon the sea side generally make of it, and as many as they will. the indians bring downe all their sorts of furs, which they take in the countrey, both to the indians and to the english for this indian money: this money the english, french and dutch, trade to the indians, six hundred miles in severall ports (north and south from new england) for their furres, and whatsoever they stand in need of from them." their methods were also aboriginal, another indication that the art was not of european introduction; and williams states that "before ever they had awle blades from europe, they made shift to bore their shell money with stones."[ ] that wampum was also manufactured farther south we learn from lindström, who is writing of the indians of new sweden: "their money is made of shells, white, black, and red, worked into beads, and neatly turned and smoothed; one person, however, cannot make more in a day than the value of six or eight stivers. when these beads are worn out, so that they cannot be strung neatly, and even on one thread, they no longer consider them good. their way of stringing them is to rub the whole thread full of them on their noses; if they find it slides smooth and even, like glass beads, then they are considered good, otherwise they break and throw them away."[ ] although beverly did not write until the beginning of the eighteenth century, his statements are probably based upon accurate information. speaking of the virginia indians, he says that they "had nothing which they reckoned riches before the english went among them, except _peak_, _roenoke_, and such-like trifles made out of the _cunk shell_. these past with them instead of gold and silver, and serv'd them both for money and ornament. it was the _english_ alone that taught them first to put a value on their skins and furs, and to make a trade of them."[ ] from lawson, who wrote in , but whose statements deserve consideration, we also learn that the money of the carolina indians is "all made of shells which are found on the coast of carolina, which are very large and hard so that they are very difficult to cut. some english smiths have tried to drill this sort of shell-money, and thereby thought to get an advantage; but it proved so hard that nothing could be gained."[ ] speaking of its use and value in new york, he remarks that "an englishman could not afford to make so much of this wampum for five or ten times the value; for it is made out of a vast great shell, of which that country affords plenty; where it is ground smaller than the small end of a tobacco pipe, or a large wheat straw." * * * "this the indians grind on stones and other things until they make it current, but the drilling is the most difficult to the englishman, which the indians manage with a nail stuck in a cane or reed. thus they roll it continually on their thighs with their right hand, holding the bit of shell with their left; so, in time, they drill a hole quite through it which is a very tedious work; but especially in making their ronoak, four of which will scarce make one length of wampum. the indians are a people that never value their time, so that they can afford to make them, and never need to fear the english will take the trade out of their hands. this is the money with which you may buy skins, furs, slaves, or anything the indians have; it being their mammon (as our money is to us) that entices and persuades them to do anything, and part with everything they possess, except their children for slaves. as for their wives, they are often sold and their daughters violated for it. with this they buy off murders; and whatsoever a man can do that is ill, this wampum will quit him of and make him, in their opinion, good and virtuous, though never so black before."[ ] adair confirms the statements made by these writers, and adds emphasis to the fact that the shell beads had, among the cherokees and other southern indians, a fixed value as currency. "with these they bought and sold at a stated current rate, without the least variation for circumstances either of time or place; and now they will hear nothing patiently of loss or gain, or allow us to heighten the price of our goods, be our reasons ever so strong, or though the exigencies and changes of time may require it."[ ] we find plentiful evidence in the stories of the early spanish adventurers that beads made from sea shells were held in high esteem by the indians of the south, but, so far as i am aware, there is no statement indicating that they formed a well-regulated medium of exchange. in regard to the manufacture of wampum by the whites, the following quotations will be instructive: "many people at _albany_ make the _wampum_ of the _indians_, which is their ornament and their money, by grinding some kinds of shells and muscles; this is a considerable profit to the inhabitants."[ ] "besides the _europeans_, many of the native _indians_ come annually down to the sea shore, in order to catch clams, proceeding with them afterwards in the manner i have just described. the shells of these clams are used by the _indians_ as money, and make what they call their wampum: they likewise serve their women as an ornament, when they intend to appear in full dress. these wampums are properly made of the purple parts of the shells, which the _indians_ value more than the white parts. a traveller, who goes to trade with the _indians_, and is well stocked with them, may become a considerable gainer; but if he take gold coin, or bullion, he will undoubtedly be a loser; for the _indians_, who live farther up the country, put little or no value upon these metals which we reckon so precious, as i have frequently observed in the course of my travels. the _indians_ formerly made their own wampums, though not without a deal of trouble: but at present the _europeans_ employ themselves that way; especially the inhabitants of _albany_, who get a considerable profit by it. in the sequel i intend to relate the manner of making wampum."[ ] "the article was highly prized as an ornament, and as such constituted an article of trafic between the sea-coast and the interior tribes. * * * "the old wampum was made by hand, and was an exceedingly rude article. after the discovery, the dutch introduced the lathe in its manufacture, polished and perforated it with exactness, and soon had the monopoly of the trade. the principal place of its manufacture was at hackensak, in new jersey. the principal deposit of sea shells was long island, where the extensive shell banks left by the indians, on which it is difficult to find a whole shell, show the immense quantities that were manufactured."[ ] the name _wampum_ is often applied to shell beads indiscriminately, but frequently has a more restricted significance, referring to the small cylindrical varieties used in strings and belts. it was known first in new england as _wampumpeag_, _wampompeage_, _peag_, _wompam_ and _wampum_; the dutch of new sweden knew it as _seawan_, _sewant_, and _seawant_, while on the virginia coast, it was called _peak_, a roughly made discoidal variety being known as _ronoak_ or _roenoke_, and heavy flattish beads pierced edgeways were called _runtees_. it is probable that all of these names are american in origin, although there is some difference of opinion as to their derivation. loskiel says that _wampom_ is an iroquois word meaning muscle, but according to morgan, who is probably the best modern authority on this subject, the word _wampum_ is not iroquois in origin but algonkin, as it was first known in new england as _wampumpeage_. roger williams, speaking of the money of the new england indians, probably the narragansetts (algonkin), says that "their white they call _wompam_ (which signifies white); their black _suckanhock_ (_sácki_, signifying black)." in another place he gives the word _wompi_ for white. wood mentions two varieties of beads known in new england _wampompeage_ and _mowhackees_. the latter is probably derived from _mowêsu_, which, according to williams, also signifies black. it would seem that we have but little evidence of the ancient use of shell money amongst the tribes of the mississippi valley or the pacific coast; yet we are not without proofs that it came into use at a very early date throughout the entire west, and even today the custom is by no means obsolete. the ancient burial places of the pacific coast are found to contain large quantities of beads precisely similar to those now used as money by the coast tribes. lewis and clark, speaking of traffic among the indians of the columbia river, state that shell beads are held in very high esteem by these people, and that to procure them they will "sacrifice their last article of clothing or their last mouthful of food. independently of their fondness for them as an ornament these beads are the medium of trade by which they obtain from the indians still higher up the river, robes, skins, chappeled bread, bear grass."[ ] the _dentalium_ shell has always been the favorite currency of the peoples of the northwest and is highly valued, especially by the inland tribes. it is frequently found in ancient graves at great distances from the sea-shore. a few specimens have been found in burial places in the ohio valley, but we have no means of determining the source from which they were derived. as the modern use of this currency has but little archæologic interest, i will not enlarge upon the subject here. for further information the reader is referred to the following authors: j. k. lord, the naturalist in british columbia, vol. ii, pp. to ; r. e. c. stearns in the american naturalist, vol. iii, no. , and in proceedings of the california academy of sciences, vol. v, part ii, p. ; w. h. pratt in proceedings of the davenport academy of natural sciences, vol. ii, part i, p. ; and stephen powers in vol. , contributions to north american ethnology, pp. , , . mnemonic use of beads. one of the most remarkable customs practiced by the american indians is found in the mnemonic use of wampum. this custom had in it a germ of great promise, one which must in time have become a powerful agent in the evolution of art and learning. it was a nucleus about which all the elements of culture could arrange themselves. i shall not at present undertake to divest the custom of adventitious features such as have been introduced by contact with european influence. yet there is no reason to fear that any of the important or essential features have been derived from outside sources. it is not possible from any known records to demonstrate the great antiquity of this use of wampum. it does not seem probable, however, that a custom so unique and so wide-spread could have grown up within the historic period; nor is it probable that a practice foreign to the genius of tradition-loving races could have become so well established and so dear to their hearts in a few generations. mnemonic records are known to have come into use among many nations at a very early stage of culture. picture writing as developed in the north is but another form of mnemonic record, a fact, a thought, a verse of a song being associated with an ideographic design, more or less suggestive of the subject. the peruvians had their _quipus_, in which the record was made by associating things to be remembered with knots made in cords of different colors, each combination having a fixed association. the mexicans had gone further and had achieved a system of picture writing that was very unique and curious, in which a phonetic element had already made its appearance, while the mayas could boast the discovery of a true phonetic system with an alphabet of twenty-seven sounds. the mnemonic use of wampum is one which, i imagine, might readily develop from the practice of gift giving and the exchange of tokens of friendship, such mementos being preserved for future reference as reminders of promises of assistance or protection. in time the use of such mementos would develop into a system capable of recording affairs of varied and complicated nature; particular facts or features of treaties would be assigned to particular objects, or portions of objects. with this much accomplished, but one step was necessary to the attainment of a hieroglyphic system--the permanent association of a single object or sign with a particular idea. the wampum records of the iroquois were generally in the form of belts, the beads being strung or woven into patterns formed by the use of different colors. by association simply they were made to record history, laws, treaties, and speeches--a fact, a law, a stipulation, or a declaration being "talked into" a particular part or pattern of the design with which it was ever afterwards associated, thus giving additional permanency to tradition and bringing it one step further forward in the direction of written records. such records were, of course, quite useless without the agency of an interpreter. among the iroquois, according to morgan, one of the onondaga sachems was made hereditary "keeper of wampum," whose duty it was to be thoroughly versed in its interpretation. but knowledge of the contents of these records was not confined to the keeper, or even to the sachems. at a certain season each year the belts were taken from the treasure-house and exposed to the whole tribe, while the history and import of each was publicly recited. this custom is kept up to the present day. it is recorded by ruttenber that among the mohicans a certain sachem had charge of the bag of peace which contained the wampum belts and strings used in establishing peace and friendship with the different nations.[ ] aside from records wampum was used in the form of strings and belts for a variety of purposes; some of them were probably mnemonic, others only partially so, being based either upon its association with the name of some chief or clan, or upon a semi-sacred character resulting from its important uses. it was employed in summoning councils, and the messenger who journeyed from tribe to tribe found in it a well recognized passport. when a council was called it was presented by the delegates from the various tribes as their credentials; it was used in the ceremony of opening and closing councils, as was also the calumet; it assisted in solemnizing oaths and in absolving from them; white, it was a messenger of peace; black, it threatened war, and covered with clay, it expressed grief. "white wampum was the iroquois emblem of purity and faith, it was hung around the neck of the white dog before it was burned; it was used before the periodical religious festivals for the confession of sins, no confession being regarded as sincere unless recorded with white wampum; further than this, it was the customary offering in condonation of murder, although the purple was sometimes employed. six strings was the value of a life, or the quantity sent in condonation, for the wampum was rather sent as a regretful confession of the crime, with a petition for forgiveness, than as the actual price of blood."[ ] we readily recognize the influence of the christian missionary in a number of these symbolic uses of wampum. the literature of wampum would fill a volume, but i forbear presenting more than will give an outline of the subject, confining myself to such quotations as will serve to show clearly the extent and importance of this ancient custom and its attendant practices. the method of handling the belts of wampum in the presence of ceremonial assemblies is extremely interesting, and cannot be better presented than in the words of eye-witnesses. the following is quoted from brice, who is describing a council held in the muskingum valley in : "an indian council, on solemn occasions, was always opened with preliminary forms, sufficiently wearisome and tedious, but made indispensable by immemorial custom, for this people are as much bound by their conventional usages as the most artificial children of civilization. the forms were varied, to some extent, according to the imagination of the speaker, but in all essential respects they were closely similar throughout the tribes of the algonkin and iroquois lineage. "they run somewhat as follows, each sentence being pronounced with great solemnity, and confirmed by the delivery of a wampum belt: 'brothers, with this belt i open your ears that you may hear; i remove grief and sorrow from your hearts; i draw from your feet the thorns that pierced them as you journeyed thither; i clean the seats of the council-house, that you may sit at ease; i wash your head and body, that your spirits may be refreshed; i condole with you on the loss of the friends who have died since we last met; i wipe out any blood which may have been spilt between us.' this ceremony, which, by the delivery of so many belts of wampum, entailed no small expense, was never used except on the most important occasions; and at the councils with colonel bouquet the angry warriors seem wholly to have dispensed with it. * * * and his memory was refreshed by belts of wampum, which he delivered after every clause in his harangue, as a pledge of the sincerity and truth of his words. "these belts were carefully preserved by the hearers as a substitute for written records, a use for which they were the better adapted, as they were often worked in hieroglyphics expressing the meaning they were designed to preserve. thus at a treaty of peace the principal belt often bore the figure of an indian and a white man holding a chain between them."[ ] from an account of a council held by the five nations at onondaga nearly two hundred years ago, to which the governor of canada sent four representatives, i make the following extract: "during the course of the proceedings cannehoot, a seneca sachem, presented a proposed treaty between the wagunhas and the senecas, speaking as follows: 'we come to join the two bodies into one. * * * we come to learn wisdom of the senecas (giving a belt). we by this belt wipe away the tears from the eyes of your friends, whose relations have been killed in the war. we likewise wipe the paint from your soldiers' faces (giving a second belt). we throw aside the ax which yonondio put into our hands by this third belt.' a red marble sun is presented--a pipe made of red marble. 'yonondio is drunk; we wash our hands clean from his actions (giving a fourth belt). * * * we have twelve of your nation prisoners; they shall be brought home in the spring (giving a belt to confirm the promise). we will bring your prisoners home when the strawberries shall be in blossom, at which time we intend to visit corlear (the governor of new york), and see the place where wampum is made.' "the belts were accepted by the five nations, and their acceptance was a ratification of the treaty. a large belt was also given to the messengers from albany as their share. a wampum belt sent from albany was, in the same manner, hung up and afterwards divided."[ ] this indicates a most extravagant use of belts; but since it is probable that as many were received in return this was a matter of little importance. the great profusion of wampum used in some of the later treaties is a matter of surprise. in a council held between four indian ambassadors from new england and the french thirty-six fine large belts were given by the ambassadors to thank them that their people had not been treated with hostility.[ ] "the appendix to the second volume of proud's history of pennsylvania contains the journals of frederick christian post, who was sent by governor denny, in , to make a treaty with the alleghany indians; and in delivering the governor's answer to the chiefs, on his second visit in the same year, after proposing to them to unite in a treaty of peace which had lately been concluded with the indians at easton, and producing sundry belts, one of which was marked with figures representing the english and the indians delivering the peace-belt to one of the commissioners, he proceeds to say: 'brethren on the ohio, if you take the belts we just now gave you, as we do not doubt you will, then by _this belt_'--producing another and using their figurative style of speech--'i make a road for you, and invite you to come to philadelphia, to your first old council-fire, which we rekindle up again, and remove disputes, and renew the first old treaties of friendship. this is a clear and open road for you; therefore, fear nothing, and come to us with as many as can be of the delawares, shawanese, or the six nations; we will be glad to see you; we desire all tribes and nations of indians who are in alliance with you may come.' whereupon a large white belt, with the figure of a man at each end and streaks of black representing the road from the ohio to philadelphia, was then given to them."[ ] lafitau, whose statements are considered unusually trustworthy, as they were based chiefly on personal observation of the indian tribes of canada, gives the following very instructive account of the mnemonic use of wampum: "all affairs are conducted by means of branches [strings] and necklaces [belts] of porcelain [wampum] which with them take the place of compacts, written agreements, and contracts. * * * the shell, which is used for affairs of state, is worked into little cylinders of a quarter of an inch in length and large in proportion. they are distributed in two ways, in strings and in belts. the strings are composed of cylinders threaded without order one after another, like the beads of a rosary; the beads are usually quite white, and are used for affairs of little consequence, or as a preparation for other more considerable presents.[ ] "the belts are large bands, in which little white and purple cylinders are disposed in rows, and tied down with small thongs of leather, which makes a very neat fabric. the length and size and color are proportioned to the importance of the affair. the usual belts are of eleven rows of a hundred and eighty beads each. "the 'fisk,' or public treasure, consists principally of these belts, which, as i have said, with them, take the place of contracts, of public acts, and of annals or registers. for the savages, having no writing or letters, and therefore finding themselves soon forgetting the transactions that occur among them from time to time, supply this deficiency by making for themselves a local memory by means of words which they attach to these belts, of which each one refers to some particular affair, or some circumstance, which it represents while it exists. "they are so much consecrated to this use that besides the name _gaïonni_, which is their name for the kind of belts most used, they bestow that of _garihona_, which means a transaction; that of _gaouenda_, voice or word, and of _gaianderenfera_, which means grandeur or nobility; because all the affairs dignified by these belts are the endowment and province of the _agoïanders_ or nobles. it is they who furnish them; and it is among them that they are redivided when presents are made to the village, and when replies to the belts of their ambassadors are sent. "the _agoïanders_ and the ancients have, besides this, the custom of looking over them often together, and of dividing among themselves the care of noting certain ones, which are particularly assigned to them; so that in this way they do not forget anything. "their wampum would soon be exhausted if it did not circulate; but in almost all affairs, either within or without, the law requires a reply, word for word, that is to say, for one belt one must give another, to be of about the same value, observing, however, a slight difference in the number of beads, which must be proportioned to the rank of the persons or nations with which they treat. "they do not believe that any transaction can be concluded without these belts. whatever proposition is made to them, or reply given them, by word of mouth alone, the affair falls through, they say, and they let it fall through very effectually, as though there had been no question about it. europeans little informed or little concerned about their usages have slightly inconvenienced them on this point in retaining their belts without giving them a similar response. to avoid the inconvenience which might arise from this they acquired the style of giving only a small quantity, excusing themselves on the plea that their wampum was exhausted; and they supplied the rest with packages of deer-skin, in return for which they were given trinkets of small value, so that transactions between the europeans and them have become a sort of trade. "although all the savage nations of america make various kinds of ornaments of shells, i believe that it is only those of north america who employ them in transactions. i cannot even affirm that all of these do."[ ] a very complete account of wampum is given by loskiel, from whose work the following extract is made: "four or six strings joined in one breadth, and fastened to each other with fine thread, make a _belt of wampom_, being about three or four inches wide, and three feet long, containing, perhaps, four, eight, or twelve fathom of wampom, in proportion to its required length and breadth. this is determined by the importance of the subject which these belts are intended either to explain or confirm, or by the dignity of the persons to whom they are to be delivered. everything of moment transacted at solemn councils, either between the indians themselves or with europeans, is ratified and made valid by strings and belts of wampom. formerly, they used to give sanction to their treaties by delivering a wing of some large bird; and this custom still prevails among the more western nations, in transacting business with the delawares. but the delawares themselves, the iroquois, and the nations in league with them, are now sufficiently provided with handsome and well-wrought strings and belts of wampom. upon the delivery of a string, a long speech may be made and much said upon the subject under consideration, _but when a belt is given few words are spoken_; but they must be words of great importance, frequently requiring an explanation. whenever the speaker has pronounced some important sentence, he delivers a string of wampom, adding, 'i give this string of wampom as a confirmation of what i have spoken'; but the chief subject of his discourse he confirms with a belt. the answers given to a speech thus delivered must also be confirmed by strings and belts of wampom, of the same size and number as those received. neither the colour nor the other qualities of wampom are a matter of indifference, but have an immediate reference to those things which they are meant to confirm. the brown or deep violet, called black by the indians, always means something of severe or doubtful import; but the white is the colour of peace. thus, if a string or belt of wampom is intended to confirm a warning against evil, or an earnest reproof, it is delivered in black. when a nation is called upon to go to war, or war declared against it, the belt is black, or marked with red, called by them, the _colour of blood_, having in the middle the figure of an hatchet in white wampom. * * * they refer to them as public records, carefully preserving them in a chest made for that purpose. at certain seasons they meet to study their meaning, and to renew the ideas of which they were an emblem or confirmation. on such occasions they sit down around the chest, take out one string or belt after the other, handing it about to every person present, and that they may all comprehend its meaning, repeat the words pronounced on its delivery in their whole convention. by these means they are enabled to remember the promises reciprocally made by the different parties; and it is their custom to admit even the young boys, who are related to the chiefs, to their assemblies; they become early acquainted with all the affairs of the state; thus the contents of their documents are transmitted to posterity, and cannot be easily forgotten."[ ] it is to be presumed that if a treaty or a promise were broken, the belt would be released from its office and in the same form, or worked into another, could again be used. otherwise the records, if properly kept, would in time become extremely cumbersome. the repudiation of a treaty and of the wampum which accompanied it is recorded by brice. it was at a council held at miami, in , between mr. gamelin and a number of tribes. mr. gamelin in beginning his speech presented each nation with strings of wampum, but "the indians were displeased with the treaty, and after consultation returned the wampum, saying: 'from all quarters we receive speeches from the americans and not one is alike. we suppose that they intend to deceive us. then take back your branches of wampum.' the pottawatomies were better pleased with the speeches and accepted the wampum."[ ] another good example which illustrates the manner of canceling treaties, confirmed by wampum, is given by mr. gilpin: "when washington, then but a youth of twenty-one, was intrusted by the colonial governor of virginia with a mission to the western wilds of pennsylvania, where the french from canada were then penetrating and had already established, as was believed, four posts within our limits and were seeking to unite the natives in alliance against us, * * * he found that such an alliance had indeed been formed. he found that they had exchanged with the french, as its symbol, a wampum belt on which four houses were rudely embroidered--the representations of the posts which were to be defended, even at the risk of war. influenced by his remonstrances, the indian sachems consented to withdraw from the alliance; but they declared that the belt of wampum must be returned before the agreement could be abolished; and one of the sachems repaired to the french commander in order to restore to him the token of the warlike compact, and to proclaim the intention of the red men to take no part in the impending struggle."[ ] heckewelder relates that "it once happened that war messengers endeavored to persuade and compel a nation to accept the belt by laying it on the shoulders or thigh of the chief, who, however, after shaking it off without touching it with his hands, afterwards, with a stick, threw it after them, as if he threw a snake or toad out of his way."[ ] it is remarkable that other objects were not more frequently used for mnemonic records. we can only explain the partiality shown to wampum on the supposition that the idea of value was not entirely lost sight of and that importance was attached to a record which in itself merited preservation. yet instances of the use of other objects are often met with. parkman states that "the figures on wampum belts of the iroquois were for the most part simply mnemonic. so also were those carved in wooden tables, or painted on bark or skin, to preserve in memory the songs of war, hunting, or magic."[ ] at one of the councils at onondaga in , a treaty was pledged and recorded in wampum by all the contracting parties but the new england colonies, which sent a wooden model of a fish as a token of their adherence to the terms of the treaty.[ ] hunter, speaking of the manners and customs of the osages, states that "they use significant emblems, such as the wing of the swan and wild goose, wampum, and pipes, in overtures for peace, while arrows, war clubs, and black and red painting, are used as indications or declarations of war. any article, such as a skin painted black, or the wing of a raven, represents the death of friends, and when colored or striped with red, that of enemies. amongst the canada indians when peace was conceded, a reddened hatchet was buried as a symbol of the oblivion of all past hostility between the contracting parties. a mutual exchange of neck ornaments sealed the treaty after its terms were debated and determined. but all was not yet over, for the chiefs on each side proffered and accepted presents of rare articles, such as calumets of peace, embroidered deer skins, &c. this kind of ceremonial barter being terminated to their mutual satisfaction, or otherwise, the conference broke up."[ ] gumilla says that the oronoco indians ratify their treaties with sticks which they give reciprocally,[ ] and the araucanians, according to molina, carry in their hands, when they conclude a peace, the branches of a tree, regarded as sacred by them, which they present to each other.[ ] i have already enumerated the various kinds of beads and shown the sources from which they were derived and the uses to which they were applied. i have yet to describe the manner in which they are strung or combined in strings and belts. the beads chosen as most convenient for stringing or weaving into fabrics were small cylinders from one-eighth to one-quarter of an inch in diameter, and from one-quarter to one-half an inch in length. white strings or belts were sufficient for the expression of simple ideas or the association of simple facts, but the combinations of colors in patterns rendered it possible to record much more complicated affairs. in belts used for mnemonic purposes the colors were generally arranged without reference to the character of the facts or thoughts to be intrusted to them, but in a few cases the figures are ideographic, and are significant of the event to be memorized. strings cannot be utilized in this way. _wampum in strings._--from mr. beauchamp's notes i have compiled the following brief account of the use of strings of wampum among the modern iroquois. six strings of purple beads united in a cluster represent the six nations. when the tribes meet the strands are arranged in a circle, which signifies that the council is opened. the onondagas are represented by seven strings, which contain a few white beads; the cayugas by six strands, all purple, and the tuscaroras by seven strands, nearly all purple. the mohawks have six strings, on which there are two purple beads to one white. these are illustrated in fig. , plate xliv. there are four strings in the oneida cluster; these contain two purple to one white bead. the senecas have four strings, with two purple beads to one white. the three nations which were brothers are represented by similar clusters. when a new chief is installed the address delivered on the occasion is "talked into" ten very long strings of white wampum. three strings, mostly white, represent the name of the new chief. one of these clusters is shown in fig. , plate xliv.[ ] when a chief dies he is mourned on ten strings of black wampum. if he has merely lost his office, six short strings are used. according to mr. beauchamp, possession of beads gives authority, and they are also used as credentials, or, as the indians express it, "chief's wampum all same as your letter." such of these strings as remain in existence are still in use among the iroquois, and are considered very precious by them, being made of antique hand-made beads. in the literature relating to our indian tribes we find occasional reference to the use of strings of wampum in ways that indicate that they were invested with certain protective and authoritative qualities, doubtless from their association with the name of some chief, clan, or tribe. it is recorded that on one occasion logan, the mingo chief, saved a captive white from torture by rushing through the circle of indians and throwing a string of wampum about the prisoner's neck. through the virtue of this string he was enabled to lead him away and adopt him into his family. a somewhat different use is mentioned by pike, to whom a chippewa chief made a speech, during which he presented his pipe to mr. pike to bear to the sioux. attached to the pipe were seven strings of wampum, which signified that authority was given by seven chiefs of the chippewa to conclude peace or make war.[ ] _wampum belts._--in the manufacture of belts a great deal of skill and taste have been shown. the large figured varieties were intricate in design and extremely pleasing in color. belts of wampum beads were probably used simply as a part of the costume long before they became the vehicles of tradition, and beads were doubtless used in other parts of the costume in a similar manner. it is said that in new england they were made by the women; in later times it is probable that the whites engaged to some extent in their manufacture. mr. morgan gives such a good account of the details of belt making that i beg leave to quote him in full: "in making a belt no particular pattern was followed; sometimes they are of the width of three fingers and three feet long, in other instances as wide as the hand and over three feet in length; sometimes they are all of one color, in others variegated, and in still others woven with the figures of men to symbolize, by their attitudes, the objects or events they were designed to commemorate. the most common width was three fingers, or the width of seven beads, the length ranging from two to six feet. in belt making, which is a simple process, eight strands or cords of bark thread are first twisted, from filaments of slippery elm, of the requisite length and size; after which they are passed through a strip of deer-skin to separate them at equal distances from each other in parallel lines. a piece of splint is then sprung in the form of a bow, to which each end of the several strings is secured, and by which all of them are held in tension, like warp threads in a weaving machine. seven beads, these making the intended width of the belt, are then run upon a thread by means of a needle, and are passed under the cords at right angles, so as to bring one bead lengthwise between each cord and the one next in position. the thread is then passed back again along the upper side of the cords and again through each of the beads; so that each bead is held firmly in its place by means of two threads, one passing under and one above the cords. this process is continued until the belt reaches its intended length, when the ends of the cords are tied, the end of the belt covered and afterward trimmed with ribbons. in ancient times both the cords and the thread were of sinew."[ ] in another place mr. morgan states that belts were also made by covering one side of a deer-skin belt with beads, probably by sewing them on;[ ] a method which is everywhere common in the use of glass beads in modern work, but is not noticed in any of the mnemonic belts now extant. it is a remarkable as well as a lamentable fact that none of the great collections of the country can boast the possession of a wampum belt. considering their importance in our early history, and the great numbers that at one time must have been in existence, this is rather extraordinary. i have taken considerable pains to collect accurate representations of a number of examples of the ancient belts for this work, and am only sorry that i am unable to present them in color--the only method by which they can be adequately shown. as those which have come to my notice represent but a few localities, i shall insert descriptions of a number from regions as remote as possible. there is, however, great uniformity in design and method of construction; the result, probably, of their international character. from heckewelder i quote the following: "their belts of wampum are of different dimensions, both as to the length and breadth. white and black wampum are the kinds they use; the former denoting that which is good, as peace, friendship, good-will, &c.; the latter the reverse; yet occasionally the black also is made use of on peace errands, when the white cannot be procured; but previous to its being produced for such purpose, it must be daubed all over with chalk, white clay, or anything which changes the color from black to white. * * * a black belt with the mark of a hatchet made on it with red paint is a war belt, which, when sent to a nation, together with a twist or roll of tobacco, is an invitation to join in a war. * * * roads from one friendly nation to another are generally marked on the belt by one or two rows of white wampum interwoven in the black, and running through the middle, and from end to end. it means that they are on good terms, and keep up a friendly intercourse with each other."[ ] a belt accepted by the indians of western pennsylvania from the french in a treaty which secured to the latter four forts within english territory had embroidered upon it four houses, pictographic representations of the forts. another example of the belts used in pennsylvania, upwards of a century ago, is described in beatty's journal. the delawares, in explaining to beatty a former treaty with sir william johnson, "showed a large belt of wampum of friendship which sir william johnson had given them. on each edge of this were several rows of black wampum, and in the middle were several rows of white wampum. in the middle of the belt was a figure of a diamond, in white wampum, which they called the council fire. the white streak they called the path from him to them and them to him."[ ] loskiel states that "the indian women are very dexterous in weaving the strings of wampom into belts, and marking them with different figures, perfectly agreeing with the different subjects contained in the speech. these figures are marked with white wampom upon black, and with black upon the white belts. for example, in a _belt of peace_, they very dexterously represent, in black wampom, two hands joined. the belt of peace is white, a fathom long and a hand's breadth."[ ] in plate xxxvii i present a fac-simile reproduction of a plate from the well known work of lafitau,[ ] in which we have a graphic yet highly conventional representation of a council or treaty in which wampum belts were used. it is probably drawn from description and is far from truthful in detail. the more important facts are, however, very clearly presented. no information is given either of the people or the locality. the scene is laid in the middle of a broad featureless plain, the monotony of which is broken by three highly conventionalized trees. the parties to the treaty are ranged in two rows, placed, face to face. the chief who speaks stands at the farther end holding a belt in his right hand. three other belts lie upon the mat at his feet, while a fifth is shown on a large scale in the foreground. the patterns can not be clearly made out, but in a general way resemble very closely the designs woven into the belts of the iroquois. [illustration: pl. xxxvii--use of wampum belts in indian council. _facsimile_ of a plate in lafitau.] the small belt shown in fig. . plate xxxviii, is probably one of the most recent examples. the cut is copied from plate of the fifth annual report of the regents of the university of new york on the condition of the state cabinet of natural history, p. . the beads of which it is composed formerly belonged to the celebrated mohawk chief, joseph brant. they were afterwards purchased from his daughter by mr. morgan. in they were taken to tonawanda, in the state of new york, and made into this belt. the trimmings are apparently of ribbons, and the symmetry and uniformity of the whole work give it a new look not noticeable in the other specimens. the design consists of a row of dark diamond-shaped figures upon a white ground. it is now preserved in the state cabinet of natural history at albany. a belt of unusual form is shown in fig. , plate xxxviii. it was kindly lent by mrs. e. a. smith, of jersey city, by whom it was obtained from the mohawks. it is inches ( beads) in length and in width varies from three inches ( beads) at one end to about one inch ( beads) at the other. it is bifurcated at the wide end, five rows having been omitted from the middle of the belt for about one-third of the length. near the middle of the belt one row of beads is dropped from each side. between this and the smaller end at nearly equal intervals it is twice depleted in a like manner. the beads are quite irregular in shape and size, but rather new looking and are strung in the usual manner, the longitudinal strings being buckskin and the transverse small cords of vegetable fiber. the ends and edges are all neatly finished by wrapping the marginal strings with a thin fillet of buckskin. the figures are in white beads upon a ground of purple. the form of this belt indicates that it has been adapted to some particular use, the placing of cords at the corners and shoulders suggesting its attachment in a fixed position to some part of the person or costume. [illustration: pl. xxxviii--wampum belts. . mohawk belt. . mohawk belt.] in plates xxxix, xl, xli and xlii, i present a series of illustrations of the wampum belts belonging to the onondagas. they are preserved as a most precious treasure by these people at their agency in onondaga county, new york. the drawings were made by mr. trill from a series of minute photographs made from the original belts by general j. s. clark, of auburn, new york. these were obtained for me by the rev. w. m. beauchamp, of baldwinsville, new york, who has also very kindly furnished many of the facts embodied in the following descriptions.[ ] these belts are made in the usual manner, and present a great variety of shapes, sizes, and designs. their full history has never been obtained by the whites, and it is not probable that the indians themselves have preserved a very full account of their origin and significance. they are all ancient, and, judging by their appearance, must date far back in the history of the league. many of them are quite fragmentary, and fears are entertained that they will gradually fall to pieces and be lost. it is to be hoped that measures will be taken to have them preserved at least in the form of accurate chromo-lithographs. mr. beauchamp states that they are yearly wasting away, as a little wampum is annually cast into the fire at the burning of the "white dog," and these belts are the source of supply. the small belt presented in fig. , plate xxxix, is somewhat fragmentary, an unknown number of beads having been lost from the ends. it is seven rows wide and at present two hundred beads long. the design consists of a series of five double diamonds worked in dark wampum upon white. at one end a few rows of an additional figure remain, and at the other a small white cross is worked upon a ground of dark beads. the number of figures may be significant of the number of parties to a treaty. fig. represents a well preserved belt, seven rows in width and about three hundred and twenty in length. the ground is of dark wampum, on which are worked five hexagonal figures of white wampum. for a short space at the ends alternate rows are white. as was suggested in regard to the preceding belt, the figures in this may represent the parties to a treaty. the belt shown in fig. differs from the others in being pictographic. it is also quite perfect, although the character of the beads indicates considerable age. it is seven rows in width and three hundred and fifty beads in length. the figures are white, on a dark ground, and consist of a cross near one end, connected by a single row of beads with the head of the figure of a man toward the other end. beneath the feet of the elementary man the figure of a diamond is worked. the cross is probably significant of the mission of the man who comes from a long distance to the lodge or council of the red man. this is probably a french belt. [illustration: pl. xxxix--wampum belts belonging to the onondagas.] the remnant of a very handsome belt is shown in plate xl. considerable wampum has been lost from both ends, but the design appears to be nearly perfect, and consists of a trowel or heart-shaped figure in the center with two rectangular figures on the right and two on the left. these are in white upon a dark ground. mr. beauchamp states that it is said to be very old, and is thought to represent the formation of the iroquois league and to signify "one heart for all the nations." he doubts its great antiquity as the beads are too regular for hand-made cylinders. the belt is thirty-eight rows wide and about two hundred beads in length. [illustration: pl. xl--wampum belt belonging to the onondagas.] the large elaborately figured belt shown in plate xli is almost perfect. the lateral margins are white; a broad notched band of dark wampum occupies the middle of this belt; through this from end to end runs a chain of white diamonds, sixteen in number, which may represent states or nations. it is forty-five rows wide and two hundred and forty beads long. [illustration: pl. xli--wampum belt belonging to the onondagas.] the magnificent belt shown in plate xlii, is probably the finest example in existence. it is fifteen rows wide and six hundred and fifty in length, making the enormous total of nine thousand seven hundred and fifty beads. mr. beauchamp believes that this belt, or one like it, has been described as representing the formation of the league. from webster's[ ] statement, that it was "made by george washington," he surmises that it is a belt memorizing a covenant between the indians and the government. in the center is a house which has three gables and three compartments. next the house on either side are two pictographic men, who appear to stand beneath protecting arms which pass over their heads, connect with the house, and grasp the hands of the first personages immediately on the right and left. in all there are fifteen figures of men, two being connected with the house; of the others, six stand on the right and seven on the left of the central group. it is suggested by mr. beauchamp that these figures may represent the thirteen colonies. [illustration: pl. xlii--wampum belt belonging to the onondagas.] six other belts are shown in the photographs procured by general price. one of them is thirteen rows wide and two hundred and fifty beads in length. the light ground is decorated with groups of triple chevrons. this belt is somewhat fragmentary. another is forty-nine rows wide, being the widest example known. the original length cannot be determined, but at present it is two hundred and forty beads in length, and hence contains about twelve thousand beads. the pattern is simple, consisting of a dark ground notched at the edges with triangular figures of white. as the four remaining belts of this fine collection have no features of especial interest, they need not be described here. the remarkable belt shown in plate xliii has an extremely interesting, although a somewhat incomplete, history attached to it. it is believed to be the original belt delivered by the leni-lenape sachems to william penn at the celebrated treaty under the elm tree at shackamaxon in . although there is no documentary evidence to show that this identical belt was delivered on that occasion, it is conceded on all hands that it came into the possession of the great founder of pennsylvania at some one of his treaties with the tribes that occupied the province ceded to him. up to the year this belt remained in the keeping of the penn family. in march, , it was presented to the pennsylvania historical society by granville john penn, a great grandson of william penn. mr. penn, in his speech on this occasion,[ ] states that there can be no doubt that this is the identical belt used at the treaty, and presents his views in the following language: "in the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those used on more ordinary occasions, of which we have one still in our possession--this belt being composed of eighteen strings of wampum--which is a proof that it was the record of some very important negotiation. in the next place, in the center of the belt, which is of white wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a rude but graphic style, two figures--that of an indian grasping with the hand of friendship the hand of a man evidently intended to be represented in the european costume, wearing a hat; which can only be interpreted as having reference to the treaty of peace and friendship which was then concluded between william penn and the indians, and recorded by them in their own simple but descriptive mode of expressing their meaning, by the employment of hieroglyphics. then the fact of its having been preserved in the family of the founder from that period to the present time, having descended through three generations, gives an authenticity to the document which leaves no doubt of its genuineness; and as the chain and medal which were presented by the parliament to his father, the admiral, for his naval services, have descended amongst the family archives unaccompanied by any written document, but is recorded on the journals of the house of commons, equal authenticity may be claimed for the wampum belt confirmatory of the treaty made by his son with the indians; which event is recorded on the page of history, though, like the older relic, it has been unaccompanied in its descent by any document in writing." [illustration: pl. xliii--the penn belt. ( / )] it will be seen, by reference to the accompanying illustration, that beside the two figures of men there are three oblique bands of dark wampum, one on the left and two on the right. the one next the central group on the right is somewhat broken, and consists of two long bands and one short one. it is probable that these bands were used to record, by association, some important features of the treaty in which the belt was used. the beads are strung upon cords made of sinew or vegetable fibre, while the longitudinal fillets are of buckskin. this belt may be seen at the rooms of the historical society of pennsylvania. [illustration: pl. xliv--strings of wampum. . name of new chief. . "mohawk."] pendants. it would probably be vain to attempt to determine how pendant ornaments first came into use, whether from some utilitarian practice or through some superstitious notion. it matters not, however, whether the first pendant was an implement, a utensil, or a fetichitic talisman; it has developed by slow stages into an ornament upon which has been lavished the best efforts of culture and skill. the simple gorget of shell suspended upon the naked breast of the preadamite is the prototype of many a costly jewel and many a princely decoration. with the american savage it was a guardian spirit, invested with the mystery and the power of the sea, and among the more cultured tribes became in time the receptacle of the most ambitious efforts of a phenomenal art. the important place the gorget has taken in ornament and as a means of displaying personal aggrandizement has made it a most powerful agent in the evolution of the arts of taste. as a rule the larger and more important pendants are employed as gorgets, but vast numbers of the smaller specimens are strung with beads at intervals along the strings, attached as auxiliary pendants to the larger gorgets, suspended from the nose, ears, and wrists, or form tinkling borders to head-dresses and garments. these pendants consist either of entire shells, or of parts of shells, pierced or grooved to facilitate suspension. the purely artificial forms are infinitely varied. the character of the shell, however, has much to do with the form of the finished ornaments, deciding their thickness and often their outline. in size they range from extremely minute forms to plates six or more inches in diameter. the perforations, in position and number, are greatly varied, but as a rule the larger discoidal pendants will be found to have two marginal perforations for suspension. these nicely-polished shell-disks afforded tempting tablets for the primitive artist, and retain many specimens of his work as an engraver. the engraved specimens, however, should be treated separately, according to the class of design which they contain. plain pendants need but a brief notice, and may be treated together as one group, with such subdivisions only as may be suggested by their form, their derivation, or their geographical distribution. _plain pendants._--it will be unnecessary to cite authorities to show that our ancient peoples were fond of pendant ornaments, and wore them without stint, but to illustrate the manner in which they were used and the methods of combining them with other articles of jewelry in necklaces, bracelets, &c., i shall refer briefly to the literature of the period of american discovery. the inhabitants of mexico are said to have been very simple in the matter of dress, but displayed much vanity in their profuse employment of personal ornament. besides feathers and jewels, with which they adorned their clothes, they wore pendants to the ears, nose, and lips, as well as necklaces, bracelets, and anklets. the ear ornaments of the poor were shells, pieces of crystal, amber, and other brilliant stones, but the rich wore pearls, emeralds, amethysts, or other gems, set in gold.[ ] the priestly personages so graphically delineated in the ancient aztec manuscripts are as a rule loaded down with pendant ornaments. in traveling north along the west coast of mexico the friar niza encountered indians who wore many large shells of mother of pearl about their necks, and farther up toward cibola the inhabitants wore pearl shells upon their foreheads;[ ] and cabeça de vaca when among the pueblos of new mexico noticed beads and corals that came from the "south sea." ornaments made from marine shells are found in many of the ancient ruins to-day. they are also highly valued by the modern indians of this region. in the earliest accounts of the indians of the atlantic coast we find frequent mention of the use of pendants and gorgets, and the manner of wearing them as ornaments. beverly, after having described beads made of a shell resembling the english buglas, says that they also make "runtees" of the same shell, and grind them as smooth as peak. "these are either large like an oval bead, drill'd the length of the oval, or else they are circular and flat, almost an inch over, and one third of an inch thick, and drill'd edgeways. of this shell they also make round tablets of about four inches diameter, which they polish as smooth as the other, and sometimes they etch or grave thereon circles, stars, a half moon, or any other figure suitable to their fancy. these they wear instead of medals before or behind their neck, and use the _peak_, _runtees_, and _pipes_ for coronets, bracelets, belts, or long strings hanging down before the breast, or else they lace their garments with them, and adorn their _tomahawks_, and every other thing that they value."[ ] the "pipes" here spoken of were probably long, heavy cylindrical beads. in referring to this class of ornaments, lafitau says: "the collars which the savages sometimes wear around the neck are about a foot in diameter, and are not different from those which one now sees on some antiques, on the necks of statues of barbarians. the northern savages wear on the breast a plate of hollow shell, as long as the hand, which has the same effect as that which was called _bulla_ among the romans."[ ] wood, speaking of the indians of northern new england, in , says: "although they be thus poore, yet is there in them the sparkes of naturall pride, which appeares in their longing desire after many kinds of ornaments, wearing pendants in their eares, as formes of birds, beasts, and fishes carved out of bone, shels, and stone, with long bracelets of their curious wampompeag and mowhackees, which they put about their necks and loynes."[ ] kalm says of the indians of lorette, near quebec, canada, that "round their necks they have a string of violet wampums, with little white wampums between them. these wampums are small, of the figure of oblong pearls, and made of the shells which the _english_ call clams. at the end of the wampum strings many of the _indians_ wear a large french silver coin, with the king's effigy, on their breasts; others have a large shell on the breast, of a fine white colour, which they value very high, and is very dear; others, again, have no ornament at all round the neck."[ ] pendants of metal and medals of european manufacture soon replaced in a great measure the primitive gorgets of shell; and early in the history of the tribes a heterogeneous collection of native beads, silver crosses, and traders' medals, ornamented the breasts of the simple savages. in studying the habits and customs of our native peoples we look with a great deal of interest upon the earliest historical records, but generally find it prudent to remember that the "personal equation" was unusually large in those days, and in studying the illustrations given in the works of early writers we must make due allowance for the well-known tendency to exaggerate as well as for the fact that the artist has more frequently drawn from descriptions than from sketches made on the spot. in plate xlv two examples are given which seem to me to be trustworthy, as they agree with the descriptions given, and are in a general way characteristic of the american aborigines. fig. is reproduced, original size, from plate , volume ii, of lafitau, and shows a broad necklace ornamented with figures that resemble arrow heads. from this, by means of a cord, is suspended a large circular disk with concave front, which undoubtedly represents a shell gorget. in front of this and suspended from the necklace are two long strands of beads of various sizes and shapes, which give completeness to a very tasteful ornament. in the same plate is a pretty fair drawing of a native in costume. he is represented wearing a necklace similar to the one just described. an enlarged drawing of this ornament is given in fig. . in fig. i reproduce a necklace from a plate in de bry, which consists of a string of beads with two large disks that look more like metal than shell. a similar ornament is shown in fig. , but with figured disks and secondary pendants. it is copied from the codex of the vatican. a common form of necklace among the ancient aztecs consisted of small univalve shells suspended from a string. one of these, with other pendants, is shown in fig. . it is also copied from the vatican codex. others of a much more complex nature may be found in the same manuscript. of even greater interest are the beautiful necklaces, with their pendants, found in the sculptures of mexico and yucatan.[ ] three of these are shown in figs. , , and . one has a disk with human features engraved upon it, another has a cross with equal arms, and another a t-shaped cross. all have more or less auxiliary ornamentation. in fig. i present a bracelet of beads and pendants from peru which illustrates one of the simpler uses of pendants. i have not learned whether the parts of this ornament were originally arranged as given in the cut or not; the original stringing may have been somewhat different. the beads are mostly of shell, and are of a variety of colors, white, red, yellow, and gray. the discoidal and cylindrical forms are both represented. the former range from one-eighth to three-eighths of an inch in diameter; the latter are one-eighth of an inch in thickness and three-eighths in length. the larger pendants, made of whitish shell, are carved to represent some life form, probably a bird; a large perforation near the upper end passes through the head, two oblique notches with deep lines at the sides, define the wings, and a series of notches at the wide end represent the tail. two smaller pendants are still simpler in form, while another, with two nearly central perforations and notched edges, resembles a button. [illustration: pl. xlv--ancient pendants. , . necklaces, from lafitau. . from de bry. , . from mexican paintings. , , . from ancient sculptures. . bracelet from a peruvian grave.] _eastern forms._--the great number of elaborately carved and engraved gorgets of shell found among the antiquities of the atlantic slope, all of which need careful descriptions, so overshadow the simple forms illustrated in plate xlvi, that only a brief description of the latter need be given. rudeness of workmanship and simplicity of form do not in any sense imply greater antiquity or a less advanced state of art. the simpler forms of plain pendants constituted the every-day jewelry of the average people and, like beads, were probably used freely by all who desired to do so. many forms are found--circular, oval, rectangular, triangular, pear-shaped, and annular. the more ordinary forms are found in mounds and graves in all parts of the country; other forms are more restricted geographically, and probably exhibit features peculiar to the works of a particular clan, tribe, or group of tribes. even these simple forms may have possessed some totemic or mystic significance; it is not impossible that the plainer disks may have had significant figures painted upon them. such of the forms as are found to have definite geographic limits become of considerable interest to the archæologist. in method of manufacture they do not differ from the most ordinary implements or beads, the margins being trimmed, the surfaces polished and the perforations made in a precisely similar manner. in plate xlvi i present a number of plain circular disks. the larger specimens are often as much as four or even five inches in diameter and the smaller fraternize with beads, as i have shown in plate xlv. figs. and are from a mound at paint rock ferry, tenn. they are neat, moderately thin, concavo-convex disks, with smooth surfaces and rounded edges. the first has two perforations at the upper edge, while the other has similarly placed but much smaller ones, besides a small central perforation surrounded by an incised circle. the national collection contains similar specimens from most of the atlantic states; they differ from the larger discoidal beads only in the method of perforation. a typical specimen of this class, four and a half inches in diameter, is shown in fig. . it was associated with the remains of a number of children in a mound in hardin county, ohio. disks of this class were usually suspended upon the breast with the concave side out. that many of the specimens described were suspended in this way is indicated by the character of the abrasion produced by the cords. on the concave side the cord of suspension has worn deep grooves between the perforations, and on the opposite or convex side similar grooves extend obliquely upward from the holes toward the margin of the disk, indicating the passage of the cord upward and outward around the neck of the wearer. a large white disk, similar to the one just described, was obtained from a grave at accotink, va. it is five inches in diameter and has one central and three marginal perforations. it is made from a _busycon perversum_, and is neatly shaped and well polished. a fine specimen two inches in diameter was obtained from a mound on the french broad river, tenn., and, with many other similar specimens, is now in the national collection. the central perforation is often very much enlarged. a number of specimens, recently sent to the national museum, from a mound in auglaize county, ohio, show several stages of this enlargement. one specimen five inches across has a perforation nearly one inch in diameter, while in another the perforation is enlarged until the disk has become a ring. these gorgets show evidences of long use, the surfaces and edges being worn and the perforations much extended in the manner described above. they have been derived from the _busycon perversum_. in fig. i illustrate an annular gorget from a mound in alexander county, ill. it was found associated with ornaments of copper by the side of a human skull, and is hence supposed to have been an ear ornament. it is fragmentary and has suffered greatly from decay, the surface being mostly covered with a dark film of decomposed shell substance, which when broken away, exposes the chalky surface of the shell. these shell rings, so far as i can learn, have been found in the states of ohio and illinois only. rectangular pendants are much more rare. the national collection contains one rude specimen from texas. it is about two inches wide by two and a half long, and is made from the base of some large dextral-whorled shell. a similar but much more finished specimen comes from georgia, and is preserved in the new york natural history museum. a large keystone-shaped gorget with rounded corners was obtained from an ancient burial place at beverly, canada. it is illustrated in plate l, fig. . the small pendant shown in fig. is given by schoolcraft in "notes on the iroquois." it represents rudely the human figure, and is ornamented with eight perpendicular and four or five transverse dots. it was found on the site of an old fort near jamesville, n. y. in the same work mr. schoolcraft illustrates another small pendant, which is reproduced in fig. . the body is heart-shaped, the perforation being made through a rectangular projection at the upper end. it was found at onondaga, n. y. the small pendant presented in fig. is from west bloomfield, n. y. it has been suspended by means of a shallow groove near the upper end. it is made from the basal point of a dextral-whorled shell. the handsome little pendant shown in fig. was found with similar specimens in monroe county, new york--probably on some ancient village site. it is well preserved and has been made from the columella of a dextral-whorled shell. an ornamental design, consisting of lines and dots, is engraved upon the face. a small, deeply countersunk perforation has been made near the upper end. these objects have apparently been strung with beads, as the perforations show evidence of such abrasion as beads would produce. many of the new york specimens have a new look, and their form suggests the possibility of civilized influence. they are certainly more recent than the western and southern specimens. a small cylindrical pendant is illustrated in fig. . a large, neat perforation has been made at the upper end, and the middle portion of the body is ornamented by a series of encircling grooves. this specimen has been made from a large _unio_ and was obtained from a mound in union county, ky. [illustration: pl. xlvi--pendant ornaments--eastern forms.] _western forms._--in variety of form the plain pendants of the california coast excel all others. specimens from the graves are generally well preserved, not having lost their original iridescence, although so much decayed as to suffer considerably from exfoliation. as indicated by the present well preserved condition of these shell ornaments, they are probably not of very ancient date; indeed it is highly probable that many of them are post-columbian. cabrillo visited the island of santa rosa in and found a numerous and thriving people. in only a small remnant of the inhabitants remained, and these were removed to the main-land by catholic priests. their destruction is attributed to both war and famine. the history of the other islands is doubtless somewhat similar. articles made from shell are found to resemble each other very closely, whether from the islands or the main-land. all probably belong to the same time, and although the peoples of the islands are said to have spoken a different language from those of the main-land, their arts were apparently pretty much the same. they do not differ, as far as works in shell are concerned, from the modern tribes of the main-land. there is also a noticeable resemblance between the art of the ancient california islanders and that of the present inhabitants of the great pacific archipelagoes. the record of many of the specimens obtained from these islands seems to be very incomplete, scarcely more being known than the fact that they were obtained from the ancient graves. since, however, they are almost exclusively ornaments belonging probably to a single period, detailed accounts of their methods of occurrence would not add greatly to their value. in previous chapters vessels, hooks, and beads made of the _haliotis_ have been described, and the high estimation in which they are everywhere held briefly noted. the variety of ways in which this shell is utilized is indeed remarkable and the multitude of forms into which it is worked for ornament is a matter of surprise. all are neatly and effectively worked, and evince no little skill and taste on the part of the makers. the _haliotis_ is not the only shell used, but it has no rival in point of beauty. bivalve shells are utilized to a considerable extent, many tasteful things being made from the _fissurella_, the _mytilus_, the _pachydesma_, and the _pecten_. the perforations are generally neatly made and are more numerous than in similar eastern specimens; besides those for suspension there are frequently many others for the attachment of secondary pendants and for fastening to the costume. many specimens are ornamented with edgings of notches and crossed lines but very few have been found on which significant characters have been engraved, and we look in vain for parallels to the curious designs characteristic of the gorgets of the mound-builders. a glance at the numerous examples given in plates xlvii, xlviii, and xlix will give a good idea of the multiplicity of forms into which these ornaments are wrought. a rather remarkable group of pendants is represented by fig. . they are characterized by a deep scallop at the left, with a long curved hook-like projection above. they take their form from the shape of the lip of the _haliotis_, from which they are made--the hook being the upper point of the outer lip where it joins the body, and the scallop the line of the suture. the body of the ornament is formed from the lip of the shell. in size they vary to some extent with the shells from which they are derived. the body is at times quite oval and again slender and hooked like the blade of a sickle. the perforations are generally very numerous, a fact that indicates their use as central pieces for composite pendants. it is apparent that the wearers thought more of the exquisite coloring of these ornaments than of the outline or surface finish. this is only one of many instances that prove the innate and universal appreciation of beauty of color by savage peoples. in fig. a fine example of the subtriangular or keystone-shaped pendants is presented. the edges are very neatly cut and the corners slightly rounded. the back is ground smooth, but on the front the original surface of the shell is preserved, the colors being extremely rich and brilliant. a single perforation has been drilled near the upper end. it is made from a _haliotis rufescens_, and was obtained from the island of santa rosa. the handsome specimen shown in fig. was obtained from a grave on the island of san miguel. it has suffered much from decay. there are four neatly made perforations near the center. it has apparently been cut from the same shell as the preceding. fig. is a small keystone-shaped specimen having two perforations. fig. represents a small, delicate specimen of rectangular shape, having two minute perforations. this, as well as the preceding, was obtained from a grave on the island of san miguel. fig. illustrates a small oval, wafer-like specimen, the edges of which have been ornamented with a series of crossed lines. it has three neat perforations on the line of the longer axis. it is from the island of santa cruz. fig. represents a small button-like disk with a central perforation; the margin is ornamented with a series of radiating lines. it was obtained from santa barbara. a pendant of very peculiar form is shown in fig. . the oval body has three marginal projections, all of which are perforated; there is also a perforation near the center. the surface retains a heavy coating of some dark substance, which gives the ornament much the appearance of corroded metal. it was obtained from san miguel island. in a number of cases advantage has been taken of the natural perforations of the shell, both to give variety to the outline of small pendants and to save the labor of making artificial perforations. a very handsome little specimen is shown in fig. . the two indentations above and below represent two of the natural perforations of the shell; artificial perforations are made in each of the four corners or wings. it was also obtained from the island of san miguel. fig. represents a leaf-shaped pendant with notched edges and a single perforation. it comes from the island of santa cruz. [illustration: pl. xlvii--plain pendants--pacific coast forms. ( / )] the examples given are typical of the very large class of ornaments derived from the _haliotidæ_. the striking specimens shown in plate xlviii are, with one exception, made from shells of this class. the two sickle-shaped pendants illustrated in figs. and are made from the broadened inner lip of the _haliotis californianus_ (?). in one a single perforation has been made near the upper end; in the other there are two, one near each end. the faces have been neatly dressed and the corners ornamented with minute notches. they are from graves on santa cruz island. two exquisite specimens, also from santa cruz island, are presented in figs. and . they have been cut from the body of a _haliotis splendens_ (?), and finished with much care. two perforations have been made near the upper margin, which is arched or curved while the lower is nearly straight. the edges are neatly notched. although somewhat altered by exposure these objects are still very pretty. a very neat, well preserved little pendant is shown in fig. . the specimen presented in fig. is peculiar in having a series of five perforations, one near the middle and the others near the ends. the example given in fig. has two perforations, one at each end. these are all made from species of the _haliotis_. the specimen presented in fig. is made from the lip of a _cyprea spadicea_ with very little change except the carefully made perforation. it is from the island of san miguel. the idea of beautifying ornaments made from the _haliotis_ and other shells by notching the edges may have been suggested by the natural notches characteristic of the _cypreas_. [illustration: pl. xlviii--pendant ornaments of the pacific coast. - . pendants made of the _haliotis_. ( / ) . pendant made of a _cyprea_. ( / )] figs. , , and , plate xlix, illustrate a group of small, delicate, ladle-shaped pendants. the perforation for suspension is at the upper end of the handle and the body has an oval or circular perforation, which is often so enlarged as to leave only a narrow ring, like the rim of an eyeglass. the specimen shown in fig. has two lobes, with a large perforation or opening in each. in one instance the handle is quite wide at the upper end and ornamented by two deep lateral notches. the edges of these specimens are nearly always adorned with notches or crossed lines. all are fashioned from the _haliotis_, and although considerably stained are still well enough preserved to show the pearly lusters of that shell. circular and oval disks are also numerous and vary much in finish; some have a great number of perforations or indentations, and nearly all are neatly notched around the margins. examples are given in figs. and . the national collection contains a number of rings and pieces of rings made from the valves of a large clam, probably a _pectunculus_, one example of which is shewn in fig. . the convex back of the shell is ground off until a marginal ring only remains. a perforation is made near the angle of the beak. the shell is from the california coast, but the rings were collected mostly if not entirely from arizona and new mexico. it is not impossible that the tribes of the interior procured these articles from white traders, as they are known to have secured other shell ornaments in this way. the natives of the california coast were not slow in taking advantage of natural forms to aid their art or to save labor. the shells of the _fissurellidæ_ as well as of the _haliotidæ_ have been in great favor. they have been used as beads and pendants in their natural state or the natural perforations have been enlarged until only a ring has been left, or the margin and sides have been ground down until nothing of the original form or surface remained. two of these forms are shown in figs. and . they are from graves on san miguel island, and are made from the _lucupina crenulata_; others come from santa cruz island; and probably also from the adjoining islands as well as from the main-land. rings are also made from other shells. examples made from the _acmæa mitra_ and _cyprea spadicea_ are shown in figs. , , and . they come from san miguel. [illustration: pl. xlix--plain pendants--pacific coast forms. ( / )] perforated plates. we find that pendant gorgets grade imperceptibly into another group of objects, the use or significance of which have not be fully determined. these objects are more frequently made of stone or copper, but good examples in shell have been found. as a rule they take the form of thin oblong plates which exhibit great variety of outline. the perforations are peculiar, and have not been designed for ordinary suspension, but are placed near the middle of the specimen as if for fixing it to the person or costume by means of cords. many theories have been advanced in attempting to determine their use. they have been classed as gorgets, badges of authority, shuttles, armor plates, wrist protectors, and as implements for sizing sinews and twisting cords. objects of this class in stone have been frequently illustrated and described. they are made of many varieties of stone, some of which seem to have been selected on account of their beauty. they have been neatly shaped and often well-polished. the edges are occasionally notched and the surfaces ornamented with patterns of incised lines. the perforations vary from one to four, the greater number of specimens, however, having only two. in the early days of mound exploration objects of this class were even greater enigmas, if possible, than they are to-day. even the material of which a number of them were formed remained for a long time undetermined. schoolcraft has published an illustration of a large specimen from the grave creek mound, va. this drawing is reproduced in fig. , plate l. the original was six inches long, one and three-tenths inches wide, and three-tenths of an inch in thickness. he expresses the opinion that it was one of those ancient badges of authority formerly in such general use among the indians.[ ] another specimen, very much like the last in size and shape, but made of shell, supposed at the time of discovery to be ivory, was found associated with human remains in the grave creek mound. it is described by mr. tomlinson in the american pioneer,[ ] and the cut given in plate l, fig. , is copied from that work. a remarkable specimen of this class is given in fig. . it is made from the body of a large _busycon perversum_, and is nine and a half inches long by three inches in width at the widest part. the concave surface has been highly polished, but is now somewhat roughened by weathering; the back has been slightly ground to take off the rougher ridges of growth; the edges are even and rounded and in many places quite thin. the peculiarity of its shape is such as to give it very much the appearance of the sole of a sandal. the perforations are three in number, one being near the middle and the others near the broader end, about one and a half inches apart; they are very neatly made and are slightly bi-conical and a little countersunk. there appears to be no evidence whatever of abrasion by use. it was found associated with human remains in a mound at sharpsburg, mercer county, ohio. a similar specimen from the same locality is nearly nine inches in length, and lacks but a little of three and a half inches in width. as in the specimen illustrated, one perforation is placed near the middle and two others near the broader end. this specimen is highly polished on the broader part of the back, and is evenly smoothed on the concave side. it bears evidence of considerable use, and the two holes are much worn by a string or cord, which, passing from one hole to the other on the concave side of the plate, gradually worked a deep groove between them. on the back or convex side, the perforations show no evidence of wear. the central perforation is not worn on either side. the letter of mr. whitney, transmitting this relic to the national museum, states that there were in the mound "about ten pairs of the shell sandals of different sizes, and made to fit the right and left feet." from the latter remark i should infer that some were made from dextral and others from sinistral shells; the two described are made from the _busycon perversum_. an extremely fine specimen, much like the preceding, was exhumed from an ancient mound in hardin county, ohio. it was found on the head of a skeleton which occupied a sitting posture near the center of the mound. it is nine inches in length by three and one-half inches in width, and in shape resembles the sole of a moccasin, being somewhat broader and less pointed than the specimen presented in fig. . it had been placed upon the skull with the wider end toward the back, but whether laid there as a burial offering simply or as constituting a part of the head-dress of the dead savage we have no means of determining. the perforations are three in number, and are placed similarly to those in the specimen illustrated in fig. . two other skeletons had similar plates associated with them, which differed from the one described in size only, the smaller one being less than six inches in length. lithographs of two of these specimens are given by mr. matson, in whose very excellent report they were first described.[ ] the gorget presented in fig. of this plate is copied from schoolcraft.[ ] it was taken, along with many other interesting relics, from one of the ossuaries at beverly, canada west. it is formed from some large sea shell, and is three inches in width by three and three-fourths inches in length. its perforations are four in number, and are so placed as to be conveniently used either for suspension by a single cord or for fixing firmly by means of two or more cords. it seems to hold a middle place between pendants proper and the pierced tablets under consideration.[ ] the unique specimen given in fig. is from cedar keys, florida, but whether from a grave or a shell-heap i am at present unable to state. in its perforations, which are large and doubly conical, it resembles very closely the typical tablet of stone. the outline is peculiar; being rounded at the top, it grows broader toward the base like a celt, and terminates at the outer corners in well-rounded points, the edge between being ornamented with a series of notches or teeth. it has been cut from the wall of a _busycon perversum_, and is sharply curved. the surface is roughened by time, but there is no evidence of wear by use either in the perforations or in the notches at the base. [illustration: pl. l--perforated plates. . ornament from beverly, c. w. . ornament from florida. , . objects from the grave creek mound, va. . perforated plate from ohio.] in studying these remarkable specimens the fact that they so seldom show marks of use presents itself for explanation. dr. charles rau, whose opinions in such matters are always worthy of consideration, remarks "that at first sight one might be inclined to consider them as objects of ornament, or as badges of distinction; but this view is not corroborated by the appearance of the perforations, which exhibit no trace of that peculiar abrasion produced by constant suspension. the classification of the tablets as 'gorgets,' therefore, appears to be erroneous."[ ] the same argument could, however, be brought with equal force against their use for any of the other purposes suggested. the perforations, if not used for suspension or attachment, would be subject to wear from any other use to which they could be put. but, as we have already seen, one of the specimens in shell exhibits well-defined evidence of wear, and that of such a character as to indicate the passage of a cord between the perforations in a position that would produce abrasion between the holes on the concave side of the plate, but would leave the back entirely unworn. this peculiar result could only be produced by attachment in a fixed position, concave side out, to some object perforated like the plate, the cord passing directly through both. the perforations of pendants necessarily show wear on both sides; a like result would follow from the use of these plates in any of the other ways mentioned. those made of shell could not, on account of their warped shape, be used for shuttles; besides, they show no evidence of marginal wear, such as would result from this use. the fact, too, that the material had to be brought from the distant sea-shore would seem to render it too rare and precious to be employed in the ordinary arts when wood, stone, and bone would serve the purpose as well. owing to the carelessness or negligence of collectors we have but little information in regard to their relation to the human remains with which they were deposited. such facts as we have, however, tend, i believe, to show that they were used for personal decoration. again, the material of which they are formed is, on account of its beauty, especially adapted for ornament, and for this use it has been almost exclusively reserved by peoples as distant from the sea as were the ancient peoples of the ohio valley. engraved gorgets. it has already been suggested that the simpler forms of pendants with plain surfaces may have had particular significance to their possessors, as insignia, amulets, or symbols, or that they may have received painted designs of such a character as to give significance to them. for ornament the natural or plainly polished surface of the shell possessed sufficient beauty to satisfy the most fastidious taste--a beauty that could hardly be enhanced by the addition of painted or incised figures. but we find that many of the larger gorgets obtained from the mounds and graves of a large district have designs of a most interesting nature engraved upon them, which are so remarkable in conception and execution as to command our admiration. such is the character of these designs that we are at once impressed with the idea that they are not products of the idle fancy, neither is it possible that they had no higher office than the gratification of barbarian vanity. i have given much time to their examination, and, day by day, have become more strongly impressed with the belief that no single design is without its significance, and that their production was a serious art which dealt with matters closely interwoven with the history, mythology and polity of a people gradually developing a civilization of their own. although these objects were worn as personal ornaments they probably had specialized uses as insignia, amulets, or symbols. as _insignia_, they were badges of office or distinction. the devices engraved upon them were derived from many sources and were probably sometimes supplemented by numeral records representing enemies killed, prisoners taken, or other deeds accomplished. as _amulets_, they were invested with protective or remedial attributes and contained mystic devices derived from dreams, visions, and many other sources. as _symbols_ they possessed, in most cases, a religious character, and were generally used as _totems_ of clans. they were inscribed with characters derived chiefly from mythologic sources. a few examples contain geometric designs which may have been _time-symbols_, or they may have indicated the order of ceremonial exercises. that these objects should be classed under one of these heads and not as simple ornaments engraved with intricate designs for embellishment alone is apparent when we consider the serious character of the work, the great amount of labor and patience shown, the frequent recurrence of the same design, the wide distribution of particular forms, the preservation of the idea in all cases, no matter what shortcomings occur in execution or detail, and the apparent absence of all lines, dots, and figures not essential to the presentation of the conception. in describing these gorgets i have arranged them in groups distinguished by the designs engraved upon them.[ ] they are presented in the following order: the cross, the scalloped disk, the bird, the spider, the serpent, the human face, the human figure: and to these i append the frog, which is found in arizona only, and although carved in shell does not appear to have been used as a pendant, as no perforations are visible. within the united states ancient tablets containing engraved designs are apparently confined to the atlantic slope, and are not found to any extent beyond the limits of the district occupied by the stone-grave peoples. early explorers along the atlantic coast mention the use of engraved gorgets by a number of tribes. modern examples may be found occasionally among the indians of the northwest coast as well as upon the islands of the central pacific. the cross. the discoverers and early explorers of the new world were filled with surprise when they beheld their own sacred emblem, the cross, mingling with the pagan devices of the western barbarian. writers have speculated in vain--the mystery yet remains unsolved. attempts to connect the use of the cross by prehistoric americans with its use in the east have signally failed, and we are compelled to look on its occurrence here as one of those strange coincidences so often found in the practices of peoples totally foreign to each other. if written history does not establish beyond a doubt the fact that the cross had a place in our aboriginal symbolism, we have but to turn to the pages of the great archæologic record, where we find that it occupies a place in ancient american art so intimately interwoven with conceptions peculiar to the continent that it cannot be separated from them. it is found associated with other prehistoric remains throughout nearly the entire length and breadth of america. i have the pleasure of presenting a few new examples of this emblem, obtained from the district at one time occupied by the mound-builders. the examples are carved in shell or engraved upon disks of shell which have been employed as pendant gorgets. in the study of these particular relics, one important fact in recent history must be kept constantly in mind. the first explorers were accompanied by christian zealots, who spared no effort to root out the native superstitions and introduce a foreign religion, of which the cross was the all-important symbol. this emblem was generally accepted by the savages as the only tangible feature of a new system of belief that was filled with subtleties too profound for their comprehension. as a result, the cross was at once introduced into the regalia of the natives; at first probably in a european form and material attached to a string of beads in precisely the manner that they had been accustomed to suspend their own trinkets and gorgets; but soon, no doubt, delineated or carved by their own hands upon tablets of stone and copper and shell, in the place of their own peculiar conceptions. from the time of la salle down to the extinction of the savage in the middle mississippi province, the cross was kept constantly before him, and its presence may thus be accounted for in such remains as post-date the advent of the whites. year after year articles of european manufacture are being discovered in the most unexpected places, and we shall find it impossible to assign any single example of these crosses to a prehistoric period, with the assurance that our statements will not some day be challenged. it is certainly unfortunate that the american origin of any work of art resembling european forms must rest forever under a cloud of suspicion. as long as a doubt exists in regard to the origin of a relic, it is useless to employ it in a discussion where important deductions are to be made. at the same time it should not be forgotten that the cross was undoubtedly used as a symbol by the prehistoric nations of the south, and consequently that it was probably also known in the north. a great majority of the relics associated with it in ancient mounds and burial places are undoubtedly aboriginal. in the case of the shell gorgets, the tablets themselves belong to an american type, and are highly characteristic of the art of the mississippi valley. a majority of the designs engraved upon them are also characteristic of the same district. we find at rare intervals designs that are characteristically foreign; these, whether mexican or european, are objects of special interest and merit the closest possible examination. that the design under consideration, as well as every other engraved upon these tablets, is symbolic or otherwise significant, i do not for a moment doubt; but the probabilities as to the european or american origin of the symbol of the cross found in this region are pretty evenly balanced. in its delineation there is certainly nothing to indicate its origin. by reference to plate liii it will be seen that in all the examples given it is a simple and symmetrical cross, which might be duplicated a thousand times in the religious art of any country. a study of the designs associated with the cross in these gorgets is instructive, but does not lead to any definite result. in one case the cross is inscribed upon the back of a great spider; in another it is surrounded by a rectangular framework of lines, looped at the corners, and guarded by four mysterious birds, while in others it is without attendant characters; but the workmanship is purely aboriginal. i have not seen a single example of engraving upon shell that suggested a foreign hand, or a design, with the exception of this one, that could claim a european derivation. some very ingenious theories have been elaborated in attempting to account for the presence of the cross among american symbols. brinton believes that the great importance attached to the points of the compass--the four quarters of the heavens--by savage peoples has given rise to the sign of the cross. with others the cross is a phallic symbol, derived, by some obscure process of evolution, from the veneration accorded to the reciprocal principle in nature. it is also frequently associated with sun-worship, and is recognized as a symbol of the sun--the four arms being remaining rays left after a gradual process of elimination. whatever is finally determined in reference to the origin of the cross as a religious symbol in america will probably result from the exhaustive study of the history, language, and art of the ancient peoples, combined with a thorough knowledge of the religious conceptions of modern tribes, and when these sources of information are all exhausted it is probable that the writer who asserts more than a probability will overreach his proofs. such delineations of the cross as we find embodied in ancient aboriginal art represent only the final stages of its evolution, and it is not to be expected that its origin can be traced through them. in one instance, however, a direct derivation from nature is suggested. the ancient mexican pictographic manuscripts abound in representations of trees, conventionalized in such a manner as to resemble crosses; these apparently take an important part in the scenes depicted. by a comparison of these curious trees with the remarkable cross in the palenque tablet, i have been led to the belief that they must have a common significance and origin. the analogies are indeed remarkable. the tree-cross in the paintings is often the central figure of a group in which priests offer sacrifice, or engage in some similar religious rite. the cross holds the same relation in the palenque group. the branches of these cross-shaped trees terminate in clusters of symbolic fruit, and the arms of the cross are loaded down with symbols which, although highly conventionalized, have not yet entirely lost their vegetable character. the most remarkable feature, however, is not that the crosses resemble each other in these respects, but that they perform like functions in giving support to a symbolic bird which is perched upon the summit. this bird appears to be the important feature of the group, and to it, or the deity which it represents, the homage or sacrifice is offered. these analogies go still farther; the bases of the cross in the tablet and of the crosses in the paintings are made to rest upon a highly conventionalized figure of some mythical creature. a consideration of these facts seems to me to lead to the conclusion that the myths represented in all of these groups are identical, and that the cross and cross-like trees have a common origin. whether that origin is in the tree on the one hand or in a cross otherwise evolved on the other i shall not attempt to say. the gorget presented in fig. , plate li, belongs to the collection of mr. f. m. perrine, and was obtained from a mound in union county, ill. it is a little more than three inches in diameter and has been ground down to a uniform thickness of about one-twelfth of an inch. the surfaces are smooth and the margin carefully rounded and polished. near the upper edge are two perforations for suspension. the cord used passed between the holes on the concave side, wearing a shallow groove. on the convex side, or back, the cord marks extend upward and outward, indicating the usual method of suspension about the neck. the cross which occupies the center of the concave face of the disk, is quite simple. it is partially inclosed on one side by a semicircular line, and at present has no other definition than that given by four triangular perforations which separate the arms. the face of the cross is ornamented with six carelessly drawn incised lines, which interlace in the center, as shown in the cut--three extending along the arm to the right and three passing down the lower arm to the inclosing line. i have not been able to learn anything of the character of the interments with which this specimen was associated. fig. of the same plate represents a large shell cross, the encircling rim of which has been broken away. the perforations are still intact. the cross is quite plain. this specimen is very much decayed, and came to the national museum inside of a skull obtained from a grave at charleston, mo. beyond this there is no record of the specimen. [illustration: pl. li--shell gorgets--the cross. . from a mound, union county, ill. . from charleston, mo. ( / )] in fig. , plate lii, i present a large fragment of a circular shell ornament, on the convex surface of which a very curious ornamental design has been engraved. the design, inclosed by a circle, represents a cross such as would be formed by two rectangular tablets or slips, slit longitudinally and interlaced at right angles to each other. between the arms of the cross in the spaces inclosed by the circular border line are four annular nodes, having small conical depressions in the center. these nodes have been relieved by cutting away portions of the shell around them. in the center of the cross is another small node or ring similarly relieved. the lines are neat and deeply incised. the edge of the shell has been broken away nearly all around. the accompanying cut represents the ornament natural size--one and a half inches in diameter and one-sixteenth of an inch in thickness. it was obtained from a mound on fain's island, tennessee. the small gorget presented in fig. , plate lii, is of inferior workmanship and the lines and dots seem to have a somewhat haphazard arrangement. the cross, which may or may not be significant, consists of two shallow irregular grooves which cross each other at right angles near the center of the disk and terminate near the border. there are indications of an irregular, somewhat broken, concentric line near the margin. a number of shallow conical pits have been drilled at rather irregular intervals over most of the surface. one pair of perforations seems to have been broken away and others drilled, one of the latter has also been broken out. a triangular fragment is lost from the lower margin of the disk. this specimen was obtained from a mound on lick creek, east tennessee, by mr. dunning. the gorget shown in fig. contains a typical example of the cross of the mound-builder. the cut was made from a pencil sketch and is probably not quite accurate in detail. the border of the disk is plain, with the exception of the usual perforations at the top. the cross is inclosed in a carelessly drawn circle, and the spaces between the arms, which in other crosses are entirely cut out, or are filled with rays or other figures, are here decorated with a pattern of crossed lines. the lines which define the arms of the cross intersect in the middle of the disk. the square figure thus produced in the center contains a device that is probably significant. a doubly-curved or s-shaped incised line, widened at the ends, extends obliquely across the square from the right upper to the left lower corner. this figure appears to be an elementary or unfinished form of the device found in the center of many of the more elaborate disks. intersected by a similar line it would form a cross like that upon the back of one of the spiders shown in plate lxi, or somewhat more evenly curved, it would resemble the involuted figure in the center of the circular disks given in plate liv. this specimen was obtained from a mound on lick creek, tenn., and is now in the peabody museum. in fig. a large copper disk from an ohio mound is represented. the specimen is eight inches in diameter, is very thin, and has suffered greatly from corrosion. a symmetrical cross, the arms of which are five inches in length, has been cut out of the center. two concentric lines have been impressed in the plate, one near the margin and the other touching the ends of the cross. it is now in the natural history museum at new york. [illustration: pl. lii--the cross of the mound-builders. . shell gorget, fain's island, tenn. . shell gorget, lick creek, tenn. . shell gorget, lick creek, tenn. . copper plate, ohio.] in plate liii i present a large number of crosses, most of which have been obtained from the mounds, or from ancient graves, within the district occupied by the mound-builders. eight are engraved upon shell gorgets (illustrations of which are given in the accompanying plates), one is cut in stone, three are painted upon pottery, and four are executed in copper. with two exceptions they are inclosed in circles, and are hence symmetrical greek crosses, the ends being rounded to conform to the circle; the remaining two (figs. and ) represent forms of the latin cross, and resemble the crosses attached to the rosaries of the catholic priesthood. a silver cross similar to the last given was obtained from a mound in ohio. the plate itself is instructive, and may be presented without further remark. [illustration: pl. liii--the cross.] scalloped disks. in making a hasty classification of the many engraved gorgets, i have found it convenient to place in one group a numerous and somewhat extraordinary class of designs which have been engraved upon scalloped disks. like the cross, the symbol here represented is one that cannot with certainty be referred to an original. the general shape of the disks is such as to suggest to most minds a likeness to the sun, the scallops being suggestive of the rays. as this orb is known to be an object of first importance in the economy of life--the source of light and heat--it is naturally an object of veneration among many primitive peoples. it is well known that the barbarian tribes of mexico and south america had well-developed systems of sun-worship, and that they employed symbols of many forms, some of which still retained a likeness to the original, while others had assumed the garb of animals or fanciful creatures. these facts being known, it seems natural that such a symbol as the one under consideration should be referred to the great original which it suggests. the well-known fact that the district from which these gorgets come, was, at the time of discovery by the whites, inhabited by a race of sun-worshipers--the natchez--gives to this assumption a shadow of confirmation. so far as i am aware, however, no one has ventured a positive opinion in regard to their significance, but such suggestions as have been made incline toward the view indicated above. i feel the great necessity of caution in such matters, and while combating the idea that the designs are ornamental or fanciful only, i am far from attributing to them any deeply mysterious significance. they may in some way or other indicate political or religious station, or they may even be cosmogenic, but the probabilities are much greater that they are time symbols. before venturing further, however, it will be well to describe one of these disks, a typical example of which is presented in plate liv. the specimen chosen as a type of these rosette-like disks was obtained from a mound near nashville, tenn., by professor powell. it was found near the head of a skeleton, which was much decayed, and had been so disturbed by recent movements of the soil as to render it difficult to determine its original position. the shell used is apparently a large specimen of the _busycon perversum_, although the lines of growth are not sufficiently well preserved to permit a positive determination of the species. the substance of the shell is well preserved; the surface was once highly polished, but is now pitted and discolored by age. the design is engraved on the concave surface as usual, and the lines are accurately drawn and clearly cut. the various concentric circles are drawn with geometric accuracy around a minute shallow pit as a center. these circles divide the surface into five parts--a small circle at the center surrounded by four zones of unequal width. the central circle is three-eighths of an inch in diameter, and is surrounded by a zone one-half an inch in width, which contains a rosette of three involuted lines; these begin on the circumference of the inner circle in three small equidistant perforations, and sweep outward to the second circle, making upwards of half a revolution. these lines are somewhat wider and more deeply engraved than the other lines of the design. in many specimens they are so deeply cut in the middle part of the curve as to penetrate the disk, producing crescent-shaped perforations. the second zone is one-fourth of an inch in width, and in this, as in all other specimens, is quite plain. the third zone is one-half an inch in width, and exhibits some very interesting features. placed at almost equal intervals we find six circular figures, each of which incloses a circlet and a small central pit; the spaces between the circular figures are thickly dotted with minute conical pits, somewhat irregularly placed; the number of dots in each space varies from thirty-six to forty, which gives a total of about two hundred and thirty. the outer zone is subdivided into thirteen compartments, in each of which a nearly circular figure or boss has been carved, the outer edges of which form the scalloped outline of the gorget. two medium sized perforations for suspension have been made near the inner margin of one of the bosses next the dotted zone; these show slight indications of abrasion by the cord of suspension. these perforations, as well as the three near the center, have been bored mainly from the convex side of the disk. whatever may be the meaning of this design, we cannot fail to recognize the important fact that it is significant--that an idea is expressed. were the design ornamental, we should expect variation in the parts or details of different specimens resulting from difference of taste in the designers; if simply copied from an original example for sale or trade to the inhabitants we might expect a certain number of exact reproductions; but in such a case, when variations did occur, they would hardly be found to follow uniform or fixed lines; there would also be variation in the relation of the parts of the conception as well as in the number of particular parts; the zones would not follow each other in exactly the same order; particular figures would not be confined to particular zones; the rays of the volute would not always have a sinistral turn, or the form of the tablet be always circular and scalloped. it cannot be supposed that of the whole number of these objects at one time in use, more than a small number have been rescued from decay, and these have been obtained from widely scattered localities and doubtless represent centuries of time, yet no variants appear to indicate a leading up to or a divergence from the one particular type. a design of purely ornamental character, even if executed by the same hand, could not, in the nature of things, exhibit the uniformity in variation here shown. fancy, unfettered by ideas of a fixed nature, such as those pertaining to religious or sociologic customs, would vary with the locality, the day, the year, or the life. i have examined upwards of thirty of these scalloped disks, the majority of which are made of shell. i shall not attempt to describe each specimen, but shall call attention to such important variations from the type as may be noticed. [illustration: pl. liv--scalloped shell disk. nashville, tenn. ( / )] in fig. , plate lv, we have a well-preserved disk which has four involute lines, the others having three only; these lines are deeply cut and, for about one-third of their length, penetrate the shell, producing four crescent-shaped perforations. the circles in the third or dotted zone are neatly made and evenly spaced, and inclose circlets and conical pits. the dots in the intervening spaces are closely and irregularly placed, and in number range from forty to forty-five, giving a total of about three hundred and forty. other features are as usual. the specimen was obtained from a stone grave in kane's field, near nashville, tenn., and is now in the peabody museum. it is possible that the specimen presented in fig. , plate lv, should not be placed in this group; but as there are many points of resemblance to the type, it may be described here. at first sight it appears that one of the outer zones is lacking, but it will be seen that through some unknown cause the two have been merged together, alternating bosses of the outer line being carried across both zones. the whole design has been carelessly laid out and rudely engraved. the lines of the involute are arranged in four groups of two each and occupy an unusually wide belt. there are near the margin two sets of perforations for suspension. the specimen was obtained from the brakebill mound, near knoxville, tenn., and is in an advanced stage of decay. [illustration: pl. lv--shell disks. . from a mound near nashville. ( / ) . from the brakebill mound. ( / ) tennessee.] in plate lvi, fig. , i present a small specimen, which has the appearance of being unfinished. the zones are all defined, but, with the exception of the outer, which has thirteen bosses, are quite plain. the lines are deeply but rudely cut. it was obtained from a stone grave at oldtown, tenn., and is now in the peabody museum. besides the type specimen already presented, there may be seen in the national museum two very good examples, from a mound near franklin, tenn. the smaller is about three inches in diameter and is nearly circular; it has suffered much from decay, but nearly all the design can be made out. the lines of the involute penetrate the disk producing short crescent-shaped perforations; the circles in the dotted zone are seven in number and inclose the usual circlets and conical pits; the dots in the intervening spaces are too obscure to be counted. the specimen has sixteen marginal scallops. the larger specimen is somewhat fragmentary, portions being broken away from opposite sides. it is nearly four and a half inches in diameter, and the design has been drawn and engraved with more than ordinary precision. the central circle incloses a perforated circlet, and the involute lines are long and shallow. the dotted zone has seven circles with inclosed circlets and pits. the outer zone contains fifteen oval figures. another example of these shell disks is illustrated by professor putnam, in the eleventh annual report of the peabody museum, page . it is said to have been found near nashville, tenn., although its pedigree is not well established. according to professor putnam, it is made from the shell of a _busycon_, and is apparently in a very good state of preservation. it is about four inches in diameter and is inscribed with the usual design, a central circle and dot surrounded by a triple involute and three concentric zones. the narrow inner zone is plain, as usual; the middle dotted zone has six circles with central dots, the spaces between being closely dotted, and the outer zone contains thirteen of the oval figures, the outer edges of which form the scalloped margin of the disk. the perforations for suspension are placed as usual near the inner margin of the outer zone in the spaces between the oval figures. a fine example of engraved disks has been figured by dr. joseph jones, from whose work the illustrations given in figs. and , plate lvi, have been taken. as his description is one of the first given and quite graphic, i make the following quotation: "in a carefully constructed stone sarcophagus, in which the face of the skeleton was looking toward the setting sun, a beautiful shell ornament was found resting upon the breast-bone of the skeleton. this shell ornament is . inches in diameter, and it is ornamented on its concave surface, with a small circle in the center, and four concentric bands, differently figured, in relief. the first band is filled by a triple volute; the second is plain, while the third is dotted, and has nine small round bosses carved at unequal distances upon it. the outer band is made up of fourteen small elliptical bosses, the outer edges of which give to the object a scalloped rim. this ornament on its concave figured surface had been covered with red paint, much of which was still visible. the convex smooth surface is highly polished and plain, with the exception of three concentric marks. the material out of which it is formed was evidently derived from a large flat sea-shell. * * * the form of the circles or '_suns_' carved upon the concave surface is similar to that of the paintings on the high rocky cliffs on the banks of the cumberland and harpeth. * * * this ornament, when found, lay upon the breast-bone, with the concave surface uppermost, as if it had been worn in this position suspended around the neck, as the two holes for the thong or string were in that portion of the border which pointed directly to the chin or central portion of the lower jaw of the skeleton. the marks of the thong by which it was suspended are manifest upon both the anterior and posterior surfaces, and in addition to this the paint is worn off from the circular space bounded below by the two holes."[ ] fig. represents the back or convex side of the disk, the long curved lines indicate the laminations of the shell, and the three narrow crescent-shaped figures near the center are perforations resulting from the deep engraving of the three lines of the volute on the concave side. the stone grave in which this ornament was found occupied the summit of a mound on the banks of the cumberland river opposite nashville, tennessee. professor jones, also represents in the same work, page , a large fragment of a similar ornament which has apparently had seven circlets in the dotted zone and thirteen marginal bosses. this specimen, which is three and one-half inches in diameter, was exhumed by dr. grant, from "a small rock mound" near pulaski, giles county, tennessee. [illustration: pl. lvi--scalloped shell disks. . nashville, tenn. . nashville, tenn. (reverse). . nashville, tenn. . oldtown, tenn. . nashville, tenn. . pulaski, tenn.] prof. c. c. jones describes a number of stone disks containing designs which evidently belong to the class under consideration. he inclines to the opinion that they were designed for some sacred office, and suggests that they were used as plates to offer food to the sun god. the specimen of which i present an outline in fig. , plate lvii, is figured by mr. jones, and his description is as follows: it is "circular in form, eleven inches and a half in diameter, an inch and a quarter in thickness, and weighing nearly seven pounds. it is made of a close-grained, sea-green slate, and bears upon its surface the stains of centuries. between the rim, which is scalloped, and the central portion, are two circular depressed rings, running parallel with the circumference and incised to the depth of a tenth of an inch. this circular basin, nearly eight inches in diameter, is surrounded by a margin or rim a little less than two inches in width, traversed by the incised rings and beveled from the center toward the edge. the lower surface or bottom of the plate is flat, beveled upward, however, as it approaches the scalloped edge, which is not more than a quarter of an inch in thickness. * * * the use of these plates from the etowah valley may, we think, be conjectured with at least some degree of probability. it is not likely that they were employed for domestic or culinary purposes. their weight, variety, the care evidenced in their construction, and the amount of time and labor necessarily expended in their manufacture, forbid the belief that they were intended as ordinary dishes from which the daily meal was to be eaten, and suggest the impression that they were designed to fulfill a more unusual and important office. the common vessels from which the natives of this region ate their prepared food were bowls and pans fashioned of wood and baked clay, calabashes, pieces of bark, and large shells. flat platters, made of an admixture of clay and pounded shells, well kneaded and burnt, were ordinarily employed for baking corn-cakes and frying meat; but it does not anywhere appear that ornamental stone plates were in general use."[ ] this specimen, or one identical with it, is in the possession of the natural history museum in new york. it was plowed up in on the lower terrace of a large mound near cartersville, ga. other specimens somewhat similar to the one described by professor jones have been obtained from the same region, two of which are now in the national museum. one of these from a mound on the warrior riv. is made of gray slate, and is about eight inches in diameter. it is smooth, symmetrical, and doubly convex. there are three shallow, irregular lines near the border, and the periphery is ornamented with twenty-one scallops. another specimen, a cut of which has already been published by dr. rau in "the archæological collection of the national museum," p. , is illustrated in plate lvii, fig. . it is nearly one-half an inch in thickness, and about ten inches in diameter. a single incised line runs parallel with the circumference, which is ornamented with nine rather irregularly placed notches. the stone disk, of which an outline is given in fig. , plate lvii, was obtained from the lick creek mound, in east tennessee. its resemblance to the shell disks is so striking that it must be regarded as having a similar origin if not a similar use. the division into zones is the same as in the shell disks; the outer is divided into twelve lobes, and the cross in the center takes the place of the involute rosette with its central circle. the fact that this particular design is engraved on heavy plates of stone as well as upon shell gorgets is sufficient proof that its origin cannot be attributed to fancy alone. i have seen at the national museum a curious specimen of stone disk, which should be mentioned in this place, although there is not sufficient assurance of its genuineness to allow it undisputed claim to a place among antiquities. it is a perfectly circular, neatly-dressed sandstone disk, twelve inches in diameter and one-half an inch in thickness. upon one face we see three marginal incised lines, as in the example just described, while on the other there is a well-engraved design which represents two entwined or rather knotted rattlesnakes. an outline of this curious figure is given in plate lxvi. within the circular space inclosed by the bodies of the serpents is a well-drawn hand in the palm of which is placed an open eye; this would probably have been omitted by the artist had he fully appreciated the skeptical tendencies of the modern archæologist. the margin of the plate is divided into seventeen sections by small semicircular indentations. this object is said to have been obtained from a mound near carthage, ala. the reverse is shown in fig. , plate lvii. a similar specimen from a mound near lake washington, mississippi, is described by mr. anderson.[ ] [illustration: pl. lvii--scalloped disks. . stone, warrior river, ala. . stone, lick creek mound, tenn. . stone, etowah, valley, ga. . stone, carthage, ala. . stone, sun symbol, uxmal.] the short time at my disposal has barely permitted me to collect the facts, and i shall have to leave it to the future or to others to follow out fully the suggestions here presented. i had expected to find some uniformity in the numbers or ratios of the various zones, circles, and dots, and by that means possibly to have arrived at some conclusion as to their significance. i have already shown that certain elements of the design are fixed in position and number, while others vary, and the following table is presented that these facts may be made apparent. the list is quite incomplete. it will be seen by reference to the fourth column that the involute symbol of the inner zone is, with one exception, divided into three parts. the second zone is not given in the table, as it is always plain. the third or dotted zone contains circlets which range from six to nine, while the dots, which have been counted in a few cases only, have a wide range, the total number in some cases reaching three hundred and forty. the bosses of the outer zone range from thirteen to eighteen. the examples in stone seem to have a different series of numbers. the student will hardly fail to notice the resemblance of these disks to the calendars or time symbols of mexico and other southern nations of antiquity. there is, however, no absolute identity with southern examples. the involute design in the center resembles the aztec symbol of day, but is peculiar in its division into three parts, four being the number almost universally used. the only division into three that i have noticed occurs in the calendar of the muyscas, in which three days constitute a week. the circlets and bosses of the outer zones gives them a pretty close resemblance to the month and year zones of the southern calendars. my suggestion that these objects may be calendar disks will not seem unreasonable when it is remembered that time symbols do very often make their appearance during the early stages of barbarism. they are the result of attempts to fix accurately the divisions of time for the regulation of religious rites, and among the nations of the south constituted the great body of art. no well-developed calendar is known among the wild tribes of north america, the highest achievements in this line consisting of simple pictographic symbols of the years, but there is no reason why the mound-builders should not have achieved a pretty accurate division of time resembling, in its main features, the systems of their southern neighbors. column headers: [a] illustrated in-- [b] collection. [c] locality. [d] divisions of involute. [e] circlets in d zone. [f] bosses in marginal zone. [g] dots in d zone. [h] peculiar features. ---------------------------------------------------------------------- shell. ----------+------------+-----+---+-----+---+------+------------------- [a] | [b] | [c] |[d]| [e] |[f]| [h] | ----------+------------+-----+---+-----+---+------+------------------- pl. liv |n. m., |tenn.| | | | (?)|three central | | | | | | | perforations. pl. lv, |p. m., | do | | | | | pl. lvi, |j. jones | do | | | | |three incisions. pl. lvi, |p. m., | do | | | | | pl. lvi, |p. m., | do | |plain| | |unfinished (?) |p. m., | do | | | | | |p. m. | do | | | | | |p. m., | do | | | | (?)|two central | | | | | | | perforations. |p. m., | do | | | | (?)| |p. m., | do | | | | |three crescent | | | | | | | perforations. |n. m., | do | | | | | |n. m., | do | | | | (?)| ----------+------------+-----+---+-----+---+------+------------------- stone. ----------+------------+-----+---+-----+---+------+------------------- pl. lvii, |n. m., |ga. | |plain| | | pl. lvii, |p. m., | do | | do | | |cross in center. pl. lvii, |n. y. nat. | do | | do | | | | hist. m.| | | | | | |n. m., | do | | do | | | pl. lxvi |n. m. |ala. | | do | | |serpent, obverse. |anderson |miss.| | do | | |serpent, center. ----------+------------+-----+---+-----+---+------+------------------- n. m., national museum. p. m., peabody museum. the bird. with all peoples the bird has been a most important symbol. possessing the mysterious power of flight, by which it could rise at pleasure into the realms of space, it naturally came to be associated with the phenomena of the sky--the wind, the storm, the lightning, and the thunder. in the fervid imagination of the red man it became the actual ruler of the elements, the guardian of the four quarters of the heavens. as a result the bird is embodied in the myths, and is a prominent figure in the philosophy of many savage tribes. the eagle, which is an important emblem with many civilized nations, is found to come much nearer the heart of the superstitious savage; its plumes are the badge of the successful warrior; its body a sacred offering to his deities, or an object of actual veneration. the swan, the heron, the woodpecker, the paroquet, the owl, and the dove were creatures of unusual consideration; their flight was noted as a matter of vital importance, as it could bode good or evil to the hunter or warrior who consulted it as an oracle. the dove, with the hurons, is thought to be the keeper of the souls of the dead, and the navajos are said to believe that four white swans dwell in the four quarters of the heavens and rule the winds. the storm-bird of the dakotas dwells in the upper air, beyond the range of human vision, carrying upon its back a lake of fresh water; when it winks its eyes there is lightning; when it flaps its wings we hear the thunder; and when it shakes out its plumage the rain descends. myths like this abound in the lore of many peoples, and the story of the mysterious bird is interwoven with the traditions which tell of their origin. a creature which has sufficient power to guide and rule a race is constantly embodied in its songs, its art, and its philosophy. thus highly regarded by the modern tribes, it must have been equally an object of consideration among prehistoric races. we know that the natchez and the creeks included the bird among their deities, and by the relics placed within his sepulchers we know that it held an important place in the esteem of the mound-builder. our prehistoric peoples seem to have taken special delight in carving its form in wood and stone, in modeling it in clay, in fashioning it in copper and gold, and in engraving it upon shell. one of the most interesting of all the specimens preserved to us is illustrated in plate lviii. the design with which this relic is embellished possesses no little artistic excellence, and doubtless embodies some one of the many charming myths of the heavens. i am perfectly well aware that a scientific writer should guard against the tendency to indulge in flights of fancy, but as the myths of the american aborigines are highly poetical, and abound in lofty rhetorical figures, there can be no good reason why their graphic art should not echo some of these rhythmical passages. to the thoughtful mind it will be apparent that, although this design is not necessarily full of occult mysteries, every line has its purpose and every figure its significance. yet of these very works one writer has ventured the opinion that "they do but express the individual fancy of those by whom they were made;" that they are even without "indications of any intelligent design or pictographic idea." i do not assume to interpret these designs; they are not to be interpreted. besides, there is no advantage to be gained by an interpretation. we have hundreds of primitive myths within our easy reach that are as interesting and instructive as these could be. all i desire is to elevate these works from the category of trinkets to what i believe is their rightful place--the serious art of a people with great capacity for loftier works. what the gorgets themselves were, or of what particular value to their possessors, aside from simple ornament, must be, in a measure, a matter of conjecture. they were hardly less than the totems of clans, the insignia of rulers, or the potent charms of a priesthood. the gorget in question is unfortunately without a pedigree. it reached the national museum through the agency of mr. c. f. williams, and is labeled "mississippi." on its face, however, there is sufficient evidence to establish its aboriginal origin. the form of the object, the character of the design and the evident age of the specimen, all bespeak the mound-builder. it was in all probability obtained from one of the multitude of ancient sepulchers that abound in the state of mississippi. the disk is four and a quarter inches in diameter, and is made from a large, heavy specimen of the _busycon perversum_. it has been smoothly dressed on both sides, but is now considerably stained and pitted. the design has in this case been engraved upon the convex side, the concave surface being plain. the perforations are placed near the margin and are considerably worn by the cord of suspension. in the center is a nearly symmetrical cross of the greek type inclosed in a circle one and one-fourth inches in diameter. the spaces between the arms are emblazoned with groups of radiating lines. placed at regular intervals on the outside of the circle are twelve pointed pyramidal rays ornamented with transverse lines. the whole design presents a remarkable combination of the two symbols, the cross and the sun. surrounding this interesting symbol is another of a somewhat mysterious nature. a square framework of four continuous parallel lines, symmetrically looped at the corners, incloses the central symbol, the inner line touching the tips of the pyramidal rays. outside of this again are the four symbolic birds placed against the side of the square opposite the arms of the cross. these birds, or rather birds' heads, are carefully drawn after what, to the artist, must have been a well recognized model. the mouth is open and the mandibles long, slender, and straight. the eye is represented by a circlet which incloses a small conical pit intended to represent the iris, a striated and pointed crest springs from the back of the head and neck, and two lines extend from the eye, down the neck, to the base of the figure. in seeking an original for this bird we find that it has perhaps more points of resemblance to the ivory-billed woodpecker than to any other species. it is not impossible, however, that the heron or swan may have been intended. that some particular bird served as a model is attested by the fact that other specimens, from mounds in various parts of tennessee, exhibit similar figures. i have been able to find six of these specimens, all of which vary to some extent from the type described, but only in detail, workmanship, or finish. the specimen presented in fig. , plate lix, was obtained by mr. cross from a stone grave on mr. overton's farm near nashville, tenn. professor putnam, who secured it from mr. cross, has published a cut of it in the eleventh annual report of the peabody museum. it is made from a large marine shell, probably a _busycon_, and is represented natural size both by mr. putnam and myself. the design is essentially the same as that shown in the type specimen, but is much more rudely executed. a circlet with a central pit takes the place of the cross and sun. the looped rectangular figure has but two lines and the birds' heads are not so full of character as those on the other specimens; they resemble the heads of chicks with a few pin-feathers sprouting from the back and top of the head rather than full-fledged birds. the design is engraved on the concave side. the perforations are much worn. this specimen is now in the peabody museum. [illustration: pl. lviii--shell gorget--the bird. mississippi. ( / )] the same collection contains a large fragment of another small disk about two inches in diameter. the central part seems to be plain, but the looped figure, which has four lines, resembles very closely that engraved on the other plates. it is mentioned by professor putnam, on page of the eleventh annual report of the peabody museum. it is said to have been found on the surface in humphrey county, tennessee. a much larger specimen, which resembles my type specimen very closely, is shown in fig. , plate lix. it was obtained by professor putnam and dr. curtis from a stone grave on mrs. williams' farm, cumberland river, tennessee. it is nearly circular, and about two and a half inches in diameter. a small piece has been lost from the upper margin. it is neatly made and quite smooth, and the lines of the design are clearly and evenly engraved. the small cross in the center is inclosed by a plain narrow zone, and is defined by four triangular perforations between the arms. in this respect it resembles other shell crosses found within the mississippi valley. surrounding the plain zone are eight pyramidal rays with cross-bars; in this feature, and in the drawing of the looped square and the birds' heads, there is but little variation from the type specimen. the surface upon which the engraving is made seems to be slightly convex. another specimen of this class was obtained from a stone grave near gray's mound, at oldtown, tenn. it is shown in fig. , plate lix. the design is very much like that of the type specimen, from which it differs in having four large perforations near the center. although the engraved design which once occupied the central space is almost totally effaced, one or two of the tips of the pyramidal rays may be detected. it is probable that the four round perforations correspond to the four triangular ones by which the arms of the cross in the preceding example are defined. the perforations for suspension are near one margin, and seem to be very much worn by use. the whole object is fragile from decay. this specimen is also in the peabody museum. one more very imperfect specimen obtained from a stone grave in the cumberland valley is nearly five inches in diameter and very irregular in outline. barely enough of the engraved design remains to show that it belongs to the class under consideration. it will be observed that the specimens of this class obtained from tennessee are confined to a limited area. it thus seems especially unfortunate that so little is known of the history of the type specimen given in plate lviii, as without assurance of the correctness of the statement that it is from mississippi we cannot make use of it to show geographical distribution. in reference to this point, however, we have a few very interesting facts which make the occurrence of specimens in localities as widely separated as the "cumberland river" and "mississippi" seem inconsequential. i refer now to two specimens described by dr. abbott in "primitive industry." one of these is a remarkable slate knife, the striking features of which are a "series of etchings and deeply incised lines of perhaps no meaning. taken in order, it will be noticed that at the back of the knife are four short lines at uniform distances apart, and a fifth near the end of the implement. besides these are fifteen shorter parallel lines near the broader end of the knife and about the middle of the blade. a series of five zigzag lines are also cut on the opposite end of the blade. * * * more prominent than the numerous lines to which reference has been made, are the clearly defined, unmistakable birds' heads, placed midway between the two series of lines. * * * did we not learn from the writings of heckewelder, that the lenapé had 'the turkey totem,' we might suppose that this drawing of such bird heads originated with the intrusive southern shawnees, who, at one time, occupied lands in the delaware valley, and who are supposed by some writers to have been closely related to the earliest inhabitants of the southern and southwestern states. inasmuch as we shall find that, not only on this slate knife, but upon a bone implement also, similar heads of birds are engraved, it is probable that the identity of the design is not a mere coincidence, but that it must be explained either in accordance with the statements of heckewelder, or be considered as the work of southern shawnees after their arrival in new jersey. in the latter event, the theory that these disks were the work of a people different from and anterior to the indians found in the cumberland valley at the time of the discovery of that region by the whites is, apparently, not sustained by the facts."[ ] a cut of the bone implement referred to above is reproduced from dr. abbott's work, in plate lix, fig. . it has probably been made from a portion of a rib of some large mammal and is thought to be somewhat fragmentary. "the narrow portion has been cut or ground away to some extent, and the edges are quite smoothly polished. near the end of this handle-like portion, there is a countersunk perforation, and upon the concave side of the wider part there are rudely outlined the heads of two birds."[ ] these resemble somewhat closely the heads depicted on the other specimen described by dr. abbott. the specimens referred to are both from new jersey, and are probably surface finds. although the heads represented on these specimens do certainly in some respects suggest that of the turkey, the characters are not sufficiently pronounced to make it impossible that some other bird was intended, so that the original in the mind of the ancient artist may have been the same as that from which the examples on shell were drawn. in comparing the northern examples with those of tennessee i observe another feature that is more conclusive as to the identity of origin than the rather obscure resemblance of the birds' heads delineated. i have not had the opportunity of examining the specimen illustrated in fig. ; but in the cut given by dr. abbott a rather indefinite figure can be traced which has a striking resemblance to the looped rectangle characteristic of the designs on shell. this resemblance could hardly be owing to accident, and if the peculiar figure mentioned is actually found in conjunction with the birds' heads upon the new jersey specimen, it will certainly be safe to conclude that the bone, stone, and shell objects belonged to the same people, and that they constituted the totems of the same clan, or were the insignia of corresponding offices or orders.[ ] as bearing upon the question of the species of bird represented in the preceding specimens, i present in plate lx an illustration published by dr. rau in the smithsonian report for . this remarkable ornament (represented in fig. ) was obtained from a mound in manatee county, florida. it is a thin blade of gold, pointed at one end and terminating at the other in a highly conventionalized representation of a bird's head, the general characteristics of which are much like those of the examples engraved upon shell. the crest is especially characteristic, and, as pointed out by dr. rau, suggests a prototype in the ivory-billed woodpecker, an inhabitant of the gulf states. the significance of the looped figure which forms so prominent a feature in the designs in question has not been determined. i would offer the suggestion, however, that, from the manner of its occurrence, it may represent an inclosure, a limit, or boundary. it may be well to point out the fact that a similar looped rectangle occurs several times in the ancient mexican manuscripts. one example, from the vienna codex,[ ] is presented in fig. , plate lix. it is not a little remarkable that a cross occupies the inclosed area in all these examples. [illustration: pl. lix--the bird. . shell gorget from stone grave, tenn. . shell gorget from stone grave, tenn. . shell gorget from stone grave, tenn. . bone implement, n. j. . design from aztec painting.] i shall close this very hasty review of the bird in the art of the mound builders by presenting the remarkable example of shell carving shown in fig. , plate lx. like so many of the national museum specimens, it is practically without a record--a stray. it is labeled "b. pybas, tuscumbia, ala." it is old and fragmentary, the shell substance being, however, quite well preserved. it is the right-hand half of a gorget which represents an eagle's head in profile. the skill of the ancient artist is shown to great advantage; nothing can be found, even in the most elaborately carved pipes, equal to the treatment of this remarkable head. to overcome the difficulty of cutting the flinty and massive shell was no small triumph for a people still in the stone age. to conceive and execute such a graphic work is a still more marvelous achievement.[ ] the lines of the mandibles and protruding tongue are strongly and correctly drawn. the eye and the markings of the head are executed in smooth, deeply incised lines, and are conventionalized in a manner peculiar to the american aborigines. [illustration: pl. lx--the bird. . fragment of shell gorget, alabama. ( / ) . gold ornament, florida. ( / ) . head of ivory-billed-woodpecker.] the spider. among insects the spider is perhaps best calculated to attract the attention of the savage. the tarantula is in many respects a very extraordinary creature, and is endowed with powers of the most deadly nature, which naturally places it along with the rattlesnake in the category of creatures possessing supernatural attributes. its curiously constructed house with the hinged door and smoothly plastered chamber must ever elicit the admiration of the beholder. but the spider, which spins a web and projects in mid-air a gossamer structure of marvelous symmetry and beauty, and builds an ambush from which to spring upon his prey, was probably one of the first instructors of adolescent man, and must have seemed to him a very deity. it is not strange, therefore, that the spider appears in the myths of the savages. with the great shoshone family, according to professor powell, the spider was the first weaver, and taught that important art to the fathers. the cherokees, in their legend of the origin of fire, "represent a portion of it as having been brought with them and sacredly guarded. others say that after crossing wide waters they sent back for it to the man of fire from whom a little was conveyed over by a spider in his web."[ ] the spider occurs but rarely in aboriginal american art, occasionally it seems, however, to have reached the dignity of religious consideration and to have been adopted as a totemic device. had a single example only been found we would not be warranted in giving it a place among religious symbols. four examples have come to my notice; these are all engraved on shell gorgets and are illustrated in plate lxi. two are from illinois, one from missouri, and the other from tennessee.[ ] the example shown in fig. was obtained by mr. croswell from a mound near new madrid, mo. it is described as a circular ornament, three inches in diameter, that had, apparently, been cut from a _busycon_. mr. croswell says that "the convex face was entirely plain, but the concave side bears the figure of a tarantula, or large spider, very skillfully engraved, the body being formed by a circle inclosing a cross, showing beyond doubt its sacred and symbolic character. this ornament, when found, lay on the breast-bone of a skeleton, with the concave or ornamented side uppermost. two holes in the upper part were evidently intended for the thong or string by which it had been suspended from the neck. a circumstance that renders this relic still more interesting is the fact that two other shell ornaments, bearing precisely similar devices, have recently been found in illinois within seven miles of this city, thus proving that the figures were not a mere fanciful invention, but had some symbolic meaning."[ ] the disk thus briefly described by mr. croswell is so much like the example shown in fig. that i shall not describe it further, but shall refer to its peculiarities in the descriptions of others that follow. the handsome gorget illustrated in fig. was obtained from a mound in saint clair county, illinois, seven miles from the city of saint louis. it was found upon the breast of a skeleton, and was very much discolored and quite fragile from decay, but no part of the design, which is engraved upon the concave side, has been obliterated. near the margin and parallel with it three lines have been engraved. the spider is drawn with considerable fidelity to nature and covers nearly the entire disk, the legs, mandibles, and abdomen reaching to the outer marginal line. as in the specimen described above, the thorax is placed in the center of the disk, and is represented by a circle; within this a cross has been engraved, the ends of which have been enlarged on one side, producing a form much used in heraldry, but one very rarely met with in aboriginal american art. the head is somewhat heart-shaped and is armed with palpi and mandibles, the latter being ornamented with a zigzag line and prolonged to the marginal lines of the disk. the eyes are represented by two small circles with central dots. the legs are correctly placed in four pairs upon the thorax, and are very graphically drawn. the abdomen is large and heart-shaped, and is ornamented with a number of lines and dots, which represent the natural markings of the spider. the perforations for suspension are placed near the posterior extremity of the abdomen. it will be observed that this is also the case with the three other specimens. having described this specimen somewhat carefully, it will be unnecessary to give a detailed description of the very similar specimen shown in fig. . the latter was found in a stone grave in saint clair county, illinois, and does not differ in any essential feature from either of the other specimens, one of which was found near by, and the other about one hundred miles farther south. in reference to the cross it has been suggested that it may have been derived from the well-defined cross found upon the backs of some species of the genus _atta_, but there appears to be good reason for believing otherwise. the cross here shown has a very highly conventionalized character, quite out of keeping with the realistic drawing of the insect, and, what is still more decisive, it is identical with forms found upon many other objects. the conclusion is that the cross here, as elsewhere, has a purely symbolic character. spider gorgets are also mentioned by a. j. conant in the kansas city review, vol. i, page , and in his work on the commonwealth of missouri, page , but no details are given. it is probable that the objects referred to by mr. conant are the same as those more definitely placed by prof. hilder. the specimen shown in fig. was obtained from a mound on fain's island, tennessee. the disk is somewhat more convex on the front than is indicated in the engraving. it is two and a half inches in diameter, and is quite thin and fragile, although the surface has not suffered much from decay. the margin is ornamented with twenty-four very neatly made notches or scallops. immediately inside the border on the convex side are two incised circles, on the outer of which two small perforations for suspension have been made; inside of these, and less than half an inch from the margin, is a circle of seventeen sub-triangular perforations, the inner angle of each being much rounded. inside of this again is another incised circle, about one and one-fourth inches in diameter, which incloses the highly conventionalized figure of an insect resembling a spider. in a general way--in the number and arrangement of the parts--this figure corresponds pretty closely to the very realistic spiders of the three other disks; in detail however, it is quite unlike them. it is much more highly conventionalized--the natural markings of the body being nearly all omitted, and the legs being without joints and square at the tips. the cross does not appear on the body, but its place is taken by a large conical perforation, made entirely from the convex side. the central segment of the body is round, as in the other cases; to this the four pairs of legs are attached. without reference to the other specimens, it would be difficult to distinguish the anterior from the posterior extremity, and even with this aid we cannot be quite certain. the larger extremity is somewhat triangular in outline and is ornamented with two cross lines and two eyes. were it not for the fact that these eyes resemble so closely those found in the other specimens i should call this the posterior extremity, as the opposite end terminates in a pair of well-shaped mandibles, the triangular space between them being cut quite through the disk. the section of the body between this and the central circle also resembles the head, which suggests the conclusion either that the eyes are misplaced or that, as drawn, they are only intended to represent the bright spots of the insect's body. the rarity of these spider gorgets makes it seem rather remarkable that specimens should occur in localities so widely separated as fain's island and saint louis, but the races inhabiting this entire region, are known to have had many arts in common, and besides this it is not impossible that the same tribe or clan may, at different times, have occupied both of these localities. the marked differences in the design and execution of these specimens, however, indicate a pretty wide distinction in the time or art of the makers. [illustration: pl. lxi--spider gorgets. . from a mound, missouri. . from a stone-grave, illinois. . from a mound, illinois. . from a mound, tennessee. ( / )] the serpent. the serpent has had a fascination for primitive man hardly surpassed by its reputed power over the animals on which it preys. in the minds of nearly all savages it has been associated with the deepest mysteries and the most potent powers of nature. no other creature has figured so prominently in the religious systems of the world, few of which are free from it; and as art, in a great measure, owes its existence to an attempt to represent or embellish objects which are supposed to be the incarnations of spirits, the serpent is an important element in all art. wherever the children of nature have wandered its image may be found engraved upon the rocks, or painted or sculptured upon monuments of their own construction. it is found in a thousand forms; beginning with those so realistic that the species can be determined, we may pass down through innumerable stages of variation until all semblance of nature is lost. beyond this it becomes embodied in the conventional forms of art or looks back from its obscure place in an alphabet through a perspective of metamorphism as marvelous as that visible to the creature itself could it view the course of its evolution from the elements of nature. so well is the serpent known as a religious symbol among the american peoples that it seems hardly necessary to present examples of the curiously interesting myths relating to it. we are not surprised to find the bird, the wolf, or the bear placed among representatives of the "great spirit," and hence to find them embodied in art; but it would be a matter of surprise if the serpent were ever absent. with the mound-builders it seems to have been of as much importance as to other divisions of the red race, ancient or modern. it is of very frequent occurrence among the designs engraved upon gorgets of shell, a multitude of which have been thus dedicated to the serpent-god. it is a well-known fact that the rattlesnake is the variety almost universally represented, and we find that these engravings on shell present no exception to this rule. from a very early date in mound exploration these gorgets have been brought to light, but the coiled serpent engraved upon their concave surfaces is so highly conventionalized that it was not at once recognized. professor wyman appears to have been the first to point out the fact that the rattlesnake was represented; others have since made brief allusion to this fact. two examples only have been illustrated; one by professor jones,[ ] who regards it as being without intelligent design, and the other by dr. rau,[ ] who does not suggest an interpretation. among the thirty or forty specimens that i have examined, the engraving of the serpent is, with one exception, placed upon the concave side of the disk, which is, as usual, cut from the most distended part of the _busycon perversum_, or some similar shell. the great uniformity of these designs is a matter of much surprise. at the same time, however, there is no exact duplication; there are always differences in position, detail, or number of parts. the serpent is always coiled, the head occupying the center of the disk. with a very few exceptions the coil is sinistral. the head is so placed that when the gorget is suspended it has an erect position, the mouth opening toward the right hand. as at first glance it will be somewhat difficult for the reader to make out clearly the figure of the serpent, even with the well defined lines of the drawing before him, i will present the description pretty much in the order in which the design revealed itself to me in my first attempt to decipher it. the saucer-like disks are almost circular, the upper edge being mostly somewhat straightened--the result of the natural limit of the body of the shell above. all are ground down to a fairly uniform thickness of from one-eighth to one-fourth of an inch. the edges are evenly rounded and smooth. two small holes for suspension occur near the rim of the straighter edge, and generally on or near the outline of the engraved design, which covers the middle portion of the plate. the diameter ranges from one to six inches. to one who examines this design for the first time it seems a most inexplicable puzzle; a meaningless grouping of curved and straight lines, dots and perforations. we notice, however, a remarkable similarity in the designs, the idea being radically the same in all specimens, and the conclusion is soon reached that there is nothing haphazard in the arrangements of the parts and that every line must have its place and purpose. the design is in all cases inclosed by two parallel border lines, leaving a plain belt from one-fourth to three-fourths of an inch in width around the edge of the disk. all simple lines are firmly traced, although somewhat scratchy, and are seldom more than one-twentieth of an inch in width or depth. in studying this design the attention is first attracted by an eye-like figure near the left border. this is formed of a series of concentric circles, the number of which varies from three in the most simple to twelve in the more elaborate forms. the diameter of the outer circle of this figure varies from one-half to one inch. in the center there is generally a small conical depression or pit. the series of circles is partially inclosed by a looped band one-eighth of an inch in width, which opens downward to the left; the free ends extending outward to the border line, gradually nearing each other and forming a kind of neck to the circular figure. this band is in most cases occupied by a series of dots or conical depressions varying in number from one to thirty. the neck is decorated in a variety of ways; by dots, by straight and curved lines, and by a cross-hatching that gives a semblance of scales. a curious group of lines occupying a crescent-shaped space at the right of the circular figure and inclosed by two border lines, must receive particular attention. this is really the front part of the head--the jaws and the muzzle of the creature represented. the mouth is always clearly defined and is mostly in profile, the upper jaw being turned abruptly upward, but, in some examples, an attempt has been made to represent a front view, in which case it presents a wide v-shaped figure. it is, in most cases, furnished with two rows of teeth, no attempt having been made to represent a tongue. the spaces above and below the jaws are filled with lines and figures, which vary much in the different specimens; a group of plume-like figures, extends backward from the upper jaw to the crown, or otherwise this space is occupied by an elongated perforation. the body is represented encircling the head in a single coil, which appears from beneath the neck on the right, passes around the front of the head, and terminates at the back in a pointed tail with well defined rattles. it is engraved to represent the well-known scales and spots of the rattlesnake, the conventionalized figures being quite graphic. in the group of specimens represented in plate lxiv areas of cross-hatched lines, representing scales, alternate with circular figures, containing two or three concentric circles and a central dot. in some cases one or more incised bands cross the body in the upper part of the curve. the examples shown in plate lxv have many distinctive features. the markings of the body consist of alternating areas of scales and chevrons or of chevrons alone. these figures are interrupted in the upper part of the coil by a number of lines which cross the body at right angles. the body is in many cases nearly severed from the rim of the disk by four oblong perforations, which follow the border line of the design. in most cases three other perforations occur about the head; one represents the mouth, one defines the forehead and upper jaw, and the third is placed against the throat. these may be intended merely to define the form more clearly. the curious plume-like figures that occur upon the heads of both varieties may indicate the natural or reputed markings of the animal represented. it is possible that the group shown in this plate may be intended to represent the common yellow rattlesnake, the _crotalus horridus_, of the atlantic slope, the characteristic markings of which are alternating light and dark chevrons, while the diamond rattlesnake, the _crotalus adamanteus_, of the southern states may have served as a model for the other group. in plate lxii i present two of these rattlesnake gorgets. the specimens shown in fig. is from georgia and is the smallest example that has come to my notice. it is represented natural size. the design is quite obscure, but enough remains to show that it does not differ essentially from the type already presented. there appear to be no holes for suspension, but it is probable that two of the oblong perforations upon the border of the design had been used for that purpose. the handsome specimen given in fig. was obtained from the great mound at sevierville, tenn., and is in a very good state of preservation. it is a deep, somewhat oval plate, made from a _busycon perversum_. the surface is nicely polished and the margins neatly beveled. the marginal zone is less than half an inch wide and contains at the upper edge two perforations, which have been considerably abraded by the cord of suspension. four long curved slits or perforations almost sever the central design from the rim; the four narrow segments that remain are each ornamented with a single conical pit. the serpent is very neatly engraved and belongs to the chevroned variety. the eye is large and the neck is ornamented with a single rectangular intaglio figure. the mouth is more than usually well defined. the upper jaw is turned abruptly upward and is ornamented with lines peculiar to this variety of the designs. the body opposite the perforations for suspension is interrupted by a rather mysterious cross band, consisting of one broad and two narrow lines. as this is a feature common to many specimens it probably has some important office or significance. [illustration: pl. lxii--rattlesnake gorgets. . shell gorget from georgia. ( / ) . mcmahan mound, tenn. ( / )] in plate lxiii i present two of the best examples of these serpent gorgets yet brought to light. they were obtained from the mcmahan mound, at sevierville, tenn., in , and are in an excellent state of preservation. both are made from large heavy specimens of the _busycon perversum_. the example given in fig. is but slightly altered by decomposition, the translucency of the shell being still perceptible. the back retains the strongly marked ridges of growth. the interior has been highly polished, but is now somewhat marked, apparently by some fine textile fabric which has been buried with it and has, in decaying, left its impress upon the smooth surface of the shell. the design is very much like the type described, but has some peculiar features about the neck and under the head of the serpent. the specimen shown in fig. may be regarded as a type of these gorgets, and is the one chiefly used in the general description given on a preceding page. it is six inches long by five wide, and has been neatly dressed and polished on both sides. as every detail is clearly and correctly shown in the cut i shall not describe it farther. [illustration: pl. lxiii--rattlesnake gorgets. . mcmahan mound, tenn. . mcmahan mound, tenn. ( / )] for convenience of comparison i have arranged two plates of outlines. the specimen shown in fig. , plate lxiv, is almost identical with the one last mentioned in size and shape. this, with the similar but somewhat smaller specimen given in fig. , is also from the mcmahan mound. figs. and are outlines of the specimens already given in plate lxiii. the fine specimen shown in fig. is from the brakebill mound, near knoxville, tenn., and is now in the peabody museum. it is five inches in length and a little more than four and one-half in width. it is very much like the sevierville specimens and is made of the same species of shell. the markings of the space beneath the head are peculiar, and in some other details it differs from the other specimens. fig. illustrates a large specimen now in the national collection. it is also from tennessee, and resembles the preceding examples quite closely. [illustration: pl. lxiv--rattlesnake gorgets. . mcmahan mound. . mcmahan mound. . mcmahan mound. . mcmahan mound. . brakebill mound. . williams island. tennessee.] the specimens illustrated in plate lxv represent a somewhat different type of design, but are found associated with the others. the three shown in figs. , , and belong to the peabody museum, and are from mounds in east tennessee. the others are in the national collection, and come from the same region. [illustration: pl. lxv--rattlesnake gorgets. . mcmahan mound. . lick creek mound. . mcmahan mound. . mcmahan mound. . green county mound. . lick creek mound. tennessee.] it was my intention to pursue this study somewhat further, and the illustrations presented in plate lxvi were partially prepared for the purpose of instituting comparisons between these northern forms and others of the south, but the time at my disposal will not permit of it. fig. is an outline of a rattlesnake gorget, probably from georgia, which is preserved in the natural history museum of new york. it is four inches in length by three and one-half in width. the same specimen is figured by jones in plate xxx of his "antiquities of the southern indians." fig. represents a large specimen from tennessee, which is now preserved in the national collection. the design is placed upon the gorget somewhat differently from the other specimens, the mouth of the serpent being near the top and the neck below at the right. there is also a dotted belt at the right of the head which is not found in any of the specimens described. figs. and represent drawings of serpents' heads found in the ancient city of chimu, peru.[ ] fig. is copied from one of the codices of goldsborough, and is a very spirited representation of a plumed and spotted rattlesnake. the tablet shown in fig. has already been described under "scalloped disks." the remarkable plumed and feathered serpent given in fig. is painted upon the rocks at lake nijapa, nicaragua.[ ] [illustration: pl. lxvi--the serpent. . shell gorget, georgia. . shell gorget, tennessee. , . painting, peru. . from an aztec painting. . stone disk, carthage, ala. . painted on rock, nicaragua.] the human face. a very important group of shell ornaments represent, more or less distinctly, the human face. by a combination of engraving and sculpture a rude resemblance to the features is produced. the objects are generally made from a large pear-shaped section of the lower whorl of heavy marine univalves. the lower portion, which represents the neck and chin, is cut from the somewhat restricted part near the base of the shell, while the broad outline of the head reaches the first suture of the noded shoulder of the body whorl. the simplest form is represented by a specimen from a mound at sevierville, tenn. it is a plain, pear-shaped fragment, with evenly dressed margin and two perforations, which take the position of the eyes. a sketch of this is presented in fig. , plate lxix. similar specimens have been obtained from mounds in other states. a little further advance is made when the surface of the most convex part is ground away, with the exception of a low vertical ridge, which represents the nose. further on a boss or node appears below the nose, which takes the place of the mouth, as seen in fig. . from the elementary stages exhibited in these specimens a gradual advance is made by the addition of details and the elaboration of all the features. a corona encircles the head, the ears are outlined (fig. , plate lxx), the eyes are elaborated by adding one or more concentric circles or ovals, brows are placed above, and groups of notched and zigzag lines extend downward upon the cheeks. the node at the mouth is perforated or cut in intaglio in circular or oblong figures, and the chin is embellished by a variety of incised designs. illustrations of the various forms are given in plates lxix and lxx. these objects are especially numerous in the mounds of tennessee, but their range is quite wide, examples having been reported from kentucky, virginia, illinois, missouri, and arkansas, and smaller ones of a somewhat different type from new york. in size they range from two to ten inches in length, the width being considerably less. they are generally found associated with human remains in such a way as to suggest their use as ornaments for the head or neck. there are, however, no holes for suspension except those made to represent the eyes, and these, so far as i have observed, show no abrasion by a cord of suspension. their shape suggests the idea that they may have been used as masks, and as such may have been placed upon the faces of the dead in the same manner that metal masks were used by some oriental nations. among the large number of interesting objects of shell obtained from the mcmahan mound at sevierville, tenn., were a number of these shell masks. in the notes of the collector they are mentioned as having been found on the breast or about the heads of skeletons. the example shown in fig. , plate lxvii, is a medium-sized, rather plain specimen from the above-named locality. it is seven and one-fourth inches long and nearly six inches wide, and has been made from a _busycon perversum_. the margins are much decayed, and the convex surface is pitted and discolored. the inside is smooth, and has a slight design rudely engraved upon it. of a very different type is the specimen shown in fig. . it is new looking, and well preserved. the slightly translucent surface is highly polished, and the engraved lines are quite fresh looking. it was collected by j. d. lucas, and is labeled aquia creek, va. it is five and one-half inches in length by five in width, and is apparently made from some dextral-whorled shell. the outline is somewhat rectangular, the upper surface being pretty well rounded and ornamented with a corona of incised lines, which are arranged in six groups of four each. inside of these a single incised line runs parallel with the edge, from temple to temple. the eyes are represented by small circles with small central pits, and the lids are indicated by long, pointed ellipses. from each of the eyes a group of three zigzag lines extends downward across the cheek, terminating near the edge of the plate, opposite the mouth. these lines may be interpreted in two ways: first, if the object is a mourning mask, made with especial reference to its use in burial, they may signify tears, since, in the pictographic language of many tribes, tears are represented by lines descending from the eyes, and, with other nations, running water is symbolized by curved or zigzag lines; in the second place, these lines may represent figures painted upon the face during the period of mourning, or they may simply represent the characteristic lines of the painting or tattooing of the clan or tribe to which the deceased belonged. it is not at all improbable that these objects were further embellished by painted designs which have been obliterated. the nose is represented by a flat ridge, which terminates abruptly below, the nostrils being indicated by two small excavations. the mouth is represented by an oval node, in which a horizontal groove has been made. [illustration: pl. lxvii--the human face. . mask-like ornament, tennessee. ( / ). . mask-like ornament, virginia. ( / ).] the most elaborately engraved example of these masks yet brought to the notice of the public is shown in plate lxviii. it was obtained by mr. lucien carr from a large mound, known as the ely mound, near rose hill, lee county, virginia, and is described and illustrated by that gentleman in the tenth annual report of the peabody museum.[ ] wishing to present this fine specimen to the best advantage possible, i have had a large cut made from a photograph furnished by professor putnam, curator of the peabody museum. parts of the design which were obscure i have strengthened, following the guidance of such fragments of lines as were still traceable, or by simply duplicating the lines of the opposite side, as these designs are in all cases bi-symmetrical. having described a great number of relics exhumed from this mound, mr. carr goes on to say "that the most interesting of the articles taken from this grave was an engraved shell made from the most dilated portion of the _strombus gigas_, and carved on the convex side into the likeness of a human face." it measures millimeters in length, by in breadth. it is perforated with three holes, "the two upper of which are surrounded with circles, and represent eyes; between these is a raised ridge of shell, in place of the nose, and below this is a third hole, which is just above a series of lines that were probably intended as the mouth. four lines, parallel to each other during three-fourths of their length, begin at the outer corner of the eye and are zigzaged to the lower jaw, where they are drawn to a point. the concave side of the shell is perfectly plain, and still preserves its high polish, though the right portion of the face on the carved or convex side shows the sad effects of time and exposure." although i have not had an opportunity of examining this specimen closely, i am inclined to the opinion, judging by its outlines, that the shell from which it was made has been sinistrally whorled, and hence a _busycon perversum_. i should also prefer to consider the hole beneath the nose as representing the mouth, as it certainly does in many other cases, and the peculiar figure--the three vertical lines which extend downward from the hole and the two banded figures that cross them at right angles--as a representation of some painted or tattooed design characteristic of the builders of the mound. [illustration: pl. lxviii--shell mask. virginia. ( / )] other examples of these objects are represented in plate lxix. of especial interest i may mention the specimen shown in fig. , obtained, with other similar examples, by professor putnam, from the lick creek mound, in east tennessee. the perforations which represent the eyes are surrounded by two concentric circles, and the zigzag lines beneath are supplemented by two sets of pendant figures formed of notched lines, the two longer of which extend down the sides of the nose, the others being connected with the lower margin of the eye. in one example four parallel lines pass from the mouth downward over the chin. fig. represents a specimen from the brakebill mound, east tennessee. the mouth is not indicated, and the nose is but slightly relieved. each eye, however, is inclosed by a figure which extends downward over the cheek, terminating in three sharp points. [illustration: pl. lxix--the human face. . mcmahan mound, tenn. . mcmahan mound, tenn. . brakebill mound, tenn. . lick creek mound, tenn. . aquia creek, va. . mound, ely county, va.] so far as the specimens at hand show, this peculiar embellishment of the eyes and mouth is characteristic of virginia and east tennessee. a small specimen from georgia, now preserved in the natural history museum at new york, has a somewhat similar ornamentation of the eyes. this specimen is shown in fig. , plate lxx. in fig. of the same plate we have the representation of a face modeled in clay, on which a number of incised lines, similar to those engraved on shell, have been drawn. the crown of notches is also present. the specimen has been illustrated by professor jones.[ ] it is now in the museum of natural history at new york, and was probably obtained from the etowah valley, georgia. examples in stone are also numerous, and show certain features in common with those in shell. fig. is from northern ohio, and is carved from a nodule of iron ore. the very beautiful little head shown in figs. and is from a cave at mussel shoals, ala. it is made of shell, and is somewhat altered by decay. the crown is peculiarly notched, and resembles a very common mexican form. the notch in the middle of the forehead can be traced to a division in the head-dress noticed in the more elaborately carved mexican specimens. the example shown in figs. and is copied from a rather rude cut given by schoolcraft, who describes it as follows: "this well-sculptured article was discovered in the valley of the kasauda creek, onondaga county. the material is a compact piece of sea-shell. it still preserves in a considerable degree the smoothness and luster of its original finish. * * * at the angle of the temples are two small orifices for suspending it around the neck. the entire article is finished with much skill and delicacy."[ ] the very rude specimen presented in fig. is from a mound at franklin, tenn. it seems to have been some natural form, but slightly changed by art. a somewhat similar specimen from a mound in tennessee may be seen in the peabody museum. the cut presented in fig. is taken from jones's antiquities of tennessee, page . the specimen was obtained from the stone grave of a child at the foot of a mound near nashville, tenn. it has diamond-shaped eyes, a feature of very rare occurrence in the art of this region. [illustration: pl. lxx--the human face. , . shell ornament from a cave, alabama. ( / ) , . shell ornament from new york. ( / ) . shell ornament, stone grave, tennessee. . shell ornament from georgia. ( / ) . shell ornament from tennessee. ( / ) . face modeled in clay, georgia. . face carved in iron ore, ohio.] the human figure. i now come to a class of works which are new and unique, and in more than one respect are the most important objects of aboriginal art yet found within the limits of the united states. these relics are four in number, and come from that part of the mound-building district occupied at one time by the "stone grave" peoples--three from tennessee and one from missouri. similar designs are not found in other materials, and, indeed, nothing at all resembling them can be found, so far as i know, either in stone or in clay. if such have been painted or engraved on less enduring materials they are totally destroyed. i shall first describe the specimens themselves, and subsequently dwell at some length upon their authenticity, their significance, and their place in art. first, i present, in plate lxxi, a shell gorget on which is engraved a rather rude delineation of a human figure. the design occupies the concave side of a large shell disk cut from a _busycon perversum_. near the upper margin are the usual holes for suspension. the engraved design fills the central portion of the plate and is inclosed by two approximately parallel lines, between which and the edge of the shell there is a plain belt three-fourths of an inch wide. a casual observer would probably not recognize any design whatever in the jumble of half obliterated lines that occupies the inclosed space. it will first be noticed that a column about three-fourths of an inch in width stands erect in the center of the picture; from this spring a number of lines, forming serpentine arms, which give the figure as much the appearance of an octopus crowded into a collector's alcohol jar as of a human creature. a little study will convince one, however, that the central column represents the human body, and the tangle of lines surrounding it will be found to represent the arms, legs, hands, feet, and their appendages--no line within the border being without its office. the upper extremity of the body is occupied by a circle one-eighth of an inch in diameter, which represents the eye. the head is not distinguished from the body by any sort of constriction for the neck, but has evidently been crowned by a rude aurora-like crest similar to that found in so many aboriginal designs. this does not appear in the engraving given, as it, as well as other features, was so nearly obliterated as to escape observation until the idea was suggested by the study of other similar designs. the mouth is barely suggested, being represented by three shallow lines placed so low on the trunk that they occupy what should be the chest. from the side of the head a number of lines, probably meant for plumes, extend across the bordering lines almost to the edge of the shell; below this are two perforated loops, which seem to take the place of ears; the one on the right is doubly perforated and has a peculiar extension, in a bent or elbowed line, across the border. the arms are attached to the sides of the body near the middle in a haphazard sort of way and are curiously double jointed; they terminate, however, in well-defined hands against the right and left borders, the thumb and fingers being, in each case, distinctly represented. the legs and feet are at first exceedingly hard to make out, but when once traced are as clear as need be. the body terminates abruptly below within an inch of the base of the inclosed space. one leg extends directly downward, the foot resting upon the border line; the other extends backward from the base of the trunk and rests against the border line at the right; the legs have identical markings, which probably represent the costume. each foot terminates in a single well-defined talon or claw, which folds upward against the knee. this is a most interesting feature, and one which this design possesses in common with the three other drawings of the human figure found in tennessee. the spaces between the various members of the figure are filled in with ornamental appendages, which seem to be attached to the hands and feet, and probably represent plumes. the numerous perforations in this specimen are worthy of attention: within the border line there are twenty-six, which vary from one-fourth to one-sixteenth of an inch in diameter. they are placed mostly at the joints of the figure or at the junction of two or more lines. such perforations are of frequent occurrence in this class of gorgets and may have had some particular significance to their possessors. this specimen was found in the great mound at sevierville, tenn., upon the breast of a skeleton, and is now in the national collection. it has suffered considerably from decay, the surface being deeply furrowed, pitted, and discolored. the holes are much enlarged and the lines in places are almost obliterated. i began the study of this design with the thought that, in reference to this specimen at least, professor jones was right, and that the confused group of lines might be the meaningless product of an idle fancy, but ended by being fully satisfied that no single line or mark is without its place or its significance. [illustration: pl. lxxi--shell gorget--the human figure. mcmahan mound, tennessee. ( / )] after having examined this design so critically, it will be an easy matter to interpret that engraved upon the tablet illustrated in plate lxxii. although found in widely separated localities, and engraved in a somewhat different style, they are identical in type, and exhibit but slight differences in detail. at the top of the plate we have the two doubly conical perforations for suspension, but the double border line is not completed above, being interrupted by the plumes from the head. the head itself is decorated with the usual crown of radiating lines, a small circle with a central pit represents the eye, and below this is a well-defined mouth with a double row of teeth. extending to the right from the mouth is an appendage consisting of one straight and two interrupted lines, which may be a part of the costume, or, since it issues from the mouth, may possibly symbolize speech. the body, which is short and straight, is divided vertically into three parts; the central space contains a large conical perforation, and is covered with a lace-work of lines; the lateral spaces are ornamented with rows of buttons or scales, which consist of meagerly outlined circles with central dots. the curiously folded arms have precisely the same relative positions as the corresponding members in the other specimen, and the fingers touch the bordering line on the right and left, the thumb being turned backward against the elbow. the legs are represented in a manner that suggests a sitting posture, the rounded knees coming in front of and joining the base of the body; in position and decoration they repeat the other specimen. the feet, or the rounded extremities that represent them, rest upon the border line, as in the case previously described, and terminate in upturned talons that are long, curved, and jointed, and terminate in square or blunt tips. plume-like appendages are attached to the arms and legs, and fill the spaces not occupied by the members of the body; these plumes or pendants are always represented by folded bands or fillets which are ornamented on one side with dots. a plume attached to the left side of the head is represented by two curved lines, which reach to the edge of the shell. there are five perforations, two for suspension, two at the sides of the face, and one near the middle of the trunk. this specimen is in a very perfect state of preservation, the surface being smooth and but little stained. it is somewhat pear-shaped, resembling in this respect the mask-like gorgets previously described. it is about seven inches in height and five in width, and has been made from a very thick and compact shell, probably a _busycon_. it was obtained from a mound in meigs county, tennessee, and is preserved in the peabody museum. in mechanical execution this specimen is much superior to the preceding one; the edges and surface of the shell are nicely dressed, although the lines of the design are indifferently cut. [illustration: pl. lxxii--shell gorget--the human figure. mound, tennessee. ( / )] another unique shell gorget is presented in plate lxxiii. it was obtained from a mound in southeastern missouri, and is now in the possession of professor potter, of saint louis. the disk is about four and a half inches in diameter, and was originally nearly circular, but the edges are now much decayed and battered. a cut with a brief description is given by mr. a. j. conant in his recent work, "foot-prints of vanished races," page . my cut is made from a photograph obtained from professor putnam, of the peabody museum. this is probably the same photograph used by mr. conant. the engraved design is of a totally distinct type from the last, and evinces a much higher grade of skill in the artist. it is encircled by six nearly parallel lines, which occupy about half an inch of the border of the disk. portions of these still remain, the inner one being nearly entire. between this and the second line are two perforations for suspension. the idea first suggested by a glance at the engraved design is that it strongly resembles the work of the ancient mexicans, and the second idea of many archæologists will probably be that there may be a doubt of its genuineness. setting this question aside for the present, let us examine the engraving in detail. placing the plate so that the two perforations are at the left, we have the principal figure in an upright posture. this figure apparently represents a personage of some importance, as he is decked from head to foot with a profusion of ornaments and symbols. he is shown in profile with the arms extended in action, and the feet separated as if in the act of stepping forward. the head is large, occupying about one-third of the height of the design. the elaborate head-dress fills the upper part of the inclosed space, pendant plumes descend to the shoulders before and behind, and circular ornaments are attached to the hair and the ear. the conventionalized eye is lozenge or diamond shaped, with a small conical pit for the pupil. the profile shows a full forehead, a strong nose, and a prominent chin. two lines extend across the cheek from the bridge of the nose to the base of the ear. in and projecting from the mouth is a symbolic figure, the meaning of which can only be conjectured. the shoulders and body are but meagerly represented. from the waist a peculiar apron-like object is suspended, which reaches to the knees; it may be a part of the costume or a priestly symbol. the legs and feet are dwarfed, but quite well outlined. there are encircling bands at the knees and ankles, and a fan-like extension of the costume, somewhat resembling the tail of a bird, descends between the legs. attached to the back, is a figure of a rather extraordinary character. similar figures may be seen in some of the mexican paintings, and seem to represent a contrivance for carrying burdens, in which at times elfish figures are accommodated. the right arm is extended forward, and the hand grasps a singular shaft, with which a blow is aimed at the severed head of a victim, which is held face downward by the left hand of the standing figure. the severed head still retains the plumed cap, from which a long pendant descends in front of the face. the eye is lozenge-shaped. a zigzag line crosses the cheek from the ear to the bridge of the nose, and a curious symbolic figure is represented as issuing from the mouth. the shaft held in the right hand seems to issue from a circular figure, doubtless of symbolic character, which occupies the space in front of the head of the standing figure. it is possible that the figure which issues from the mouth of the victim represents the point of this mystic shaft which has penetrated the head, although we should have to allow some inaccuracies in the drawing if this were the case. any one at all familiar with the curious pictographic manuscripts of the ancient mexicans will see at a glance that we have here a sacrificial scene, in which a priest seems to be engaged in the sacrifice of a human being. in the extraordinary manuscripts of the ancient aztecs we have many parallels to this design. so closely does it approach the aztec type that, although no duplicate can be found in any of the codices, there is not a single idea, a single member or ornament that has not its analogue in the mexican manuscripts. to make this clear to every one i present, in plate lxxv, fig. , a single example for comparison. this one is selected from the manuscript of m. de féjerváry, preserved at budapest, hungary.[ ] fortunately for the credit of this missouri relic we do not find its duplicate--there are only family resemblances; there are similar plumes, with similar ornaments and pendants, similar costume and attitudes; there are similar features and similar symbols; but there is no absolute identity, except in motive and conception. [illustration: pl. lxxiii--shell gorget--the human figure. missouri. ( / )] among the multitude of works of art collected within the last decade very few will be found to surpass in interest the fragment of a shell gorget from the mcmahan mound, at sevierville, tenn. the disk, when entire, has been nearly five inches in diameter. a little more than one-third had crumbled away, and the remaining portion was only preserved by the most careful handling, and by immediate immersion in a thin solution of glue. this specimen is the first of the kind ever brought to light in this country, and must certainly be regarded as the highest example of aboriginal art ever found north of mexico. the design, as in the other cases, has been engraved on the convex surface of a polished shell disk, and represents two human figures, plumed and winged and armed with eagles' talons, engaged in mortal combat. as in the last specimen described, this has, at first sight, an exotic look, bearing certainly in its conception a general resemblance to the marvelous bas-reliefs of mexico and central america; but the resemblance goes no further, and we are at liberty to consider it a northern work _sui generis_. the design has apparently covered the entire tablet, leaving no space for encircling lines. the two figures are in profile and face each other in a fierce onset. of the right-hand figure only the body, one arm, and one leg remain. the left-hand figure is almost complete; the outline of the face, one arm, and one foot being obliterated. the right hand is raised above the head in the act of brandishing a long double-pointed knife. at the same time this doughty warrior seems to be receiving a blow in the face from the right hand of the other combatant, in which is clutched a savage-looking blade, with a curved point. the hands are vigorously drawn, the joints are correctly placed, and the thumb presses down upon the outside of the forefinger in its natural effort to tighten and secure the grasp. two bands encircle the wrists and probably represent bracelets. the arms and shoulders are plain. the head is decorated with a single plume, which springs from a circular ornament placed over the ear; an angular figure extends forward from the base of this plume and probably represents what is left of the head-dress proper; forward of this, on the very edge of the crumbling shell, is one-half of the lozenge-shaped eye, the dot intended to represent the pupil being almost obliterated. it is certainly a great misfortune that both faces are completely gone; their exact character must remain conjectural. a neat pendant ornament is suspended upon the well-formed breast, and a broad belt encircles the waist, beneath which, covering the abdomen, is a design that suggests the scales of a coat of mail. the legs are well-defined and perfectly proportioned; the left knee is bent forward and the foot is planted firmly on the ground, while the right is thrown gracefully back against the rim at the left. double belts encircle the knees and ankles. the legs terminate in wonderfully well-drawn eagle's feet, armed with vigorously curved talons. a very interesting feature of the design is the highly conventionalized wing, which is attached to the shoulder behind, and fills the space beneath the uplifted arm. a broad many-feathered tail is spread out like a fan behind the legs. the right hand figure, so far as seen, is an exact duplicate of the left. a design of undetermined significance occupies the space between the figures beneath the crossed arms; it may represent conventionalized drapery, but is more probably symbolic in its character. the heads have probably been a little too large for good proportion, but the details of the anatomy are excellent. the muscles of the shoulder, the breast and nipple, the waist, the buttock, and the calves of the legs are in excellent drawing. the whole group is most graphically presented. a highly ideal design, it is made to fill a given space with a directness of execution and a unity of conception that is truly surprising. [illustration: pl. lxxiv--engraved gorget--fighting figures. tennessee. ( / )] let us turn for a moment from this striking effort of the mound-builders to the early efforts of other peoples in the engraver's art. here are the drawings of the troglodytes of france, scintillations of paleolithic genius, which appear as a flash of light in the midst of a midnight sky. they are truly remarkable. the clear-cut lines that shadow forth the hairy mammoth suggest the graphic and forcible work of the parisian of to-day. the rude esquimaux of our own time engraves images of a great variety of natural objects on his ornaments and implements of ivory in a manner that commands our admiration. but these shell tablets have designs of a much higher grade. they not only represent natural objects with precision, but they delineate conceptions of mythical creatures of composite character for which nature affords no model. in execution the best of these tablets will not compare with the wonderful works in stucco and stone of palenque, or the elaborate sculptures of the aztecs, but they are, like them, vigorous in action and complete in conception. in case the authenticity of these relics be questioned, the facts in regard to them, so far as known, are here presented for reference. as to the two specimens from sevierville, tenn. (plates lxxi and lxxii), the shadow of a doubt cannot be attached to them. were there no record whatever of the time or place of discovery, the evidence upon the faces of the relics themselves would show satisfactorily that they are genuine. they were taken from the great mound, which i have called the mcmahan mound, at sevierville, tenn. this mound was opened in by one of our most experienced collectors, dr. e. palmer. the specimens when found were in a very advanced stage of decay, pitted, discolored, and crumbling, and had to be handled with the utmost care to prevent total disintegration. they were dried by the collector, immersed in a weak solution of glue, and forwarded immediately to the national museum at washington. in this mound a multitude of relics were found, a large number being of shell, many of which are figured and described in this paper. these two gorgets, as well as many others of more ordinary types were found on or near the breasts of skeletons, and it is highly probable that they were suspended about the necks of the dead just as they had been worn by the living. by accurately ascertaining the authenticity of one of these specimens we establish, so far as need be, the genuineness of all of the same class. if one is genuine that is sufficient; the others may or may not be so, without seriously effecting the questions at issue, yet the occurrence of duplicate or closely related specimens in widely separated localities furnishes confirmatory evidence of no little importance. i do not wish to be understood as casting a doubt upon any of the four specimens described, as i am thoroughly convinced that there is no cause for suspicion. the missouri gorget, which has already been described and figured, was obtained by unknown persons in southeastern missouri. several years back it came into the hands of colonel whitley, and from him it was obtained by its present owner, professor potter, of saint louis. there has never been a question as to its genuineness, and according to professor hilder, who saw it shortly after its discovery, the appearance and condition of the specimen were such that it could not have been of fraudulent manufacture. it was chalky and crumbling from decay, the lines of the design bearing equal evidence with the general surface of the shell of great age. beside this, even if it were possible to produce such a condition in a recently carved shell, there existed no motive for such an attempt. nothing was to be made by it; no benefit could accrue to the perpetrator to reward him for his pains, and, further, there was no precedent, there was extant nothing that could serve as a model for such a work. in plate lxxv i have arranged a number of figures for convenience of comparison, figs. , , , and , being outlines of the four examples just described. in regard to the restored part of the outline in fig. , i wish to say that my only object in filling out the figure on the right was to secure as far as possible the full effect of the complete original. observing that all that remains of the right hand figure--the arm, the body, the leg and foot, is a duplicate of the left, it is safe to conclude that the design has been approximately bi-symmetrical, slight discrepancies probably occurring in the details of head and arm, in the expression of face, or in the character of the weapon. it is much to be regretted that the faces are totally destroyed. in fig. i present a group of two figures from the so-called "sacrificial stone" found in the plaza mayor, city of mexico. it seems to represent the submission of one warrior or ruler to his victorious opponent, and is one of many designs that might be presented to illustrate the analogies of the tennessee relic with the interesting works of the far south. there is what might be called a family resemblance, a similarity in idea and action, but little analogy of detail. the northern work is by far the more spirited, and is apparently superior in all the essentials of artistic excellence. [illustration: pl. lxxv--the human figure. . shell gorget, mcmahan mound, tenn. . sculptured in stone, mexico. . shell gorget, mound, missouri. . figure from an aztec painting. . shell gorget, mcmahan mound, tenn. . shell gorget, lick creek mound, tenn.] in the composite character of the personages represented this picture finds no parallel. composite figures are of frequent occurrence in peruvian art, as in the running figures sculptured on the great monolith at tiahuanuco, or the mythical combats of the gods of the earth and sea painted on the pottery of chimu. they are also found in the manuscripts of the ancient mexicans, as well as in the paintings of the modern pueblos of new mexico (fig. , plate lxxvi), and in the totemic art of the haidahs (fig. , plate lxxvi). the most frequent combinations are of birds with men, the inspiration of the work in all cases being derived from the mythology of the people. the wearing of masks has doubtless given rise to many such conceptions, and where the head alone of the human creature has undergone metamorphosis, we may suspect that a mask has originated the conception; but the tennessee example appears to be the only one in which wings are added independently of the arms or in which bird's feet are attached to the otherwise perfect human creature. [illustration: pl. lxxvi--composite figures. . design on zuñi war-shield, painting. . thunder-bird of the haidahs, painting.] and now we come to the question of the origin of these objects, and especially of the example most closely resembling mexican work. the missouri gorget is in many respects quite isolated from known works of the mississippi valley. must it be regarded as an exotic, as an importation from the south, or does it belong to the soil from which it was exhumed? in order to answer this question we must not only determine its relations to the art of mexico, but we must know just what affinities it has to the art of the mound-builders. in the first place, gorgets of shell are a marked characteristic of the personal embellishment of the northern peoples. they may have been in use among the aztecs, but do not appear among southern antiquities, and no evidence can be derived from history. this gorget belongs, in its general character as an ornament, to the north. it is circular in form, it has two small perforations near the margin for suspension, and is made from the wall of a large univalve. the design occupies the central portion of the convex side of the disk and is inclosed by a number of incised lines. in all of these features, together with its technical execution and its manner of inhumation, it is identical with the well-known work of the mound-builders. these analogies could hardly occur if it were an exotic. it is true, however, as we have already seen, that the design itself has a closer affinity to mexican art than to that of the north. it represents a sacrificial scene, and has many parallels in the paintings and sculpture of the south, whereas no such design is known in the art of any nation north of mexico. the engravings of the mound-builders represent legendary creatures derived from the myths of the fathers, and in this respect have their parallels in the bird-man of the haidahs, the war-god of the zuñis, and the mythical deities of other countries; but they are never illustrative of the customs or ceremonies of the peoples themselves. as an ornament this missouri gorget is a member of a great family that is peculiarly northern, but the design engraved upon it affiliates with the art of mexico, and so close and striking are the resemblances, that accident cannot account for them, and we are forced to the conclusion that it must be the offspring of the same beliefs and customs and the same culture as the art of mexico. [illustration: pl. lxxvii--frogs, arizona. carved from _pectunculus_ shells. ( / )] footnotes: [ ] i am greatly indebted to prof. w. h. dall, of the coast survey, for assistance in the identification of pacific coast varieties. [ ] putnam: in surveys west of the th meridian, vol. vii, p. . [ ] reiss and stübel: necropolis of ancon, peru, plate . [ ] de bry: collectio pars . brevis narratio, , plate . [ ] kohl: kitschi-gami, vol. i, p. , rau, trans. [ ] cabeça de vaca: relation et naufrages. paris, , p. . spanish ed., . [ ] rau, in smithsonian report for , p. . [ ] jones: antiquities of the southern indians, p. . [ ] jones: aboriginal remains of tennessee, p. . [ ] _ibid._, p. . [ ] _ibid._, p. . [ ] putnam, in eleventh annual report, peabody museum, p. . [ ] wyman, in third annual report, peabody museum, p. . [ ] wyman, in third annual report, peabody museum, p. . [ ] foster: prehistoric races of the united states, p. . [ ] since the shell here named is quite small it is probable that the specimens found were _busycons_. [ ] long's expedition to the rocky mountains, vol. i, p. . [ ] atwater, in transactions american antiquarian society, vol. i. [ ] squier and davis: ancient monuments of the mississippi valley, p. . [ ] _ibid._, p. . [ ] farquharson, in proceedings of the am. association, , page . [ ] _ibid._, p. . [ ] putnam, in eleventh annual report, peabody museum, p. . [ ] i am indebted to dr. charles a. white, of the geological survey, for the identification of the numerous specimens of _unionidæ_ mentioned in this paper. [ ] archæological explorations by the literary and scientific society of madisonville, . [ ] putnam, in eleventh annual report, peabody museum, p. . [ ] _ibid._, p. . [ ] jones: antiquities of tennessee, p. . [ ] beverly: history of virginia, , pl. , p. . [ ] strachey, in hakluyt society publications, vol. vi, p. . [ ] _ibid._, vol. vii, p. . [ ] kalm's travels, london, , vol. i, p. . [ ] collections new york historical society, vol. i, nd series, p. . [ ] beverly: history of virginia, , p. . [ ] drake, in hakluyt society publications, vol. xvi, p. . [ ] _ibid._, p. . [ ] sproat's savage life, p. . [ ] de bry: collectio pars . "admiranda narratio," plate . [ ] catlin: indians of the rocky mountains and andes, page . [ ] wood: new england prospect, p. . [ ] archæological explorations by the literary and scientific society of madisonville, ohio, part i, p. . [ ] mass. hist. soc. coll., vol. vii, p. . [ ] wood: new england prospect, p. . [ ] wood: new england prospect, p. . [ ] archæological explorations by the literary and scientific society, part ii, p. , fig. . [ ] putnam, in explorations west of the th meridian, vol. vii, p. . [ ] cook: voyage around the world, , vol. ii, p. . [ ] rau: archæological collection of the national museum, page . [ ] knight: savage weapons at the centennial exhibition, page . [ ] wyman: american naturalist for october, , p. . [ ] adair: history of the american indians, p. . [ ] beverly: history of virginia, p. . [ ] heckewelder's indian nations, p. . [ ] reiss and stübel: necropolis of ancon, plate , fig. - / . [ ] jones: antiquities of the southern indians, pp. , . [ ] wyman, in the american naturalist, november, , plate x, p. . [ ] putnam, in surveys west of the th meridian, vol. vii, p. . [ ] putnam, in surveys west of the th meridian, vol. vii, p. . [ ] perkins, on an ancient burial-ground in swanton, vt., proceedings of the american association, . [ ] squier and davis: ancient monuments of the mississippi valley, p. . [ ] putnam, in surveys west of the th meridian, vol. vii, p. . [ ] schoolcraft: history of the indian tribes, vol. iii, p. , plate . [ ] schoolcraft: notes on the iroquois, p. . [ ] beverly: history of virginia, p. , plate vi. [ ] haldeman, in surveys west of the th meridian, vol. vii, p. . [ ] atwater: western antiquities, p. . in the early days of mound exploration shell was usually mistaken for bone or ivory. [ ] kip: jesuit missions, p. . [ ] collections of the massachusetts historical society, , vol. iii, pp. , . [ ] worsley: a view of the american indians, p. . [ ] collections of the new york historical society, ; vol. i, nd series, p. . [ ] thought to be raccoon skins. [ ] smith: true relation of virginia, pp. , . [ ] wood: new england prospect, p. . [ ] du pratz: history of louisiana, p. . [ ] lewis and clark: expedition up the missouri, &c., p. . [ ] harmon's journal, p. . [ ] swan: the northwest coast, p. . [ ] powers: contributions to north american ethnology, vol. iii, p. . [ ] drake: book of indians, p. . [ ] morgan, in fifth annual report on the new york state cabinet of natural history, pp. , . [ ] loskiel: mission of the united brethren, latrobe trans., p. . [ ] hutchinson: history of mass., vol. i, p. . [ ] thomas morton, in historical tracts, vol. ii, p. . [ ] williams: a key into the language of america, p. . [ ] penna: historical society, vol. iii, p. . [ ] beverly: history of virginia, p. . [ ] lawson: history of north carolina; raleigh reprint, , p. . [ ] on this point, however, the author quoted is apparently at fault, as there is abundance of proof that the whites often engaged successfully in the manufacture of this shell money. [ ] adair: history of the american indians, p. . [ ] kalm's travels, london, , vol. ii, p. . [ ] _ibid._, vol. i, pp. , . [ ] ruttenber: indian tribes of the hudson river, p. . [ ] lewis and clark: expedition up the missouri, p. . [ ] ruttenber: indian tribes of the hudson river, page . [ ] morgan, in fifth annual report on the condition of the new york state cabinet of natural history, page . [ ] brice: history of fort wayne, , page . [ ] events in indian history, lancaster, pa., , page . [ ] history and description of new france, vol. ii, page . [ ] penn, in memoirs hist. soc. penn'a, vol. vi, p. . [ ] in order to make the authors meaning quite clear, a free translation has been given of such words as _porcelaine_, _branches_, _colliers_, etc., as his use of them is somewhat confusing. [ ] lafitau: moeurs des sauvages ameriquains, , tom. ii, pp. -' and -' . [ ] loskiel: missions of the united brethren. trans. by la trobe, book i, p. . [ ] brice: history of fort wayne, p. . [ ] gilpin, in memoirs of the hist. soc. of penna. vol. vi, p. . [ ] heckewelder: indian nations, , p. . [ ] parkman: jesuits in north america, p. xxxiii. [ ] events in indian history, lancaster, pa., , p. . [ ] hunter: indian manners and customs, p. . [ ] gumilla: histoire de orinoque, vol. iii, p. . [ ] molina: history of chili, vol. i, p. . [ ] from an original sketch by mr. beauchamp. [ ] pike: travels through the western territories of n. a., -' , p. . [ ] morgan, in fifth annual report on the condition of the new york state cabinet of natural history, , p. . [ ] morgan: league of the iroquois, p. . [ ] heckewelder: indian nations, , pp. -' -' . [ ] beatty: journal of two months tour, , p. . [ ] loskiel: missions of the united brethren. trans, by la trobe, . book i, p. . [ ] lafitau: moeurs des sauvages ameriquains, tome ii, p. . [ ] mr. beauchamp has published many interesting facts in regard to these belts in the american antiquarian, vol. ii, no. . [ ] present chief of the onondagas. [ ] the proceedings attending the presentation are fully recorded in the memoirs of the historical society of pennsylvania, volume iii, page . a full size lithographic illustration of the belt printed in color is also given. [ ] clavigero: history of mexico, trans. by cullen, vol. i, p. . [ ] davis: spanish conquest of new mexico, p. . [ ] beverly: history of virginia, p. . [ ] lafitau: moeurs des sauvages ameriquains, p. . [ ] wood: new england prospect, p. . [ ] kalm: travels in north america, , vol. ii, p. . [ ] _vide_ kingsborough, waldeck, bancroft, &c. [ ] schoolcraft, in trans. am. eth. soc., vol. ii, plate . [ ] tomlinson, in the american pioneer, vol. ii, p. . [ ] matson, in ohio centennial report, p. . [ ] schoolcraft: history of the indian tribes, &c., part i, plate xix. [ ] the ossuaries here mentioned are in the township of beverly, twenty miles from dundas, at the head of lake ontario. they are situated in a primitive forest, and were discovered upwards of thirty years ago through the uprooting of a tree. large numbers of skeletons had been deposited longitudinally in trenches, with many implements, utensils, and ornaments. two brass kettles were found in one of the graves. (schoolcraft: red races of america, p. .) [ ] rau: archæological collection of the national museum, p. . [ ] the handsome illustrations presented in the accompanying plates were mostly drawn by miss kate c. osgood, who has no superior in this class of work. [ ] jones: aboriginal remains of tennessee, pp. - . [ ] jones: antiquities of the southern indians, pp. - . [ ] anderson, in the cincinnati quarterly journal of science, october, , p. . [ ] abbott: primitive industry, pp. , , and . [ ] _ibid._, p. . [ ] since this paragraph has been in type i have seen the specimen, and find that the looped figure is clearly defined. [ ] kingsborough: vol. ii, plate . [ ] let any one who thinks lightly of such a work undertake, without machinery or well-adapted appliances, to cut a groove or notch even, in a moderately compact specimen of _busycon_, and he will probably increase his good opinion of the skill and patience of the ancient workman if he does nothing else. [ ] e. g. squier: serpent symbol, page , quoting mss. of j. h. payne. [ ] i am very much indebted to prof. f. f. hilder, of saint louis, for photographs of three of these specimens as well as for much information in regard to their history. [ ] croswell, in transactions academy of science of saint louis, vol. iii, p. . [ ] jones: antiquities of the southern indian, plate xxx. [ ] archæological collection of the national museum, p. . [ ] squier: peru, p. . [ ] bancroft: native races of the pacific states, vol. iv., p. . [ ] carr, in tenth annual report peabody museum, p. . [ ] jones: antiquities of the southern indians, p. . [ ] schoolcraft: notes on the iroquois, p. . [ ] kingsborough, vol. iii, pl. . index. abbott, c. c., describes bird totems adair, james, describes shell tweezers , on use of shell money agricultural implements. (_see_ implements.) amiantis shells, manufacture of beads from art, antiquity of shell works of , burial of shell works of , evolution of , , , , , , inception of , materials employed in , , preservation of shell works of asphaltum used by california indians , , atwater, caleb, describes shell necklace vessel beads of other materials , , shell , classification of discoidal in form , kinds of, used in belts , manner of stringing , , , , manufacture of , by whites massive in form , mnemonic use of , or "runtees" , perforated tubular in form used as money , ornaments , , beatty, charles, describes wampum belts beauchamp, w. m., beads sketched by , on belts of wampum strings of wampum belts, wampum, character of the patterns woven into , , , dimensions of , , keeper of the iroquois , made by indian women , manufacture of , method of handling, in councils , , number of beads in , , profuse use of , rarity of, in collections ; the penn belt , use of, as mnemonic records , , w. a. brice on use and repudiation of , beverly, r., describes shell beads money pendants spoon , mentions shell knives tweezers bird; carving of eagle's head , embodiment of the, in art engraved on bone stone shell gorgets , examples of the, engraved on shell gorgets , gold ornament representing head of , myths of the , significant character of the, in engraved designs , , species of, represented , , superstitions in regard to the , the dakotas' thunder , totemic use of the bourke, lieut. john g., on moqui shell vessels bowers, stephen, shell objects collected by , brakebill mound , , , brice, w. a., on repudiation of wampum use of wampum belts brinton, d. g., on the origin of the cross busycon shells, columellæ of, used as pendants , pins , gorgets derived from , , , , , , , pendants derived from , , perforated plates derived from used as beads , celts vessels , weapons in the arts cabeça de vaca on trade in shells cabrillo, joão, visits island of santa rosa calendars, pictographic symbols of the sioux , probable use of shell disks as , , used by ancient mexicans modern tribes carr, lucien, describes shell gorget cassis shells used as vessels , , catlin, george, describes shell adze celts, examples of , manufacture of of shell , clam shells used as implements , , utensils in manufacture of ornaments wampum , , , clark, j. s., photographs made by clavigero, f. x., on use of shell ornaments vessels in mexico cleveland, f., describes shell vessels columellæ, manner of extracting, from shell used in manufacture of heads , pins , conant, a. j., describes shell gorgets , mentions shell gorgets cross design associated with others combined with spider design in aztec paintings engraved on shell gorgets , evolution or derivation of the , examples of the, combined with birds , , examples of the, from mounds , , introduction of the christian , occurrence of the, in ancient mexican art yucatan , origin of the, among mound builders , prehistoric use of the, in america , , symbolic character of the croswell, c., describes shell gorgets curtis, dr., shell gorgets collected by cyprea shells used as beads ornaments dall, w. h., use of pins , shells identified by davis, w. h. h., mentions shell pendants dentalium shells used for money , , , ornament , , , in bushing , disks, scalloped, probably time symbols , relation of, to human remains shell, from mounds , , shell gorgets in the shape of , , stone with engravings of knotted serpents , table of , the sun suggested by , type example of ; use of sun symbols of similar shape drake, daniel, describes shell vessel dunning, e. o., shell ornaments collected by pins collected by ely mound in virginia engraved gorgets. (_see_ gorgets.) face, human, description of shell gorgets representing the engraved and carved on shell gorgets , modeled in clay , portions of shell used for representing , use or significance of shell gorgets representing fain's island mound , , farquharson, b. j., describes shell vessel fasciolaria shells, columellæ of, used for pins used as vessels figure, human. (_see_ human figure.) fishing appliances, shell ; hooks , manufacture of ; sinkers fissurella shells used as ornaments , , , frey, s. l., describes shell vessel gilpin, h. d., on the use of wampum belts gorgets, engraved, classification of design on, character of described by beverly , modern examples of of shell , , significance of designs on , , , used as amulets insignia , symbols , totems grave creek mound , gray's mound, oldtown, tenn. gumilla, joseph, concerning emblems in treaties hafting of implements of shell , , haldemann, s. s., describes shell beads , haliotis shells used as vessels , in manufacturing beads , fish hooks pendants , trade heckewelder, johann, describes shell tweezers wampum belts , on the use of wampum belts hennite shells used in manufacture of beads , hilder, f. f., describes shell gorgets , , , photographs of gorgets procured by human figure engraved on shell gorgets , comparison of, with other examples southern examples hunter, j. d., concerning emblems in treaties hutchinson, thomas, on the antiquity of wampum implements of shell, agricultural insignia or badges of shell , , jones, c. c., describes shell pins vessel stone disks , mentions shell gorgets , , jones, joseph, describes shell disk gorgets spoons vessel kalm, peter, mentions shell knives , on shell money pendants knight, e. h., describes shell weapons knives of shell , rarity of, in collections used by honda indians pacific coast tribes patagonians kohl, j. g., on trade in shells lafitau, j. f., on the use of shell pendants wampum wampum belts lawson, john, on the use of shell money le moyne, d'iberville, on the use of shell vessels lewis and clark describe shell ornaments on value of beads lick creek mound , , , , lindström, p., on the use of shell money lord, j. k., on shell money loskiel g. h., gives an account of wampum , on the antiquity of use of wampum manufacture of wampum origin of the word wampum wampum belts low, c. p., shell spoons collected by described by lyon, s. s., shell spoons collected by mcmahan mound , , , , , manufacture of shell objects , , , , , , , , , , , , marginella shells used as beads matson, j. s. b., beads discovered by , describes shell plates mnemonic records, interpretation of , , , iroquois keeper of , of mexicans n. a. indians peruvians , origin of , use of materials other than shell for , , use of wampum for , molina, g. i., concerning emblems in treaties morgan, l. h., on the antiquity of wampum origin of the word wampum uses of wampum wampum belts records morton, thomas, on the use of shell money myth, spider, obtained by j. w. powell mytilus, shells used as utensils , in manufacture of fish hooks ornaments oliva shells used as beads , olivella shells used as beads ornaments of shell , osgood, kate c., drawings made by oyster shells used as utensils pachydesma shells used as utensils in manufacture of beads ornaments pendants palmer, e., collections by parkman, francis, on the use of wampum pearls perforated for beads used by powhatan pecten shells used as implements ornaments , rattles , vessels in art pectunculus shells, manufacture of rings from pendants, beads used as , classification of , , engraved , , forms and sizes of , , , , historic use of , illustrated by lafitau in de bry mexican paintings sculptures of mexico and yucatan , importance of, in evolution of art of shell , the atlantic coast , origin of use of , ornamental notching of edges of , perforations of , , plain, of the pacific coast atlantic coast , various uses of , , penn, j. g., describes penn belt perforated tablets. _see_ tablets. perforations of objects of shell , , , , , perkins, g. h., shell beads illustrated by perrine, f. m., shell gorgets belonging to pins, cut from body of shell , examples of , made from collumellæ of shell , obtained from mounds , of shell , , use of bone , problematicals , potter, w. b., shell gorget owned by , powell, j. w., nose ornament collected by , shell disk collected by spoon collected by , spider myth obtained by powers, stephen, describes shell beads ornaments pratt, h. w., on shell money pratz, lepage du, describes shell ornaments putnam, f. w., describes bone pins shell fish-hooks gorgets , , pins spoons vessels , on use of asphaltum value of haliotis shells rasle, father sebastian, on the use of shell beads rau, charles, describes gold ornament shell gorget vessel weapon , on classification of perforated plates cut of stone disk records. (_see_ mnemonic records.) "runtees," a variety of shell beads , manner of stringing , origin of , signification of figures engraved upon ruttenber, e. m., on the keeper of wampum manufacture of shell money scalloped disks. (_see_ disks.) schoolcraft, h. r., describes shell beads ornaments pendants plates schumacher, paul, shell objects collected by , scrapers of shell , examples of serpent characteristics that attract the savage design, discovery of shell gorgets ornamented with engraved upon shell gorgets , , stone disks , examples of gorgets ornamented with of mexico and peru ; the rattlesnake , embodiment of the, in art ; rattlesnake species represented on shell , , superstitions in regard to , use of the, as a religious symbol shells, artificial distribution of , , , , trade in , , , , used as models for the potter in natural state , smith, erminnie a., wampum belt loaned by smith, john, describes shell ornaments spider characteristics that attract savages design engraved upon shell gorgets , , examples of, on shell gorgets in art , myths concerning the spoons of shell deposited with the dead , examples of , manufacture of the unio shell , squier, e. g., mentions spider myths squier and davis describe shell beads stearns, r. e. c., on shell money strachey, william, mentions shell knives stratton, c. l., shell pins collected by strombus shells, columellæ of, used in manufacture of beads pendants pins , used as vessels , , in manufacture of celts gorgets swan, j. g., describes shell ornaments tablets, perforated, forms of , made of shell , , manner of burial of , method of attachment of , perforations of , theories of use of , undetermined character of time symbols, probable use of shell disks as , , tomlinson, a. b., describes shell plate trill, c. f., drawings made by troost, dr. gerard, shell objects collected by tweezers of shell unio shells obtained from mounds used as implements , utensils , in manufacture of beads ornament spoons velie, j. w., shell pendants collected by vessels, artificially shaped , engraved shell in clay imitating shells , manufacture of shell , , natural shells of the mound builders , used by the florida indians moquis indians in mexico wampum, antiquity of use of as currency as currency , derivation of the word in costumes , , literature of , , manufacture of , , by whites , mnemonic use of , , modern use of , , origin of mnemonic use of , symbolic uses of , , use of, in strings , treaties and councils , on pacific coast , varieties of beads used as weapons of shell , manner of hafting whipple, lieut. e. w., necklace obtained by whiteley, colonel, shell gorgets procured by whitney, j. l., describes shell plate williams, c. f., shell gorgets collected by williams, roger, on the name wampum use of shell money wood, william, describes shell pendants , mentions shell implements , ornaments wyman, jeffries, describes shell celt gorgets pins vessel weapons corrections: page original text correction of curions construction of curious construction in ancient grave in an ancient grave fig. i, plate xxiv fig. , plate xxiv plate xxvi . perforated pecten, . perforated pecten, n _ibid_ _ibid._ , , , the mcmahon mound the mcmahan mound very different type very different type. collumellæ of marine columellæ of marine plate xxxi an untrimmed columela. an untrimmed columella the _maginella_ the _marginella_ in fig. i present in fig. i present east st. louis, ills. east st. louis, ill. n view the american a view of the american the salvages have found the savages have found of new sweeden: of new sweden: of making wampum. of making wampum." would be assinged to would be assigned to algonkin and and iroquois algonkin and iroquois cannehoot, a seneca sachem cannehoot, a seneca sachem, n book , p. . book i, p. . by his remontrances by his remonstrances chiefs of the chippeway chiefs of the chippewa n tome, ii, p. . tome ii, p. . belts of the irqouois belts of the iroquois and be lost and be lost. mr. beauchamp, states mr. beauchamp states the belt shown in fig the belt shown in fig. a phenominal art. a phenomenal art. as from the main land. as from the main-land. in fig. ., plate li, in fig. , plate li, on it face, however on its face, however the state of missisippi the state of mississippi illustrated in plate lx. illustrated in plate lxi. x mr. crosswell mr. croswell plate lxii . mcmahan mound, tenn. . mcmahan mound, tenn. painted or tatooed design painted or tattooed design plate lxix acquia creek, va. aquia creek, va. hands againstthe hands against the broad many-featherd tail broad many-feathered tail (plates lxxi and lxxiii), (plates lxxi and lxxii), in fig. i present in fig. i present modern spelling of scientific names of shell species mentioned: original text modern name pagenumbers cerrithidea cerithidea cyprea cypraea , x, , plate xlviii, x, hennites hinnites , , plate xxxv lucupina lucapina silignoidens siligineoides vericosus verrucosus http://www.freeliterature.org (images generously made available by the internet archive - oxford university) the indian chief by gustave aimard, author of "prairie flower," the "tiger-slayer," etc. london ward and lock, , fleet street. mdccclxi. preface. with this volume terminates the series in which gustave aimard has described the sad fate of the count de raousset-boulbon, who fell a victim to mexican treachery. in the next volume to be published, under the title of the "trail hunter," will be found the earlier history of some of the characters whose acquaintance the reader has formed, i trust with pleasure, in the present series. l.w. contents. i. the interview ii. the mission iii. the spy iv. the explosion v. the first powder burnt vi. reprisals vii. guetzalli viii. the envoy ix. doÑa angela x. the ambassadors xi. the plan of the campaign xii. father and daughter xiii. la magdalena xiv. the cock-fight xv. the interview xvi. father seraphin xvii. the quebrada del coyote xviii. the surprise xix. the forward march xx. before the attack xxi. the capture of hermosillo xxii. after the victory xxiii. the hacienda del milagro xxiv. the boar at bay xxv. the beginning of the end xxvi. the catastrophe chapter i. the interview. the jesuits founded in mexico missions round which, with the patience that constantly distinguished them, an unbounded charity, and a perseverance which nothing could discourage, they succeeded in collecting a large number of indians, whom they instructed in the principal and most touching dogmas of their faith--whom they baptized, instructed, and induced to till the soil. these missions, at first insignificant and a great distance apart, insensibly increased. the indians, attracted by the gentle amenity of the good fathers, placed themselves under their protection; and there is no doubt that if the jesuits, victims to the jealousy of the spanish viceroys, had not been shamefully plundered and expelled from mexico, they would have brought around them the majority of the fiercest _indios bravos_, have civilised them, and made them give up their nomadic life. it is to one of these missions we purpose conducting the reader, a month after the events we have narrated in a preceding work.[ ] the mission of nuestra señora de los Ángeles was built on the right bank of the rio san pedro, about sixty leagues from pitic. nothing can equal the grandeur and originality of its position. nothing can compare, in wild grandeur and imposing severity, with the majestically terrible landscape which presents itself to the vision, and fills the heart with terror and a melancholy joy, at the sight of the frightful and gloomy rocks which tower over the river like colossal walls and gigantic parapets, apparently formed by some convulsion of nature; while in the midst of this chaos, at the foot of these astounding precipices, past which the river rushes in impetuous cascades, and in a delicious valley covered with verdure, stands the house, commanded on three sides by immense mountains, which raise their distant peaks almost to the heavens. alas! this house, formerly so smiling, so animated, so gay and happy--this remote corner of the world, which seemed a counterpart of eden, where, morning and night, hymns of gratitude, mingling with the cascade, rose to the omnipotent--this mission is now dead and desolate, the houses are deserted and in ruins, the church roof has fallen in, the grass has invaded the choir. the terrified members of this simple and innocent community, scattered by persecution, sought refuge in the desert, and returned to that savage life from which they were rescued with so much difficulty. wild beasts dwell in the house of god, and nothing is heard save the voice of solitude murmuring unceasingly through the deserted houses and crumbling walls, which parasitic plants are rapidly invading, and will soon level with the ground, covering them with a winding sheet of verdure. it was evening. the wind roared hoarsely through the trees. the sky, like a dome of diamond, flashed with those millions of stars which are also worlds; the moon spread around a vague and mysterious light; and the atmosphere, refreshed by a gusty breeze, was embalmed with those desert odours which it is so healthy to respire. still the night was somewhat fresh, and three travellers, crouching round a large _brasero_ kindled amid the ruins, seemed to appreciate its kindly warmth. these travellers, on whose hard features the changing flashes of light were reflected, would have supplied a splendid subject for an artist, with their strange costumes, as they were encamped there in the midst of the wild and startling landscape. a little distance behind the principal group four hobbled horses were munching their provender, while their riders, for their part, were concluding a scanty meal, composed of a slice of venison, a few pieces of _tasajo_, and maize tortillas, the whole washed down with water slightly dashed with refino to take off its hardness. these three men were count louis, valentine, and don cornelio. although they ate like true hunters--that is to say, with good appetite, and not losing a mouthful--it was easy to guess that our friends were engaged with serious matters for thought. their eyes wandered incessantly around, consulting the shadows, and striving to pierce the darkness. at times the hand stopped half way to the mouth--the lump of tasajo remained in suspense: with their left hand they instinctively sought the rifle that lay on the ground near them. they stretched forth their necks, and listened attentively, analysing those thousand nameless noises of the great american deserts, which all have a cause, and are an infallible warning to the man who knows how to understand them. still the meal drew to an end. don cornelio had seized his _jarana_; but at a sign from don louis he laid it again by his side, wrapped himself in his _zarapé_, and stretched himself out on the ground. valentine was in deep reflection. louis had risen, and, leaning against a wall, looked cautiously out into the desert. a long period elapsed ere a word was exchanged, until louis seated himself again by the hunter's side. "'tis strange," he said. "what?" valentine replied abstractedly. "curumilla's prolonged absence. he has left us for nearly three hours without telling us the reason, and has not returned yet." "have you any suspicion of him?" the hunter said with a certain degree of bitterness. "brother," louis replied, "you are unjust at this moment. i do not suspect; i am restless, that is all. like yourself, i feel a too lively and sincere friendship for the chief not to fear some accident." "curumilla is prudent; no one is so well acquainted as he with indian tricks. if he has not returned, there are important reasons for it, be assured." "i am convinced of it; but the delay his absence causes us may prove injurious." "how do you know, brother? perhaps our safety depends on this very absence. believe me, louis, i know curumilla much better than you do. i have slept too long side by side with him not to place the utmost confidence in him. thus, you see, i patiently await his return." "but supposing he has fallen into a snare, or has been killed?" valentine regarded his foster brother with a most peculiar look; then he replied, with a shrug of his shoulders, and an air of supreme contempt,-- "he fallen into a snare! curumilla dead! nonsense, brother, you must be jesting! you know perfectly well that is impossible." louis had no objection to offer to this simple profession of faith. "at any rate," he continued presently, "you must allow that he has kept us waiting a long time." "why so? what do we want of him at this moment? you do not intend to leave this bivouac, i fancy? well, what consequence is it if he return an hour sooner or later?" louis made a sign of impatience, wrapped himself up in his zarapé, and lay down by don cornelio's side, after growling,-- "good night." "good night, brother," valentine answered with a smile. ten minutes later, don louis, despite his ill temper, overcome by fatigue, slept as if he were never to wake up again. valentine allowed a quarter of an hour to elapse ere he made a move; then he rose gently, crept up to his foster brother, bent over him, and examined him attentively for two or three minutes. "at length," he said, drawing himself up. "i was afraid he would insist on sitting up and keeping me company." the hunter thrust into his girdle the pistols he had laid on the ground, threw his rifle over his shoulder, and stepping carefully across the stones and rubbish that burdened the soil, rapidly but noiselessly retired, and speedily disappeared in the darkness. he walked in this way for about ten minutes, when he reached a dense thicket. then he crouched behind a shrub, and, after taking a cautious survey of the surrounding country, whistled gently thrice, being careful to leave an equal space of time between each signal. at the expiration of two or three minutes the cry of the moorhen was heard twice from the midst of the trees that bordered the river's bank only a few paces from the spot where the hunter was standing. "good!" the latter muttered. "our friend is punctual; but, as the wisdom of nations says somewhere that prudence is the mother of surety, let us be prudent: that can do no harm when dealing with such scamps." and the worthy hunter set the hammer of his rifle. after taking this precaution he left the thicket in which he had been concealed, and advanced with apparent resolution, but still without neglecting any precaution to avoid a surprise, toward the spot whence the reply to his signal had come. when he had covered about half the distance four or five persons came forward to meet him. "oh, oh!" the hunter said; "these people appear very eager to speak with me. attention!" hereupon he stopped, raised his rifle to his shoulder, and aimed at the nearest man. "halt," he said, "or i fire!" "_capo de dios!_ you are quick, caballero," an ironical voice answered. "you do not allow yourself to be easily approached; but uncock your rifle--you see that we are unarmed." "apparently so, i grant; but who guarantees me that you have not arms concealed about your person?" "my honour, sir," the first speaker answered haughtily. "would you venture to doubt it?" the hunter laughed. "i doubt everything at night, when i am alone in the desert, and see before me four men whom i have every reason for believing are not my friends." "come, come, sir, a little more politeness, if you please." "i wish nothing more. still, you requested this interview; hence you are bound to accept my conditions, and not i yours." "as you please, don valentine: you shall arrange matters as you will. still, the first time we had a conference together, i found you much more facile." "i do not deny it. come alone, and we will talk." the stranger gave his companions a sign to stop where they were, and advanced alone. "that will do," the hunter said as he uncocked his rifle, and rested the butt on the ground, crossing his hands over the muzzle. the man to whom valentine displayed so little confidence, or, to speak more clearly, whom he doubted so greatly, was no other than general don sebastian guerrero. "there, now you must be satisfied. i think i have given you a great proof of my condescension," the general said as he joined him. "you have probably your reasons for it," the hunter replied, with a cunning look. "sir!" the general haughtily objected. "let us be brief and clear, like men who appreciate one another correctly," valentine said dryly. "i am neither a fool nor a man infatuated with his own merits; hence frankness, reciprocal frankness, can alone bring us to any understanding, if that be possible, though i doubt it." "what do you suppose, then, sir?" "i suppose nothing, general. i am certain of what i assert, that is all. what probability is there that a great personage like you, general, governor of sonora, and lord knows what else, would lower yourself to solicit from a poor fellow of a hunter like myself an interview at night, in the heart of the desert, unless he hoped to obtain a great advantage from that interview? a man must be mad or a fool not to see that at the first glance; and heaven be thanked, i am neither one nor the other." "suppose that things are as you state?" "suppose it, then; i have no objection. now come to facts." "hum! that does not appear to me so easy with you." "why so? our first relations, as you reminded me just now, ought to have proved to you that i am easy enough in business matters." "that is true. still the transaction i have to propose to you is of rather a peculiar nature, and i am afraid----" "what of? that i shall refuse? hang it! you understand there is a risk to be incurred." "no; i am afraid that you will not exactly catch the spirit of the affair, and feel annoyed." "do you think so? after all, that is possible. would you like me to save you the trouble of an explanation?" "how so?" "listen to me." the two men were standing just two paces apart, looking in each other's eyes. still valentine, ever on his guard, was carefully watching, though not appearing to do so, the four men left behind. "speak!" the general said. "general, you wish simply to propose to me that i should sell my friend." don sebastian, at these words, pronounced with a cutting accent, involuntarily gave a sign of surprise, and fell back a pace. "sir!" "is it true--yes or no?" "you employ terms----" the general stammered. "terms have nothing to do with the matter. now that you have discovered don louis is not the accomplice you hoped to find, who would raise you to the president's chair, and as you despair of changing his views, you wish to get rid of him--that is natural." "sir!" "let me continue. for that purpose you can hit on nothing better than buying him. indeed, you are used to such transactions. i have in my hands the proofs of several which do you a great deal of honour." the general was livid with terror and rage. he clenched his fists and stamped, while uttering unconnected words. the hunter seemed not to notice this agitation, and continued imperturbably,-- "still you are mistaken in applying to me. i am no dog-face, a fellow with whom you made a famous bargain some years ago. i have dealt in cattle, but never in human flesh. each man has his speciality, and i leave that to you." "stay, sir!" the general exclaimed in a paroxysm of fury. "what do you want to come to? did you accept this interview for the purpose of insulting me?" valentine shrugged his shoulders. "you do not believe it," he said: "that would be too childish. i want to propose a business transaction." "what!" "or a bargain, if you prefer that term." "what is its nature?" "i can tell you in two words. i have in my possession various papers, which, if they saw light, and were, handed to certain persons, might cost you not only your fortune, but possibly your life." "papers!" don sebastian stammered. "yes, general; your correspondence with a certain north american diplomatist, to whom you offered to deliver sonora and one or two other provinces, if the united sates supplied you with the means to seize the presidency of the mexican republic." "and you have those papers?" the general said with ill-restrained anxiety. "i have the letters, with your correspondent's answers." "here?" "of course," valentine said with a laugh. "then you will die!" the general yelled, bounding like a panther on the hunter. but the latter was on his guard. by a movement as quick as his adversary's, he seized the general by the throat, threw himself upon him, and laid his foot on his chest. "one step further," he said coldly to the general's companions, who were running up at full speed to his aid, "one step, and he is a dead man." certainly the general was a brave man. many times he had supplied unequivocal proofs of a courage carried almost to temerity: still he saw such resolution flashing in the hunter's tawny eye, that he felt a shudder pass through all his limbs--he was lost, he was afraid. "stop, stop!" he cried in a choking voice to his friends. the latter obeyed. "i could kill you," valentine said; "you are really in my power; but what do i care for your life or death? i hold both in my hands. rise! now, one word--take care that you do nothing against the count." the general had profited by the hunter's permission to rise; but so soon as he felt himself free, and his feet were firmly attached to the ground, a revolution was effected in him, and he felt his courage return. "listen in your turn," he said. "i will be as frank and brutal with you as you were with me. it is now a war to the death between us, without pity and without mercy. if i have to carry my head to the scaffold, the count shall die; for i hate him, and i require his death to satisfy my vengeance." "good!" valentine coldly answered. "yes," the general said sarcastically. "come, i do not fear you! i do not care if you employ the papers with which you threatened me, for i am invulnerable." "you think so?" the hunter said slowly. "i despise you; you are only adventurers: you can never touch me." valentine bent toward him. "perhaps not," he said; "but your daughter?" and, taking advantage of the general's stupefaction, the hunter uttered a hoarse laugh and rushed into the thicket, where it was impossible to follow him. "oh!" the general muttered, at the expiration of a moment, as he passed his hand over his damp forehead, "the demon! my daughter!" he yelled, "my daughter!" and he rejoined his companions, and went off with them, not responding to one of the questions they asked him. [ ] see "gold-seekers." same publishers. chapter ii. the mission. valentine, after suddenly parting from the general as we narrated, did not appear at all alarmed about pursuit; and if he hurried on at first, he soon relaxed his speed. on arriving about a hundred yards from the spot where his interview with don sebastian had taken place, he stopped, raised his eyes to the sky, and seemed to consult his position. then he went on; but, instead of proceeding toward the mission, he turned his back completely on it, and returned to the bank of the river, whence he had before been retrograding. although the hunter was walking at a quick pace, he seemed greatly preoccupied, and looked mechanically around him. at times he stopped, not to listen to any strange sound, but through the thoughts which oppressed him, and robbed him of all sense of external things. evidently valentine was seeking the solution of a problem that troubled him. at length, after about a quarter of an hour, he saw a faint light a few paces ahead of him. it glistened through the trees, and seemed to indicate an encampment. valentine stopped and whistled softly. at the same moment the branches of a shrub, about five yards from him, parted, and a man appeared. it was curumilla. "well," valentine asked, "has she come?" the araucano bowed his head in reply. the hunter made an angry gesture. "where is she?" he asked. the indian pointed to the fire the hunter had noticed. "deuce take the women!" the hunter growled; "they are the least logical beings in existence. as they let themselves ever be guided by passion, they overthrow unconsciously the surest combinations." then he added in a louder voice,-- "have you not executed my commission, then?" this time the indian spoke. "she will listen to nothing," he said; "she will see." "i knew it!" the hunter exclaimed. "they are all alike--silly heads, only fit for mule bells; and yet she is one of the better sort. well, lead me to her. i will try to convince her." the indian smiled maliciously, but made no reply. he turned away and led the hunter to the fire. in a few seconds valentine found himself on the skirt of a vast clearing, in the centre of which, by a good fire of dead wood, doña angela and her camarista, violanta, were seated on piles of furze. ten paces behind the females, several peons, armed to the teeth, leant on their long lances, awaiting the pleasure of their mistress. doña angela raised her head at the sound caused by the hunter's approach, and uttered a slight cry of joy. "there you are at last!" she exclaimed. "i almost despaired of your coming." "perhaps it would have been better had i not done so," he answered with a stifled sigh. the young lady overheard, or pretended not to hear, the hunter's reply. "is your encampment far from here?" she continued. "before proceeding there," the hunter said, "we must have a little conversation together, señora." "what have you to say to me that is so interesting, or rather, so urgent?" "you shall judge for yourself." the young lady made a gesture signifying her readiness to hear something which she knew beforehand would be disagreeable. "speak!" she said. the hunter did not allow the invitation to be repeated. "where did curumilla meet you?" "at the hacienda, just as i was mounting to start. i only awaited him to begin my journey." "he tried to dissuade you from this step?" "he did; but i insisted on coming, and compelled him to guide me here." "you were wrong, niña." "for what reason?" "for a thousand." "that is no answer. mention one." "your father, in the first place." "he has not yet arrived at the hacienda. i shall have got back before he comes. i have nothing to fear on that side." "you are mistaken. your father has arrived: i have seen him--spoken with him." "you! where? when?" "here, scarce half an hour ago." "that is impossible," she said. "it is the fact. i will add that he wanted to kill me." "he!" "yes." the young lady remained thoughtful for a moment; then she raised her head, and shook it several times. "all the worse," she said resolutely. "whatever happens, i will carry it out to the end." "what do you hope from this interview, niña? do you not know that your father is our most inveterate foe?" "what you say is too late now. you ought to have urged these objections when i sent my request to you." "that is true; but at that time i still had hopes, which i can no longer entertain. believe me, niña, do not insist on seeing don louis. return as speedily as possible to the hacienda. what will your father think if he does not see you on his arrival?" "i repeat to you that i will have a most important conversation with don louis. it must be, for his sake and for mine." "think of the consequences of such a step." "i think of nothing. i warn you that, if you still refuse to perform your promise to me, i will go alone to find the conde." the hunter regarded her for an instant with a singular expression. he shook his head sorrowfully, and took her hand, which he pressed affectionately. "your will be done," he replied gently. "no one can alter his destiny. come, then, as you insist on it. god grant that your obstinacy does not entail frightful disaster!" "you are a bird of ill omen," she said with a laugh. "come, let us start. you will see all end better than you anticipate." "i consent; but trust yourself to me, and leave your escort here." "i ask nothing better. i will only take violanta with me." "as you please." at a sign from her mistress the camarista went up to the peons, who were still motionless, and gave them orders not to leave the clearing under any pretext before her return. then, guided by valentine, the two females proceeded toward the camp of the filibusters, curumilla forming the rear guard. on arriving about a hundred yards from it valentine stopped. "what is the matter?" doña angela asked him. "i hesitate about troubling my friend's repose. perhaps he will be angry with me for having brought you to him." "no," she said, "you are deceiving me: that is not your thought at this moment." he regarded her with amazement. "good heavens!" she continued with animation, "do you fancy i do not know what is troubling you now? it is to see a girl of my age, rich and well born, take what your countrymen would call an improper step, and which, were it known, would inevitably destroy her reputation. but we americans are not like your cold and staid european women, who do everything by weight and measure. we love as we hate. it is not blood, but the lava of our volcanoes that circulates in our veins. my love is my life! i care naught for anything else. remain here a few moments, and let me go on alone. don louis, i am convinced, will understand and appreciate my conduct at its just value. he is no common man, i tell you. i love him. in a love so true and ardent as mine there is a certain magnetic attraction which will prevent it being spurned." the young mexican was splendidly lovely as she uttered these words. with her head thrown haughtily back, her flashing eye and quivering lip, she was at once a virgin and a bacchante. subdued, in spite of himself, by the maiden's accent, and dazzled by her glorious beauty, the hunter bowed respectfully before her, and said, with considerable emotion in his voice,-- "go, then; and may heaven grant that, by your aid, my brother may be again led to take an interest in life!" she smiled with an undefinable expression of archness and serenity, and flew, lightly as a bird, into the thicket. valentine and curumilla, who were near enough to the camp to see what occurred, though the sound of voices could not reach them, resolved to wait where they were till their presence became absolutely necessary. the encampment was in the same state as when the hunter quitted it to go and meet the general. don louis and don cornelio were fast asleep. doña angela remained for a moment silent, fixing on don louis a glance in which an unbending resolution flashed. then she stooped down gently over him. but at the moment when she was about to lay her hand on his shoulder to arouse him, a sudden sound caused her to tremble. she sprang back, threw a startled glance around, and disappeared once again in the thicket. hardly had she retired ere the sound which smote on her ears, and interrupted the execution of her project, became louder; and it was soon easy to distinguish the cadenced sound of a large body of men on the march, and the harsh creaking of cartwheels. "your companions are arriving," doña angela said hurriedly to valentine as she rejoined him; "they are only a short distance from the mission. can i still count on you?" "always," he answered. "i have changed my mind: i will not explain my views to the count in this way, but in the presence of all of you, by the light of the sun. you shall soon see me again in your midst. good-by! i am going back to the hacienda. prepare the count for my visit." after making a parting sign to the hunter, and smiling on him, the young girl remounted her horse, and set off at a gallop, followed by her escort. "yes, i will prepare louis to receive her," the hunter muttered, as he followed her with his eyes for a moment. "that child has a noble heart: she really loves my foster brother. who knows what will be the consequences of this love?" and, after shaking his head two or three times dubiously he re-entered the encampment, accompanied by curumilla, whose indian stoicism was unshaken, and who seemed perfectly a stranger to all that was taking place around him. valentine awoke louis. the latter sprang up at once. "have you any news?" he asked. "yes, the company is coming up." "already! oh, oh! it has pushed on. that is a good omen." "shall we stay here long?" "no, two days at the most, or long enough to rest the men and cattle." "perhaps it would be better to push on at once--" "i should like it as much as yourself, but it is impossible, as the , rations we ought to have found here have not yet arrived, and we are forced to await them." "that is true." "i am the more annoyed at this oversight, because our provisions are rapidly diminishing. still, do not let our comrades see our disappointment, but let us put on a good face. they know we went ahead of them to make the commissariat arrangements, so let them fancy we have succeeded." valentine bowed in affirmation. the night was almost at an end; already the sky on the horizon was beginning to be shaded with large white strips of cloud; the stars had all disappeared one after the other; and the sun was just about to rise. curumilla threw a handful of dried wood on the fire in order to make a flame, and neutralise the effect of the icy night air. "_caramba!_" don cornelio exclaimed, as he woke up suddenly; "i am frozen; the nights are so cold." "are they not?" valentine said to him. "well, if you want to warm yourself, nothing is easier. come along with me." "i am quite willing. where are you going?" "listen." "i am doing so. stay!" he said at the expiration of an instant. "can that be the company?" "it is. but it is unnecessary for us to put ourselves out of the way, for here they come." in fact, at this moment, the french advanced guard entered the mission. according to the treaty made with the atrevida company, , rations should have been prepared at the mission for the troop. the count gave the command to colonel florés, with orders to push on, and, accompanied by valentine, curumilla, and don cornelio, had gone on ahead. unfortunately the company had not carried out its engagements with that loyalty the count had a right to expect. instead of , rations he had found scarce half, ranged with a certain degree of symmetry in a ruined cabin. this breach of faith was the more injurious to the interests of the expedition, because the count, owing to this perfidious manoeuvre, found himself almost unable to push on, as he was about definitively to leave the inhabited and cultivated plains to bury himself in the desert. indeed, since the company had left guaymas, the ill-will of the mexicans had been so evident under all circumstances, that don louis had required a superhuman energy and will of iron not to give way to discouragement, and withdraw in the face of these obstacles raised in his path with unparalleled animosity. still, up to the present, the mexicans had never dared to break their engagements so boldly as now: hence they must feel themselves very strong, or at least their precautions were so well taken, and they felt so sure of success, that they raised the mask. besides, the count had found no one at the mission to hand him over the stores in the name of the company; and the persons who treated him so unworthily had not deigned to weaken by an excuse the treachery of which they were guilty at this moment. don louis foresaw, then, that after such behaviour, the _dénouement_ of the odious farce played by the mexicans was at hand, and he prepared to face the storm bravely. the mission was held in military fashion by the company; for they were on the edge of the desert, and it was wise to begin a careful watch. cannon were planted at each angle of headquarters--sentinels placed at regular distances; in short, this mission, sad and abandoned on the previous day, seemed to have sprung magically into life again; the rubbish was removed, and the old jesuit church, more than half in ruins, suddenly assumed the appearance of a fortress. when the count had given the necessary orders for the instalment of the company, and was assured of their perfect execution, he inquired of colonel florés how he had performed his duties as temporary chief. the colonel, alone among the french, and feeling himself consequently in the wolfs throat, was too crafty not to act ostensibly with the utmost loyalty; hence on every occasion he offered proofs of goodwill, and acted with a degree of circumspection by which valentine, that eternal doubter, was nearly duped, although he knew perfectly well the nature of the mexican character. then the count withdrew with the hunter, and the two foster brothers held a conversation, which, to judge by its length, and, above all, don louis' thoughtful air when it was ended, must have been very important. in fact, valentine, accomplishing his pledge to doña angela, informed the count of the events of the past night, not only telling him all that had passed between him and the young lady, but also the details of his interview with the general on the river bank. "you see, then," he said in conclusion, "that the situation is growing more and more critical, and they mean war." "yes, it is war; but so long as the least hope is left me, be assured, brother, that i shall not give them the satisfaction of supplying a pretext for a rupture." "you must play more cautiously than ever, brother. however, unless i am greatly mistaken, we shall speedily know what we have to expect." "that is my opinion too." at this moment don cornelio appeared, accompanied by curumilla. "i beg your pardon," he said to the hunter; "but i should feel obliged by your putting matters right with the chief, who persists in telling me that we are at this moment closely watched by an indian war party." "what!" valentine said, frowning. "what is that you say, don cornelio?" "look here. while walking in the neighbourhood of the mission with the chief, i picked up this----" "let me see," valentine said. don cornelio handed him a moccasin, which the hunter examined attentively for several minutes. "hum!" he then said, "this is serious. where did you find it?" "on the river bank." "what do you think of it, chief?" valentine said, turning to the araucano. "the moccasin is new--it has been lost. curumilla has seen numerous trails." "listen," don louis said quickly. "tell no one about this discovery: we must distrust everything, for treachery is hovering around us, and threatens us from all sides at once. while i strengthen our intrenchments under pretext of a longer stay here, you, brother, will go out to reconnoitre with the chief, and assure yourself of what we have really to fear from the indians." "be quiet, brother: on your side, keep a good watch." chapter iii. the spy. it was about eight in the morning when valentine and curumilla left don louis. the hunter had passed the whole night without closing an eye. he felt fatigued: his eyelids, weighed down with sleep, closed involuntarily. still he prepared to make the researches his foster brother had intrusted to him, when curumilla, noticing his condition, invited him to take a few hours' rest, remarking that he did not absolutely want him in following up the trail he had noticed in the morning, and that he would give him a good account of all he did. valentine placed the most entire confidence in curumilla. many times, during the course of their common existence, he had been in a position to appreciate the sagacity, cleverness, and experience of the chief; hence he needed but little pressing to consent to his proposition of going out alone, and after giving him the warmest recommendations, he wrapped himself up in his cloak, and fell off to sleep at once. he had enjoyed for about two hours a peaceful and refreshing nap when he felt a hand gently laid on his shoulder. so light as the touch was, it was sufficient to arouse the hunter, who, like all men habituated to prairie life, maintained, if we may use the expression, a sense of external things even during sleep. he opened his eyes, and looked fixedly at the man who had come to disturb the rest he was enjoying, while mentally consigning him to the deuce. "well," he said, with the harsh accent of a man aroused at the pleasantest moment of a dream, "what do you want of me, don cornelio? could you not select a more favourable moment to talk with me, for i suppose what you have to say to me is not extremely important?" don cornelio (for it was really that gentleman who awoke valentine) laid his finger on his mouth, while looking suspiciously around, as if to recommend caution to the hunter; then he leant over his ear. "pardon me, don valentine," he said; "but i believe that the communication i have to make to you is of the utmost importance." valentine sprang up as if moved by a spring, and looked the spaniard in the face. "what is the matter, then?" he asked in a low and concentrated voice, which, however, had something imperious about it. "i will tell you in two words. colonel florés (whose face, by the way, does not at all please me) has been doing nothing but prowl round the mission since the morning, inquiring what has been done and left undone, gossiping with one or the other, and trying, above all, to discover the opinion of our men as regards the chief. there was not much harm in that, perhaps, but, so soon as he saw you were asleep, he learnt that the count, who was engaged with his correspondence, had given orders that he should not be disturbed for some hours. upon this he pretended, to retire to a half-ruined cabin situated at the outskirts of the mission; but a few minutes after, when he supposed that no one was thinking about him, instead of taking a siesta as he had given out, he slipped away from the hut among the trees like a man afraid of being surprised, and disappeared in the forest." "ah, ah!" valentine said thoughtfully, "what interest can that man have in absenting himself so secretly?" then he added, "has he been gone long?" "hardly ten minutes." valentine rose. "remain here," he said. "in case the colonel returns during my absence, watch him carefully; but do not let him suspect anything. i thank you for not having hesitated to wake me. the matter is serious." then, breaking off the conversation, the hunter quitted don cornelio, and gliding along under the shadow of the ruins, so as to attract no attention, entered the forest. in the meanwhile, colonel florés, believing valentine to be asleep, and knowing that the count was writing, felt no apprehension about being followed. he walked rapidly toward the river, not taking any trouble to hide his footsteps--an imprudence by which the hunter profited, and which placed him at once on the track of the man he was watching. the colonel soon arrived at the river. the most complete calm prevailed around; the alligators were wallowing in the mud; the flamingoes were fishing negligently: all, in a word, evidenced the absence of man. still, the colonel had scarce appeared on the bank ere an individual, hanging by his arms from the branch of a tree, descended to the ground scarce a couple of paces from him. at this unexpected apparition the colonel recoiled, stifling a cry of surprise and alarm; but he had not the time to recover from his emotion ere a second individual leaped in the same fashion on the sand. mechanically don francisco raised his eyes to the tree. "oh, oh!" the first arrival said with a coarse laugh, "you need not take the trouble to look up there, garrucholo; no one is left there." at the name of garrucholo the colonel shuddered, and attentively examined the two men who had presented themselves in so strange a manner, as they stood motionless before him, and looked at him derisively. the first of the two was a white man, as could be easily recognised at the first glance, in spite of his bronzed complexion, which was almost of the colour of brick. the clothes he wore were exactly like those of the indians. this interesting personage was armed to the teeth, and held a long rifle in his hand. his comrade was a redskin, painted and armed for war. "eh?" the first speaker continued. "i fancy you do not recognise me, boy. by god, you have a short memory!" this oath, and, above all, the strong accent with which the man expressed himself in spanish, although he spoke that language fluently, were a ray of light for the colonel. "el buitre!" he exclaimed, striking his forehead. "come," the other said with a laugh, "i felt certain that you had not forgotten me, compañero." this, unexpected meeting was anything but agreeable to the colonel; still he considered it prudent not to let it be seen. "by what accident are you here, then?" he asked. "and you?" the other answered boldly. "i! my presence is perfectly natural, and easily to be explained." "and mine too." "ah!" "hang it! i am here because you are so." "hum!" the colonel said, maintaining a reserve. "explain that to me, will you?" "i am quite ready to do so, but the spot is badly selected for talking come with me." "i beg your pardon, buitre, my friend. we are, as you said yourself, old acquaintances." "which means?" "that i doubt you excessively." the bandit began laughing. "a confidence that honours me," he said, "and of which i am deserving. did you find in the mission church the hilt of a dagger with an s engraved on the pommel?" "yes." "very good. that hilt signified, i think, that you were to take a walk in this quarter?" "it did." "well, the persons with whom you must converse are before you. do you now understand?" "perfectly." "then let us have a talk; but as what we have to say only concerns ourselves, and it is unnecessary to mix up in our business people who have no concern with it, we will proceed to a spot where we shall have nothing to fear from indiscreet ears." "who the deuce do you expect will surprise you here?" "no one, probably; but, my esteemed friend, as prudence is the mother of safety, i have become, since our last parting, extraordinarily prudent." "i'll go wherever you please." "come on." the three men re-entered the forest. valentine followed them pace by pace. they did not go far. on arriving a certain distance from the river they stopped at the entrance of a large clearing, in the centre of which rose an enormous block of green rock. the three men clambered up, and, on reaching the top, lay down at their ease on a species of platform. "there!" el buitre said, "i believe we can talk here in perfect surety." valentine was for an instant rather disappointed at this precaution on the part of the bandits. still he did not give in. the hunter was accustomed to see material impossibilities arise before him of the same nature as in the present case. after a few seconds' reflection he looked around him with a malicious glance. "now to see who is the most cunning," he muttered. he lay down on the ground. the grass grew tall, green, and close in the clearing; and valentine began crawling, with a slow and almost imperceptible motion, in the direction of the rocks, passing through the grass without imparting the slightest oscillation to it. after about a quarter of an hour of this manoeuvre the hunter saw his efforts crowned with success; for he reached a spot where it was possible for him to rise, and whence he was enabled to overhear perfectly all that was said on the platform, while himself remaining invisible. unfortunately the time he had employed in gaining his observatory prevented him hearing what were probably very important matters. at the moment he began listening el buitre was the speaker. "bah, bah!" he said with that mocking accent peculiar to him, "i answer for success. even if the french are devils, each of them is not equal to two men. hang it all, let me alone!" "_canarios!_ may i be hanged if i interfere at all in this affair! i have done too much already," the colonel made answer. "you are always a trembler. how do you expect that men half demoralised, fatigued by a long journey, can resist the combined and well-directed attack of my brother's, this apache chief's, band, supported as they will be by the eighty scoundrels the mexican government has placed at my disposal for this expedition?" "i do not know what the french will do; but you will, perhaps, learn that they are stout fellows." "all the better--we shall have the more fun." "take care not to have too much," el garrucholo said with a grin. "go to the deuce with your observations! besides, i have a grudge against their chief, as you know." "bah! how can a man like you have a grudge against anyone in particular? he only has a grudge against riches. who are your men?" "_cívicos_--real bandits--regular game for the gallows. my dear fellow, they will perform miracles." "what! cívicos? the idea is glorious--the men whom the hacenderos pay and support for the purpose of fighting the redskins." "good lord, yes, that is the way of the world. this time they will fight by the side of the redskins against the whites. the idea is original, is it not, especially as, for this affair, they will be disguised as indians?" "better still. and the chief, how many warriors has he with him?" "i do not know; he will tell you himself." the chief had remained gloomy and silent during this conversation, and the colonel now turned toward him with an inquiring glance. "mixcoatzin is a powerful chief," the redskin said in his guttural voice: "two hundred apache warriors follow his war plume." el garrucholo gave a significant whistle. "well," he continued, "i maintain what i said." "what?" "you will receive an awful thrashing." el buitre repressed with difficulty a gesture of ill-temper. "enough," he said; "you do not know the indians. this chief is one of the bravest sachems of his tribe. his reputation is immense in the prairies. the warriors placed under his orders are all picked men." "very good. do what you please: i wash my hands of it." "can we at least reckon on you?" "i will execute punctually the orders i received from the general." "i ask no more." "then nothing is changed?" "nothing. always the same hour and the same signal." "in that case it is useless for us to remain longer together. i will return to the mission, for i must try to avoid any suspicion." "go, and may the demon continue his protection to you!" "thanks." the colonel left the platform. valentine hesitated a moment, thinking whether he should follow him; but, after due reflection, he felt persuaded that all was not finished yet, and that he should probably still obtain some precious information. el buitre shrugged his shoulders, and turning to the indian chief, who was still impassive, said,-- "pride has ruined that man. he was a jolly comrade a few years back." "what will my brother do now?" "not much. i shall remain in hiding here until the sun has run two-thirds of its course, and then go and rejoin my comrades." "the chief will retire. his warriors are still far off." "very good. then we shall not meet again till the appointed moment?" "no. the paleface will attack on the side of the forest, while the apaches advance by the river." "all right! but let us be prudent, for a misunderstanding might prove fatal. i will draw as near as possible to the mission; but i warn you that i shall not budge till i hear your signal." "wah! my brother will open his ears, and the miawling of the tiger-cat will warn him that the apaches have arrived." "i understand perfectly. one parting remark, chief." "i listen to the paleface." "it is clearly understood that the booty will be shared equally between us?" the indian gave a wicked smile. "yes," he said. "no treachery between us, redskin, or, by god! i warn you that i will flay you alive like a mad dog." "the palefaces have too long a tongue." "that is possible; but if you do not wish misfortune to fall on you, profit by my words." the indian only replied by a gesture of contempt: he wrapped himself in his buffalo robe, and retired slowly. the bandit looked after him for a moment. "miserable dog!" he muttered, "so soon as i can do without you i will settle your account, be assured." the indian had disappeared. "hum! what shall i be after now?" el buitre continued. suddenly a man bounded like a jaguar, and, before the bandit could even understand what was happening, he was firmly garotted, and reduced to a state of complete powerlessness. "you do not know what to be after? well, i will tell you," valentine remarked, as he sat down quietly by his side. the first moment of surprise past, the bandit regained all his coolness and audacity, and looked impudently at the hunter. "by god! i do not know you, comrade," he said; "but i must confess you managed that cleverly." "you are a connoisseur." "slightly so." "yes, i am aware of it." "but you have tied me a little too tightly. your confounded reata cuts into my flesh." "bah! you will grow used to it." "hum!" the bandit remarked. "did you hear all we said?" "nearly all." "deuce take me if people can now talk in the desert without having listeners!" "what would you? it is a melancholy fact." "well, i must put up with it, i suppose. you were saying----" "i! i did not say a word." "ah! i beg your pardon in that case; but i fancied you were cross-questioning me. you probably did not tie me up like a plug of tobacco for the mere fun of the thing." "there is some truth in your observation. i had, i allow, another object." "what is it?" "to enjoy your conversation for a moment." "you are a thousand times too kind." "opportunities for conversing are so rare in the desert." "that is true." "so you are on an expedition?" "yes, i am: a man must be doing something." "that is true also. be good enough to give me a few details." "about what?" "why, this expedition." "ah, ah! i should like to do so, but unfortunately that is impossible." "only think of that! why so?" "i know very little." "ah!" "yes; and then i am of a very crooked temper. a person need only ask me to do a thing for me to refuse." valentine smiled, and drew his knife, whose dazzling blade emitted a bluish flash. "even if convincing reasons are offered you?" "i do not know any," the bandit answered with a grin. "oh, oh!" valentine remarked. "still i hope i shall alter your opinion." "try it. stay!" he added, suddenly changing his tone. "enough of that sort of farce. i am in your power--nothing can save me. kill me--no matter, i shall not say a word." the two men exchanged glances of strange expressiveness. "you are an idiot," valentine answered coldly; "you understand nothing." "i understand that you want to know the secrets of the expedition." "you are a fool, my dear friend. did i not tell you that i knew all?" the bandit seemed to reflect for a minute. "what do you want, then?" he said. "merely to buy you." "hum! that will be dear." "you do not say no?" "i never say no to anything." "i see you are becoming reasonable." "who knows?" "at how much do you estimate your share of this night's booty?" el buitre looked at him as if wishful to read the thoughts in his heart. "hang it! that will mount high." "yes, especially if you are hung!" "oh!" "everything must be foreseen in such a business." "you are right." "the more so as, if you refuse the bargain i offer you, i will kill you like a dog." "that's a chance." "it is very probable. so take my word, let us bargain. give me your figure." "fifteen thousand piastres," the bandit exclaimed; "not an ochavo less." "pooh!" valentine said, "that is little." "eh?" he remarked in amazement. "i will give you twenty thousand." in spite of the bonds that held him the bandit gave a start. "done!" he exclaimed; but in a moment added, "where is the sum?" "do you fancy me such a fool as to pay you beforehand?" "hang it! i fancy----" "nonsense! you are mad, compadre. now that we understand one another, let me undo you--that will freshen up your ideas." he took off the reata. el buitre rose at once, stamped his foot to restore the circulation, and then turning to the hunter, who stood watching him laughingly, with his hands crossed on the muzzle of his rifle, said,-- "at least you have some security to give me?" "yes, and an excellent one." "what?" "the word of an honest man." the bandit made a gesture; but valentine continued, not seeming to notice it,-- "i am the man whom the whites and indians have surnamed the 'trail-hunter.' my name is valentine guillois." "what!" el buitre exclaimed with strange emotion, "are you really the trail-hunter?" "i am," valentine answered simply. el buitre walked up and down the platform hastily, muttering in a low voice broken sentences, and evidently a prey to intense emotion. suddenly he stopped before the hunter. "i accept," he said hurriedly. "tomorrow you shall receive your money." "i will none of it." "what do you mean?" "valentine, allow me to remain master of my secret for a few days; i will then explain my conduct to you. though i am a bandit, every feeling is not yet dead in my heart; there is one which has remained pure, and that is gratitude. trust to me. henceforth you will not have a more devoted slave, either for good or evil." "your accent is not that of a man who has the intention of deceiving. i trust to you, asking no explanation of your sudden change of feeling." "at a later date you shall know all, i tell you; and now that we are alone, explain to me your plan in all its details, in order that i may help you effectively." "yes," valentine said, "time presses." the two men remained alone for about two hours discussing the hunter's plan, and when all was settled they separated--valentine to return to the mission, and el buitre to rejoin his companions, who were concealed a short distance off. chapter iv. the explosion. during valentine's absence facts of extreme gravity had occurred at the mission. the count de prébois crancé had finished his correspondence, and held in his hand the letters he had just written, while he gave a peon, already mounted, his final instructions. at this moment the advanced posts uttered the cry of "who goes there?" which was immediately taken up along the whole line. louis felt his heart contracted by this shout, to which he was, however, accustomed; a cold perspiration beaded on his temples; a mortal pallor covered his face; and he was forced to lean against a wall lest he should fall, so weak did he feel. "good heavens!" he stammered in a low voice, "what can be the matter with me?" let who can explain the cause of this strange emotion, this inner presentiment which warned the count of a misfortune; for our part, we confess our inability, and content ourselves with recording the fact. the count, however, wrestled with this extraordinary emotion, for which there was no plausible reason. owing to a supreme effort of the will, a perfect reaction took place in him, and he became once more cold, calm, and stoical, ready to sustain, without weakness as without bravado, the blow by which he instinctively felt himself menaced. in the meanwhile an answer had been returned to the sentries' challenge, and words exchanged. don cornelio came up to the count, his face quite discomposed by astonishment, and himself a prey to the most lively emotion. "señor conde----" he said in a panting voice, and then stopped. "well," the count asked, "what is the meaning of those challenges i heard?" "señor," don cornelio continued with an effort, "general guerrero, accompanied by his daughter, several other ladies, a dozen officers, and a powerful escort, requests to be introduced to your presence." "he is welcome. at length, then, he consents to treat directly with me." don cornelio withdrew to carry out the orders he had received, and soon a brilliant cavalcalde, at the head of which was general guerrero, entered the mission. the general was pale, and frowned: it was easy to see that he with difficulty suppressed a dumb fury that filled his heart. the adventurers, in scattered groups, and haughtily wrapped up in their rags, regarded curiously these smart mexican officers, so vain and so glittering with gold, who scarce deigned to bestow a glance upon them. the count walked a few paces toward the general, and uncovered with a movement full of singular grace. "you are welcome, general," he said in his gentle voice; "i am happy to receive your visit." the general did not even lift his finger to his embroidered hat, but, suddenly stopping his horse when scarce two paces from the count,-- "what is the meaning of this, sir?" he exclaimed in an angry voice. "you are guarded as if in a fortress! you have, heaven pardon me! sentries and patrols round your encampment, as if you were in command of a regular army." the count bit his lips; but he restrained himself, and replied in a calm, though grave voice,-- "we are on the edge of the _despoblados_ (deserts), general, and our safety depends on our vigilance. although i am not the commander of an army, i answer for the safety of the men i have the honour of leading. but will you not dismount, general, so that we may discuss more at our ease the grave questions which doubtless bring you here?" "i will not dismount, sir, nor anyone of my suite, before you have explained to me your strange conduct." such a flash sparkled in the count's blue eye that, in spite of himself, the general turned his head away. this conversation had taken place under the vault of heaven, in the presence of the frenchmen, who had collected round the newcomers. the patience of the adventurers was beginning to grow exhausted, and hoarse, mutterings were heard. with a sign the count appeased the storm, and silence was immediately re-established. "general," don louis continued with perfect calmness, "the words you address to me are severe. i was far from expecting them, especially after the way in which i have acted since my landing in mexico, and the moderation i have constantly displayed." "all that is trifling," the general said furiously. "you frenchmen have a honeyed tongue when you wish to deceive us. but, by heavens, i will teach you differently! you are warned once for all." the count drew himself up, and a feverish flush suffused his cheeks. he put on again the hat he had hitherto held in his hand, and looked the general boldly in the face. "i would observe, señor don sebastian guerrero," he said, in a voice broken by emotion, which he attempted in vain to check, "that you have not returned me my salute, and that you employ strange language in addressing a gentleman at least as noble as yourself. is this the boasted mexican courtesy? come to the facts, caballero, without holding language unworthy of yourself or me; explain yourself frankly, that i may know, once for all, what i have to hope or fear from these eternal tergiversations, and the continued treachery of which i am the victim." the general remained for a moment thoughtful after this rude apostrophe. at length he made up his mind, removed his hat, saluted the count graciously, and suddenly changed his manner. "pardon me, caballero," he said; "i was so far carried away by my temper as to employ expressions which i deeply regret." the count smiled disdainfully. "your apologies are sufficient, sir," he said. at the word "apologies" the general quivered, but soon regained command of himself. "where do you desire that i should communicate to you the orders of my government?" "at this spot, sir. i have, thanks to heaven, nothing to hide from my brave comrades." the general, though evidently annoyed, dismounted. the ladies and officers who accompanied him did the same. the escort alone remained on horseback, with their ranks closed up. at an order from don louis several tables were produced, and instantaneously covered with refreshments, of which the french officers began to do the honours with the grace and gaiety that distinguish their nation. the general and the count seated themselves on butacas, placed in the doorway of the mission church, near a table, on which were pen, ink, and paper. there was a lengthened silence. it was evident that neither wished to be the first to speak. the general at length opened the conversation. "oh, oh!" he said, "you have guns with you?" "did you not know it, general?" "my faith, no!" and he added, with a sarcastic smile,-- "do you intend to pursue the apaches with such weapons?" "at the present moment less than ever, general," don louis answered dryly. "i do not know of what use this artillery will be to me. still it is good, and i am convinced that it will not betray me in the hour of need." "is that a menace, sir?" the general asked significantly. "what is the use of threatening when you can act?" the count said concisely. "but that is not the question, for the present at least. i am awaiting your pleasure, sir, to explain to me the intentions of your government with regard to me." "they are kind and paternal, sir." "i will wait till you have told me them ere i express any opinion." "this is the message i am charged to deliver to you." "ah! have you a message for me?" "yes." "i am listening, caballero." "the message is quite paternal." "i am certain of it. let us see what your government's intentions are." "i should have wished them better, but i consider them acceptable in their present form." "be kind enough to communicate them to me, general." "i was anxious to come myself, señor conde, in order to lessen by my presence any apparent bitterness these proposals might contain." "ah!" the count remarked, "propositions are made to me; in other words, and speaking by the card, conditions which it is desired to impose on me. very good." "oh, conde, conde, how badly you take what i say to you!" "pardon me, general, you know that i do not speak your magnificent spanish very well; still i thank you from my heart for your kindness in accepting the harsh mission of communicating these propositions to me." this was said with an accent of fine raillery which completely discountenanced the general. "i would observe, general, that we are now only a few leagues from the mine, and the alternative offered me is most painful, especially after the evasive answers constantly made to me and the persons i sent with full powers to treat personally with the authorities of the country." "that is true; i can comprehend that. colonel florés, whom you sent to me a few days back, will have told you how pained i felt at all that is happening. i lose as much as yourself. unfortunately, you will understand me, my dearest count, i must obey, whether i like it or not." "i understand perfectly," louis answered ironically, "how deeply pained you must feel." "alas!" the general said, more embarrassed than ever, and who began to regret in his heart that he was not accompanied by a larger force. "well, as it is useless to prolong this position indefinitely, as it is so cruel for you, explain yourself without further circumlocution, i beg." "hum! remember that i am in no way responsible." the fact is the general was afraid. "go on--go on!" "the propositions are as follow:--you are enjoined----" "oh! that is a harsh term," louis observed. the general shrugged his shoulders, as much as to say that he had nothing to do with drawing up the document. "well, then," the count said, "we are enjoined----" "yes, first. either to consent to give up your nationality as frenchmen----" "pardon me," the count interrupted, and laid his hand on the general's arm, "an instant, if you please. as i see that what you are commissioned to communicate to me interests all my comrades, it is my duty to invite them to be present at the reading of these propositions; for you have them in writing, i believe?" "yes," the general stammered, turning livid. "very good. buglers!" the count shouted in a high and imperative voice, "sound the assembly." ten minutes later the whole company was ranged round the table, at which the general and the count were seated. don louis looked carefully around, and then noticed the mexican officers and ladies, who, curious to know what was going on, had also drawn nearer. "chairs for these ladies and caballeros," he said. "pray excuse me, señoras, if i do not pay you all the attention you deserve; but i am only a poor adventurer, and we are in the desert." then, when all had taken their seats,-- "give me a copy of these proposals," he said to the general; "i will read them myself." the general obeyed mechanically. "gentlemen and dear comrades," don louis then said in a sharp voice, in which, however, a scarcely suppressed anger could be noticed, "when i enrolled you at san francisco, i showed you the authentic documents conferring on me the ownership of the mines of the plancha de plata, did i not?" "yes!" the adventurers shouted with one voice. "you read at the foot of those documents the names of don antonio pavo, president of the mexican republic, and of general don sebastian guerrero, present here at this moment. you then knew on what conditions you enlisted, and also the engagements the mexican government entered into with you. today, after three months' marching and counter-marching; after suffering without a murmur all the annoyances it pleased the mexican government to inflict on you; when you have proved, by your good conduct and severe discipline, that you were in every way worthy to fulfil honourably the mission that was intrusted to you; when, finally, in spite of the incessant obstacles continually raised in your path, you have arrived within less than ten leagues of the mines, do you know what the mexican government demands of you? listen: i will tell you, for you are even more interested than myself in the question." a thrill of curiosity ran through the ranks of the adventurers. "speak--speak!" they shouted. "you have three alternatives:--first. you are enjoined to resign your french nationality, and become mexicans, and will be permitted to work the mines, without any pay, under the supreme command of general guerrero, whose aide-de-camp i shall become." an homeric burst of laughter greeted this proposition. "the second--let us have the second!" some shouted. "_sapristi!_" others remarked, "these mexicans are not fools to wish to have us for their countrymen." "go on--go on!" the remainder howled. the count gave a sign, and silence was re-established. "secondly. you are ordered to take out cards of surety if you wish to remain frenchmen. by means of such cards you can go anywhere: still, as foreigners, you will be forbidden any possession--that is to say, working--of the mines. you have quite understood me, i presume?" "yes, yes! the last one--the last one!" "i did not fancy the mexicans were such funny fellows," a soldier remarked. "thirdly. i personally am ordered to reduce the company to fifty men, to hand over my command to a mexican officer, and on that condition you can at once take possession of the mines." when the captain had ended his reading there was such an explosion of laughter, shouts, and yells, that for nearly a quarter of an hour it was almost impossible to hear anything. at length the count succeeded in restoring some degree of order and silence, though with considerable difficulty. "such are the paternal intentions of the mexican government as regards us. what do you think of them, my friends? still, i implore you, do not allow yourselves to be carried away by your just indignation, but reflect deeply on what you think it your duty to do for your own interests. as for myself, my resolution is formed--it is immutable; and even if it cost my life, i shall not alter it. but you, my friends, my brethren, your private interests cannot be mine; hence do not sacrifice yourselves through friendship and devotion to me. you know me well enough to put faith in my words. those among you who wish to leave me will be free to do so: not only will i not oppose their departure, but i shall bear them no ill will. the strange position in which we are placed by the ill faith of the mexicans imposes on me obligations and a line of conduct to which you can refuse to submit without disgrace. from this moment i release you from every engagement with me. i am no longer your chief, but i will ever be your friend and brother." these words had scarce been uttered ere the adventurers, through an irresistible impulse, overthrowing all in their way, rushed toward the count, surrounded him with shouts and cries, lifted him in their arms, and showered on him assurances of their complete devotion. "long live the count! long live louis! long live our chief! death to the mexicans! down with the traitors!" their effervescence assumed proportions which threatened to become dangerous to the mexicans at the moment in the camp. the exasperation was at its height. still, owing to the influence the count exerted over his comrades, and the energetic conduct of the officers, the tumult gradually died out, and all returned nearly to the normal condition. general guerrero, at first alarmed by the effect produced on the french by the untoward propositions of which he had constituted himself the bearer, soon reassured himself, however, especially on seeing with what abnegation and loyalty the count protected him against the just indignation of his companions. nearly sure of running no risk, owing to the noble character of the man he had so unjustly deceived, he resolved to strike the final blow. "caballeros," he said in that honeyed voice peculiar to the mexicans, "permit me to address a few words to you." at this request the tumult was on the point of recommencing: still the count succeeded in producing a stormy silence, if we may be allowed to employ the phrase. "general, you can speak," he said to him. "gentlemen," don sebastian went on, "i have only a few words to add. the count de prébois crancé has read you the conditions the mexican government imposes, but he was unable to read to you the consequences of a refusal to obey those conditions." "that is true, sir. be good enough, therefore, to make them known to us." "it is a terrible duty for me to fulfil; still i must do so for your benefit, caballeros." "come to the point!" the adventurers shouted. the general unfolded a paper, and after a moment of hesitation he read as follows, with a voice which, spite of all his efforts, slightly trembled:-- "count don louis de prébois crancé, and all the men who remain faithful to him, will be regarded as pirates; placed without the pale of the law, and arrested as such; tried by a military commission, and shot within twenty-four hours." "is that all, sir?" the count asked coldly. at a sign from the count the two papers containing the proposals and the proclamation of outlawry were nailed on the trunk of a tree. "and now, sir, you have fulfilled your mission, i believe? you have nothing further to add?" "i regret, señor conde----" "enough, sir. were i really a pirate, as you so charitably call me, it would be easy for me to retain you, as well as the persons that accompany you, which would supply me with ample means for the satisfaction of my vengeance; but, whatever you may say, neither i nor the men i have the honour to command are pirates. you will leave here as free as you came: still i fancy you would do well not to delay your departure." the general did not need to hear this twice. for two hours he had seen death several times too near, or at least he fancied so, to desire to prolong his stay in the camp; and hence he gave the necessary orders for immediate departure. at this moment doña angela, suddenly emerged from the group of ladies among whom she had hitherto stood, and walked forward, majestically robed in her _rebozo_, her eye flashing with a sombre fire. "stay!" she said with an accent so firm and so imposing that each was silent, and regarded her with astonishment. "madam," don louis said to her, "i conjure you----" "let me speak," she said energetically; "let me speak, señor conde. as no one in this hapless country dares to protest against the odious treachery of which you are a victim, i--a woman, the daughter of your most implacable enemy--declare openly before all, that you, count, are the only man whose genius is powerful enough to regenerate this unhappy country. you are misunderstood--insulted; and the epithet of pirate is attached to your name. well, pirate--be it so. don louis, i love you! henceforth i am yours--yours alone. persevere in your noble enterprise. as long as i live there will be a woman in this accursed land who will pray for you. and now, farewell! i leave my heart with you." the count knelt before the noble woman, kissed her hand respectfully, and raised his eyes to heaven. "doña angela," he said with emotion, "i thank you. i love you, and whatever may happen, i will prove to you that i am worthy of your love." "now, my father, let us go," she said to the general, who was half mad with rage, and who yet did not dare give way to his passion; and turning for the last time to the count, she said, "good-by, don louis! my betrothed, we shall soon meet again." and she left the camp, accompanied by the enthusiastic shouts of the adventurers. the mexicans marched out with drooping heads and a blush on their foreheads. in spite of themselves they were ashamed of the infamous treachery they had dealt out to men whom they had earnestly summoned, whom they had deluded during four months with false promises, and whom they were now preparing to rush upon like wild beasts. scarce two hours after these events occurred valentine re-entered the camp. chapter v. the first powder burnt. the emotion caused by the general's visit gradually calmed down. the frenchmen, so long the sport of mexican bad faith, experienced almost joy at seeing themselves at length liberated from the inextricable web of trickery which had encompassed them. with that carelessness which forms the basis of the national character, they began laughing and jibing at the mexicans generally, and especially at the authorities of the country, of whom they had to complain so greatly, though without daring to offer the least observation, through respect for their chief. full of confidence in the count, without calculating that they were only a handful of men abandoned to their own resources, without help or possible protection, more than six thousand leagues from their country, they indulged to the fullest extent of their imagination in the wildest dreams, discussing among themselves the most extraordinary and daring plans, without ever supposing, in their candid filibustering simplicity, that even the least extravagant of their dreams was impossible to realise. louis would not allow the ardour of his volunteers to be chilled. after consulting with his officers, to whom he submitted his plans, which they accepted enthusiastically, by valentine's advice he ordered a general assembly of the company. the bugles at once sounded, and the adventurers collected around headquarters. "gentlemen," the count said, "you see in what a position the breach of faith of the mexican authorities has placed us; but this position, in my opinion, is far from being desperate. still i must not conceal from you that it is extremely grave, and, from certain information i have from a good source, it threatens to become still more so. we have two modes in which to act. the first is to proceed by forced marches to guaymas, seize a vessel, and embark ere our enemies have thought about opposing our departure." a long murmur of dissatisfaction greeted these words. "gentlemen," the count continued, "it was my duty to submit this proposition to you, and you will discuss it amongst yourselves. if it does not suit you, no more need be said. and now for the second. mexico, since its emancipation, has languished in a state of the most scandalous barbarism. it would be grand to regenerate this people, or at least attempt it. the american emigration from the united states is at this moment invading california, leaving other emigrants no means, i will not say of prospering, but even of keeping on a footing of equality with the yankees. we are here in sonora, resolute frenchmen, well armed and disciplined. let us seize a large town to have a basis of operations; then we will summon to us the french emigrants from california and all america. let us emancipate sonora, make it free and strong, civilise it in spite of itself, and not only shall we have created an outlet for french immigration, but have regenerated a people and formed a colony which will advantageously balance american influence on these shores, and oppose a dyke to its incessant encroachments. we shall have acquired a claim to the gratitude of our country, and have avenged ourselves on our enemies in the way frenchmen revenge themselves; that is to say, by responding to their insults by kindness. such, gentlemen, are the two sole methods we can select which would be worthy of men like us. weigh my words carefully; reflect on my propositions; and tomorrow, at sunrise, you will inform me of your intentions through the channel of your officers. remember one thing before all, comrades, and that is, you must maintain strict discipline among yourselves. obey me passively, and place unbounded faith in me. if you fail in one of the duties i impose on you at this moment, we are all lost; for the struggle will become impossible, and consequently our enemies will gain an easy victory over us. in conclusion, brethren, accept my word that whatever may be the circumstances in which we find ourselves--however magnificent the offers that may be made me--i will never abandon you. we will perish or succeed together." this speech was greeted as it deserved to be; that is to say, with an enthusiasm impossible to describe. the count then withdrew with valentine. "alas, brother!" he said to him, with an expression of heart-rending sorrow, "the die is now cast. i, count de prébois crancé, am a rebel, a pirate: i am at open war with a recognised power, with a constitutional government. what can i do with the few men i command? i shall perish in the first battle--the combat is senseless. i shall be ere long the laughing stock of the world. who could have predicted this when i left san francisco, full of hope, to work those mines which i shall never see? what has become of my fair dreams, my seductive hopes?" "do not allow yourself to be downcast, brother," valentine answered. "at present, above all, you need all your intellect and all your energy to fulfil worthily the task accident imposes on you. remember that from this intellect and this energy depends the safety of two hundred of your countrymen, whom you have sworn to lead back to the seashore; and you must keep your oath." "i will die with them. what more can they demand?" "that you should save them," the hunter replied sternly. "that is my most anxious desire." "your position is a fine one--you are not so alone as you fancy." "how so?" "have you not the french colony of guetzalli, founded by the count de lhorailles?" "yes," louis answered sadly; "but the count is dead." "he is; but the colony exists, and is prosperous. you will find there fifty to sixty resolute men, who ask no better than to join you, even if merely through the spirit of adventure." "fifty men are very few." "nonsense! they are more than you need when dealing with mexicans. do one thing more: prepare an insurrection among the half savage population, whose alcaldes pine secretly at their secondary position, and the species of vassaldom into which the mexican government forces them." "oh, oh!" louis said, "that is a good idea. but where is the man who will undertake to visit this people, and negotiate with the alcaldes of the pueblos?" "i will, if you like." "i did not dare ask it. thank you. i, for my part, will prepare everything in order to begin with a terrible blow, which will startle the mexican government by giving it an idea of our strength." "good! before all, do not forget that, until fresh orders, the war you undertake must be an uninterrupted succession of daring blows." "oh! you may be at ease. now that the mexicans have lifted the mask, and forced me to defend myself, they will learn to know the men they have so long despised, and whom they fancied cowards because they were good-hearted." "has colonel florés left?" "no, not yet." "keep him here till tomorrow, no matter by what pretext." "why so?" "let me alone: you shall know. and now prepare to sustain an attack from the indians: if my presentiments do not deceive me, it will be warm." "what makes you suppose that?" "certain information i picked up for myself, and other still more important i obtained from curumilla. so try to prevent the mexican colonel leaving the camp, but do not let him suspect he is watched." "it shall be done. you know that i trust to you for the precautions to be taken?" "externally, yes; but do you watch that the lines are not forced." the greatest animation prevailed in the camp. armories and smiths were busily working with feverish ardour to place weapons, carts, and gun carriages in working condition. on all sides joyous shouts and bursts of laughter could be heard; for these worthy adventurers had regained all their gaiety, now that there was a prospect of fighting; that is, of dealing and receiving blows. colonel florés wandered about rather sadly in the midst of the confusion: his position was becoming difficult, and he felt it. still he did not know how to prolong his stay among the frenchmen, now that war was declared, and the interests of the company of which he was the delegate were completely laid aside; and thus the only plausible reason he could allege for remaining was cut away. since the frenchmen's arrival in mexico the double character played by the colonel brought him handsome sums: his profession of spy, rendered easy by the confiding frankness of the adventurers, had been to him a source of enormous profit, and people do not give up without pain a lucrative engagement. thus the colonel's brow was anxious, for he racked his brains in vain for a plausible excuse to offer the count. in the height of his diplomatic combinations valentine came to him, and told him, with the most innocent air possible, that don louis was seeking for him, and wished to speak with him. the colonel shuddered at the news: he thanked the hunter, and hastened to the count. valentine looked after him with an ironical smile; and, certain that louis would detain him long enough by his side, he commenced the execution of the plan he had prepared. while all this was occurring night had set in--a gloomy and sad night, without a star in the sky. the clouds shot rapidly across the sickly disc of the moon, and intercepted its rays. the wind lamented sadly as it whistled through the branches of the trees, which dashed against each other with a lugubrious sound. in the mysterious depths of the forest could be heard growls and savage yells, mingled with the dashing of the cascade and the monotonous clashing of the pebbles rolled on the bank by the river. it was one of those nights in which nature seems to associate herself with human sorrows, and lament at the crimes for which her gloomy shadows serve as a veil. by valentine's orders the trees had been cut down for a distance of fifty yards round the camp, in order to clear the ground, and deprive the enemy of the chance of creeping up to the intrenchments unseen. on the space thus left free enormous fires were kindled at regular intervals. these fires, whose tall flames illumined the prairie for a considerable distance, formed a brilliant circle round the camp, which was itself plunged in complete obscurity. not the slightest light flashed in the mission. the intrenchments appeared to be deserted--not a sentry could be seen. the mission had fallen back into the silence of solitude--all was calm and tranquil. but this calm concealed the tempest. in the shadow palpitated the anxious hearts of the men who, with ear on the watch, and finger on the trigger, awaited motionless the arrival of their enemies. the hours, however, passed away slowly one after the other, and nothing justified the apprehensions expressed by valentine as to a speedy attack. the count was walking up and down the church which served as his retreat, listening anxiously to the slightest sounds that interrupted the silence at intervals. at times he turned an angry and impatient look upon the desert country, but nothing stirred--the same calm continued ever to oppress nature. wearied by this long and enervating delay, he quitted the church, and proceeded toward the intrenchments. the adventurers were at their posts, stretched on the ground, each man with his hand on the trigger. "have you seen or heard nothing yet?" the count asked, though he knew beforehand the answer he would receive, and rather for the purpose of deceiving his impatience than with any other object. "nothing," don cornelio answered coldly, who happened to be close to him. "ah! it is you," the count said. "and colonel florés, what have you done with him?" "i followed your instructions, commandant. he is asleep." "you are sure of it?" the spaniard smiled. "i guarantee that he will sleep at least till sunrise," he said. "i managed matters well." "very good; in that case we have nothing to fear from him." "nothing at all." "has anyone seen don valentine or the indian chief?" "no; they both went out at sunset, and have not reappeared since." while speaking thus the two men were looking out, and their eyes attentively examined the plain: hence they made a gesture of surprise, almost of alarm, on suddenly perceiving a man who seemed to emerge from the ground, and rose between them like a phantom. "_válgame dios!_" the superstitious spaniard said as he crossed himself, "what is this?" the count quickly drew a revolver from his girdle. "do not fire," the newcomer said as he laid his hand on the count's arm. "curumilla!" the count exclaimed in surprise. "silence!" the araucano commanded. "where is valentine?" "he sent me." "then the redskins will not attack us this night?" curumilla regarded the count with amazement. "does not my brother see them?" he said. "where?" the count asked in astonishment. "there!" curumilla answered, stretching out his arm in the direction of the plain. don louis and don cornelio looked out for several instants with the most sustained attention; but, in spite of all their efforts, they perceived nothing. the plain was still just as naked, lighted up by the ruddy glare from the braseros: here and there alone lay the trunks of the trees felled during the day to leave an open prospect. "no," they said at length, "we see nothing." "the eyes of the white men are closed at night," the chief muttered sententiously. "but where are they?" the count asked impatiently. "why did you not warn us?" "my brother koutonepi sends me for that purpose." the name of koutonepi--that is to say, the valiant--had been given to valentine by the araucanos on his arrival in america, and curumilla never called him otherwise. "then make haste to teach us, chief, that we may foil the accursed stratagem which these demons have doubtlessly invented." "let my brother warn his brothers to be ready to fight." the word ran immediately along the line from one to the other. curumilla then tranquilly shouldered his rifle, and aimed at a trunk of a tree rather nearer the intrenchments than the rest. never did a shot produce such an effect. a horrible yell rose from the plain, and a swarm of redskins, rising, as if moved by a spring, from behind the stems of trees that sheltered them, rushed toward the intrenchments, bounding like coyotes, uttering fearful yells, and brandishing their weapons furiously. but the frenchmen were prepared for this attack: they received the indians at the bayonet point without recoiling an inch, and answering their ferocious yells with the unanimous shout of "vive la france!" from this moment war was, _de facto_, declared. the french had smelled powder, and the mexicans were about to learn, at their own expense, what rude enemies they had so madly brought on themselves. still the redskins, led and animated by their chief, fought with extraordinary obstinacy. the majority of the frenchmen who composed the company were ignorant of the way of fighting with the indians, and it was the first time they had come into collision with them. while valiantly resisting them, and inflicting on them terrible losses, they could not refrain from admiring the audacious temerity of these men, who, half naked and wielding wretched weapons, yet rushed upon them with invincible courage, and only fell back when dead. suddenly a second band, more numerous than the first, and composed entirely of horsemen, burst on to the battlefield, and sustained the efforts of the assailants. the latter, feeling themselves supported, redoubled their yells and efforts. the medley became terrible: the combatants fought hand to hand, lacerating each other like wild beasts. the french bugles and drums sounded the charge heartily. "a sortie--a sortie!" the adventurers shouted, ashamed at being thus held in check by enemies apparently so insignificant. "kill, kill!" the indians responded with their war cry. an indian chief, mounted on a magnificent black horse, and with his body naked to the waist, curveted in the front rank of his men, dropping with his club every man that came within reach of his arm. twice he had made his steed leap at the barricades, and twice he scaled them, though unable to clear them completely. this chief was mixcoatzin. his black eye flashed with a sombre fire; his arm seemed indefatigable; and everyone withdrew from this terrible enemy, who was apparently invincible. the sachem redoubled his boldness, incessantly urging on his men, and insulting the whites by his shouts and ironical gestures. suddenly a third troop appeared on the battlefield, which, owing to the braziers, was as light as day. but this troop, composed, like the second, of horsemen, instead of joining the indians, formed a semicircle, and charged them furiously, shouting,-- "_a muerte_--_a muerte!_" valentine's powerful voice at this moment rose above the tumult of battle, and even reached those he wished to warn. "now is the time!" he shouted. the count heard him. turning then to fifty of the adventurers who bad remained inactive since the beginning of the action, chafing and trailing their arms,-- "it is our turn, comrades!" he shouted as he drew his long sword. then, opening the wicket, he bounded boldly into the _mêlée_, followed by his party, who rushed after him with shouts of joy. the indians were caught between two fires--a thing which rarely happens--and compelled to fight in the open. still they were not discouraged, for indian bravery surpasses all belief. finding themselves surrounded, they resolved to die bravely sooner than surrender; and though not nearly so well armed as their enemies, they received their attack with unlessened resolution. but the indians, on this occasion, had not to do with mexicans, and soon discovered the difference. the charge of the frenchmen was irresistible: they passed like a tornado through the redskins, who, in spite of their resolution, were compelled to give ground. but flight was impossible. recalled by the voices of their chiefs, who, while themselves fighting bravely, did not cease to urge them to redouble their efforts, they returned to the combat. the struggle then assumed the gigantic proportions of a horrible carnage. it was no longer a battle, but a butchery, in which each sought to kill, caring little about falling himself, so long as he dragged down his foeman with him. valentine, the greater part of whose life had been spent in the desert, and who had frequently encountered the indians, had never before seen them display so great animosity, and, above all, such obstinacy; for usually, when they suffer a check, far from obstinately continuing a fight without any possible advantageous result for themselves, they retire immediately, and seek safety in a hurried flight; but this time their mode of fighting was completely changed, and it seemed that the more they recognised the impossibility of victory, the more anxious they felt to resist. the count, ever in front of his comrades, whom he encouraged by his gestures and voice, tried to approach mixcoatzin, who, still curveting on his black horse, performed prodigies of valour, which electrified his men, and threatened, if not to change the face of the combat, at any rate to prolong it. but each time that chance brought him in front of the chief, and he prepared to rush upon him, a crowd of combatants, driven back by the changing incidents of the fight, came between them, and neutralised his efforts. for his part, the sachem also strove to approach the count, with whom he burned to measure himself, persuaded that, if he succeeded in killing the chief of the palefaces, the latter would be struck with terror, and abandon the battlefield. at length, as if by mutual agreement, the white men and indians fell back a few paces, doubtlessly to prepare for a final contest; and it was then that, for the first time since the combat, the count and the sachem found themselves face to face. the two men exchanged a flashing glance, and rushed upon each other furiously. neither of the chiefs had firearms: the sachem brandished his terrible club, and the count waved his long sword, which was reddened to the hilt. "at last!" the count shouted, as he raised his weapon over his head. "begging dog of the palefaces," the indian said with a grin, "you bring me, then, your scalp, that i may attach it to the entrance of my cabin!" they were only two paces from each other, each awaiting the favourable moment to rush on his enemy. on seeing their chiefs ready to engage, the two parties rushed forward impetuously, in order to separate them and recommence the combat; bat don louis, with a gesture of supreme command, ordered his companions not to interfere. the adventurers remained motionless. on his side, mixcoatzin, seeing the noble and gallant courtesy of the count, commanded his comrades to keep back. the redskins obeyed, and the question was left to be decided between don louis and the sachem. chapter vi. reprisals. the two enemies hesitated for a moment; but suddenly the sachem bounded forward. the count remained motionless; but at the moment the indian reached him, with a movement rapid as thought, he seized the nostrils of the chief's horse with the left hand, so that it reared with a shriek of pain, and thrust his sword into the indian's throat: the latter's lifted arm fell down, his eyes opened widely, a jet of blood poured from the gaping wound, and he rolled on the ground, uttering a yell of agony, and writhing like a serpent. the count placed his foot on the chief's chest, and nailed him to the ground. then he shouted to his comrades in a powerful voice,-- "forward--forward!" the adventurers responded by a shout of triumph, and rushed once more on the redskins. but the latter no longer awaited their attack. terrified by the death of mixcoatzin, one of their most revered sachems, a panic seized upon them, and they fled in every direction. then began a real manhunt, with all its hideous and atrocious interludes. as we have said, the indians were surrounded: flight had become impossible. the adventurers, exasperated by the long contest they had been obliged to sustain, pitilessly massacred their conquered enemies, who would have implored mercy in vain. the distracted indians ran hither and thither, sabred as they passed, transfixed by bayonets, and trampled underfoot by the horses, which, as cruel as their masters, and intoxicated by the sharp odour of blood, stamped on them frenziedly. the corpses were piled up in the centre of the fatal circle which incessantly closed in around them. their courage and strength all exhausted, the wretched redskins had thrown away their arms, and, with their hands crossed on their chests, they gave up any further struggle for life, and awaited death with that gloomy calmness of despair and stoicism which characterises their race. the count had wished for a long time to arrest this horrible carnage; but, in the intoxication of victory, his orders were not so much disobeyed as unheard. still the frenchmen stopped, struck with admiration at the sight of the stoical resignation displayed by their brave enemies, who disdained to ask mercy, and prepared to die worthily, without any weakness or bravado. the frenchmen hesitated, looked at one another, and then raised their bayonets. the count profited by this truce, and rushed before his men, brandishing in the air his sword, reddened to the hilt. "enough, comrades," he shouted, "enough! we are soldiers, not hangmen or butchers. leave to the mexicans all cowardly acts, and remain what you have ever been--brave and clement men. mercy for these poor wretches!" "mercy--mercy!" the frenchmen shouted as they brandished their weapons above their heads. at this moment the sun rose gloriously in a flood of vapour. it was a scene at once imposing and full of sublime horror which the battlefield offered--still smoking with the last explosions of the firearms, covered with corpses, and in the midst of which thirty disarmed men appeared to bid defiance to a circle of men stained with blood and powder, and whose features were contracted by passion. the count then returned his sword to its scabbard, and walked slowly toward the indians, who watched his approach restlessly; for they understood nothing of what had just occurred. the indians are implacable, and clemency is unknown to them. in the prairies the only law is _va victis_. the redskins, being pitiless, never implore the mercy of their foes, and endure unmurmuring the harsh law which it may please their conquerors to mete out to them. the adventurers had piled their arms, and had already forgotten all their rancour: they were laughing and talking gaily together. valentine and curumilla had rejoined the count. "what is your intention?" the hunter asked. "have you not guessed it?" louis replied. "i pardon them." "all?" "of course," he said with surprise. "then you will restore them to liberty?" "yes." "hum!" the hunter said. "do you see anything to prevent it?" "possibly." "explain yourself." "i see no harm in your forgiving the indians, for that may produce a good effect among the tribes, especially as the redskins have an excellent memory, and will long remember the severe lesson they received this night." "well?" "but," the hunter went on, "all those men are not indians." "what do you mean?" "that there are disguised mexicans among them." "you are certain of that?" "yes, the more so because i was warned by the man who commands the horsemen that proved such useful auxiliaries to you." "but are not those horsemen apaches?" "you are mistaken, my dear friend: they are white men, and what is more, _cívicos_; that is to say, men paid and enrolled by the hacenderos to chase the indians. you see how honourably they carry out their duties; but that must not astonish you, for you are sufficiently well acquainted with the manners of this country to find that perfectly natural, i have no doubt." louis stopped thoughtfully. "what you tell me confounds me," he muttered. "why so?" the hunter replied carelessly. "it is, on the contrary, most simple. but we have not to trouble ourselves about the horsemen at present--they are beside the question." "certainly. indeed, i owe them my thanks." "they will save you the trouble, and i too. let us only deal with the men down there." "then you are sure there are white men among them?" "quite sure." "but how to recognise them?" "curumilla will undertake that." "what you tell me is strange. for what purpose are these men leagued with our enemies?" "we shall soon know that." they then went on, and stood by the group. valentine made a sign to curumilla: the chief then approached the indians, and began examining them attentively in turn, the count and valentine watching him with considerable interest. the araucano was as cold and gloomy as usual--not a muscle of his face quivered. on seeing him examine them thus, the indians could not refrain from shuddering: they trembled at the sight of this dumb and unarmed man, whose piercing glance seemed to try and read their hearts; curumilla laid his finger on an indian's chest. "one!" he said, and passed on. "come out!" valentine said to the redskin. the latter stood apart. curumilla pointed out in this way nine in succession, and then rejoined his comrades. "is that all?" valentine asked. "yes," he answered. "disarm those men, and bind them firmly," the count commanded. his orders being obeyed, don louis then walked up to the apaches. "my brothers may take their arms and mount their horses again," he said. "they are valiant warriors. the palefaces have appreciated their courage, and esteem them. my brothers will return to their villages, and tell the old men and sages of their nation that the palefaces who have conquered them are not cruel men, like the ferocious yoris, and that they desire to bury the hatchet so deeply between themselves and the apaches, that it may never be found again for ten thousand years." an indian advanced from the group, and saluted majestically. "strong heart is a terrible warrior: he is a jaguar during the combat, but he becomes an antelope after the victory. the words his breast breathes are inspired in him by the great spirit--the wacondah loves him. my nation was deceived by the yoris. strong heart is generous--he has pardoned. henceforth there will be friendship between the apaches and the warriors of strong heart." the redskins, according to their custom, had, with that poesy which distinguishes them, given don louis the name of strong heart. after this address on the part of the indian, who was a celebrated chief, and known as the white buffalo, there was an interchange of good offices between the adventurers and apaches. their horses and arms were returned to them, and the ranks were opened to let them pass. when they had disappeared in the forest, el buitre ordered his men to wheel, and retired in his turn. don louis for a moment had the idea of recalling this auxiliary, who had been so useful to him during the action; but valentine opposed it. "let those men go, brother," he said to him. "you must not have any public relations with them." don louis did not insist. "now," valentine went on, "let us finish what we have so well begun." "that is right," the count answered. the order was at once given to bury the dead and attend to the wounded. the frenchmen had suffered a serious loss: they had ten men killed and twenty odd wounded. it is true that the majority of these wounds were not mortal; still the victory cost dearly: it was a warning for the future. two hours later the company, assembled by the bugle call, ranged themselves silently in the mission square, in the centre of which don louis, valentine, and three officers were gravely seated at a table, on which lay sundry papers. don cornelio was writing at a smaller table. the count had summoned his comrades, and appointed a court martial, of which he was president, in order to try the prisoners captured during the fight. don louis rose amidst a solemn silence. "bring forward the prisoners," he said. the men previously pointed out by curumilla appeared, led by a detachment of adventurers, and were freed from their bonds. although they still wore the costume of apache warriors, they had been compelled to wash themselves, and remove the paint that disguised them. these men appeared not so much to repent of their detected roguery, but merely ashamed of being made a public spectacle. "bring in the last prisoner," don louis commanded. at this order the adventurers looked round in surprise, not understanding what the count meant, for the nine mexicans were all present. but at the expiration of a moment their surprise was changed into anger, and a dull murmur ran along their ranks like an electric current. colonel florés had made his appearance. he was unarmed, and his head bare; but his face, stamped with boldness and defiance, had a gloomily malicious expression, which gave him a most unpleasant appearance. curumilla accompanied him. the count made a sign, and silence was re-established. "what is the meaning of this?" the colonel asked in a haughty tone. don louis did not allow him to continue. "silence!" he said in a firm voice, turning a flashing glance upon him. subdued, in spite of himself, by the count's accent, the colonel blushed and remained silent. don louis continued:-- "brothers and comrades," he said, "unfortunately for us, circumstances have placed us in an exceptional situation. on all sides treachery surrounds us. by falsehood after falsehood, trick upon trick, they have led us onto this desert, where we are abandoned to ourselves, far from all help, and having our courage alone to count upon to save us. yesterday don sebastian guerrero, believing himself at length sure of the success of his infamous plans, which he has so long been forming against us, decided on raising the mask. he declared us outlaws, and branded us with the disgraceful epithet of pirates. scarce two hours after his departure we were attacked by indians. our enemies' measures were well calculated, and were within an ace of success. but god was on the watch, and saved us this time again. now, do you know the man who made himself the generals right arm, and carried into effect the odious treachery of which we were so nearly the victims? "this man," he said, pointing with his finger with an expression of crushing contempt, "is the villain who, since our departure from guaymas, has attached himself to us, and never left us. he pretended to love and defend us, that he might surprise our secrets, and sell them to our enemies. it is the wretch whom we treated as a brother--to whom we offered the most delicate and enduring attention. it is the man, lastly, who assumes the title of colonel, and name of francisco florés, and who lied in doing so; for he is a nameless half-breed, surnamed el garrucholo, ex-lieutenant of el buitre, that ferocious brigand who commands a _cuadrilla_ of salteadores that has desolated upper mexico for several years. look at him! now that he is detected, he trembles--villain that he is; for he knows that the supreme hour of justice has rung for him." in fact, at this terrible revelation, thus made in the presence of all, the bandit's boldness suddenly gave way, and an expression of hideous terror contracted his features. "see," the count continued, "the men whom our enemies are not ashamed to employ against us; and yet they treat us as pirates! well, we accept this brand, brothers; and these bandits who have fallen into our hands shall be judged according to the summary law of pirates." the adventurers warmly applauded their chief's address. besides, all recognised the truth and logic of his remarks. in the critical situation in which they found themselves they could forgive nothing: clemency would have been culpable weakness. they could only regain their position by boldness and energy, by terrifying their foes, and compelling them to treat with them. the count sat down again. "don cornelio," he said, "read to the accused the charges brought against him." the spaniard rose, and began a long charge against the colonel, supported by numerous letters written by don francisco, or received by him from various persons, principally general guerrero, which clearly and indubitably proved the colonel's guilt. don cornelio finished by describing the interview on the previous day between don francisco, el buitre, and the apache chief. the adventurers listened to this long enumeration of crimes and felonies in the most profound silence. when don cornelio had ended the count addressed the colonel. "do you recognise the truth of the charge brought against you?" the bandit raised his head: his mind was made up, and he shrugged his shoulders contemptuously. "of what use to deny?" he said. "it is all true." "then you confess that you have betrayed us since the first moment we met?" "_canarios!_" he said, with a mocking smile, "you are mistaken, señor conde. i betrayed you even before i knew you." at this cynical declaration no one present could repress a start of horror. "does what i say astonish you?" the bandit continued boldly. "why so? i consider my conduct perfectly natural. what are you to us mexicans but strangers? you are leeches, who come to our country to suck the brightest of our blood; that is to say, to gorge yourselves with our riches, deride our ignorance, turn into ridicule our manners and customs, and impose on us your tastes, and what you call your western civilisation. by what right do you seize on all that is dear to us? you are only ferocious beasts, to destroy whom all measures are justifiable. if we are not the stronger in the sunshine, well, we have the night. loyalty and frankness would ruin us, so we employ falsehood and treachery. what next? who is wrong--who is right? who will dare to be judge between us? no one. i have fallen into your hands: you are going to kill me. very good. i shall be assassinated, but not condemned by you, for you have no authority by which to try me. what more do you want? act as you think proper: it does not trouble me. he who sows the wind reaps the whirlwind. i have sown trickery--i have reaped treason. it is but just. i am about to die. well, you have no right to inflict on me this death which i have deserved. your verdict will be a murder, i repeat." after pronouncing these words he folded his arms on his chest, and boldly surveyed his auditors. in spite of themselves the adventurers felt moved by a species of admiration for the savage resolution of this man, with his feline and crafty manner, who had suddenly revealed himself in so different a light from that in which they had hitherto known him. in speaking with such brutal frankness the bandit had, as it were, raised himself in the eyes of all. his roguery appeared less vile; he inspired a sort of sympathy in these brave men, for whom courage and virtue are the first two virtues. "then you do not even try to defend yourself?" don louis said sorrowfully. "defend myself," he said in amazement, "for having acted as i thought it my duty to do, and as i should act again if you were such fools as to pardon me! come, caballeros, that is not common sense. besides, if i defended myself, i should to a certain extent recognise the competency of your tribunal, and i absolutely deny it; so, believe me, you had better finish with me--the sooner the better, both for you and me." the count rose, took off his hat, and, addressing the adventurers, said in a solemn voice,-- "friends and comrades, on your soul and conscience, is this man guilty?" "yes!" the adventurers answered in a hollow voice. "what punishment has this man merited?" the count continued. "death!" the adventurers replied simultaneously. the count then turned to the colonel. "don francisco florés, otherwise called el garrucholo, you are condemned to the penalty of death." "thanks!" he said, with a graceful bow. "but," the count continued, "as you are convicted of treason, and must suffer the death of traitors--that is, be shot in the back--taking into consideration the uniform you wear, which is that of the mexican army, which we do not wish to disgrace in your person, you will be first degraded: the judgment will be executed immediately after." the bandit shrugged his shoulders. "what do i care?" he said. at a sign from the count a non-commissioned officer stepped from the ranks, and the degradation commenced. el garrucholo endured this frightful humiliation without turning pale: the bandit had in him completely gained the mastery over the caballero, and, as he said, he cared little about being degraded--that is to say, dishonoured---because honour to him was as nothing. when the subaltern had returned to the ranks the count again addressed the condemned man. "you have five minutes to commend your soul to god," he said to him. "may he be merciful to you! you have nothing more to expect in this world from men." the bandit burst into a hoarse laugh. "you are all fools!" he shouted. "what have i in common with god, if really he exist? i had better recommend myself to the demon, into whose clutches i shall fall, if what the monks say is true." at this frightful blasphemy the adventurers gave a start of terror; but el garrucholo did not seem to notice it. "i have," he continued, "only one favour more to ask of you." "speak!" the count replied, suppressing a gesture of disgust. "i wear round my neck, hanging by a steel chain, a little velvet bag, containing a blessed relic, which my mother gave me, telling me it would bring me good fortune. since my birth this scapulary has never left me. i desire it to be buried with me. perhaps it will be of use to me down there where i am bound." "what you desire shall be done," the count answered. "thanks!" he said with evident satisfaction. strange anomaly of the mexican character! this people is credulous and superstitious, without faith and without belief--a childish people, too long enslaved, and too quickly liberated, which has not had the time either to forget or to learn. "the picket!" the count commanded. eight men, commanded by a corporal, stepped from the ranks. the bandit knelt, with his back turned to the executioners. "present--fire!" el garrucholo fell, shot in the back, not uttering a sigh: he was stark dead. his body was covered with a zarapé. "now," the count said coldly, "for the rest." the nine prisoners were brought up to the table: they were trembling, for the summary justice of the adventurers filled them with terror. a great noise was at this moment heard a short distance off, mingled with shouts and imprecations; and suddenly two females, mounted on magnificent horses, galloped into the middle of the square, when they stopped. they were doña angela and her waiting maid, violanta. doña angela's hair was dishevelled; her features were animated, probably by the speed at which she had come; and her eyes flashed flames. she remained for a moment motionless amid the crowd surprised at her sudden appearance. but, seeming suddenly to form a supreme resolution, she raised her head haughtily, and addressed the attentive adventurers, who were struck with admiration at so much boldness united to such beauty. "listen!" she said in a piercing voice. "i, doña angela, daughter of the governor of sonora, have come here to protest boldly, in the sight of all, against the treachery of which my father makes you the victims. don louis, chief of the french pirates, i love you! will you accept me as your wife?" a thunder of applause greeted these strange words, which were uttered with extraordinary animation. don louis slowly drew nearer the maiden, as if fascinated and attracted by her glance. "come," he said to her, "come, as you do not fear to ally yourself to misfortune." the girl uttered a scream of joy that resembled a yell; and abandoning her reins, she bounded like a panther, and fell into the arms of the count, who pressed her frenziedly against his manly breast. then, after a moment, still holding her in his embrace, he proudly raised his head, and looked commandingly around. "this lady is the wife of the chief of the pirates, my brothers. love her as a sister: she will be our palladium--our guardian angel." the intoxication of the adventurers cannot be described: it was madness. this strange scene appeared to them a dream. the count then turned to the prisoners, who awaited their sentence in tremor. "begone!" he said to them. "go and narrate what you have seen. doña angela pardons you." the prisoners left the square, uttering benedictions innumerable. the poor fellows, after all that had passed in their presence, regarded themselves as dead men. valentine drew near the maiden. "you are an angel," he said to her in a low voice. "will you persevere?" "i am his to the tomb," she answered with a feverish energy. chapter vii. guetzalli. were we writing a romance there are many details we would leave in the shade, many facts we should pass over in silence. unfortunately we are only historians, and, as such, compelled to the most scrupulous exactitude. in the first episode of this history we related how the count de lhorailles, at the head of frenchmen, selected from the colony of guetzalli, which he had founded, let himself be led in pursuit of the apache indians into the great del norte desert; and how, after wandering about with his party in the midst of this ocean of shifting sand, and seeing his bravest comrades fall around him, he had blown out his brains, while, in a few hours after his death, the few frenchmen who survived this great disaster succeeded in emerging from the desert and regaining the road to the colony. the frenchmen left at guetzalli beheld the arrival of the relics of the expedition with stupor, and the news of the count de lhorailles' death completed their demoralisation. abandoned without chiefs, so far from their country, in the midst of an enemy's territory, exposed at any moment to the attacks of the apaches, they gave way to despair, and seriously revolved the question of leaving the colony and returning to the seacoast. the count de lhorailles, who founded the settlement, was, in fact, the soul of it. he dead, his companions felt in themselves neither the necessary energy nor strength to continue his work--a work which, indeed, they knew but imperfectly, for the count had no confidants among the men who had joined him. jealous of his power, and naturally of a reserved temper, he had never confided to anyone his plans or his projects. the frenchmen who had followed him--for the most part greedy adventurers, devoured by that inextinguishable thirst for gold which had made them give up everything to go to america--had been cruelly deceived in their hopes, when, on disembarking in mexico, that classic land of riches, the count, instead of leading them to gold or silver mines, which they would have worked and filled their pockets abundantly, took them to the mexican frontier, and forced them to, till the soil. thus, when the first moment of stupor had passed, each colonist, acting under the impression of his own will, began his preparations for departure, in his heart well pleased at seeing an exile thus terminated which was beset by dangers, while offering none of the advantages of the situation. it was all over with the colony; but fortunately, wherever a number of frenchmen are assembled, when the indispensable man disappears, another immediately arises, who, impelled by the circumstances, reveals himself suddenly to the great amazement of his comrades, and frequently of himself. among the colonists at guetzalli was a young man scarce thirty years of age, but gifted with an ardent imagination and a far from common intellect. this young man, whose name was charles de laville, had left europe, impelled rather by a certain restlessness of character and secret curiosity than by a desire to acquire the boasted riches of san francisco. in that city, to which he proceeded with his brother, an older and more earnest man than himself, chance had made him acquainted with the count de lhorailles. the count exercised, perhaps unconsciously, an irresistible influence even over those who knew him superficially. when ho organised his expedition he had no difficulty in taking with him charles de laville, who followed him in spite of his brother's wise recommendations. the count, who was a connoisseur in his fellow-men, appreciated at its full value the honourable and disinterested character of charles de laville. thus he was the only one of all his companions with whom he at times spoke almost freely, and imparted to him some of his plans. he knew that the young man would never turn this confidence against him, but that, on the contrary, under all circumstances, he would aid him to the utmost of his power. when the count was on the point of starting on that disastrous expedition from which he was fated never to return--an expedition which de laville obstinately opposed--it was to the latter gentleman that he intrusted the government and management of the colony during his absence, persuaded that in his hands the affairs of guetzalli could not but prosper. de laville accepted the confidential situation against his will. it was a heavy burden for him, so young and inexperienced, to maintain an active surveillance over men to whom any restraint, however slight, was insupportable, and who only obeyed with a secret murmur the will of the count, for whom they experienced a respect mingled with fear. still, against his expectations, and perhaps his hopes, charles de laville succeeded, in a very short time, not only in securing the unmurmuring obedience of his countrymen, but also in gaining their love. it was owing to this influence which he contrived to gain over the colonists that, when the remnants of the expedition arrived at guetzalli, he succeeded in restoring some degree of order in the colony, arousing the courage of his comrades, and taking the proper defensive measures in the probable event of an apache attack. he gave the first outburst of grief time to calm; he waited the subsidence of the exaggerated anger of one party, and the equally exaggerated fears of another; and when he perceived that, excepting the profound discouragement that had seized on all, and made them desire a speedy retreat, their minds were beginning to regain their ordinary lucidity, he summoned the colonists to a general meeting. the latter eagerly obeyed, and assembled in the large courtyard in front of the main building. when de laville was assured that all the colonists were assembled, and anxiously awaiting the communication he had to make to them, he claimed a few moments' attention and took the word. "gentlemen," he said, with that facility of speech he possessed in an eminent degree, "i am the youngest, and certainly the most inexperienced of all present; hence it would not become me to speak at this moment, when such grave interests, and of such great importance, occupy us. still, perhaps, the confidence the count de lhorailles was kind enough to place in me will authorise me in taking the present step of addressing you." "speak, speak--you are worthy of that confidence!" the colonists shouted tumultuously. thus encouraged, the young man smiled pleasantly and continued:-- "it is true that a great disaster has fallen on us: many of our companions have perished miserably in the great del norte desert. the count who brought us here, our chief, is dead too. i repeat it, it is an immense loss for us generally, and for the welfare of the colony. but is the misfortune, though so terrible, irreparable? ought we, through this death, to lose all our courage, and abandon a task which is scarce commenced? i do not think so, nor do you." at these words a few slight murmurs were heard. the young man looked calmly around his audience, and silence was re-established as if by enchantment. "no," he continued forcibly, "you do not think so yourselves. you are undergoing at this moment the influence of the catastrophe that has overwhelmed us: discouragement has seized upon you. it must be so; but you will soon reflect on the consequences of the act you are meditating, and the chance that will result from it for yourselves. what! two hundred frenchmen--that is to say, the bravest men in existence--would fly through fear of the lances and arrows of those apaches whom it is their mission to hold in check? what would the mexicans think, in whose opinion you have stood so high up to the present day? what would your brethren in california say? in the sight of all you would have lost honour and reputation; for you would have betrayed your duties, and not forced that name and title of frenchmen, of which you are so proud, to be respected in these savage countries." at these rude words, uttered with that accent which comes from the heart, so suited to move the masses, the colonists began, in spite of themselves to regard the question under a different light, and feel inwardly ashamed of the flight they meditated. still they were not yet convinced, the more so as the position remained the same; that is to say, excessively critical. thus the shouts, murmurs, and objections crossed each other with extreme rapidity, each wishing to offer his advice, and have his opinion accepted, as generally happens in popular meetings. one of the colonists succeeded with great difficulty in gaining the word, and addressed the young man. "there is truth in what you say to us, m. charles: still we cannot remain in our present situation--a situation which becomes daily more aggravated, and threatens soon to grow insupportable. what is the remedy for the evil?" "the remedy is easy to find," the young man answered quickly. "is it my place to point it out to you?" "yes, yes!" all exclaimed. "well, then, i consent. listen to me." there was immediately profound silence. "we are two hundred strong--resolute and intelligent men. can we not find among us, then, a chief worthy of commanding us? we have lost the man who has hitherto guided us; but must we say that, since he is dead, no one can take his place? that supposition would be absurd. the count de lhorailles was not immortal. we must have expected to lose him sooner or later, and unfortunately that foreseen catastrophe has occurred ere it was expected. is that a reason to let ourselves be demoralised and downcast? no; let us raise our heads again, regain our courage, and elect as our chief the man who offers us the best guarantees of intelligence and loyalty. such a man may be easily found among you. come, comrades, let us have no delay, but vote on the spot. when our chief is nominated and recognised by all, we shall no longer fear perils or sufferings, for we shall have a head to guide us, and an arm to support us." these words raised the joy and enthusiasm of the colonists to the highest pitch. they broke up into groups of three or four, and agitated the question eagerly of the chief they should select. during this period, de laville, apparently indifferent to what was passing, re-entered the house, leaving his companions full and entire liberty to act as they pleased. we will observe that the advice given by the young man was disinterested on his part: he had no intention of taking upon himself the heavy responsibility of a command which he did not at all desire. his object in urging the frenchmen to elect a chief had been to prevent the ruin of the colony, which had been founded scarce a year, which, owing to their combined efforts and toil, was beginning to give good results, and which, if the colonists did not disperse, would soon enter on a career of prosperity, and repay them a hundredfold for their troubles and fatigue. the discussion among the colonists was lengthy: in all the groups orators were speaking warmly; in short, there seemed no chance of an agreement. still, by degrees, the effervescence calmed down; the parties drew nearer; and under the influence of a few men more intelligent or better disposed than the rest, the discussion went on more regularly and seriously. at length, after many disputes, the colonists were unanimous, and selected one among them to tell charles de laville the result of their deliberations. the man selected entered the house, while the colonists arranged themselves with some degree of order before the gate. charles, as we have said, did not trouble himself at all about what was going on outside. the death of the count, to whom, in spite of the latter's eccentric character, he was really attached, had not only saddened him, but broken the last ties that attached him to this forgotten nook of earth, where he believed that there was nothing left for him to do. he therefore only awaited the election of the new chief to bid good-by to the members of the company, and then separate from them. when the man delegated by the colonists entered the room where he was, he raised his head, and looked earnestly at him. "well," he asked him, "have we a new chief at last?" "yes," the other answered laconically. "who is he?" the young man asked with some curiosity. "our comrades will tell you, m. charles," he replied. "they have authorised me to ask you to have the kindness to be present at the election, and thus sanction it." "that is only right," he said with a smile. "i forgot that, up to the present, i have been your chief, and that i must hand over to the leader you have selected the power the count delegated to me. i follow you." the other bowed without a word, and both left the house. when they appeared in the gateway, the colonists, hitherto silent, uttered a formidable shout, while waving their hats and handkerchiefs in signs of joy. the young man turned quite surprised to his companion, but the latter merely smiled. after this explosion of shouts of welcome, silence was at once restored. then the delegate removed his hat, and after bowing respectfully to the young man, who was all confused, and hardly knew which way to look, said in a loud and perfectly distinct voice,-- "charles de laville, we, the colonists of guetzalli, after assembling, in accordance with your advice, to proceed to the election of a new chief, have recognised that you alone combine all the conditions necessary worthily to fill that post to which the confidence of the chief we have lost called you. in consequence, wishing to honour in you the memory of our deceased chief, at the same time as we desire to prove to you our gratitude for the way in which you have governed us since you have been at our head, we unanimously appoint you captain of guetzalli, persuaded that you will continue to command us with as much nobility, intelligence, and justice as you have hitherto displayed." then, taking from one of the colonists the charter which united all the members of the colony, and which the count had made them all sign when he enlisted them, he unfolded it. "captain," he said, "this charter-party, read in a loud voice by me, will be immediately sworn to by all. will you swear on your side to protect us, to defend us, and give us good and loyal justice toward and against all?" the young man took off his hat, extended his arm toward the crowd, and said in a firm voice,-- "i swear it." "long live the captain!" the colonists shouted enthusiastically. "the charter--the charter!" the reading commenced. after each article the colonists answered in one voice,-- "i swear it." there was something imposing in the aspect of this scene. these men, with their energetic features and bronzed faces, thus assembled in the heart of the desert, surrounded by the grand scenery, swearing in the face of heaven unbounded devotion and obedience, bore a striking likeness to the famous filibusters of the sixteenth century preparing to attempt one of their bold expeditions, and swearing on the charter in the hands of montbars the exterminator, or any other renowned chief of tortoise island. when the reading was completed a fresh outbreak of shouts closed this simple ceremony of the election of a chief of adventurers in the deserts of the new world. this time--accidentally, perchance--the choice of all had fallen on the most worthy. charles de laville was really the only man capable of repairing the disasters of the late expedition, and leading the colony back to that prosperous path on which it was progressing previously to the death of lhorailles. chapter viii. the envoy. the election over, all, in appearance, returned to the old routine, or at least seemed to re-assume its normal condition. still it was not so. the count de lhorailles, in dying, had borne with him the hopes of the adventurers, whom he had only kept together through his resolute and enterprising character. with his fall, matters began to change, and difficulties spring up. the mexican authorities, in whom the indomitable will of the count had alone inspired an apparent kindness toward the colonists, whom they had never liked to see establish themselves on the territory of the republic, no longer apprehending the vengeance of the man they had learned to fear while learning to know him, very gently and craftily inaugurated a system of minor annoyances, which was already beginning to render the position of the french difficult, and would soon cause it to be intolerable, unless the latter employed an energetic remedy for this state of things, which grew hourly worse. on the other hand, though the colony was so remote from the seaboard, rumours of what was going on in the rest of the world reached it at intervals. emigrants in troops passed through guetzalli: all were proceeding to california, for that was the promised land at the moment. all these emigrants--gambusinos, or mexican adventurers--only dreamed of inexhaustible placers and mines of immense wealth. the gold fever--that horrible malady which the english so well stigmatised by energetically calling it the "metallic gold fever"--was at its height. from all corners of the world, europeans, asiatics, africans, americans, polynesians, adventurers of every description, settled like swarms of ill-omened locusts on this country, which was destined to prove fatal to them, and swallow them up after unheard-of sufferings. in this impious crusade of the vilest appetites the watchword was "gold--gold!" these men, who abandoned country, family, everything, in a word, had only one desire--to amass gold. it was a hideous sight. and these bands succeeded each other at the colony, with their eyes obstinately fixed on the horizon, and only replying two words to the questions asked them: "california--placers." in order to conquer this metal king all means would be good to them: nothing would check them. they were ready for anything--to commit the most odious crimes, the most infamous treachery, the most ignoble acts of cowardice. unfortunately for the colonists, the adventurers who passed near their abode all belonged to the most ignorant, corrupted, and ferocious classes of mexico. in spite of themselves, the frenchmen, whose object had been, at the outset, to work the mines, felt the desire aroused in them to return to the eldorado they had left, and demand their share of the spoil. a man, however strong he may be, cannot with impunity hear the word "gold" constantly buzzing in his ears. in the strange connection of these four letters there is an immense attractive power, which sharpens up avarice, and arouses all the evil instincts. the colonists of guetzalli were honest and frank adventurers. the majority had quitted europe with the desire of enriching themselves rapidly in that mysterious country about which they heard such marvels. subdued by the ascendency the count had managed to acquire over them, they had tacitly accepted the position made for them, and, by the aid of habit, had gradually come, not to forget their past desires, but to consider them as mocking chimeras and unrealisable dreams. the events which afterwards happened in the colony, and the golden halo suddenly spread abroad by california, gave a body to these dreams, and enkindled their covetousness to the highest pitch. charles de laville followed with a shudder the progress of this moral disorganisation of the colony. he understood in his heart that the enemy he must conquer, in order to become once more master of his companions, was that old adventurous leaven which still fomented in their hearts, and caused them to hate the calm and peaceful life they led, instead of that agitated existence, with its strange interludes, to which they secretly aspired, perhaps without suspecting it themselves. for it is a singular anomaly in the human heart that these men, who wished for gold at any price, who coveted it with unequalled frenzy, and who, to possess it, braved the most terrible perils, and suffered the most horrible misery, did not care for it when they possessed it, but regarded it with disdain, and threw it uncounted on the tables of the gambling houses, or of places still more infamous. it might be said that the gold so painfully amassed burned their fingers, and they were anxious to get rid of it. and that was true, especially in the case of the french. gold with them had no value except in proportion to the difficulties they met with in acquiring it. true adventurers in the fullest sense of the term, what they loved was not the gold for itself, but the struggles it cost them, and the energy and courage they must expend in its research. charles was thoroughly acquainted with the character of the men he commanded he knew that, in order to keep them with him, it would be sufficient to supply an outlet for this superabundance of sap, this vivacity of imagination, which filled the hearts and heads of these extraordinary men. but how to obtain this result? what means should he employ? charles racked his brains in vain: the spark did not strike--there was no light he could throw on the matter. about this time two frenchmen, who had formed part of the count's last expedition, and who were believed long ago dead, reappeared at guetzalli. great was the amazement of all on seeing them, although so haggard, half naked, and scarce able to stand; but still greater grew that amazement when, two days after their return, on finding themselves slightly recovered, owing to the kind attentions shown them, and able to speak, they commenced the incredible narrative of their adventures. what had happened to them may be told in fewer words than the men employed. the frightful hurricane that assailed the count's band had surprised them some distance from the spot where their companions had taken refuge, and rendered it impossible to rejoin them. they sheltered themselves as well as they could during the tempest; but when it was over, they perceived, to their horror, that every trace, every footmark, had disappeared. before them, behind them, and around them extended the desert, gloomy, naked, and desolate. as far as their eye could reach they perceived on all sides sand---sand everywhere and always. then they believed themselves lost; despair took possession of them; and they fell back on the ground, resolved to await death, which would doubtless soon arrive to put an end to their misery. they remained thus side by side, with drooping heads and lacklustre eyes, in that state of complete apathy which seizes on the strongest men after great catastrophes, suspends in them the inward feeling of self, and interrupts their thoughts. how long did they remain in this condition? they were unable to tell. they no longer lived, they no longer felt--they vegetated. they were suddenly aroused from this extraordinary listlessness by the appearance of a band of apache indians, who galloped round them, uttering ferocious yells, and brandishing their long lances with an air of defiance and menace. the indians seized them, as they were incapable of offering the slightest resistance, and led them to one of their villages, where they kept them in a state of the most disgraceful and humiliating slavery. but the energy of the two adventurers, for an instant crushed, soon gained the mastery again over their hearts. with extreme patience, skill, and dissimulation they made the preparations for their flight. we will not enter into any details as to the manner in which they succeeded in escaping from the watchfulness of their guardians, and managed at length to reach the colony by a roundabout road, crushed with fatigue, and half dead with hunger, but arrive at once at the most important point in their narrative. these men declared to the colonists that the village to which the apaches led them was built within gunshot of a placer of incalculable value--that this placer was extremely easy to work, as the gold was on the surface. as a proof of their veracity they showed several nuggets of the finest gold, which they had managed to secure, and pledged themselves to lead to this placer, which was not more than ten days' journey from the colony, any of the adventurers who would consent to take them as guides, assuring them that they would be amply rewarded for their toil and fatigue by the rich harvest they would obtain. this recital greatly interested the colonists. charles de laville, in particular, lent a lively attention to it. he made the men repeat their story several times, and they did not once vary from their original statement. the captain had at length found the means he had been vainly searching so long. now he was certain not only that his comrades would not abandon him, but that they would obey him blindly in all that he thought proper to order them. the same day he informed the colonists that he was preparing an expedition to go in search of the placer, dislodge the indians, and work it for the profit of all the paction. the news was received with transports of joy, and de laville immediately began carrying out his plan. although the number of colonists had greatly diminished (for frequent desertions had taken place), still guetzalli counted nearly two hundred colonists. it was of the utmost importance to the gold-seekers to keep up the colony, as the only place whence they could obtain provisions when at the mine; for, as we have said, guetzalli, as the advanced post of civilisation, had been founded on the extreme limit of the desert. this position, chosen originally in order to oppose the indians more effectually, and stop their periodical incursions upon the mexican territory, became precious in the present instance, through the facility it afforded the adventurers for supplying themselves with all they needed without having recourse to strangers; and this enabled them also to keep the discovery of the placer secret, at any rate long enough, owing to the distance of the _pueblos_ from the frontier, to render it impossible for the mexican government to interpose and demand the lion's share, according to its usual custom. the captain did not wish to strip the colony thoroughly, for he must leave it in a respectable position, and safe from a sudden attack on the part of the apaches and comanches, those implacable foes of the white men, ever on the watch, and ready to profit by their slightest oversight. de laville therefore decided that the expedition should be composed of eighty well-mounted and well-armed men, and that the others should remain behind to protect the colony. still, to avoid any dissension or jealousy among his comrades, the captain declared that lots should decide who were to go in search of the placer. this expedient, which rendered everybody equal, was warmly approved, and they proceeded to draw lots. the process was extremely simple: the name of each adventurer was written on a roll of paper and thrown into a vessel, whence a boy drew them one by one. of course the eighty names that came out first would be the members of the expedition. thus, as the arrangement was most simple, and at the same time perfectly fair, no one had a right to complain. all was done as was agreed. chance, as so frequently happens, favoured the captain by selecting the most energetic and enterprising men. then all eagerly prepared for the departure; that is to say, they collected provisions of every description, got together mules, and made the tools required for working the mine. still, in spite of all the activity displayed by the captain, nearly a month elapsed ere all was in readiness. the frightful catastrophe to which the count de lhorailles had fallen a victim in the great del norte desert, which the adventurers would have to cross in going to the placer, was a serious warning to de laville to act with the utmost prudence, and leave nothing to chance. hence, without listening in the slightest degree to the impatient insinuations of his comrades, who urged him to press on the departure of the expedition, he watched with the most scrupulous attention the construction of the carts intended to convey the provisions, and allowed no detail, however trifling, to escape his careful eye; for he knew that the loss of an hour in the desert, produced by the breaking of a screw, a tire, or a trace, might cause the death of the men placed under his orders. at last all was ready, and the day for starting settled. within forty-eight hours the expedition would leave guetzalli, when, at about five in the evening, just as the captain, after giving a final glance at the wagons already loaded and arranged in the courtyard, was about to re-enter his house, the sentry on the isthmus announced the arrival of a stranger. as soon as the captain felt assured that it was a white man, and that he wore the uniform of a mexican field officer, he ordered his admission to the colony. the barrier was at once raised, and the colonel (for he wore the insignia of that rank) entered guetzalli, followed by two lanceros, who served as his escort, and a mule bearing his baggage. the captain advanced to meet him. the colonel dismounted, threw the reins to a lancero, and bowed politely to the captain, who returned the salute with equal courtesy. "with whom have i the honour of speaking?" he asked the stranger. "i am," the latter answered, "colonel vicente suarez, aide-de-camp to general don sebastian guerrero, governor-general of the province of sonora." "i am delighted, señor don vicente, at the chance afforded me of making jour acquaintance. you must be fatigued with the long journey you have had to this place, so i trust you will not refuse to accept some modest refreshment." "i accept most gladly, caballero," the colonel answered with a bow; "the more so because i have ridden so fast that i have scarce rested a minute since leaving pitic." "ah! you come from pitic?" "as the bird flies. i have been only four days covering the ground." "hum! you must be terribly fatigued in that case, for it is a long distance, and, as you did me the honour to inform me, you have travelled very rapidly. be kind enough to follow me." the colonel bowed in reply, and the captain introduced him into a room where refreshments of every description had been prepared. "sit down, don vicente," the captain said as he drew forward a chair. the colonel fell back into the butaca offered him with a sigh of satisfaction, whose meaning only those who have ridden thirty leagues at a stretch can understand. for some minutes the conversation between the captain and his guest was interrupted, for the colonel ate and drank with an avidity which, judging from the well-known sobriety of the mexicans, proved that he had fasted a long time. de laville examined him thoughtfully, asking himself mentally what reason was so important as to induce don guerrero to send a colonel to guetzalli, and spite of himself he felt a vague uneasiness weighing on his heart. at length don vicente drank a glass of water, wiped his mouth, and turned to the captain. "a thousand pardons," he said, "for having behaved so unceremoniously to you; but now i will confess to you that i was almost dead of inanition, having eaten nothing since eight o'clock last evening." the captain bowed. "you do not, of course, intend to return this evening?" he asked him. "pardon me, caballero, if it be possible, i shall start again in an hour." "so soon?" "the general ordered me to make the greatest speed." "but your horses are half dead." "i count on your kindness to supply me with fresh ones." horses were plentiful at the colony: there were more than the colonists could use, and hence de laville would have found no difficulty in granting the colonel's request. still his guest's manner seemed so little natural, and he fancied he detected something so mysterious about him, that he felt his alarm increased, and said,-- "i do not know, colonel, whether, in spite of my lively desire to be agreeable to you, it will be possible for me to fulfil your request; for horses are extremely scarce here at this moment." the colonel made a sign of annoyance. "_caramba!_" he said, "that would vex me greatly." at this moment a peon discreetly opened the door, and handed the captain a paper, on which a few words were written in pencil. the young man, after apologising, opened the paper and quickly read it. "oh!" he suddenly exclaimed, as he crumpled the paper in his hands with considerable agitation, "he here! what can be the matter?" "eh?" the colonel said curiously, who had not understood the meaning of this sentence spoken in french. "nothing," the other answered; "a mere personal matter." then turning to the peon, he said, "i am coming." the peon bowed and left the room. "colonel," de laville continued, addressing his guest, "permit me to leave you for an instant." and without waiting for a reply he left the room hurriedly, closing the door carefully after him. this brusque departure totally discountenanced the colonel. "oh!" he muttered, repeating in spanish, though unconsciously, what the captain had said in french. "what can be the matter?" as he was a true mexican, fond of knowing everything, and, above all, of discovering anything people wished to keep secret from him, he rose gently, walked to the window, pulled the mosquito curtain aside, and looked out curiously into the yard. but it was labour in vain: the courtyard was deserted. he then returned on tiptoe to his seat, and began carelessly rolling a papelito, while muttering half aloud,-- "patience! the man who knows how to wait always gains his end. i shall obtain the clue to this mystery sooner or later." this aside having doubtlessly consoled him for the disappointment he had experienced, he philosophically lit his cigarette, and soon disappeared in the midst of a dense cloud of smoke which issued from his mouth and nostrils simultaneously. we will leave the worthy colonel enjoying this amusement at his ease, and follow de laville, in order to explain to the reader the meaning of the exclamation that escaped from him on reading the paper which the peon so unexpectedly handed to him. chapter ix. doÑa angela. before relating, however, what took place at guetzalli between de laville and the colonel, we must return to the adventurers' encampment. louis, still holding the maiden pressed to his breast, carried her to the interior of the hut of branches which his comrades had built for him at the entrance of the church. on arriving there he laid her in a chair, and seated himself on a stool. there was a long silence, during which both reflected deeply. a strange phenomenon took place in louis' heart. in spite of himself he felt hope returning to his soul: he inhaled life through every pore--a desire to live came back to him. he thought of the future--that future he had wished to destroy in himself, by choosing as his mode of suicide the mad and rash expedition at the head of which he had placed himself. the heart of man is made up of strange contrasts. the count had wrapped himself up in his grief; he had, as it were, settled it in his mind, living with it and through it, making it in his own eyes an excuse for justifying the line of conduct he had traced for himself, or rather which his foster brother had made him adopt, only desiring and accepting the bitterness of life, and disdainfully rejecting the joy and happiness it contains. now, though unable to account for the extraordinary revolution that had taken place in him, he instinctively felt that grief he had so nurtured and petted growing: less, and ready to disappear, to make room for a gentle and dreamy melancholy, which, before he thought of wrestling with it and tearing it from his heart, had put forth such powerful roots that he felt it had seized on his whole being. this new feeling was love. all passions are in the extreme, and, above all, illogical. were they not so, they would no longer be passions. don louis loved doña angela. he loved her with the love of a man who has reached the confines which separate youth from age; that is, furiously and frenziedly. he loved her and hated her at the same time; for he was angry with this new love, which caused him to forget the old, and revealed to him that the heart of man may at times slumber, but never die. the empire the maiden held over him was the stronger and more powerful, because physically and morally she afforded the most striking contrast to doña rosaria, the gentle creature with angel's wings, the count's first love. doña angela's majestic and severe beauty, her impetuous and ardent character--all in her had seduced and subjugated the count. hence he was angry at the power he had unconsciously allowed her to gain over his will, and blamed as a weakness unworthy of his character the reaction which this love had effected in his heart, by obliging him to recognise that it was still possible for him to be happy. louis was far from forming an exception in the great human family. all men are alike. when they have arranged their existence under the influence of any feeling, either of joy or grief, they take pleasure in the continual development of that feeling, convert it into a portion of their being, and intrench themselves behind it as in an impregnable fortress; and when, by some sudden blow, the edifice they have taken such pains to construct falls in ruins, they feel angry with themselves for not having known how to defend it, and, as a natural consequence, blame the innocent cause of this great overthrow. while reflecting, the count had let his head sink on his breast, isolating himself in his thoughts, and plunging deeper and deeper into his sombre reverie, following instinctively the incline on which his mind was at the moment gliding. he raised his eyes, and fixed on doña angela a glance in which all the feelings that agitated him were reflected. the maiden was lying back, with her face buried in her hands: the tears were slowly dropping between her fingers, and resembled a dew of pearls. she was weeping gently and noiselessly: her breast heaved convulsively, and she seemed a prey to intense grief. the count turned pale. he rose hurriedly, and walked toward her. at this sudden movement doña angela let her hands sink, and regarded don louis with such a gentle expression of resigned grief and true love, that the count felt a thrill of happiness flush through his body. exhausted, overcome, he fell on his knees, murmuring in a panting and broken voice,-- "oh! i love you--i love you!" the maiden half rose from her seat, bent over him, and regarded him for a long time pensively. suddenly she fell into his arms, laid her head on his shoulder, and began sobbing. the count, alarmed by this grief, the cause of which it was impossible for him to discover, gently put her back on her chair, sat down by her side, and took her hand, which he held between his own. "why these tears?" he asked her tenderly. "whence comes this grief that oppresses you?" "no, i am not weeping. look!" she replied, trying to smile through her tears. "child, you conceal something from me--you have a secret!" "a secret! that of my love. did i not tell you that i love you, louis?" "alas! and i, too, love you," he replied sorrowfully. "and yet i cannot think of that love without alarm." "why so if you love me?" "if i love you, child! for you and your love i would sacrifice everything." "well?" she said. "alas, child! i am an accursed man. my love is deadly, and i tremble." "what greater joy than to die for the man i love?" "i am proscribed--a pirate, an outlaw." she drew herself up proudly and haughtily, with frowning brow, dilated nostrils, and flashing eye. "you are truly noble, don louis!" she almost shrieked in her excitement. "you have dreamed of the regeneration of an enslaved people. what do i care for the names given you, my friend? the day will come when brilliant justice will be done you." then growing gradually calmer, she smiled tenderly. "you are proscribed, my poor darling," she said gently; "and is it not woman's mission in this world to support and console? the struggle you are about to undertake will be terrible. your project is almost a madman's for grandeur and boldness: perhaps you will succumb in this struggle. you need, not a counsellor or a brother, but a woman friend whose soul understands yours; from whose heart your heart keeps no secrets; who consoles you, and cries 'courage!' when you allow despair to master you, and when, like a vanquished titan, you feel ready to retire. that faithful, devoted friend, ever watchful over you and for you, i will be, don louis--i who will never leave you, and who, if you fall, will fall by your side, struck by the same blow that crushed you." "thanks, child; but i am not worthy of such sublime devotion. think of the painful existence you create for yourself--think of the pleasant calm and peaceful life you leave behind you, to affiance yourself to grief, perchance to death." "what do i care for that? death will be welcome if it come by your side. i love you!" don louis hesitated. "think," he said presently, "of the immense grief of your father, whom you abandon--your father who loves you so dearly, and has only you----" she laid her hand quickly on his lips. "be silent--be silent!" she screamed in a heart-rending accent. "do not speak of my father. why do you say that to me? why augment my despair? i love you, don louis--i love you! henceforth you are everything to me--fortune, parents, friends--all, i tell you. from the day when i first saw you, powerful and terrible as the exterminating angel, my heart fled toward yours. something, a presentiment perhaps, revealed to me that our two destinies were for ever enchained to each other. when i saw you again my heart had divined you, but i remained in the shadow, for you did not need me; but now times are changed. you are betrayed, tracked, abandoned, by those whose interest it would have been to support you. the country you have come to deliver renounces you. my father, whose life you saved, has become your most implacable foe, because you spurned his offers, and would not serve his paltry and shameful ambition. well, i, intrenching myself in my heart as in a fortress, have in my turn renounced my country, abandoned my father, and, like a true daughter of the mexican volcanoes, feeling lava instead of blood coursing in my veins, bounding with indignation at the numberless acts of treachery which have begirt you on all sides--i have forgotten everything, even that modesty innate in maidens, and defying that world which i abhor and despise, because it rejects you, i have come to you to love you--to render sweeter the few days which are perhaps still left you to live; for i do not deceive myself as to the future any more than you do, don louis. and when the fatal hour arrives, when the hurricane bursts above your head, i shall be there to support you by my presence, to encourage you by my boundless love, and to die in your arms!" there is in the woman who really loves, and whom passion masters, so grand a magnetic attraction, a poesy so powerful, that the man with the greatest self-restraint feels, in spite of himself, a species of voluptuous dizziness, and suddenly finds his reason desert him, only to see that love he inspires, and of which he is proud. "but you wept, angela," the count said. "your tears are still flowing." "yes," she continued energetically, "i wept--i still weep. well, cannot you guess why, don louis? it is because i am a woman, after all; because i am weak, and, in spite of all my will and all my love, my rebellious nature is struggling with my heart; and because, in order to follow you, and give myself up to you, i despise all that a woman ought to remember under such circumstances, confined as she is by the miserable claims of a puny civilisation, a slave to stupid proprieties, and compelled constantly to hide her feelings in order to play an infamous comedy. that is why i wept--why i still weep. but what matter these tears, my well-beloved? there is as much joy as shame in them, and they prove to you the triumph you have gained over me." "angela," the count answered nobly, "i will deceive neither your love nor your confidence. your happiness will not depend on me." she gave him a glance of sublime abnegation. "nothing but your love!" she said gently. "i want nothing but that. what do i care for aught else?" "but i care that the woman who has given up all for me should not sink in public opinion, and be scandalised." "what will you do?" "give you my name, my child--the only property left me. at any rate, if you are the companion of a pirate," he said bitterly, "no one shall reproach you with being his mistress. in the eyes of the world, i swear it to you, you shall be his wedded wife." "oh!" she said, clasping her hands in mad delight. "good, brother!" valentine said as he entered the hut. "i will take on myself to have your union blessed by a simple-hearted priest, to whom the gospel is not a dead letter, and who understands christianity in all its gentle and touching grandeur." "thanks, don valentine." "call me brother, madam; for i am so to you, as i am his brother. you are a noble creature, and i thank you for the love you bear don louis. and now," he added, with a smile, "there will be a struggle between us: there are two of us to love him." the count, his eyes filled with tears, but not finding words to express all he felt, held out his hands to these two beings, who were so good and so devoted, with an emotion that came from the heart. "now," valentine said gaily, to change the conversation, "let us talk about business." "business!" "by jove!" the hunter said with a laugh, "it seems to me that, for the moment, what we have on hand is sufficiently important for us to trouble ourselves about it." "that is true," louis answered; "but can we, in the presence of this lady----" "that is true: i did not think of that. i am so little accustomed to society, i trust the lady will pardon me." "permit me, gentlemen," she said with a smile: "a woman is often a good counsellor, and under present circumstances i believe i can be of some use to you." "i do not doubt it," the hunter said politely; "but----" "but you do not believe a word of it," she laughingly interrupted, her petulant character gaining the upper hand again. "however, you shall judge for yourselves." "we are listening," the count said. "my father is at this moment making great preparations: his object is to crush you before you are prepared to undertake a campaign. all the indios mansos capable of bearing arms are called out, and an extraordinary levy of troops is ordered through the whole of sonora." "ah, indeed!" louis observed. "those are tremendous preparations." "that is not all. is there not somewhere near here a french colony?" "yes, there is," the count said, suddenly becoming serious; "the colony of guetzalli." "my father intends to send there, if he has not done so already, his aide-de-camp, colonel suarez." "for what purpose?" "i suppose to neutralise, by the brilliant promises made to the colonists, the assistance you might expect from them." louis became pensive. "we must make up our minds," valentine said sharply, "while the company is preparing, to open the campaign speedily. we must send some safe person to guetzalli. as the colonists are french it is impossible for them not to make common cause with us in a quarrel like that which compels us to take up arms, and which concerns them as much as ourselves." "you are right, brother. no more delay; but let us act vigorously. you will accompany me to guetzalli." "what do you mean?" "it is only two days' journey at the most from here. it is always best to manage one's own business; and besides, nobody can obtain from the colonists so much as i can." "how so?" "that is too long a story to tell you now. it is enough for you to know that, on a recent occasion, i rendered rather a great service to the colony, which i hope they have not yet had time to forget."[ ] "oh, oh! if that be the case, i no longer object. in truth, no one can have a better hope of succeeding in the negotiation than yourself. let us go, then; and may heaven aid us!" "let us go," louis answered. "well," doña angela said with a smile, "did i not say i should be a good counsellor?" "i never doubted it, madam," the hunter replied gallantly. "besides, it could not be otherwise, as my brother assured us that you would be our guardian angel." don louis, after handing the command over to the first lieutenant, and recommending the greatest activity and vigilance, announced to his comrades his temporary absence, though he did not reveal to them the object of his journey, in order not to discourage them in case his negotiation failed; and at sunset, followed only by valentine, and after saying farewell to doña angela once more, he left the mission, and started at a gallop on the road to guetzalli. [ ] see "the tiger slayer." same publishers. chapter x. the ambassadors. the paper which the peon handed to captain de laville, and which caused him to feel such emotion, only contained one name; but it was a name well known at guetzalli--that of the count de prébois crancé. the guetzallians had heard vague rumours of the french expedition formed at san francisco for the purpose of working the inexhaustible mines of the plancha de plata. they knew, too, of the company's arrival at guaymas; but since then they had received no news, and were completely ignorant of the events that had occurred. the captain had not the remotest idea that the count de prébois was the leader of that expedition; but, from several words louis had let fall during his stay at the hacienda, he suspected him of fostering certain projects against the mexican government. this was the reason why, on receiving the paper, his first impulse was to exclaim, "he here! what can be the matter?" he proceeded at once to the count, persuaded that the latter, outlawed for some reason by the mexican government, had come to demand an asylum from him. colonel suarez' unexpected visit coincided strangely with the count's arrival, and confirmed him in his notion; for he supposed, with some appearance of truth, that the colonel was ordered to enforce on him not to receive the exile, or, if he received him into the colony, to hand him over at once to the mexican authorities. fearing lest he might commit some error prejudicial to the count, he had hurriedly left the colonel alone, in order to come to an understanding with his compatriot, as from the first moment he had resolved not only not to surrender him, but not to abandon him if he claimed his aid. the reader sees that, although the captain's hypothesis was false, it bordered on the truth in several points. don louis and valentine, seated on butacas, were smoking and talking together, while drinking, to refresh themselves, a decoction of tamarinds, when the door opened, and the captain appeared. the three men shook hands affectionately, and then de laville, making the others a sign to sit down again, began the conversation at once. "what good wind brings you to guetzalli, my dear count?" he said. "hum!" the latter said. "if you asked what _cordonazo_, you would be nearer the truth, my dear de laville; for never has a more terrible hurricane assailed me than threatens at this moment." "oh, oh! do tell me about it i need hardly say, i suppose, i am quite at your service." "thank you; but, before all, one word. who has taken the count de lhorailles' place in the government of the colony?" "myself," the young man modestly replied. "by jove! i am delighted to hear that," the count said frankly, "for no one was more worthy than you to succeed him." "my dear sir!" he said in confusion. "on my word, captain, i tell you honestly what i think: all the worse if it wounds you." "far from that," the young man remarked with a smile. "then all is for the best. i see that my interests will not be imperilled in your hands." "you may feel assured of it." "permit me to introduce to you my most intimate friend, my foster brother, whose name you must often have heard, and with whom i should be glad for you to be better acquainted: in one word, he is the french scout whom the indians and mexicans have surnamed the 'trail-hunter.'" the captain rose hurriedly, and held out his hand to the hunter. "what!" he said with considerable emotion, "are you valentine guillois?" "yes, sir," the hunter replied with a modest bow. "oh, sir!" the young man exclaimed warmly, "i am delighted to form your personal acquaintance. everybody respects and cherishes you here, because you maintain that title of frenchman, of which we are all so proud. thanks, count, thanks; and now, by heavens, ask of me anything you please, and i shall not know how to repay the pleasure you have caused me. "good heavens!" the count replied; "for the present i will only ask you a very simple matter. you will soon be visited, if he has not already arrived, by an aide-de-camp of general guerrero." "colonel suarez?" "yes." "he is here." "already?" "he has only been here an hour." "he has told you nothing?" "not yet: we have not spoken together." "all the better. would you mind placing us where it would be possible for us to overhear your conversation, and not be seen?" "that is very simple. adjoining the room where he is waiting for me is a recess, only covered by a curtain; but we can manage it better still." "how?" "does he know you?" "me?" "yes. does he know you by sight?" "no." "you are sure of that?" "quite." "nor this gentleman either?" "not the least in the world." "very good: let me manage it. i will arrange it all; and now to talk of yourself." "it is unnecessary." "why so?" "because it is probable the colonel will tell you more than i could." "ah, ah! then you fancy he has come on your account?" "i am certain of it." "very good. now, do not trouble yourself about anything, but let me arrange it all." "agreed." "i will be with you again directly." and he left the room. the colonel was still in the same position as when we left him. he had lighted a considerable number of husk cigarettes, and the nicotine was beginning to act gently on his brain; his eyelids were drooping; in short, he was just on the point of going to sleep. the sudden entrance of the captain aroused him from this state of torpor, and he raised his head. "pray pardon my having left you alone so long," the young man said; "but an unforeseen event----" "you are quite excused," the colonel answered politely. "still i should have been charmed had you thought of advising the count de lhorailles of my arrival, for the affair that brought me here admits of no delay." the captain regarded the mexican with surprise. "how!" he said, "the count de lhorailles?" "certainly: it is to him alone that i must communicate the dispatches of which i am bearer." "but the count de lhorailles has been dead for nearly a year. were you not aware of the fact?" "my word, no, sir, i confess." "that is extraordinary; yet i remember having sent a courier express to the governor of sonora to inform him of this death, and announce to him at the same time that the choice of my countrymen had fallen on me to take his place." "it is probable, then, either that your courier did not obey his orders, or was assassinated on the road." "i fear it." "so that you, sir, are now captain of the colony of guetzalli?" "yes, sir." "you are very young to occupy so difficult a post." "colonel," de laville answered with a slight hauteur, "we frenchmen do not measure men by age or height." "it is frequently wrong; but no matter, that does not concern me. with whom have i the honour of speaking?" "with don carlos de laville." the colonel bowed. "i will, then, with your permission, caballero, communicate my dispatches to you." "a moment, sir," the captain said quickly. "i cannot listen to you unless i have by my side two of the principal men in the colony." "for what object?" "that is the law." "do so, then." the captain struck a bell, and a peon entered. "ask the two gentlemen waiting in the green room to come here," he said. the peon went out. "what! the two persons who are waiting?" the colonel said suspiciously. "yes. as i presumed, colonel, that you were the bearer of dispatches, i warned these two persons in order to detain you as short a time as possible." "in that case permit me to return you my thanks, for i am really terribly pressed for time." at this moment the door opened, and the count and valentine came in. the colonel bent a piercing glance upon them, to try to discover with what sort of men he would have to deal; but it was impossible to read anything in their cold and rigid countenances, which seemed hewn out of marble. "gentlemen," the captain said, "colonel don suarez, aide-de-camp to general don sebastian guerrero, military governor of the state of sonora. colonel suarez, two of my countrymen." the three men bowed stiffly. "now, gentlemen," the captain continued, "pray be seated. the colonel is the bearer of dispatches he wishes to communicate to us, and they are probably important, as the colonel has not stopped even between pitic and this place. we are ready to listen to you, colonel." like all men accustomed to double dealing and underhand schemes, the colonel possessed an infallible instinct for scenting treachery. in the present case, although all was being done ostensibly with the greatest frankness, and he was a thousand leagues from suspecting the truth, he guessed that he was being cheated, although it was impossible to perceive the secret object they had in view. still he had no subterfuges he could employ: he must obey his instructions, and he decided on doing so, much against the grain, after bending on the two strangers a second glance, by which he sought to read their very hearts' thoughts, but which had no better result than the first. "gentlemen," he said, "you have doubtlessly not forgotten the numberless acts of kindness with which the mexican government has overwhelmed you." "overwhelmed is the word," de laville interrupted him with a smile. "go on, colonel." "the government is ready to make still greater sacrifices for you, if necessary." "_caspita!_" the young man again interrupted him, "we will spare it the trouble. the kindnesses of the mexican government generally cost us very dearly." a discussion commenced in this tone of raillery had not the slightest chance of resulting in an amicable arrangement. still the colonel did not break down, his mind was made up. he cared little for the result, for he knew perfectly well that those who sent him would not hesitate to disavow him according to circumstances. "hum!" he said, "the following proposal is made you." "i beg your pardon, colonel, but before telling us the proposals, perhaps it would be better to explain to us the reasons that induce the government to offer them," de laville observed. "good heavens, sir! you must know the reasons as well as i do." "pardon me, but we are completely ignorant of them, and would feel greatly obliged by your telling them to us." the count and valentine were as motionless as statues, and these two gloomy faces disturbed the colonel in an extraordinary manner. "the reasons are very simple," he stammered. "i do not doubt it, but be good enough to mention them." "this letter," he said, handing a sealed paper to the captain, "will explain the matter fully." de laville took the paper, read it through hurriedly, and then crumpled it up passionately in his hand. "colonel," he then said in a firm voice, "the government of sonora forgets that the colony of guetzalli only contains frenchmen; that is to say, no traitors. we have retained our nationality, although established in this country; and if the mexican laws will not protect us we will appeal to our minister at mexico, and, if necessary, contrive to protect ourselves." "these threats, sir----" the colonel interrupted. "they are not threats," the young man continued energetically. "general guerrero insults us by inviting us not merely to abandon one of our countrymen, who is in every respect worthy of our support, through his loyalty, courage, and nobility of character, but also by proposing to us to hunt him down like a wild beast, and deliver him over. the general menaces us with outlawry if we assist the count, whom he brands as a pirate and a rebel. let him do so if he please. this letter you have handed me will be carried by a sure man to mexico, and handed to our minister, with a detail of all the annoyances we have suffered from the mexican authorities ever since our settlement here." "you are wrong, sir," the colonel answered, "to take the proposal made you in this way. the general is very well disposed toward you. i doubt not that he will consent to grant you great advantages if you will only obey him. what do you peaceful colonists care for this rebellious count, whom i dare say you never heard of? your own interests demand that you should turn against him. this man is a villain, to whom nothing is sacred. since his arrival in our country he has committed the most odious crimes. take my advice, sir; do not obstinately choose a wrong path, but prove to the government all your gratitude for the favours you have received by abandoning this villain." the captain had listened calmly and coldly to the mexican's long diatribe, holding in check by a glance the count and his companion, who found it very difficult not to burst out and treat this man in the way he deserved. when the colonel at length ceased, the captain looked at him with sovereign contempt. "have you finished?" he said dryly. "yes," the other answered in confusion. "very good. now, thanks to heaven, we have nothing more in common. be good enough to mount your horse and leave the colony immediately. as for general guerrero, tell him that i will give him an answer myself." "i will retire, sir. do you intend to give this answer soon?" "within twenty-four hours. begone!" "i will report our conversation word for word to the general." "i shall be glad of it. good-by till we meet again, sir." "what! do you intend to take your answer personally?" "perhaps so," de laville answered mockingly. the colonel went out all abashed by his reception, and followed by the three men, who did not let him out of sight, and walked by his side, so as to prevent him communicating with anyone. his horse was waiting in the courtyard, held by one of the orderlies. the colonel mounted and rode off rapidly, for he was anxious to leave the colony. on reaching the isthmus gate he, however, turned round, and looked back for some time. "who can those two men be?" he muttered. and he dug his spurs in his horse's sides. when he had disappeared in the windings of the road the captain seized don louis' hand, and pressed it affectionately. "and now, my dear count," he said to him, "speak. what can i do for you?" chapter xi. the plan of the campaign. the count returned the young man's affectionate pressure, but shook his head sorrowfully and remained silent. "why do you not answer me?" the captain asked him. "do you doubt my willingness to be of service to you?" "it is not that," the count said sadly. "i know that your heart is noble and generous, and that you will not hesitate to come to my aid." "whence arises this hesitation, then?" "friend," the count answered with a melancholy smile, "i reproach myself at this moment for having come to find you." "for what reason?" "need i tell you? this land you cultivate, only a few years back, was a virgin forest, serving as a lurking place for wild beasts: now, thanks to your labour and intelligence, it has been metamorphosed into a fertile and cultivated plain; numerous flocks feed in your prairies; the desolation and neglect of this frontier have disappeared to make room for the incessant toil of civilisation. this colony of guetzalli, founded with so much trouble, bedewed with so much blood, prospers, and is beginning to repay amply the toil and perspiration it cost you. the day is at hand when, stimulated by your example, other colonists will come to join you, and, by aiding you to repulse the indios bravos into their impenetrable deserts, will for ever protect the mexican frontiers from the depredations of the savages, and restore to this magnificent country its pristine splendour. "well?" the captain remarked. "well," the count continued, "is it fitting for me, a stranger, a man to whom you owe nothing, to drag you into a contest without any probable issue--to mix you up in a quarrel which does not concern you, and in which you have everything to lose, so that tomorrow the land you have, after so many efforts, torn from desolation, should fall back into its primitive barbarism? in a word, my friend, i ask myself by what title and by what right i should drag you down in my fall." "by what title and right? i will tell you," the young captain said nobly. "we are here six thousand leagues from our country, on the extreme limits of the desert, having no protection to hope, or help to seek, other than from ourselves. at such a distance from their country all frenchmen must consider each other as brothers, and be responsible for each other. all must resent an insult offered to a frenchman. it is because we are few in number, and consequently exposed to the insults of our enemies, that we ought to defend one another, and demand that justice should be done us. by acting thus we not only protect our own honour, but defend our country, and guard from any insult that title of frenchmen of which we are justly proud." "you speak well, captain," valentine interrupted him. "your words are those of a man of heart. it is abroad that patriotism must be strong and inflexible. we have no right to allow wretched enemies to lower that national honour which our brothers in france have intrusted to us; for each of us here represents our beloved country, and must at his risk and peril make it be respected by all, no matter under what circumstances." "yes," the captain answered quickly, "the mexican government, by insulting the count de prébois crancé, by breaking all its engagements with him, and betraying him in so cowardly a fashion, has not insulted a frenchman, an individual, or nameless adventurer, but the whole of france. well, france must reply to it, and, by heavens! we will pick up the glove thrown to us. we will fight to avenge our honour; and if we succumb, we shall have fallen nobly in the arena, and believe me, gentlemen, our blood will not have been shed in vain: our country will pity while admiring us, and our fall will create us avengers. besides, my dear count," he added, "you are in no way a stranger to the colony of guetzalli; for did you not lend us the support of your arm and your counsels under critical circumstances? it is our turn now, and we shall only pay our debts after all." the count could not refrain from smiling. "well," he said with emotion, "be it so: i accept your generous devotion. any further resistance would not only be ridiculous, but might appear in your eyes ungrateful." "very good," the captain said gaily; "we are now beginning to understand each other. i was certain that i should end by convincing you." "you are a charming companion," the count retorted; "it is impossible to resist you." "by jove! you arrive at the very moment to obtain speedy help." "how so?" "just imagine that two days later you would not have found me at home." "impossible!" "did you not notice, on your arrival, the wagons and carts arranged in one of the courts you crossed?" "i did." "i was on the point of starting, at the head of eighty picked men, to go and work certain mines we have heard about." "ah, ah!" "yes; but for the present the expedition will remain _in statu quo_, for the band i intended to lead into the desert will join you, or at least i presume so." "what! you presume so?" "yes, because i cannot dispose of the band, or change the object of the expedition, without the general assent." "that is true," said the count; and his features grew solemn. "but do not feel alarmed," the captain continued; "we shall easily obtain that assent when the colonists know what interests i propose to serve." "may heaven grant it!" "i guarantee success. you have, i suppose, all the stores necessary for entering on a campaign?" "nearly so; but i regret to say that all my arrieros have deserted me, and left my camp furtively." "the deuce! and naturally they took their mules with them?" "all, without exception; and this renders it very embarrassing to move my baggage and draw my guns." "good, good! we will provide for all that. i have here, as you saw, excellent wagons; i am also well supplied with mules; and there are in the colony men perfectly capable of leading them." "you will render me no slight service." "i hope to render you others far greater than that." the three men had returned to the room in which the conference with colonel suarez had taken place. the captain struck the bell, and a peon entered. "this evening, after _oración_, at the end of the day's labour, the colonists will assemble in the patio to hear an important communication i have to make to them," he said. the domestic bowed. "bring the dinner," the captain added. then, turning to his guests, he said, "i presume you will dine with me, for you cannot start again before tomorrow?" "that is true. still we expect to be off before sunrise." "where is your camp?" "at the mission of nuestra señora de los Ángeles." "that is close by." "oh! some thirty leagues at the most." "yes, and the position is very strong. you do not intend, though, to stay there long?" "no; i mean to strike a heavy blow." "you are right: you must cause the terror of your name to precede you." at this moment the peons brought in the dinner. "to table, gentlemen," the captain said. the meal was, as might be expected in this extreme frontier, excessively frugal. it was only composed of venison, maize tortillas, red beans, and pimiento, the whole washed down with pulque, mezcal, and catalonian refino, the strongest spirit in the known world. the guests had a true hunter's appetite; that is to say, they were nearly dead of hunger, for the count and valentine had eaten nothing for thirty hours. hence they vigorously attacked the provisions placed before them. the peons had retired immediately after bringing in the dinner, so as to leave the party full liberty for conversation. hence, so soon as the rough edge was taken off their appetite, the discussion was begun again exactly where it left off, which always occurs with men whose minds are preoccupied by any difficult project. "so," the captain asked, "war is decidedly declared between you and the mexican government?" "without remedy." "although the cause you sustain is just, as you are fighting for the maintenance of a right, still you will inscribe something on the banner you display?" "of course. i inscribe the only thing which can guarantee me the protection of the people through whom i pass, and make the oppressed and the malcontents flock to me." "hum! what is it?" "only four words." "and they are?" "_independencia de la sonora._" "yes, the idea is a happy one. if a particle of nobility and generosity is left in the hearts of the inhabitants of this unhappy country (which, however, i confess to you i greatly doubt), those four words will suffice to produce a revolution." "i hope so, without daring to count on it. you know, like myself, the mexican character--a strange composite of all good and bad instincts, about which it is impossible to form a decided opinion." "why, my dear count, the mexicans are like every people that has been for a long time enslaved. after remaining children for ages, they grew too fast, and had the pretension of being men, when they scarcely began to comprehend their emancipation, or were in a position to derive any benefit from it." "still we will attempt to galvanise them. the revolutionary race is, perhaps, not completely extinct in this country, and what remains will be sufficient to enkindle the sacred flame in the hearts of all." "what do you intend to do?" "hasten onwards, so as not to let myself be attacked, which always implies inferiority, if not timidity." "that is true." "how many men do you expect to be able to give me?" "eighty horsemen, commanded by myself, as i told you." "thanks! but when will these horsemen (who, by the way, will be very useful to me, as i possess so few at the moment) be able to join me?" "this evening they will be granted you, and in two days they will reach the mission." "could you send off the mules, wagons, and muleteers tomorrow with me?" "certainly." "very good. i will set out at once for magdalena: it is a large pueblo, commanding the two roads from ures and hermosillo." "i know it." "proceed there direct, for that will save a loss of time." "agreed. i shall arrive there at the same time as yourself, which will be the more easy as i shall send off my baggage to your head quarters." "very good." "you intend, then, to act energetically?" "yes; i mean to try a grand stroke. if i succeed in taking one of the three capitals of sonora i shall have gained the campaign." "such an enterprise is surely rash." "i know it; but in my position i dare not calculate consequences--boldness alone can and must save me. "you are right, and i will not add a word. but now let us proceed to the meeting, for our men are assembled. in their present temper i am certain that the request i am about to make of them will be granted without difficulty." they went out. as the captain had announced, all the colonists were assembled in the courtyard, broken up into scattered groups, eagerly discussing the reasons which caused their assemblage. when the captain appeared, accompanied by his two friends, silence was immediately established, curiosity closing the mouths of the most talkative. the count de prébois crancé was known to most of the colonists: his appearance was consequently hailed with sympathetic greetings, for each retained in his memory the recollection of the services he had rendered when guetzalli was so rudely assailed by the apaches. the captain cleverly availed himself of this goodwill, on which he had, indeed, built, in order to explain his request clearly to the colonists, while accounting for the causes which obliged the count to come and seek allies at guetzalli. the men would not have been the hearty adventurers they really were, had they received such a request coldly. seduced, as was natural, by the strangeness and even the temerity of the enterprise proposed to them, they consented to range themselves under the count's banner with enthusiastic shouts and delight. the first expedition projected, and for which all the preparations had been made, was completely forgotten, and the only question was the enfranchisement of sonora. had the count asked for two hundred men, he would certainly have obtained them on the spot without the slightest difficulty. captain de laville, delighted at the prodigious success he had achieved, warmly thanked his comrades, both in the count's name and his own, and immediately began getting ready to start. the wagons were carefully inspected to see that they were all in order, and were then laden with all the articles requisite for the coming campaign. at about an hour before sunrise all was ready for starting; the wagons were loaded, and horses attached; the mules, carefully selected, were intrusted to steady men. louis and valentine mounted; the captain accompanied them about a league from the company; and then they parted, agreeing to meet again three days later at la magdalena. mules and wagons progress very slowly in mexico, where there are in reality no roads, and where you are generally forced to cut a path with the axe. louis and his foster brother, whose presence was imperatively demanded at the mission, felt in despair at this slowness. in this extremity the count resolved to leave the caravan, and push on ahead. in consequence they left the arrieros, after recommending the greatest diligence to them, and burying their spurs in their horses' flanks, set out at full speed for the mission. the american horses, descended from the old arabs of the conquerors of new spain, have several incontestable advantages over ours. in the first place they are temperate: a little alfalfa in the morning, after washing their mouths out, enables them to go a whole day without food, drink, or rest. these horses seem indefatigable, and, indeed, they have only one pace--the gallop; and at the end of the day, after going twenty leagues at that pace, they have not turned a hair, and do not display the slightest fatigue. as our two horsemen were mounted on crack steeds, they reached the mission in a comparatively very short period. at the first barricade a man was waiting for them: it was curumilla. "someone is waiting for you," he said. "come." they followed him, asking each other with a glance what reason could be so important as to draw such a long sentence from curumilla. chapter xii. father and daughter. the adventurers' camp had completely changed its character: it had lost the peaceful appearance of the early days, and assumed a warlike air, perfectly in accordance with the present aspect of affairs. at each issue from the mission, a gun, guarded by a detachment, was pointed at the open country, while piled muskets formed a long row, in front of which a guard walked up and down. sentries posted at regular distances watched the approaches, while advanced posts, established in sure positions, prevented any attempt at a surprise. in the interior of the camp the greatest activity prevailed; the camp forges smoked, and re-echoed the hasty blows of the smiths; further on, carpenters were cutting into shape whole trees; the armorers were inspecting and repairing arms; in short, everybody was working eagerly, in order to get everything prepared with the least possible delay. the count and curumilla, preceded by valentine, rapidly crossed the camp, greeted in their passage by the affectionate salutes of the adventurers, who were delighted to see them returned. as they approached headquarters, the shrill sounds of a jarana, with which were mingled the melancholy notes of a voice singing the romance _del rey rodrigo_, smote their ears. "perhaps it would be better, before going further," the count said, "to ask some information from don cornelio." "yes, especially as it would be very difficult, if not impossible, to obtain it from curumilla." "i am going to him," the latter remarked, having overheard the few words exchanged by the friends. "then it is all for the best," valentine said with a smile. curumilla turned a little to the left, and guided the two men to a _jacal_ of branches which served as the spaniard's abode, and before which the noble hidalgo was at this moment seated on a stool, strumming his jarana furiously, and singing his eternal romance, while rolling his eyes in a most sentimental way. on seeing the two friends he uttered a shout of joy, threw his guitar far from him, and ran toward them. "_capa de dios!_" he shouted as he seized their hands, "you are welcome, caballeros. i was impatiently expecting you." "is there anything new, then?" don louis asked anxiously. "hum! a good deal; but i suppose you are not going to remain on horseback?" "no, no, we will join you." and they dismounted. during the few sentences exchanged between the count and the spaniard, valentine had bent down to the indian chiefs ear, and whispered a few words, to which curumilla replied by nodding his head in affirmation. the two frenchmen then entered the jacal at the heels of don cornelio, while the araucano led away the horses. "sit down, gentlemen," the spaniard said, pointing to several stools scattered about. "do you know that you have puzzled me considerably, don cornelio?" the count said to him. "what has happened, then, during my absence?" "nothing very important in a general point of view: our spies have brought in most reassuring news as to the movements of the enemy. as, however, the acting commandant will make his report to you, i do not wish to talk with you about those matters." "has anything else occurred peculiarly interesting to me?" "you shall judge. you remember that, before your departure, you ordered me to watch over doña angela--a singular commission enough for me." "how so?" "it is enough that i know why. however, i performed my delicate task, i dare to say, with all the gallantry of a true caballero." "i thank you for it." "yesterday an indian arrived at the mission, bearer of a letter for the commandant." "ah, ah! and you know the contents of the letter?" "it was simply a request for a safe-conduct to remain in the camp." "ah! and who was it signed by?" "father seraphin." "what!" valentine exclaimed quickly, "father seraphin, the french missionary, the sainted man whom the indians themselves have christened the 'apostle of the prairies?'" "himself." "that is strange," the hunter muttered. "is it not?" "but," said the count, "father seraphin does not need a safe-conduct to stay with us as long as he pleases." "of course," valentine confirmed him, "we shall always be happy, myself in particular, to profit by his advice." "the worthy father did not request the safe-conduct for himself: he is very well aware that his visit could only be agreeable to us." "ah! for whom, then?" "for a person for whom he would be bail during the period of his stay among us, but whose name he kept secret." "hum! that is not clear." "that is what i thought, so i urged the commandant to refuse." "well?" "he granted the safe-conduct, alleging a reason which, by the way, is not so illogical--that the man for whom the safe-conduct is requested is evidently a friend or an enemy, and in either case it is good to know him, so as eventually to treat him as he deserves." the two frenchmen could not refrain from laughing at this singular logic. "well, and what is the result of all this?" the count continued. "the result is that father seraphin arrived this morning at the mission, accompanied by a person carefully wrapped up in a large cloak." "ah, ah! and this person?" "you can guess a thousand times before finding out." "i think it would be better for you to tell me at once." "i believe so too. well, prepare yourself to hear something incredible. this person is no one less than don sebastian guerrero." "the general!" the count exclaimed as he bounded in his chair. "do not confound persons. i did not say general, but don sebastian guerrero." "a truce with nonsense, don cornelio! let us talk seriously, for what you say deserves it." "i am serious, don louis. the general has come here in his private capacity. in a word, it is the father of doña angela who is at this moment in our camp, and not the governor of sonora." "i am beginning to understand," the count said in a hollow voice, as he walked in agitation up and down the jacal. "and what took place between father and daughter? do not be afraid to tell me everything. i will keep the mastery over myself." "nothing at all has passed, don louis, thanks to heaven!" "ah!" "yes, for the simple reason that doña angela, by my advice, refused to receive her father's visit during your absence." "she had the strength to do that?" the count said, as he stopped and fixed a piercing glance on the spaniard. "by my advice, yes." "thanks, don cornelio. then father seraphin and the general----" "are awaiting your return in a jacal built expressly for them, where, though apparently free, the general is under such strict surveillance that i defy him to make the slightest movement without my knowledge." "you were right in acting as you have done, my friend. in these difficult circumstances you have displayed great prudence, and, above all, great perspicacity." don cornelio, on hearing this compliment, blushed like a girl, and let his eyes fall modestly. "what do you intend doing?" valentine asked the count. "leave doña angela mistress of her will. go and advise her of my return, dear don cornelio: you will at the same time lead her father and the missionary to her. go: i follow you." the spaniard went out at once to fulfil his orders. "when do you expect to start?" valentine said, so soon as he found himself alone with the count. "in two days." "and you march?" "on la magdalena." "good! i will now ask your leave to go away, accompanied by curumilla." "what! you wish to leave me?" the count exclaimed with regret. the hunter smiled. "you do not understand me, brother," he answered. "the indian chief and myself are almost useless here. how could we serve you? in no way; while i am convinced we can make excellent scouts. leave us to explore the road, at the same time as we try to destroy, or at least lessen, the prejudices which the calumnies so sedulously spread about you have produced against everybody who bears the name of frenchman." "i did not dare ask you to render me that service; but now, as you offer it so frankly, i will not be so foolish as to refuse it. go, brother. act as you please: all you do will be right." "then farewell! i shall start immediately." "without taking a moment's rest?" "you know that i never feel fatigue. come, courage! we shall meet again at la magdalena." the two friends embraced, and then quitted the jacal. on the threshold they separated, after a last pressure of the hand, valentine going to the right, the count to the left. a guard of ten men defended the approaches to headquarters, and a sentinel was pacing, with shouldered musket, before the door of the mission church, the count's temporary residence. on arriving at his house don louis saw don cornelio, accompanied by two persons, one of whom wore a clerical garb. they had stopped, and were apparently waiting. the count hurried on. although he had never, till this moment, seen father seraphin, he recognised him by the portraits valentine had drawn. he was still the man with the angelic glance, the delicate and marked features, the intelligently gentle countenance, whom we have presented to our readers in another work; but the apostolate is severe in america. years count there as triple for missionaries really worthy of the title; and father seraphin, though hardly thirty years of age, already bore on his body and face traces of that precocious decrepitude to which those men fall victims who sacrifice themselves, without any thought of self, to the welfare of humanity. his back was beginning to bend, his hair was turning white on his temples, and two deep wrinkles furrowed his brow. still the vivacity of his glance seemed to contradict this apparent weakness, and prove that if his body had grown enfeebled in the contest, the soul had ever remained equally young and powerful. the three men bowed politely. the count and the missionary, after exchanging an earnest glance, shook hands with a smile. they had understood each other. "you are welcome, sir," the count said, addressing the general, "although i am surprised that you place such confidence in _pirates_, as you call us, as to confide yourself so entirely to our honour." "the law of nations, sir," the general replied, "has certain recognised rules which are respected by all men." "excepting by those who are placed without the pale of society and the common law of humanity," don louis remarked dryly. the missionary interposed. "gentlemen," he said in his sympathetic voice, "between you there is no enmity at this moment: there is only a father who claims his daughter from a gentleman who, i feel convinced, will not refuse to restore her to him." "heaven forbid, my father," the count said quickly, "that i should attempt to retain this man's daughter against her will, even were he a thousandfold a greater enemy than he is." "you see, general," the missionary observed, "that i was not mistaken as to the count's character." "doña angela came alone, impelled by her own will, into my camp: she is respected and treated with all the attention she merits. doña angela is free to act as she pleases, and i recognise no right to influence her. as i did not carry her off from her father, as i did nothing to attract her hither, i cannot restore her, as this gentleman appears to demand. if doña angela is willing to return to her friends, nobody will oppose it; but if, on the contrary, she prefers to remain here under the protection of my brave comrades and myself, no human power will succeed in tearing her from me." these words were pronounced in a peremptory tone, which produced a marked impression on the two hearers. "however, gentlemen," the count continued, "what we say between ourselves has no value so long as doña angela has not pronounced herself in one way or the other. i will have the honour of leading you to her. you will have an explanation with her, and she will tell you her determination. still, permit me to warn you that, whatever that decision may be, both yourselves and myself are bound to submit to it." "be it so, sir," the general said dryly: "perhaps it is as well that way as any other." "come, then," the count continued. and he preceded them to the hut which served as the maiden's private residence. doña angela, seated on a butaca, and having violanta at her feet, was engaged with her needlework. on seeing her father and the persons who accompanied him enter, a vivid blush purpled her cheeks, but almost immediately she turned pale as death. still she contrived to subdue the emotion she felt, rose, bowed silently, and sat down again. the general regarded her for a moment with a mingled expression of tenderness and anger; then turning suddenly to the missionary, he said in a stifled voice,-- "speak to her, my father; i do not feel the strength to do so." the maiden smiled sadly. "my good padre," she said to the missionary, "i thank you for the useless attempt you are making on me today. my resolution is formed: nothing will alter it--it is impossible. i will never return to my family." "unhappy child!" the general exclaimed with sorrow, "what reason urged you to abandon me thus?" "i do all justice to your kindness and tenderness toward me, father," she answered with a melancholy air. "alas! that unbounded tenderness and the liberty you ever allowed me to enjoy are perhaps the cause of what happens today. i do not wish to reproach you. my destiny has taken possession of me: i will endure the consequences of the fault i have committed." the general frowned and stamped his foot on the ground passionately. "angela, my well-beloved child!" he continued bitterly, "reflect that the scandal occasioned by your flight will dishonour you for ever." a contemptuous smile played round the maidens pallid lips. "what do i care?" she said. "the world in which you live is no longer mine. all my joy and sorrow will be henceforth concentrated here." "but i, your father--you forget me, then, and i am no longer anything to you?" the girl hesitated: she remained silent, with downcast eyes. "doña," the missionary said gently, "god curses children who abandon their father: return to yours. there is still time: he holds out his arms to you---he calls you. return, my child. a parent's heart is an inexhaustible well of indulgence. your father will forgive you: he has already done so." doña angela shook her head, but made no further reply. the general and the missionary regarded each other with disappointment, while don louis stood a little in the rear, his arms folded on his breast, with sunken head and thoughtful air. "oh!" the general muttered with concentrated passion, "ours is an accursed race!" at this moment don louis drew himself up, and walked a few paces forward. "doña angela," he said with marked significance, "was it really your own will that brought you here?" "yes," she answered resolutely. "and you have really decided on obeying neither the orders nor entreaties of your father?" "yes," she said again. "then you renounce for ever your position in society, and your fortune?" "yes." "you also renounce the protection of your father, who is your natural guardian, and has every human and divine claim on you--you renounce his affection?" "yes," she murmured in a low voice. "then it is now my turn;" and bowing to the general, he continued, "sir, whatever may be the hatred that sunders us--whatever may happen at a later date--the honour of your daughter must remain pure and unspotted." "in order to secure that result," the general said bitterly, "someone must consent to marry her." "yes. well, i, the count de prébois crancé, have the honour of asking you for her hand." the general fell back in amazement. "do you really ask that seriously?" he said. "yes." "reflect that, while thanking you for your request, i consider it a fresh aggrievance." "be it so." "that this marriage will in nowise prevent the measures i intend taking against you." "what do i care?" "and you still consent to give her your hand?" "yes." "very good. you shall have my answer in four days." "at la magdalena, then." "be it so." the general turned to his daughter. "i do not curse you," he said, "for god himself cannot free a child from its father's malediction. farewell! be happy." and he rushed out, followed by the missionary. "my father," the count said, "i shall expect you at la magdalena." "i shall be there, sir," father seraphin replied sadly, "for i foresee that there will be tears to dry up." "good-by, sir," the general said. "good-by till we meet again," the count answered with a bow. the general and the missionary then mounted and set out, escorted by a strong detachment of adventurers, who were to accompany them through the outposts and pickets of the french company. the count looked after them for a long time, and then walked back slowly to his room. chapter xiii. la magdalena. the village of la magdalena occupies an important military position, for it commands the three roads that lead to ures, hermosillo, and sonora, the chief cities of the state, and is nearly at an equal distance from all three. this pueblo, in itself of but slight consideration, enjoys, however, a certain reputation in the country, owing to the beauty of its situation and the purity of the air breathed there. la magdalena forms a species of parallelogram, one side of which carelessly mirrors its white houses in the limpid waters of the rio san pedro, a confluent of the gila. dense woods of palma christi, styrax, peru trees, and mahogany form an insurmountable barrier against the burning winds of the desert, while refreshing and perfuming the atmosphere, and serve as a refuge for thousands of blue jays, cardinals, and loros, which chatter gaily under the foliage, and enliven the enchanting landscape--this ravishing oasis, placed there by the hand of nature, as if to make the traveller returning from the prairie forget the sufferings and fatigues of the desert. the festivities in honour of the patron saint at la magdalena are the most frequented and joyful of all sonora. as they last several days, the hacenderos and campesinos flock in for a hundred miles round. during this _fête_, at which rivers of pulque and mezcal flow, there is one succession of jaranas, montes, and bull baits; in a word, amusements of every description, which no crime ever saddens, in spite of the great concourse of strangers. the mexicans are not wicked; they are only badly educated, headstrong, and passionate children, but nothing more. three days after the events we narrated in our previous chapter, the pueblo de la magdalena, at the most animated period of its annual festival, was in a state of more than ordinary agitation and excitement, evidently not produced by the festival; for the people had suddenly broken off their sports, and rushed, laughing and pressing, to one of the ends of the pueblo, where, according to the few words whispered by the gossips, something out of the way was taking place. in fact, bugles soon sounded a call, and a band of armed men debouched on the pueblo, marching in good order, and to military tunes. first came an advanced guard of a dozen well-mounted men; then came a company of men formed in squads of about thirty each, bearing among them a large banner, on which was inscribed, "independencia de la sonora." behind this band came two guns drawn by mules, then a squadron of cavalry, immediately followed by a long file of wagons and carts. the march was closed by a rearguard of twenty horsemen. this small _army_, about three hundred strong, marched through the pueblo with heads raised and bold glances, passed the double row of spectators, and stopped, at a signal from the chief, about one hundred yards in front of the village, at a triangle formed by the meeting of three roads. here the troops were ordered to bivouac. it is almost needless to tell the reader that this _army_ was the atrevida company. the good conduct of the band, and its martial air, had gained the favour of the population of the pueblo through which they marched so boldly. during the passage handkerchiefs and sombreros were waved, and cries of "bravo!" were heard. the count, on horseback a few paces ahead of the main body, had not ceased for a moment bowing gracefully to the right and left, and these salutes had been returned with usury all along the village. so soon as the order to bivouac was given, each set to work, and in less than two hours the adventurers, skilfully employing all within their reach, had established the most graceful and picturesque encampment that can be imagined. still, as the count regarded himself as being in an enemy's country, nothing was neglected not only to protect the camp from a surprise, but also to place it in a respectable state of defence. by the aid of the wagons and carts, reinforced by palisades, the adventurers formed a barricade, still further defended by a ditch, the earth from which was thrown up on the other side as a breastwork. in the centre of the camp, on a small mound, rose the chiefs tent, before which the guns were planted; and from its summit floated the flag to which we have already alluded. the arrival of the french was a piece of good fortune for the sonorians whom the festival had attracted to la magdalena. indeed, for several days they had been expected hourly; and the inhabitants, in spite of the proclamations of the mexican government, which represented the french as plunderers and bandits, had taken no further precautions against them than to go and meet them, and receive them with shouts of welcome--a characteristic fact which clearly proved that public opinion was not at all deceived as to the meaning of the french pronunciamiento, and that each knew perfectly well on which side were right and justice. when the camp was formed the authorities of the pueblo presented themselves at the gate, asking, in the name of their fellow citizens, permission to visit the frenchmen. the count, delighted with this measure, which was of good augury for the relations he hoped presently to establish with the inhabitants, at once gave the requisite permission with the best grace possible. de laville had joined the count at about ten miles from the pueblo, at the head of eighty horsemen, which supplied the army with a respectable body of cavalry. don louis, having long been acquainted with the captain of guetzalli, appointed him chief of the staff, and intrusted to him the annoying details of duty. de laville eagerly accepted this mark of confidence; and the count, thenceforward free to occupy himself with the political portion of the expedition, retired to his tent, in order to reflect on the means to be employed by which to bring over to his side the population among which he now was. since the day general guerrero presented himself at the mission, accompanied by father seraphin, the count, through a feeling of propriety, had not seen doña angela again, over whom he watched, however, with the utmost solicitude. the young lady appreciated this delicacy, and, for her part, had not attempted to see him. she had journeyed from the mission to la magdalena in a closed palanquin, and a tent had been erected for her at no great distance from the count's. the permission requested by the authorities had scarce been granted ere the adventurers' camp was visited by all the inhabitants. the mob, eager to see more nearly these bold men who, though in such small number, did not fear to declare war openly against the government of mexico, rushed in a body to the place occupied by them. the adventurers received their guests with that gaiety which distinguishes frenchmen, and in a few hours gained the goodwill of the sonorians, who, the more they saw of them, the more they wished to see, and who never grew weary of admiring their recklessness, and, above all, their imperturbable conviction of the success of the expedition. night was setting in, the sun was rapidly sinking on the horizon, when don cornelio, who performed the duties of aide-de-camp to the count, raised the curtain of his tent, and announced to him that a field officer, who stated he had a message for him, asked to speak with him. don louis gave the order for his introduction. the envoy entered, and the count at once recognised in him colonel suarez. on his side, the colonel made a gesture of surprise at seeing the man he had met at guetzalli, though he had not succeeded in finding out who he was. don louis smiled at the colonel's astonishment, bowed politely, and begged him to be seated. "i am requested, sir, by general guerrero," the colonel said after the usual compliments, "to deliver a letter to you." "i have already been told so, colonel," the count answered. "i presume that you are acquainted with the contents of the letter?" "nearly so, sir; for i have several words to add to it in the course of conversation." "i am ready to hear you." "i will not waste your time, sir. in the first place here is the letter." "very good," the count said, taking it and laying it on the table. "general don sebastian guerrero," the colonel continued, "accepts the offer you did him the honour of making him for the hand of his daughter: still he desires that the nuptial ceremony should take place as soon as possible." "i see nothing to prevent it." "he desires also that this ceremony, at which he hopes to be present with a large party of his relations and friends, should be celebrated at la magdalena by father seraphin." "i have a few observations to make on that subject, colonel." "i am listening to you, caballero." "i willingly consent that father seraphin should marry us; but the ceremony will not take place at la magdalena, but here in my camp, which i cannot and will not leave." the colonel knit his brows. the count continued without seeming to notice it:-- "the general can be present at the ceremony, with as many relations and friends as he pleases; but as, unfortunately, we do not stand on such good terms to each other as i should wish, and as i must take care of my own safety, as much as he does of his, the general will be good enough to send me ten hostages selected among the most influential persons in the state. these hostages will be treated by me with the greatest honour, and restored to the general one hour after the nuptial blessing and the departure of the guests from the camp. but i must warn your general that, if the slightest treachery is attempted against myself or one of the men i have the honour of commanding, these hostages will be immediately shot." "oh!" the colonel exclaimed, "you distrust general guerrero, sir, and put no faith in his honour as a caballero." "unfortunately, sir," the count replied dryly, "i have learned at my own expense what the value is of the honour of certain mexicans. i will, therefore, enter into no discussion on that subject. such are my conditions. the general is at liberty to accept or refuse them; but i pledge you my word of honour that i shall make no change." "very well, sir," the colonel answered, intimidated in spite of himself by the count's resolute accent, "i will have the honour of transmitting these harsh conditions to the general." don louis bowed. "i doubt whether he will accept them," the colonel continued. "he can do as he pleases." "but is there no other way of settling the difference?" "i do not see any." "well, in the event of the general accepting, how shall i let you know it, so as to lose as little time as possible?" "in a very simple mode, sir--by the arrival of father seraphin and the delivery of the hostages." "and, in that case, when will the ceremony take place?" "two hours after the hostages have reached my camp." "i will retire, sir, and submit your reply to my superior officer." "do so, sir." the colonel retired, and the count, who fancied himself sure of the acceptance of his ultimatum, immediately gave the necessary orders for the construction of the cabin intended to serve as a chapel. after this he wrote a note, which was handed to doña angela through the medium of don cornelio. this note, which was very laconic, contained the following lines:-- "madam, "i have received your father's answer: it is favourable. tomorrow, in all probability, the ceremony of our marriage will take place. i watch over you and myself. "the count de prÉbois crancÉ." after sending off this note the count wrapped himself in a cloak, and went out to visit the posts, and assure himself that the sentries were keeping good guard. the night was bright and clear; the sky studded with an infinite number of brilliant stars; the atmosphere perfumed with a thousand sweet odours; at intervals the strains of the guitars, borne on the breeze, rose from the pueblo, and died out at the count's ear. the camp was silent and gloomy; the adventurers, who had retired under their leafy jacales, were enjoying that rest so necessary after a day's march; the horses, hobbled pell-mell with the mules, were devouring their alfalfa; the sentries, with shouldered muskets, were walking slowly around the intrenchments with their eyes fixed on the plain. the count, after walking about for some time, and convincing himself that everything was in the most perfect order, was induced by the melancholy and mysterious softness of the night, to lean on the breastwork; and, with his eye fixed on vacancy, not looking at or probably seeing anything, he gradually gave way to his dreams, yielding unconsciously to the mysterious influence of the objects that surrounded him. from time to time, as the sentries called to each other, he mechanically raised his head; then he would yield again to the flood of thought that fell on him, and was so absorbed in himself that he seemed to be asleep; but it was not so. for several hours he had been thus leaning over the breastwork, without a thought of retiring, when he suddenly felt a hand lightly laid on his shoulder. this touch, light as it was, sufficed to recall him from the ideal worlds in which his imagination was galloping, and to a consciousness of his present situation. the count stifled a cry of surprise and turned round. a man was holding on to the outside of the breastwork, his head scarce emerging over the top. it was curumilla. the chief had a finger laid on his lips, as if to recommend prudence to the count. the latter made a sign of pleasure on recognising the indian, and quickly bent down to him. "well?" he said with his mouth to his ear. "you will be attacked tomorrow." "you are sure of it?" the indian smiled. "yes," he said. "when?" "at night." "what hour?" "an hour before moonrise." "by whom?" "palefaces." "oh, oh!" "good-by." "are you off again?" "yes." "shall i see you again?" "perhaps." "when?" "tomorrow." "and valentine?" "he will come." the indian, doubtlessly fatigued with having talked so much, contrary to his habits, although the sentences he uttered were of no extraordinary length, slipped down the breastwork again, and said no more. louis looked after him, and saw him crawl away on his knees, and disappear without producing the slightest sound. the scene had taken place so rapidly, the indian's flight had been so silent, that the count was on the point of regarding it as an hallucination; but suddenly the hoot of the owl, twice repeated, rose in the air. this signal had long been agreed on between valentine and the count. he understood that curumilla, while warning him that he was safe, sent him from a distance a last recommendation to silence. he tossed his head sadly, and returned to his tent pensively, muttering in a low voice,-- "another piece of treachery!" chapter xiv. the cock-fight. in marching on la magdalena the count had a double object: in the first place, that of meeting the rich hacenderos and alcaldes of the pueblos dissatisfied with the mexican government, and try to draw them over to his side by the brilliant prospects of independence he offered them; secondly, by his strategic position at the village, to alarm general guerrero, and keep him constantly on the alert by a simultaneous feint of aggressive movements on each of the three sonorian capitals. the general, so soon as war was declared, had appealed to the population with that pompous and verbose mexican eloquence which only deceives the foolish. the inhabitants, who were perfectly indifferent about the government, and cared but little to interfere in the general's private quarrels, which he tried in vain to metamorphose into a national question, had remained quietly at home, and had in no way responded to their chiefs so-called patriotic appeal, the more so because, during the four months since the french landed in sonora, and had been traversing the country, their conduct toward the population had been ever exemplary, and not the smallest complaint had been made against them. the general, disappointed at the ill success of his machinations, then changed his batteries. he proceeded to forced enlistments: next, not satisfied with that, he treated with the hiaquis and opatas indians, in order to increase his army. he also wished, at the outset, to enrol the apaches; but the rude lesson the french had read the latter had disgusted them with war, and they retired to their deserts without listening to any new proposition. still general guerrero had succeeded in collecting an imposing force. his army amounted to nearly , men--an enormous number, if we think of the few combatants his enemy could draw up in time. the general, we must do him the justice to say, in spite of his incessant braggadocio, and the continual marches and countermarches he performed, had an instinctive respect for his enemy, or, if you like it better, a perfectly reasonable fear, which incited him to prudence, and prevented him ever coming too close to the french outposts. he contented himself with actively watching the count's movements, and holding the three roads in such a way as to be able easily to concentrate his troops on the point menaced by the adventurers. it is a singular fact that the americans of the south have never been able, after so many centuries, and though they are nearly descended from the spaniards, to dispel that superstitious terror with which the european conquerors inspired them on their landing. the deeds of those heroic adventurers are still in every mouth, and during the war of independence it frequently happened that a handful of spaniards put to flight, merely by showing themselves, masses of mexican insurgents. the most convincing proof of our assertion we can produce is that, at this very moment, three hundred french adventurers, isolated in the centre of a country they did not know, and the majority of whom did not even speak the language, held in check an army of , men, commanded by chiefs who were esteemed good soldiers, and not only made sonora tremble, but even the federal government in mexico itself. the boldness and temerity of the enterprise attempted by the count increased, were that possible, the terror he inspired. this expedition was so mad, that sensible men could not imagine that the count was not backed up by secret, though powerful allies, who only awaited an opportunity to declare themselves. this terror was carefully kept up by the count's spies and scouts. the boldness of his movements, the decision with which he acted, and finally, the occupation of la magdalena without a blow being struck, heightened the apprehensions of the government, and increased its indecision as to the intentions of the chief, or, as they called him, the _cabecilla_. it was about five in the morning when the curtain that closed the count's tent was raised from the outside, and a man entered. don louis, startled by this sudden apparition, rubbed his eyes and seized his pistols, saying in a firm voice,-- "who is there?" "i, of course," the new arriver said. "who would dare enter in this way except me?" "valentine!" the count exclaimed with a shout of joy, and throwing down his pistols. "you are welcome, brother: i have been expecting you impatiently." "thank you," the hunter said. "did not curumilla announce my return this very night?" "yes," the count said with a laugh; "but you know how easy it is to talk with the chief." "that is true. well, i have brought you the information he omitted to give you, and perhaps it is all for the best." the count had dressed himself; that is to say, he put on his coat and zarapé, for he had thrown himself on his bed in his clothes. "take a stool," he said, "and let us talk." "i prefer going out." "as you please," don louis answered, suspecting that his friend had peculiar reasons for acting thus. they left the tent together. "captain de laville," the hunter said, addressing the young man, who was walking up and down before the tent, "an escort of ten horsemen, a horse for myself, and another for the chief, if you please." "at once?" "yes, if it be possible." "of course it is." "we are going to leave the camp, then?" louis said when they were alone. "we are going to la magdalena," the hunter made answer. "the moment is a most unfortunate one." "why so?" "because i am expecting the general's answer." "in that case you can come," the hunter said with a malicious smile, "for you will not receive that reply. the colonel's mission was only a bait to lull your vigilance to sleep." "oh, oh! are you certain of what you assert?" "by jove!" at this moment the escort appeared. louis and valentine mounted. it was hardly six in the morning; the country was deserted; at each puff of wind the trees shook their branches, which were damp with the abundant bright dew, and caused a gentle shower which rustled on the bushes; the sun sucked up the dense vapour that rose from the ground; and the birds, hidden in the foliage, woke up singing. the two friends, slightly in advance of their escort, rode pensively side by side, with the bridle on their horses' necks, and gazing vacantly at the magnificent landscape which lay expanded before them. the first houses of the pueblo, gaily enframed in clumps of floripondios and vines, were visible from a turning in the road. don louis raised his head. "well," he said, as if answering his own thoughts, "i swear this shall be the last time that general guerrero mocks me thus. it is plain that colonel suarez only came to my camp to see for himself in what condition we were." "for nothing else." "where are we going now?" "to a cockfight." "a cockfight!" the count said in surprise. the hunter looked at him significantly. "yes," he said to him, "you know, perhaps--or, if you do not, i will tell you--that the finest cockfights take place annually at la magdalena at the period of the festival." "ah!" louis said indifferently. "i am certain that it will interest you," valentine continued with a cunning air. the count perfectly well understood that his friend only spoke to him in this way in order to foil any eavesdroppers who might be about, and was silent, for he felt certain that all would be cleared up ere long. besides, the little party were at this moment entering the pueblo, the houses of which were beginning to open, in which the dwellers, hardly awake, saluted them as they passed with joyous and friendly smiles. after passing slowly through two or three streets, at a sign from valentine the detachment stopped before a house of rather mean appearance, and which had nothing about it to recommend it to the attention of strangers. "it is here," the hunter said. they stopped and dismounted. valentine then gave the leader of the escort strict orders to remain mounted with his men, and not stir till the count's return; then he tapped discreetly at the door, which was immediately opened. they entered, and the door was closed without their seeing anybody. they were scarcely in the house ere the hunter led his companion into a cuarto, the door of which he opened with a key he drew from his pocket. "follow my example," he said as he took off his vicuna hat and zarapé, which he exchanged for a cloak and a broad-brimmed straw hat. the count imitated him. "now come." they wrapped themselves carefully in their cloaks, pulled their hats over their eyes, and left the house by a door cleverly hidden in the wall, which communicated with the adjoining house, through which they passed without meeting anybody, and found themselves once more in the street. but during the few minutes they remained in the house the appearance of the pueblo had completely changed. the streets were now thronged with people coming and going: at each step children and leperos were letting off fireworks with shouts of delight and bursts of laughter. through the whole of spanish america, and especially in mexico, no at all respectable festival goes off without crackers and fireworks: letting off squibs is the acme of joy. we will repeat on this head a rather characteristic anecdote. some time after the spaniards had been definitively expelled from mexico, king ferdinand one morning asked a rich mexican who had sought refuge at the court of spain,-- "what do you imagine your countrymen are doing at this moment, don luis de cerda?" "sire," the mexican replied gravely, as he bowed to the king, "they are letting off squibs." "ah!" the king said, and passed on. a few hours later the king accosted the gentleman again: it was two in the afternoon. "and now," he asked him gaily, "what are they engaged in?" "sire," the mexican said with no less gravity than on the first occasion, "they continue to let off squibs." the king smiled, but made no reply. at nightfall, however, he again addressed the same question to the gentleman, who answered with his imperturbable coolness,-- "may it please your majesty, they are letting off more squibs than ever." this time the king could not contain himself, but burst into a fit of laughter--a very remarkable circumstance, for this prince was never renowned for the jollity of his character. the mexicans have three passions;--playing at monte, witnessing cockfights, and letting off squibs. we believe that the third is the most deeply rooted in them; and the quantity of powder consumed in mexico in the shape of squibs is incalculable. hence squibs were being let off in all the streets and on all the squares of la magdalena. at each step crackers exploded beneath the feet of our two friends, who, however, long accustomed to mexican habits, did not attach the slightest importance to the fireworks, but continued their progress in perfect coolness, clearing a way as well as they could through the dense crowd of indians, half-breeds, negroes, zambos, spaniards, mexicans, and north americans. at length they turned into a lane about half way down the calle san pedro. "halloh!" louis said, "are we really going to see a cockfight?" "of course," valentine said with a smile. "let me alone. i told you it would interest you." "go on, then," the count said with a careless shrug of his shoulders. "deuce take you and your absurd ideas!" "good, good!" valentine replied with a laugh. "we shall see; but we have arrived." and without any more words they entered the house. there is no amusement in mexico, save perhaps monte or fireworks, which excites interest to such a degree as a cockfight; and this interest is not confined merely to a certain class of society. in this respect there is no difference between the president of the republic and the most humble citizen, between the generalissimo and the lowest leper, between the highest dignitary of the church and the most obscure sacristan: whites, blacks, half-castes, and indians the whole population rushes with unequalled frenzy to this bloody spectacle which is so full of interest to them. the pit is arranged in the following way:--behind a house a large yard is selected, in the centre of which rises a circular amphitheatre, from fifty to sixty feet in diameter. the wall of this amphitheatre is never less than twenty feet high: it is built with brick, and carefully covered with hard stucco inside and out. five rows of seats rising above each other complete the interior of the building. until the opening of the doors no one knows what birds are entered; but, so soon as the public are admitted, the cocks are brought in. the bettors bring one each, which are then intrusted to the care of the trainer who makes the preliminary arrangements. these, however, are very simple. the cocks are armed with artificial spurs made of polished steel, about four inches in length, by half an inch wide at the base, slightly curved at the end, and terminating in a sharp point, while the upper side of the spur is sharpened. these spurs are firmly attached to the legs of the cocks by straps. when thus prepared for the contest, the cocks are taken into the pit by the trainers, who hold them up in the air, and submit them to the inspection of the spectators, who then make their bets. the money thus risked on the life of a bird is incredible, and men often ruin themselves by betting. at the moment when the frenchmen entered, the amusement had long before begun, so that all the best places were taken, and the pit filled with spectators pressing against each other. as, however, our friends had by no means come to take an active part in the amusement, they modestly seated themselves on the wall of the arena, where a band of ragged leperos had taken refuge, too poor to bet, but who regarded with envious eye and scarce-suppressed passion the happy favourites of fortune who were moving about beneath them with shouts and exclamations. the tumult was at its height, and all eyes were fixed on the pit, where--an extraordinary circumstance--one cock had defeated nine others in succession. the frenchmen cleverly profited by the effervescence of the spectators to pass on unnoticed, and reach the places they had selected. after a minute valentine lit a maize pajilla, and bent over to his foster brother's ear. "wait for me here," he said; "i shall return in a moment." louis bowed in assent. valentine rose with a nonchalant air, leaped carelessly over the benches, and, with cigar in mouth, mingled among the spectators who crowded the approaches to the pit. the count looked after him for a few moments, but then lost him in the crowd. his eyes then turned to the pit; and so great is the attraction offered by this singular and cruel spectacle, that the count involuntarily grew interested in what was going on before him, and even took a certain pleasure in it. the combats followed in rapid succession, each offering different but exciting incidents. the count began to find his foster brother's absence protracted, for he had left him for nearly an hour, when all at once he saw himself standing before him. "well?" he asked him. "well," valentine answered in castilian, "it appears that i was right, and that señor rodrigo's cocks are achieving marvels. come and see it more closely. i assure you that it is curious." the count rose without replying, and followed him. chapter xv. the interview. owing to their disguise, but, above all, the interest everybody took in the cockfight, the frenchmen succeeded in leaving the amphitheatre as they had entered it; that is to say, without attracting any attention. when they reached a sort of dark passage leading to the interior of the house, valentine stopped. "listen, to me, louis," he said, gluing his mouth, as it were, to his friend's ear. "the moment has arrived for you to learn why i brought you hither." "i am listening." "since i left you at the mission, as you may suppose, i have not been inactive. i have gone about the country, have entered into relations with all the richest and most respected inhabitants, and have succeeded in making them comprehend how important it was for them to join and support you. the festival of la magdalena offered us a favourable opportunity for meeting without attracting the attention of the mexican government, and arousing its apprehension. the only house in which a large body of persons can meet without exciting notice is indubitably that in which there is a cockpit. i therefore made an appointment here for this moment with the malcontents, who are numerous. they are all men who, by their fortunes or position, enjoy a high degree of consideration in the state which we wish to revolutionise, and possess great influence. i will introduce you to them: they are awaiting your arrival. you will explain to them your intentions, and they will tell you on what conditions they will consent to join you. remember, however, brother, that you are dealing with mexicans. set no more confidence in their words or promises than they deserve. be sure that success alone will gain them; that if you fail they will abandon you remorselessly, and be ready to deliver you up if they fancy they can derive any advantage from such an act of infamy. now, if what i tell you does not suit you, you can retire, and i will undertake to dismiss them without compromising you in any way." "no!" the count answered resolutely, "it is too late now: to hesitate or recoil would be cowardly. i must go on at all risks. announce me to our new friends." "come on, then." they walked to the end of the passage, where a closed door checked their progress. valentine tapped thrice at equal intervals with the hilt of his machete. "who is there?" a voice asked from inside. "the man expected a long time, though you did not dare hope that he would come," valentine answered. "he is welcome," the voice added. at this moment the door opened, the two men entered, and it closed again on them immediately. they then found themselves in a large room with whitewashed walls, and the floor of beaten earth. the furniture consisted of benches, on which were seated some fifty men, some of whom wore an ecclesiastical garb. curtains of red serge placed before the windows took off the glare, while at the same time preventing anyone outside seeing what was going on. on the entrance of the count and valentine, all rose and uncovered themselves respectfully. "caballeros," valentine said, "according to my promise, i have the honour to present to you the count de prébois crancé, who has consented to accompany me in order to hear the propositions you have to make to him." all bowed ceremoniously to the count, and he returned their bows with that grace and amenity peculiar to him. a man of a certain age, with an elegant and intelligent face, and dressed in the magnificent costume of the rich hacenderos, advanced and addressed the hunter. "pardon me, sir," he said with a slightly ironical accent, "i believe you have made a small mistake." "be good enough to explain, señor don anastasio," the hunter replied. "i do not understand the words you have done me the honour to address to me." "you said, sir, that the count had done us the honour of coming to hear the propositions we had to make to him." "well, sir?" "that is just where the mistake lies, don valentine." "how so, señor anastasio?" "it appears to me that we have no propositions to make to the count, but that we, on the contrary, should listen to his." a murmur of assent ran through the audience. don louis saw it was time to interfere. "gentlemen," he said, bowing gracefully to the hacenderos, "will you allow me to have a frank explanation with you? i am convinced that when i have done so any misunderstanding will be removed, and we shall comprehend each other perfectly." "speak, speak, señor!" they said. "gentlemen," he went on, "will not here enter into any personal details. i will not tell you how or why i arrived at guaymas--in what way the government of mexico, after breaking all the promises it made me, ended by declaring me an enemy of the country, placed me without the pale of society, and carried its impudence so far as to treat me as a pirate, and set a price on my head, as if i were a bandit or wretched assassin; for that would cause the loss of precious moments, and be a gratuitous abuse of your patience, as you all know thoroughly what has occurred." "yes, señor conde," the hacendero who had already spoken interrupted him, "we know the facts to which you allude: we deplore them, and blush for the honour of our country." "i thank you, gentlemen, for these marks, of sympathy: they are very sweet to me, as they prove that you are not mistaken as to my character. i will come to facts without further circumlocution." "hear, hear!" the audience murmured. the count waited a few moments, and when silence was completely restored he continued:-- "gentlemen, sonora is the most fertile and richest country not only of mexico, but of the whole universe. by its position at the extremity of the centre of the confederation, from which it is divided by lofty mountains and vast despoblados, sonora is a country apart, destined, in a speedy future, to separate itself from the mexican confederation. sonora is sufficient for itself. the other provinces supply it with nothing; on the contrary, sonora supports and enriches them with the surplus of its produce. but sonora, owing to the system of oppression under which it groans, is, properly speaking, only a vast desert. the greater part of its territory is uncultivated, for the government of mexico, which knows so well how to squeeze it, and seize the productions of its soil, and the gold and silver of its mines, is impotent to protect it against the enemies that surround it--the indios bravos, whose incursions, annually becoming more insolent, threaten to grow even more so, unless a speedy remedy is applied, and the evil uprooted. i said, at the outset, that within a short period sonora would be separated from the mexican confederation. let me explain myself. this will happen inevitably, but in two different ways, according to the advantage the inhabitants will derive from it. sonora is menaced by powerful enemies other than the indians. these enemies are the north americans, those wandering jews of civilisation, whose axes you may hear felling the trees of the last forests that separate you, and who will soon invade and occupy your country, unless you take care; and it will be impossible for you to offer the slightest resistance to this unjust conquest, for you have no support to expect from your government, which consumes all its energies in the purposeless and universal contests of the cabecillas, who seize on the power in turn." "yes, yes," several persons exclaimed, "that is true; the count is right." "this conquest with which you are menaced is imminent--it is inevitable; and then what will happen, gentlemen? what has happened wherever the yankees have succeeded in planting themselves. you will be absorbed by them: your language, customs, even your religion, all will be submerged in this flood. see what has occurred in texas, and shudder at the thought of what awaits you soon!" a thrill of anger ran through the assembly at these words, of which each recognised the justice in his heart. the count went on:-- "you have a means to escape this frightful evil; it is in your hands--it depends on you alone." "speak, speak!" was shouted on every side. "declare your independence loudly, frankly, and energetically. separate yourselves boldly from mexico, form the sonorian confederation, and call to your aid the french emigrants in california. they will not remain deaf to your appeal: they will come to help you not only in conquering, but also in maintaining your independence against your enemies within and without. the frenchmen whom you adopt will become your brothers: they have the same religion, almost the same habits as yourselves; in a word, you belong to the same race. you will easily understand each other. they will erect an impassable barrier against north american invasion, make the indians respect your frontiers, and compel the mexicans to recognise the right you have proclaimed of being free." "but," one of the company objected, "if we call the french to our aid, what will they ask of us in return?" "the right of cultivating your lands which lie fallow," the count answered energetically; "of bringing to you progress, the arts, and industry; in one word, of peopling your deserts, enriching your towns, and civilising your villages: that is what the french will ask. is it too much?" "no, certainly, it is not," don anastasio said amid a murmur of assent. "but," another objected, "who guarantees us that, when the moment arrives to settle our accounts with the colonists we have summoned to our aid, they will faithfully fulfil the promises they have made us, and not insist, in their turn, on dictating laws to us, by taking advantage of their number and strength?" "i, caballeros, i, who in their name will treat with you, and assume the responsibility of everything." "yes, the prospective of which you allow us a glimpse is seductive, caballero," don anastasio answered in the name of all. "we recognise the truth of the facts you tell us. we know only too well how precarious our position is, and what great dangers menace us; but a scruple causes us to refrain at this moment. have we the right to plunge our unhappy country, already half ruined, in the horrors of a civil war, when in this unfortunate land nothing is prepared for an energetic resistance? the government of mexico, so weak for good, is powerful for evil, and it will manage to find troops to reduce us if we revolt. general guerrero is an experienced officer--a cold and cruel man, who will recoil before no extremity, however terrible its nature, to stifle in blood any attempt at insurrection. in a few days he has succeeded in collecting a powerful army to conquer us: each of your soldiers, in the coming contest, will have to fight against ten. however brave the french may be, it is impossible for them to resist such an imposing force. a battle lost, and all is over with you. any armed opposition will become impossible, and you will drag us down in your fall if we help you; and we have the more to fear, because our position is not like yours. we are sons of the country: we have in it our families and fortunes. we have, therefore, everything to lose; while you, on the other hand, supposing you are beaten, and your enterprise completely fails, have a means of safety we cannot employ, in flight. these considerations are serious. they oblige us to act with the greatest prudence, and reflect deeply, before determining to shake off the detested yoke of mexico. do not believe, caballero, that we speak thus through cowardice or weakness. no, it is solely through the fear of failure, and the loss, in the shipwreck, of the few shreds of liberty which, through policy, they have not yet dared to tear from us, and which they possibly only need a pretext to assail." "gentlemen," the count answered, "i appreciate at their full value the motives you have been good enough to lay before me. still, permit me to observe that, however serious the objections may be you do me the honour of laying before me, we are not here to discuss them. the object of our meeting is an offensive and defensive alliance between yourselves and me, is it not?" "certainly," most of the audience exclaimed, surprised by the count's sudden change of position, and led to speak, perhaps involuntarily, more hurriedly than they had intended. "well," the count continued, "let us not waste our time, like those tradesmen who boast to each other about the quality of their wares. let us go straight to our object, frankly, clearly, and like men of honour. tell me, without any concealment, on what conditions you consent to form an alliance with me and give me your support, and the number of men i can count on when the right moment arrives." "that is the right way to speak, señor conde," don anastasio replied. "well, to a question so clearly asked, we will answer no less clearly. we do not doubt (heaven forbid we should!) either the courage or strategic skill of your soldiers: we know that the french are brave. still your band is not large: up to the present it has no support, and only possesses the patch of ground on which it is encamped. establish a solid base of operations--seize, for instance, one of the three chief cities of sonora--then you will no longer be adventurers, but really soldiers; and we shall no longer fear to treat with you, because your expedition will have gained consistency--in one word, have become earnest." "very good, gentlemen; i understand you," the count answered coldly. "and, in case i succeed in carrying one of the cities you mention, i can count on you?" "body and soul." "and how many men will you place at my disposal?" "six thousand in four days--the whole of sonora in a week." "you promise it?" "we all swear it!" they exclaimed enthusiastically. but this enthusiasm could not produce a flash or smile on the count's face. "gentlemen," he said, "within a fortnight i give you the meeting in one of the three chief cities of sonora; and then, as i shall have accomplished my obligations, i shall call on you to keep yours." the mexicans could not restrain a gesture of astonishment and admiration at these noble words. the count, though no longer young, was still handsome, and gifted with that fascination which improvises kingdoms. each of his phrases left a memory. all present came in turn to press his hand, and renew individually their protestations of devotion, after which they left the room. the count and valentine remained alone. "are you satisfied, brother?" the hunter asked him. "who could be strong enough to galvanise this people?" the count muttered with a mournful shrug of his shoulders, and rather answering his own thoughts than the question his friend had addressed to him. the two men went to fetch their zarapés. they found their escort where they had left it, and retired slowly through the crowd, who saluted them as they passed with shouts of "_vivan los franceses!_" "if i come to be shot some day," the count said bitterly, "they will only have to alter one word." valentine sighed, but made no reply. chapter xvi. father seraphin. doña angela had just awakened: a sportive sunbeam, passing indiscreetly over her charming face, had made her open her eyes. she was lying half extended in her hammock, with her head supported on her right arm, and was pensively looking at the swan's-down slipper which she was idly balancing on her dainty little foot. violanta, seated at her foot on a stool, was busily arranging the various articles of her mistress's toilette. at length doña angela shook off her careless languor, and a smile played on her coral lips. "today," she said, as she raised her head coquettishly. this one word contained the maiden's thoughts, her joy, love, happiness--her whole life, in fact. she fell back in a reverie, yielding herself up unconsciously to the delicate and busy services of her waiting-maid. the sound of a footstep was heard outside, and doña angela raised her head quickly. "someone is coming," she said. violanta went out, but returned almost immediately. "well?" "don cornelio requests permission to say two words to the señorita," the camarista answered. the maiden frowned with an air of vexation. "what can he want again?" she said. "i do not know." "that man displeases me singularly." "i will tell him that you cannot receive him." "no," she said quickly, "let him enter." "why, if he displeases you?" "i prefer seeing him. i do not know why, but that man almost terrifies me." the waiting maid blushed and turned her head away, but recovered almost immediately. "still he is entirely devoted to don louis and yourself, señorita." "do you think so?" she said, fixing a piercing glance on her. "well, i suppose so; his conduct up to the present has been most honourable." "yes," she murmured dreamily. "still there is something at the bottom of my heart which tells me that this man hates me. i experience, on seeing him, an insurmountable feeling of repulsion. this is something inexplicable to me; but, though everything seems to prove to me that i am wrong, still, whether right or wrong, there is at times an expression in his glance which makes me shudder. the only thing a man cannot disguise is his look, for it is the reflex of his soul, and god has decreed it so, in order that we may put ourselves on our guard, and recognise our enemies. but he is doubtlessly tired of waiting. let him come in." violanta hastened to execute her mistress's orders. don cornelio entered with a smile on his lips. "señorita," he said, after a graceful bow, which the maiden returned without leaving her hammock, "pardon me for daring to trouble your solitude; but a worthy priest, a french missionary, desires that you will grant him the favour of a few minutes' interview." "what is the missionary's name, señor don cornelio?" "father seraphin, i believe, señorita." "why does he not address himself to don louis?" "he intended to do so in the first instance." "well?" "but," don cornelio continued, "at sunrise don louis left the camp, accompanied by don valentine; and though it is now near midday, he has not yet returned." "ah! where did don louis go to at so early an hour?" "i cannot tell you, señorita. all that i know for certain is, that he proceeded in the direction of la magdalena." "has anything new occurred?" "nothing i am aware of, señorita." there were a few moments of silence, during which doña angela was reflecting. at length she continued: "and do you not suspect what this missionary wishes to say to me, don cornelio?" "in no way, señorita." "beg him to come in. i shall be happy to see and converse with him." violanta, without giving don cornelio time to reply, raised the curtain that closed the entrance of the jacal. "come in, my father," she said. the missionary appeared. doña angela greeted him respectfully, and pointed to a chair. "you wish to speak with me, my father?" she said. "yes, madam," he replied with a bow. "i am ready to listen to you." the missionary looked round in a way that don cornelio and the waiting maid understood, for they went out at once. "cannot what you have to say to me be heard by that girl, who is devoted to me?" "heaven forbid, madam, that i should try to lessen the confidence you place in that person, but allow me to give you a little piece of advice." "pray do so." "it is often dangerous to confide your secret thoughts to persons in a lower station than yourself." "yes, that may be true in theory, my father, but i will not discuss it. be kind enough to explain to me the reason of your visit." "i am grieved, madam, at having hurt your feelings without wishing it. pardon an observation which you considered indiscreet, and may heaven grant that i am deceived!" "no, my father, no; i did not consider your remark indiscreet. but i am a spoiled child, and it is my place to ask your forgiveness." at this moment the sound of horses was heard in the camp. violanta raised the curtain. "don louis has arrived," she said. "let him come hither at once," doña angela exclaimed. the missionary gazed on her with an expression of gentle pity. a few minutes later don louis and valentine entered the jacal. the hunter walked up to the missionary, and pressed his hand affectionately. "have you come from the general, my father?" the count asked him quickly. "alas, no!" he answered. "the general is unaware of my coming; for had he known of it, he would probably have tried to oppose it." "what do you mean? speak, in heaven's name!" "alas! i am about to redouble your agony and your sorrow. general guerrero never intended to bestow on you this lady's hand. i cannot tell you what i have seen or heard, for my office forbids it; but i am a frenchman, sir--that is to say, your fellow countryman--and i believe my duty orders me to warn you that treachery surrounds you on all sides, and that the general is trying to lull your vigilance by fallacious promises, in order to surprise you and finish with you." don louis let his head sink on his chest. "in that case, sir," he said presently, "with what object have you come here?" "i will tell you. the general wishes to get back his daughter, and, to effect that, all means will be good. permit me to draw your attention to the fact that, under present circumstances, the lady's presence here is not only a danger for you, but also an ineffaceable stain on her honour." "sir!" the count exclaimed. "deign to listen to me," the missionary continued coldly. "i do not doubt either your honour or the lady's; but you have no power, to my knowledge, to impose silence on your enemies, and stop the immense flood of calumny they pour out on you and her. unhappily your conduct seems to justify them." "but what is to be done? what means shall i employ?" "there is one." "speak, my father." "this is what i propose. you intend to marry this lady?" "certainly; you know that is my dearest wish." "let me finish. the marriage must not be celebrated here; for such a ceremony, performed in the midst of a camp of adventurers, without witnesses, would seem a mockery." "but----" "it must take place in a city, in the presence of the entire population, in the broad sunshine, to the sound of the bells and cannon, which, traversing the air, will tell all that the marriage has really taken place." "yes," valentine remarked, "father seraphin is right; for then doña angela will no longer marry a pirate, but a conqueror, with whom terms must be made. she will not be the wife of an adventurer, but of the liberator of sonora, and those who blame her today will be the first to sing her praises." "yes, yes, that is true!" the maiden cried with fire. "i thank you, my father, for coming. my duty is laid down: i will accomplish it. who will dare to attack the reputation of her who has married the saviour of her country?" "still," the count remarked, "this is only a palliative, after all. the marriage cannot take place yet. a fortnight, perhaps a month, will elapse ere i have rendered myself master of a city. till then doña angela must remain in the camp where she has hitherto been." all eyes were anxiously turned to the missionary. "no," he said, "if the young lady will allow me to offer her a shelter." "a shelter!" she said with an inquiring glance. "very simple and most unworthy to receive her, doubtlessly," he continued, "but where at least she will be in safety, in the midst of a family of honourable and good persons, to whom it will be a delight to receive her." "is the shelter you offer me, my father, very far from here?" the maiden asked quickly. "twenty-five leagues at the most, in the direction in which the french expedition must proceed on its march into sonora." doña angela gave a cunning smile at having been so well understood by the good priest. "listen, my father," she said with that resolution which was one of the principal features of her character. "your reputation reached me long ago, and i know that you are a holy man. even if i did not know you, the friendship and respect don valentine professes for you would be to me a sufficient guarantee. i trust myself in your hands. i understand how unsuitable my presence in the camp now, at any rate, is. take me wherever you please. i am ready to follow you." "my child," the missionary said with charming unction, "it is god who inspires this determination. the grief you will feel at a separation of a few days at the most will double the happiness of a reunion which no one will dare any longer to oppose--which will not only raise you again in the public opinion, which it is always precious to preserve, but also give your reputation a lustre which it will be hopeless to try and tarnish." "go, then, as it must be so, doña angela," the count said. "i intrust you to this good padre; but i swear that a fortnight shall not elapse ere we are again together." "i hold your promise, don louis; it will help me to endure with greater courage the agony of absence." "when do you expect to start?" valentine asked. "now," the maiden exclaimed. "as the separation is inevitable, let us get over it at once." "well spoken," valentine said. "by jove! i return to what i said before, doña angela--you are a strong and nobly courageous woman; and, by heavens, i love you as a sister!" doña angela could not refrain from smiling at the hunter's enthusiasm. the latter continued:-- "hang it! but we did not think of that; you will need an escort----" "for what?" the priest asked simply. "by jove! you are really delightful. why, to protect you against the enemy's marauders." "my friend, the respect of everybody we meet will be worth more to us than an escort, which is often compromising." "for you, i grants but, my father, you do not remember that you will travel with two females who must be immediately recognised." "that is true," he said simply; "i did not think of it." "what is to be done, then?" doña angela began laughing. "gentlemen, you are really troubled by a very trifling matter. the good father said an instant back, that the gown is the best safeguard, for friend and foe will respect it under all circumstances." "that is true," the missionary said in confirmation. "well, it is extremely simple. if father seraphin has no objection, my waiting maid and myself will put on novices' robes, under which it will be easy for us to disguise ourselves so cleverly that no one can recognise us." father seraphin seemed to be reflecting profoundly for a few moments. "i see no serious obstacles to this disguisement," he at length observed: "under the circumstances it is permissible, as it will serve a good object." "but where shall we find monks' robes?" the count objected, half seriously, half laughing. "i must confess that my camp is completely out of them." "i will take that on myself," valentine said. "i will send to la magdalena a safe man, who can bring them back within an hour: during that time doña angela will complete her preparations for departure." no one made any objection, and the maiden was left alone. less than an hour after, doña angela and violanta, dressed in monks' robes which don cornelio had purchased in the village, and with their faces concealed under broad-brimmed hats, mounted their horses, and, after bidding a warm farewell to their companions, they left the camp, accompanied by father seraphin. on separating, violanta and don cornelio exchanged a secret glance, which would have given the count and valentine matter for serious thought, could they have seen it. "i am not easy in my mind," don louis muttered, shaking his head sadly. "a priest is a very weak escort in the present times." "reassure yourself," valentine answered; "i have provided for that." "oh! you always think of everything, brother." "is it not my duty? now let us attend to ourselves. the night will soon fall, and we must take our precautions not to let ourselves be surprised." "you know that, with the exception of the few words you told me through curumilla, i am completely ignorant of the details of this affair." "they would be too long to give you at the present moment, brother, for we have hardly the requisite time for action." "have you any plan?" "certainly. if it succeed, the people who hope to surprise us will be awfully taken in." "on my word, i trust to you with the greater pleasure because we have been a long time already at la magdalena, and i wish to begin my forward march seriously." "very good. can you spare me fifty adventurers?" "take as many as you like." "i only want fifty resolute men accustomed to desert warfare. for that purpose i shall take captain de laville, and recommend him to select from among the men he brought with him from guetzalli the boldest and most clever." "do so, my friend. as for myself, i will carefully watch over the camp, and double the patrols." "that precaution can do no harm. so now good-by till tomorrow." "farewell!" they separated, and don louis returned to his tent. at the moment valentine reached captain de laville's jacal he saw don cornelio quitting the camp with an indifferent air, and mechanically looked after him. in a moment he lost him out of sight behind a clump of trees, but all at once saw him reappear but mounted this time, and setting off full gallop in the direction of the pueblo. "eh, eh?" valentine muttered with a thoughtful air. "what can don cornelio have to do in such haste at la magdalena? i will ask him." and he entered the jacal, where he found the captain, with whom he immediately began discussing the plan he had formed to foil the intended surprise on the part of the mexicans. as we shall see this plan carried out presently, we will say nothing about it here, but go and rejoin father seraphin and doña angela. chapter xvii. the quebrada del coyote. it is especially at night, about two hours after sunset, that american scenery assumes grand proportions. under the influence of the first night shadows the trees seem to put on majestic forms; the animated silence of the desert becomes more mysterious; and man experiences involuntarily a feeling of undefinable respect, which contracts his heart, and fills him with superstitious dread. at that hour the waters of the rivers flow with hoarse murmurings; the heavy and sinister flight of the birds of night agitates the air with a fluttering of evil augury; and the wild beasts, aroused in their hidden dens, salute the darkness with long howlings of joy, for at night they are incontestably the kings of the desert, for man is deprived of his greatest strength--the power of the eye. father seraphin was riding by the side of the two females along the foot of a lofty mountain, whose wooded slopes were lost in the black depths of the barrancas. since leaving the camp they had not stopped once. they were following at this moment a narrow path traced by mules, which wound with countless turnings along the sides of the mountain. this path was so narrow that two horses could scarce go along side by side; but the steeds on which our travellers were mounted were so sure-footed, that the latter proceeded without any hesitation along a road on which no other animal would have ventured in the darkness. the moon had not yet risen; not a star glistened in the cloud-laden sky; the darkness was dense; and, under the circumstances, this was almost fortunate; for had the travellers been able to see the spot where they were, and the way in which they were suspended, as it were, in space at a prodigious height, possibly their courage would have failed them, and their heads grown dizzy. father seraphin and doña angela were riding side by side: violanta was a few paces behind. "my father," the young lady said, "we have now been travelling for nearly six hours, and i am beginning to feel fatigued. shall we not halt soon?" "yes, my child, in an hour at the most. in a few moments we shall leave this path, and cross a defile called the quebrada del coyote: at the end of that pass we shall spend the night in a poor house, which is now not more than two miles off." "you say we are going to pass through the coyote defile. we are, then, on the road to hermosillo?" "quite true, my child." "is it not imprudent for us to venture on this road, which my father's troops command." "my child," the missionary said gently, "in good policy we must often risk a great deal in order to secure greater tranquillity. we are not only on the road to hermosillo, but we are going to that very city." "what! to hermosillo?" "yes, my child. in my opinion it is the only spot where you will be completely safe from your father's search, as he will never think of looking for you there, and cannot imagine that you are so near him." "that is true," she said after a moment's reflection. "the plan is a bold one, and hence must succeed. i believe, in truth, that hermosillo is the only spot where i can be safe from the pursuit of those who have an interest in finding me." "i will take care, besides, to recommend you to the persons to whom i shall intrust you; and, for greater security, i will leave you as little as possible." "i shall be greatly obliged to you, my father, for i shall feel very sad and lonely." "courage, my child! i have faith in don louis. heaven must protect his expedition, for the work he has undertaken is grand and noble, as it has for its object the emancipation of an entire country." "believe me, my father, i am happy to hear you speak thus. the count may fail; but in that case he will fall like a hero, and his death will be that of a martyr." "yes, the count is a chosen vessel. i believe, like yourself, my child, that if his contemporaries do not do him the justice which is his due, posterity at least will not confound him with those filibusters and shameless adventurers for whom gold alone is everything, and who, whatever may be the title they assume, are in reality no more than highway robbers. but the road is growing wider--we are about to enter the pass. this spot does not enjoy a very good reputation, so keep by my side. although i believe that we have nothing to fear, it is always well to be prudent." in fact, as the missionary stated, the path had suddenly widened out: the two sides of the mountain, which had, for some distance, been gradually drawing together, now formed two parallel walls, at the most only forty yards apart. it was this narrow gorge which was known as the quebrada del coyote. it was about half a mile in length; but then it suddenly grew wider, and opened on a vast _chaparral_, covered with thickets and fields of dahlias; while the mountains separated to the right and left, not to meet again till eighty leagues further on. at the moment when the travellers entered the pass the moon broke out from the clouds in which it floated, and lighted up this dangerous pass with its mournful and sickly light. this gleam, weak as it was, could not fail to be agreeable to the travellers, as it allowed them to look around and see where they were. they pressed on their wearied steeds, in order to arrive more speedily at the end of the gloomy gorge in which they were. they had gone on for about ten minutes, and had nearly reached the centre of the pass, when the neighing of a horse smote their ears. "we have travellers behind us," the missionary said with a frown. "and in a hurry, as it seems," doña angela added. "hark!" they stopped to listen. the noise of hurried galloping reached their ears. "who can these men be?" the missionary murmured, speaking to himself. "travellers like ourselves, probably." "no," father seraphin remarked, "travellers would not go at such a pace: they are doubtlessly persons in pursuit of us." "that is not probable, my father: no one is aware of our journey." "treachery has the eye of the lynx and the ear of the opossum, my dear child. it is incessantly on the watch: everything is known--a secret is no longer one when two persons know it. but time presses: we must make up our minds." "we are lost if they are enemies!" doña angela exclaimed with terror. "we have no help to expect from any one." "providence is on the watch, child. place confidence in her: she will not abandon us." the noise of horses rapidly approaching came nearer, and resembled the grumbling of thunder. the missionary drew himself up: his face suddenly assumed an expression of indomitable energy which would have been thought impossible for such gentle features; his voice, usually so pleasant and sonorous, became quick, and almost harsh. "place yourselves behind me, and pray," he said; "for, if i am not greatly mistaken, the meeting will be dangerous." the two females obeyed mechanically. doña angela believed herself lost: alone with this poor priest, any resistance must be impossible. the missionary collected the reins in his left hand, attached them to the pommel of his saddle, and awaited the shock with his face turned to the newcomers. he had not long to wait: within scarce five minutes ten horsemen appeared at full gallop. when twenty paces from the travellers they halted as firmly as if their horses' hoofs were suddenly fixed in the ground. these men, as far as it was possible to distinguish in the doubtful and tremorous light of the moon, were dressed in the mexican garb, and their faces were covered with black crape. doubt was no longer possible: these sinister horsemen were really in pursuit of our travellers. there was an instant of supreme silence--a silence which the missionary at length resolved to break. "what do you want, gentlemen?" he said in a loud and firm voice. "why are you pursuing us?" "oh, oh!" a mocking voice said, "the dove assumes the accent of the gamecock. señor padre, we have no intention to injure you; we only wish to do you a service by saving you the trouble of guarding the two pretty girls you so cleverly have with you." "go your way, sirs," the priest continued, "and do not trouble yourselves about what does not concern you." "come, come, señor padre," the first speaker went on, "surrender with a good grace: we should not like to fail in the respect due to you. resistance is impossible--we are ten against you alone: besides, you are a man of peace." "you are cowards!" the missionary shouted. "retire! a truce to mockery, and let me continue my journey in peace." "not so, señor padre, unless you consent to leave us your two companions." "ah, ah! that is it? well, then, we must fight, gentlemen. it seems to me that you are strangely mistaken about me. yes, i am a missionary, a man of peace; but i am also a frenchman, and you appear to have forgotten that. you must understand that i will not suffer the slightest insult to the persons, whoever they may be, whom heaven has placed under my protection." "and with what will you defend them, mr. frenchman?" the stranger asked with a grin. "with these," the missionary coldly replied as he drew a brace of pistols from his holsters, and set the hammers with a resolute air. the bandits hesitated involuntarily. the missionary's action was so clear, his voice so firm, his presence so intrepid, that they felt themselves tremble; for they understood that they had a brave-hearted man before them, who would sooner die than yield an inch. the mexicans do not respect much; but we must do them the justice of saying that they have an unbounded reverence for the priest's gown. the missionary was not a man like some who may be unfortunately met with, especially among the clergy of north and south america. his reputation for virtue and goodness was immense along the whole mexican frontier: it was a serious matter to insult him, much more to threaten him with death. still the strangers had advanced too far to give way. "come, padre," the man who had hitherto been spokesman said, "do not attempt any useless resistance. at all risks we will carry off these women." and he made a movement as if to advance. "stop! one step further, and you are a dead man. i hold in my hands the life of two." "and i of two others," a rough voice exclaimed; and a man, suddenly emerging from a thicket, bounded forward like a jaguar, and placed himself intrepidly by the missionary's side. "curumilla!" the latter exclaimed. "yes," the chief answered, "it is i. courage! our friends are coming up." in fact a dull and continued sound could be heard rapidly increasing. the strangers had not yet paid attention to it, as they were so engaged by their discussion with the missionary. still the situation was growing complicated. father seraphin saw that, so long as a pistol was not fired, he should remain almost master of the situation, certain, from curumilla's words, as he was of seeing speedy help arrive. his resolution was at once formed: all he wanted was to gain time, and he attempted it. "come, gentlemen," he said, "you see that i am no longer alone: god has sent me a brave auxiliary; hence my position is no longer so desperate. will you parley?" "parley!" "yes." "be quick." "i will try to be so, as i presume, from the way in which you stopped me, you are salteadores. well, look you. you have me almost in your power, or at least you think so. remember that i am only a poor missionary, and that what i possess belongs to the unhappy. how much do you want for my ransom? answer. i am ready to make any sacrifice compatible with my position." father seraphin might have spoken thus for a long time, for the strangers were no longer listening: they had noticed the approaching sound, and were beginning to grow nervous. "maldición!" the man who had hitherto spoken said, "that demon has mocked us." he dug his spurs into his horses flanks; but the noble animal, instead of bounding forward, reared up almost straight with a snort of pain, and then fell in a heap. curumilla had cut its back sinews with a blow of his machete. after this exploit the indian uttered a loud cry for help, which was answered by a formidable hurrah. still the impulse had been given, and the bandits rushed forward with a ferocious yell. the missionary discharged his pistols, rather for the purpose of hastening the advent of his unknown friends than of wounding his enemies, which was easy to see; for no one fell, and the two parties were so close that it was almost impossible to miss the mark. at the same instant five or six horsemen rushed on the strangers like a whirlwind. a frightful medley began, and the bullets whistled in every direction. the missionary had dismounted, and, compelling the two females to do the same, he led them a few paces in the rear, in order to protect them from the shots. but the struggle was not a long one: within five minutes the bandits fled at full speed, pursued by nearly all the newcomers, and leaving four of their men stretched on the ground. after a chase of a few minutes, however, the horsemen giving up a pursuit which they saw was useless, returned and joined the missionary. the latter, forgetting the unjust aggression he had just escaped, was already seeking to succour the unhappy men who had fallen victims to the trap they had laid for him: he went piously from one to the other, in order to offer them assistance if there were still time. three were dead: the fourth was gasping and rolling on the ground in convulsions of death. the missionary raised the veil that concealed his face, and uttered a cry of surprise on recognising him. at this cry the dying man opened his eyes, and fixed a haggard glance on father seraphin. "yes, it is i," he said in an expiring voice. "i have only what i deserve." "unhappy man!" the missionary replied, "is that what you swore to me?" "i tried to do it," he continued. "a few days back i saved the man you recommended to me, father." "and i," the missionary said sorrowfully, "you owe your life to me, and yet tried to kill me?" the dying man made a gesture of energetic denial. "no," he exclaimed, "never! look you, my father: there are accursed natures in the world. el buitre was a wretched bandit. well, he dies as he lived: that is just. good-by, father! well, i saved your friend, the hunter. ah, ah!" while saying this the wretch had sat up. suddenly he was seized with a convulsion, and rolled on the ground: he was dead. the missionary knelt down by his side and prayed. all present, moved involuntarily, took off their hats piously, and remained silent by his side. all at once shouts and firing were heard, and a numerous baud of horsemen galloped down the pass. "to arms!" the men shouted, leaping into their saddles hurriedly. "stay," curumilla said; "they are friends." chapter xviii. the surprise. employing our privilege as romancers, we will go back a little way, and return to don cornelio, whom valentine looked after with such astonishment when he saw him leave the camp in such an unusual manner. in the first place we will say a few words about don cornelio, that joyous and careless gentleman whom, in the first part of this history, we saw so impassioned for music generally, and the romance del rey rodrigo in particular. at the present time he was greatly changed: he no longer sang--the chords of his jarana no longer vibrated under his agile fingers; a deep wrinkle crossed his brow; his cheeks had grown pale; and he frowned incessantly under the pressure of gloomy thoughts. what could have happened? what powerful cause had thus changed the spaniard's character? this cause might be easily guessed. don cornelio loved doña angela. he loved her with all his strength--we will not say with a true and sincere love, for it was not love at all that he felt for her: another sentiment, less noble, but perhaps more lively, had craftily entered the gentleman's heart by the side of love. this sentiment was avarice. we previously stated that don cornelio was under the influence of a fixed idea. this idea had led the spaniard to america. the hidalgo wished to make his fortune by a marriage with a lady young, rich, and fair, but, before all, rich. a fixed idea is more than a passion, more than a monomania: it is the first stage of madness. many times had don cornelio been deceived in his attempts on rich american women, whom he sought to dazzle, not by his luxury (for he was poor as job, of lamentable memory), but by his personal advantages; that is to say, his beauty and wit. his meeting with doña angela decided his fate. persuaded that the young lady loved him, he began to love her, for his part, with the frenzy of the drowning man, for whom such a love was the only chance of salvation. when he perceived his error it was too late. we will do him the justice of conceding that the poor gentleman had struggled valiantly to tear from his heart this insensate passion. unfortunately all his efforts were futile, and, as ever happens under such circumstances, forgetting all he owed to don louis, who had saved him not only from misery, but also from death, he felt for the count an intense hatred, the more tenacious because it was dumb and concentrated; and, by a natural feeling, he turned one half of that hatred on doña angela, although the young lady and the count had only been the instruments, throughout the affair, of that fatality which was so bitter against him. thus, with extreme patience and unexampled hypocrisy, don cornelio prepared his vengeance against these two beings, who had never done him aught but kindness, and watched with the perfidy of a wild beast the opportunity to destroy them. this opportunity would not be difficult to find in a country where treachery is the order of the day, and forms the basis of all combinations and transactions, of whatever nature they may be. don cornelio had entered into relations with the enemies of the count, and surrendered to them the secrets the latter allowed to let slip in his presence. he had so arranged as to make his two foes fall into a trap from which they could not escape, and in wreathing round them a net from which extrication would be impossible. and now that we have explained don cornelio's feelings to the reader we will proceed with our narrative. the spaniard had succeeded in drawing over to his side doña angela's waiting maid. thus violanta betrayed her mistress to the profit of don cornelio, by whom she believed herself beloved, and who, had led her to fancy that he would marry her some day. from the camarista, who had remained on the listen, the spaniard learned all that was said in the jacal between father seraphin, the count, and the young lady: the order he afterwards received to go to la magdalena and purchase the gowns dissipated all his doubts, and he resolved to act without loss of time. it was by his advice that the mexicans were to attempt to attack the camp that very night: hence he knew where to find them. taking advantage, therefore, of a moment when everybody was too busy with his own affairs to think about what others were doing, he glided silently out of the camp, like a man taking a morning's walk, gained a clump of trees behind which a horse was hidden, and rode off at full speed across country, after taking a scrutinising glance around to assure himself that he was not watched. he galloped thus for several hours, not seeming to follow any regular road, dashing straight on, and paying no attention to obstacles, or not checking the speed of his horse. still, gradually his thoughts, at first gloomy and sad, assumed a different direction: he attached the bridle to his saddle-bow, and for the first time for many a day his fingers began straying mechanically over the resonant strings of his jarana, which he always wore in a sling, and brought with him; then, yielding unconsciously to the influence of the surrounding scenery, he began singing in a loud voice that couplet of the romance which bore a certain degree of reference to his present position:-- "amada enemiga mia, de españa segunda elena, o ¡si yo naciera ciego! o ¡tú sin beldad nacieras! maldito sea el punto y hora que al mundo me dio mi estrella: pechos que me dieron leche mejor sepulcro me dieran pagará----"[ ] "deuce take the owl singing at this hour!" a rough voice said, harshly interrupting the virtuoso. "who ever heard such an infernal row?" don cornelio looked around. the darkness was profound. a tall man with crafty air, and mustachios turned up, was examining him impudently while tapping the hilt of a long rapier. "eh, eh!" the spaniard said with great composure, "is that you, captain? what are you doing here?" "waiting for you, cristo." "well, here i am." "that is fortunate. when do we start?" "all is changed." "eh?" "lead me first to your encampment, where i will explain it all to you." "come." don cornelio followed him. this captain, whom the reader has doubtless recognised, was the old soldier of the war of independence whom we had the honour of presenting to him under the name of don isidro vargas, the confidential tool of general guerrero, to whom he was attached like the blade to the hilt. the spaniard, drawing his horse after him by the bridle, entered a large clearing lighted up by a dozen fires, round which were crouched a hundred men with sinister faces and irregular accoutrements, but all armed to the teeth. these bandits, whose ferocious appearance would have delighted a painter, illumined as they were by the fantastic flames of the braseros, were gambling, drinking, and quarrelling, and did not seem to notice don cornelio's arrival. the latter made a gesture of disgust on seeing them, but hobbled his horse near theirs, and rejoined the captain, who had already seated himself by a fire evidently made specially for him, as not one of the worthy people he had the honour of commanding came near it. "now i will hear you," the captain said so soon as he saw his comrade stretched out comfortably at his side. "what i have to say will not take long." "let me hear it, at any rate." "in two words, this is the matter: our expedition of this evening is useless--the bird has flown." the captain, according to his habit in any moment of nervous excitement, rapped out a frightful oath. "patience!" the spaniard went on. "this is what has happened." and he described the way in which father seraphin had left the camp, accompanied by the young lady. on hearing it the worthy captain's face brightened. "come," he said, "all is for the best. what will you do?" "give me el buitre and ten resolute men. the priest must pass through the quebrada del coyote: on arriving there i promise to strip him." "and what shall i do during that time?" "whatever you like." "_mil rayos!_ since i am here, i will remain; but i shall quit this encampment at daybreak, and after leaving a party to beat up the country, i will join the general at ures." "then he is at ures at this moment?" "yes, temporarily." "very good; then you will see me there with my prisoners." "agreed." "and now make haste; i must start at once." the captain rose, and while don cornelio was drawing his horse's girths tighter, he gave orders to ten of his men to prepare for an expedition. within five minutes the little party left the clearing under the orders of the spaniard, and took up the missionary's trail. the reader knows already what took place in the pass, which was not more than two leagues from the spot where the bandits lay in ambush. we will, therefore, leave don cornelio, and confine our attention to captain vargas. "on my word," the captain said to himself when the spaniard had left him, "i prefer that matters should end thus. there are only blows to be gained from those confounded frenchmen, deuce take them! now we shall be quiet for the whole night, so we will go to sleep." the captain was not so safe as he imagined, though, and the night was not destined to be so quiet as far as he was concerned. on leaving the camp valentine explained to his comrades the nature of the expedition they were going on, and recommended them to play indian; that is to say, employ craft. on entering the forest in which captain vargas was hidden, the frenchmen had heard the sound of horses, and seen the bandits under the spaniard's command flash past in the darkness like a baud of black shadows. not wishing to defer the execution of his plans, and possibly surrender the substance for the shadow, the hunter contented himself with sending an intelligent man after the party, in order to know what became of it; and the frenchmen, after dismounting, crept into the forests like reptiles. nothing was more easy than to surprise the mexicans. the latter believed themselves so safe that they had not even taken the precaution to post sentries round their bivouac, who might warn them in case of danger. huddled pell-mell round the fires, the greater part were asleep, or already, plunged in that seeming lethargy which precedes sleep. as for the captain, he was wrapped up carefully in his cloak, and, with his feet to the fire and his head on a saddle, was fast asleep. the adventurers reached the centre of the clearing without the slightest sound betraying their approach. then, in accordance with the orders they had received, they seized the firelocks and sabres placed near each of the sleepers, formed a pile of them, and then cut the picket ropes of the horses, which they drove off with blows of the chicote. at the terrible noise produced by the headlong course of the horses, which spread in every direction, snorting and neighing, the mexicans awoke. they remained for an instant as if petrified at the sight of the adventurers, who surrounded them on all sides with levelled muskets. by an instinctive movement they felt for their arms, but they had been removed. "_con mil rayos y mil demonios!_" the captain shouted, as he stamped his foot furiously, "we are taken like rats in a trap." "hilloh!" valentine said with an ironical laugh, "you are no longer majordomo, then, señor don isidro vargas?" "and you," he answered with a grin of rage, "as it seems, are no longer a dealer in novillos, señor don valentine?" "what would you?" he said cunningly. "trade is so very bad." "hum! not very bad with you, it seems." "hang it! you know men do what they can;" and turning to de laville, he said, "my dear captain, all these caballeros have reatas: be good enough to employ them in binding them tightly." "eh, señor don valentine?" the ex-majordomo shouted. "you are not merciful to us." "i! what an error, don isidro! still, as you know, war has certain necessities. i am taking my precautions--that is all." "what do you intend to do with us?" "you shall see, for i do not wish to deprive you of the pleasure of a surprise; and, by the way, how do you find what i have just done to you? it is as good as what you were preparing for us, i think?" captain vargas could find no reply: he contented himself with gnawing his fingernails, after assuring himself, by a glance all around, that flight was as impossible as resistance. at this moment the man whom valentine sent off to watch the scouting party returned, and whispered a few words in his ear. the hunter turned pale: he looked at the mexican captain in a way that made him shudder, and then addressed his party. "tell off ten men to mount at once," he said sharply. "captain de laville, you will answer to me on your head for these bandits, whom i leave in your hands. return to the camp quietly. i will join you, probably, on the road. the first who attempts to escape, blow out his brains pitilessly. you understand me?" "you may be at ease: it shall be done. but what has happened?" "the bandits we saw going off on our arrival intend to attack father seraphin." "death and the devil! you must make haste." "i intend to do so. good-by! woe to you scoundrels! if a hair falls from the missionary's head you shall be all shot," he added, turning to his terrified prisoners. and with this fearful promise he went off, followed by the few adventurers chosen to accompany him. on entering the pass the hunter met the fugitives, on whom he rushed. unfortunately the latter had seen them first; and they succeeded in escaping by abandoning their horses, and clambering like cats up the almost perpendicular sides of the mountain. valentine, without losing time in a futile pursuit, hastened to join the missionary. "ah!" the latter exclaimed on seeing him, "my friend, my dear valentine, had it not been for curumilla, we were lost." "and doña angela?" "thanks be to heaven, she is saved." "yes," she said, "thanks to heaven and to these caballeros, who arrived just in time to protect us." one of the strangers approached. "pardon me, sir," he said in excellent french, "but you are the french hunter of whom so much is said--valentine guillois, i think?" "yes, sir," valentine answered with surprise. "my name, sir, is belhumeur." "i know you, sir: my foster brother has often mentioned you as his best friend." "i am delighted that he has kept me in such pleasant memory. allow me to present to you don rafaël garillas de saavedra." the two men bowed and shook hands. "we have formed acquaintance like men of honour," valentine remarked. "is not that the best form of introduction?" "we cannot remain any longer here," father seraphin observed. "i will myself return with you, señor padre," don rafaël said. "i intended to proceed to the count's camp; but i have found a better way of seeing him and securing his friendship." "and what is that way?" "by offering a shelter to doña angela at the hacienda del milagro, which belongs to me." "yes," the missionary said; "pardon me, don rafaël, for not having thought of that: it is the refuge best suited for this lady." "i accept gratefully," the young lady murmured; and bending down to the hunter's ear, she whispered, smiling and blushing at the same time, "don valentine, will you undertake to say one word for me to don louis?" "one!" he said. "what is it?" "for ever!" "come, i will not recall my word," he said with a good-humoured laugh. "you are an angel: i shall end by loving you madly." "let us go!" she exclaimed. "will you not join our party, belhumeur?" valentine asked. "certainly; for i wish to speak with don louis." "that is it," don rafaël observed. "i will escort the padre with black elk and eagle-head. señor don valentine, belhumeur will serve as your guide to the hacienda del milagro." "by jove!" valentine said with a laugh, "you will probably see me before you expect." "come whenever you please: you will ever be welcome." after exchanging affectionate farewells the two parties turned their back on each other, and left the gorge by opposite roads. [ ] enemy whom i adore, of spain the second helen, oh that i were born blind, or you born without beauty! accursed be the day and hour when my star caused me to be born! breasts that nourished me, better to have given me death. you will pay---- chapter xix. the forward march. the sun had risen nearly an hour when valentine, and the band he commanded, joined captain de laville and the prisoners again at about two leagues from la magdalena. the mexicans were marching with bowed heads, and hands fastened behind their backs, between two files of french horsemen, with their rifles on the thigh, and finger on the trigger. the captain was slightly in advance of his men, conversing with the old mexican officer, whose legs had been tied under his horse's belly, owing to an attempt at escape he had made. in the rear came the prisoners' horses, easily recaught by the adventurers, and loaded with the muskets, sabres, and lances of their ex-masters. when the two bands united they went on more rapidly. valentine, had he wished it, could have reached the camp before sunrise; but it was important for the success of the expedition, at the head of which the count had placed himself, that the population of la magdalena, at this moment increased tenfold by the strangers who, owing to the festival, had flocked in from all parts of sonora, should understand that the french had not undertaken an expedition so feather-brained as was supposed, or at least as the mexican government wished it to be supposed, and therefore the prisoners would march into camp in broad daylight. the count, warned by curumilla, whom the hunter sent on in advance, determined to give great importance to this affair, and display a certain degree of ostentation: consequently the whole army was under arms; and the flag, planted in front of the count's tent to the sound of bugles and drums, was saluted by the shouts of the adventurers. as the count had foreseen, the inhabitants of la magdalena rushed to the camp to witness the sight the count prepared for them; and the road was soon covered by curious persons on horse and on foot, hurrying to be the first to arrive. when the head of the detachment reached the camp gates it stopped at a signal from valentine, and a bugler sounded a call. at this summons an officer came out. "who goes there?" he shouted. "france!" captain de laville, who had advanced a few paces, replied. "what corps?" the officer continued. "the liberating army of sonora!" an immense shout, raised by the populace, drowned the words. "enter," the officer said. the barrier was raised, the drums began beating, the bugles sounding, and the marching past began. there was something really grand in this scene, so simple in itself, but which made the heart beat more rapidly when you examined the resolute air of this handful of men, left to themselves without succour, six thousand leagues from their country, who so proudly sustained the name of france, and who, at the beginning of the campaign, without firing a shot, returned with a hundred prisoners captured at the moment they were preparing to surprise the camp. the sonorians, under an involuntary emotion, regarded the frenchmen with a respectful timidity, mingled with admiration, and, far from pitying the fate of their compatriots, they overwhelmed them with yells and jests. so great is the influence of courage and energy on these primitive races! when the prisoners were collected in the middle of the camp square the count approached them, surrounded by his staff and some of the chief inhabitants of la magdalena, who followed him instinctively, carried away by their enthusiasm. it was really a holiday. floods of light inundated the landscape; a gentle breeze refreshed the atmosphere; the bugles played merry tunes; the drums rattled; and the assembled populace uttered shouts of joy, while waving handkerchiefs and hats. the count smiled, for he was momentarily happy. the future appeared to him less gloomy and sad. he examined the prisoners for a moment with a pensive eye. "i have come to sonora," he at length said in a piercing voice, "to give liberty to the people of this country. i have been represented to you as a cruel and faithless man. begone! you are free! go and tell your countrymen how the chief of the pirates avenges the calumnies spread abroad about him. i do not even ask of you the promise not to bear arms against me again. i have on my side something which is stronger than all the soldiers who can be opposed to me--the hand of god, which guides me; for he wishes that this country should be at length free and regenerated. unfasten those men, and restore them their horses." the order was immediately obeyed, and the people greeted this generous resolution with shouts and ebullitions of joy. the prisoners hastened to quit the camp, though not before they had displayed by energetic protestations, their gratitude for the count's generosity. don louis then turned to captain isidro. "as for you, captain," he said gravely, "you are one of the few lions left from that war of independence which overthrew the spanish power. we are brothers, for we both serve the same cause. take back your sword: a brave man like you must always wear it at his side." the captain looked at him gloomily. "why can i no longer hate you?" he replied. "i should have preferred an insult to your generosity. now i am no longer free." "you are so, captain. i ask from you neither friendship nor gratitude. i have acted as i thought it my duty to do. let us each follow our own road, but let us try not to meet again." "your hand, caballero; and now a word." "speak." "take care of the persons in whom you place confidence." "explain yourself." "i can say no more, or i should be a traitor myself." "oh, ever, ever the same treachery!" the count muttered, growing thoughtful. "and now farewell, caballero. if i am forbidden to wish the success of your plans, at least i will do nothing against them; and if you do not see me among the ranks of your friends, i shall not be in those of your enemies." the old captain bounded into his seat, made his horse perform a few graceful curvets, and after bowing to the company, started at a gallop. the remainder of the day was one continued festival. the count had succeeded: his generous conduct to the prisoners bore its fruits. the french adventurers had risen enormously in the opinion of the sonorians. the count had already acquired a great influence in the country, and several persons began to prognosticate a successful issue for the expedition. at nightfall don louis convoked all the chiefs of the army to a secret council of war. by a providential accident, the count, who would doubtlessly have permitted don cornelio to be present at the council, owing to the confidence he placed in him, had sent that gentleman to la magdalena to buy several horses he required. this commission, by preventing the spaniard's presence at the council, insured its secrecy. don cornelio had succeeded by a miracle in escaping the hunter's pursuit, and had re-entered the camp unnoticed about two hours before the arrival of the prisoners. he had killed his horse, but was this time at least safe himself, for no one dreamed of suspecting him; and even had it been the case, nothing would have been easier for him than to establish an _alibi_. at eight in the evening the roll call sounded, the camp gates were closed, and the officers proceeded to head quarters; that is to say, the jacal inhabited by the count. a row of sentries, set about ten paces distant from the hut, so as to be themselves out of hearing distance, had orders to fire on the first person who attempted to enter the place of meeting without orders. the count was seated at a table, on which a road map of sonora was laid out. the assembly was composed of some fifteen persons, among whom were valentine, curumilla, captain de laville, and belhumeur, who was too intimate a friend of the count to be excluded from a conference of such an important nature. when all had arrived the door was shut, and the count rose. "comrades," he said in a firm voice, though suppressed, lest he should be heard outside, "our expedition is about to commence in reality: what we have done up to the present is nothing. i have several times sounded, either myself or through my spies, the intentions of the richest hacenderos or campesinos of this state. they seem very well disposed toward us; but let us not be deceived by fallacious promises. these people will do nothing as long as our expedition does not rest on a solid base of operations; in other words, we must seize on a city. if we succeed, our cause is gained, for the whole country will rise for us. i have led you to this place because la magdalena forms the extremity of an angle at which three roads debouch, each leading to one of the chief cities of sonora; and it is one of those cities we must carry. but which shall it be? that is the question. all three are crammed with troops: in addition, general guerrero holds the roads leading to them, and he has sworn," the count added with a smile, "to make only one mouthful of us, if we dare to take one step in advance. but that disquiets you but very slightly, i suppose: let us, therefore, return to the important question. captain de laville, be good enough to give us your opinion." the captain bowed. "i am inclined for sonora," he said. "it is a new city, i grant, but it bears the name of the country we propose to deliver, and that is an important consideration." several officers spoke in turn, and the majority ranged themselves on the side of captain de laville. the count then turned to valentine. "and what is your opinion, brother?" "hum!" the hunter said, "i am no great hand at talking, as you know, brother," he answered. "still i have a certain knowledge of warfare, which may perhaps inspire me rightly. you want a rich and manufacturing city, in order to protect the opulent inhabitants of the country from any sudden attack, and whence you can effect your retreat without danger, if too numerous forces try to crush you. is it not so?" "indeed, the city we seize must combine these three conditions as far as possible." "there is only one which combines them." "it is hermosillo," belhumeur said. "that is true," valentine went on. "that city is inclosed with walls. it is the _entrepôt_ of all the trade of sonora, and consequently very rich; and, which is of the last importance to us, it is only fifteen leagues from guaymas, the port where reinforcements will land coming from california, if we require them, and where we can seek a refuge if we are compelled to fight our retreat." the truth of these words was immediately recognised by the hearers. "i am also inclined for hermosillo," the count said; "but i must not conceal from you that general guerrero, who, after all, is an experienced soldier, has so well comprehended the advantages which would result to us from the occupation of that city, that he has concentrated imposing forces there." "all the better, count!" de laville exclaimed. "in that way the mexicans will learn to know us at the first blow." all applauded these words, and it was definitively settled that the _army_ should march on hermosillo. "another objection," the count said: "the mexicans are masters of the three roads. we must put them off the scent." "that is my business," valentine said with a laugh. "good! we will make demonstrations on three sides at once, so as to keep the enemy on the move, and we will advance by forced marches on hermosillo. still i am afraid we shall lose a heavy number of men." curumilla rose. up to this moment the araucano had remained silently on a stool, smoking his indian calumet, and not seeming to hear what was said around him. "let the chief speak," valentine said; "his words are worth their weight in gold." everyone was silent. "curumilla," the chief said, "knows a crossroad which abridges the distance, and of which the mexican general is ignorant. curumilla will guide his friends." the chief then took up his calumet again, and sat down once more as if it were nothing. from this moment the discussion was at an end. curumilla, according to his custom, had cut the knot by removing the most dangerous obstacle. "comrades," the count said, "the wagons and guns are horsed. wake up your men, and break up the camp silently. the inhabitants of la magdalena, on getting up tomorrow morning, must not know what has become of us." then taking captain de laville and valentine one side,-- "while i am going along the crossroad under the chiefs guidance, you, captain, will proceed in the direction of ures; and you, brother, will march on sonora. get near enough to be seen, but do not engage in any skirmish; fall back, and join me again at once. we can only conquer our enemies by the rapidity of our movements." "but in case we cannot join you on the road," valentine objected, "what place will you appoint for our meeting?" "the hacienda del milagro, four leagues from hermosillo," belhumeur said. "headquarters will be there." "yes," the count said, furtively pressing the canadian's hand. the meeting broke up, and each went to execute the orders he had received. the camp was broken up in the utmost silence, and the most minute precautions were taken to allow none of the movements to transpire outside. the bivouac fires were left lighted; in short, nothing was touched which could cause any suspicion of a hurried departure. at about eleven in the night the two parties, under valentine and captain de laville, set out in different directions: the count soon followed them with the main body and the baggage, so that by midnight the camp was entirely deserted. curumilla had not deceived the count. after about two hours' march he made the troops wheel to the right, and entered a narrow path, in which there was just room for the vehicles, and the whole company disappeared in the infinite windings of a true wild beast's track, in which it was impossible to suppose that an armed body, accompanied by numerous and heavy wagons and field pieces, would ever venture. still, when the first obstacles were overcome, this road, which appeared so difficult, offered no serious causes for delay, and the frenchmen pushed on rapidly. two days after they were rejoined by the detachments which had operated on their flank. captain de laville and valentine had been completely successful in deceiving the general, whose advanced post still continued to guard the roads, little suspecting that they had been turned. this march lasted nine days, through numberless difficulties, over shifting sand which fled beneath the feet, under a parching heat with no water, and, during the last two days, with no provisions or forage. but nothing could lessen the courage of the men, or destroy their inexhaustible gaiety: they went on bravely, keeping their eyes fixed on their chief, who went on foot before them, consoling and encouraging them. on the evening of the ninth day they saw in the distance, in the centre of a well-wooded landscape, the outlines of a considerable hacienda. it was the first house they had come across since leaving la magdalena. "what hacienda is that?" don louis asked belhumeur, who walked by his side. "the hacienda del milagro," the canadian answered. the frenchmen uttered a shout of joy: they had arrived. they had marched sixty leagues in nine days, along almost impracticable roads. curumilla had kept his promise. thanks to him, the column had not been molested. chapter xx. before the attack. when within gunshot of the hacienda the count commanded a halt. "de laville," he said to the captain, "push on ahead, and occupy the hacienda in force: we shall have our headquarters there." "what is the use of that?" belhumeur asked. "did you not put faith in my words, then? don rafaël and his family will be delighted to receive you and greet you with open arms." the count smiled, and bent down to the canadian's ear. "my friend belhumeur," he said to him in a low voice, "you are a child who will understand nothing. i take these precautions which grieve you so much, not for my own sake, but on behalf of our friends. supposing, as may be unfortunately the case, that we are beaten by the mexicans--what will happen then? that don rafaël will inevitably fall a victim to the sympathy he has evinced for us; while, by acting as i do, he bows to force, and the mexican authorities will be unable, in spite of all their desire, to render him responsible for our stay at his house." "that is true," the canadian answered, struck by the logic of this reasoning. "still," don louis continued, "in order to avoid any misunderstanding, you will accompany the captain, and while he is talking loudly you can whisper to our friends what the reason is." five minutes later the detachment started at a gallop, followed presently by the rest of the column. all took place as the count had arranged. warned by belhumeur, don rafaël protested energetically against the forced occupation of the hacienda, and feigned only to yield to superior force. the estate was definitively occupied, and don rafaël mounted with some of his servants, in order to go and meet the column; but, by the count's orders, it did not stop at the hacienda, but pushed on and camped about two leagues from hermosillo. the count and rafaël met, not like strangers to each other, but as old friends delighted at meeting again, and entered the hacienda, conversing in a low voice. before dismounting, the count sent off couriers and scouts in every direction, in order to have certain news about the enemy; and only keeping with him an escort of eight men, he sent the others to the bivouac, and entered the hacienda. don ramon, don rafaël's father, and doña luz, that amiable woman whose touching history we told in a previous story,[ ] were waiting, surrounded by their servants, the arrival of the frenchmen at the door of the hacienda. "you are welcome, valiant combatants for the independence of sonora," general don ramon said as he held out his hand to the count. the latter leaped from his horse. "may god grant that i may be as fortunate as you have been, general!" he replied with a bow. then, turning to doña luz, "pardon me, madam," he said to her, "for having come to trouble your peaceful retreat: your husband is alone to blame for the indiscretion i am committing at this moment." "señor conde," she answered with a smile, "do not make such excuses: this house and all it contains belong to you. we see your arrival with joy--we shall witness your departure with sorrow." the count offered his arm to doña luz, and they entered the hacienda. but the count was restless--his glance wandered incessantly. "patience!" don rafaël said to him with a meaning smile; "you will see her. it would have been imprudent for her to appear sooner, so we prevented her." "thanks!" the count said; and the cloud which obscured his noble face disappeared at once. the interview of the two lovers was as it should be; that is to say, calm, affectionate, and deeply felt. the count warmly thanked father seraphin for the protection he had accorded the maiden. "ere long," doña luz said, "all your torments will be ended, and you will be able to yield to the passionate emotions of your heart without constraint." "yes," the count answered pensively, "tomorrow will probably decide my fate, and that of the woman i love." "what do you mean?" don rafaël exclaimed. the count looked anxiously around him: he saw that he could speak, and that those who pressed toward him were sincere friends. "tomorrow," he said, "i shall attack hermosillo and take it, or fall dead in the breach." all present were in a state of stupor. don rafaël made black elk a sign to stand outside the door to keep off all comers, and then returned to the count. "have you really that idea?" he asked him. "were it not so, should i be here?" he said simply. "but," don rafaël continued urgently, "hermosillo is an inclosed town with strong walls." "i will force them." "it has a garrison of men." "ah!" he said indifferently. "for two months the militia have been exercised daily." "militia!" he replied with a disdainful air. "i suppose, at any rate, they are numerous?" "about men." "all the better." "general guerrero, who has at length discovered that his flank was turned, has thrown himself into the city with indians, and is awaiting other reinforcements." "that is the reason, my friend, why i must attack at once. i have already, according to your calculation, opposed to me , men, intrenched behind good walls. the longer i wait, the more numerous they will grow; and if i do not take care," he added with a laugh, "that army will end by growing so considerable that it will be impossible for me to destroy it." "you are perhaps unaware, my friend, that hermosillo is surrounded by market gardens, which render the approaches almost impracticable?" "believe me, my good friend," the count replied carelessly, "i shall enter by the gates." the company gazed on the count with an amazement akin to terror. they looked at each other, and seemed to be asking whether they had not to deal with a maniac. "pardon me, my friend," don rafaël continued, "but i think you said that you intended to attack tomorrow?" "certainly." "but supposing your troops have not arrived?" "what! my troops not arrived? did not you see them march past the hacienda an hour ago?" "yes, i saw a small detachment pass--your vanguard, of course." "my vanguard!" the count exclaimed with a laugh. "no, my good friend, that small detachment forms my entire _army_." don rafaël, don ramon, and, the other persons present were men of recognised courage. on several occasions they had sustained giant combats against enemies tenfold in number; in short, they had furnished proof of the most extravagant courage and most insane temerity. but the count's eccentric proposition of going coolly with a handful of adventurers to take a city defended by , men seemed to them so extraordinary and so incredible, that they remained dumb for a moment, hardly knowing whether they were awake or suffering from a frightful nightmare. "tell me, my friend," don rafaël exclaimed, his arguments quite exhausted, "how many men can you deploy in line?" "hang it! not many," the count said with a smile, "i have invalids: still i can dispose of about two hundred and fifty, and i hope they will be sufficient." "yes," doña angela said enthusiastically, "they will be sufficient, for the cause these men defend is holy, and god will protect them." "don rafaël," the count said simply, "have you ever heard of what is called the _furia francese?_" "yes, but i confess to you that i do not exactly understand what it is." "well," he added, "wait till tomorrow, and when you have seen this formidable army crushed, destroyed, and dispersed like autumn leaves by the wind; when you have been present at the capture of hermosillo, you will know what _furia francese_ is, and understand the prodigies of valour which history has recorded, and frenchmen perform almost in sport." the conversation ended here, and they proceeded to the dining room, where the refreshments, of which the count stood in such need, had been prepared. so soon as they rose from table the count asked leave to retire to the apartment prepared for him, and begged father seraphin to follow him. they remained for a long time shut up, talking ear to ear. when the missionary came out his eyes were red, and traces of tears furrowed his pale cheeks. the count pressed his hand. "so, then," he said, "in case of a mishap----" "i will be there, count, trust me;" and he retired slowly. during the evening, and, indeed, far into the night, the count listened to the reports of his scouts and spies: the news they brought coincided in every respect with the information imparted by don rafaël. general guerrero had hurried to hermosillo, where he was securely intrenched. valentine and curumilla were the last to arrive; but they were not the bearers of bad news. valentine, at the head of a party of foragers, had, by curumilla's advice, advanced along the guaymas road, and surprised a convoy of provisions and ammunition intended for the mexicans. this had been taken to the camp by the hunter's care, and was warmly welcomed by the frenchmen, whose stock of food, as we have seen, was entirely exhausted. captain de laville, for his part, had surprised three or four of the enemy's patrols, which had imprudently advanced too far. the count sent curumilla to the captain with orders to take advantage of the darkness of the night to advance, and push on his advanced posts to within a gun-shot and a half of the town. when alone with valentine he spread out a plan of hermosillo on the table, and both bending over it, began studying it attentively. we have already described hermosillo several times: we will limit ourselves to saying that the market gardens by which that city is surrounded are inclosed with walls, behind which it is easy to place _tirailleurs_, whom the nature of the ground enables to fall back from post to post, constantly protected by the walls, which are about three feet in thickness, and built of _adobas_. in addition, on the side on which the count was marching, a wide and deep ditch, which could only be traversed by means of a bridge, at the end of which a strong body of troops was doubtless posted, formed an almost impregnable defence. as may be seen from our description, hermosillo is far from being an open town, which can be seized without striking a blow; and, in attempting to carry it at the head of men, the count de prébois crancé, if he succeeded, might justly flatter himself on having accomplished one of the greatest exploits of modern times. general guerrero, according to the reports of the scouts, and the mexican officers under his command, affected a superb contempt for these naked-footed frenchmen, as they called them, and promised to give them so rough a lesson that they would not feel disposed to begin again. curumilla, however, had brought back a piece of news which could not fail to give the count hopes. in spite of the immense preparations he had made, against the company, general guerrero had been so surprised by the news of its hurried march on hermosillo, and the daring manner in which it had turned its advanced posts, that, in his hurry to go to the aid of the menaced city, he had been constrained to leave behind him the greater part of his forces, and the city, in reality, only contained twelve or fifteen hundred defenders, doubtlessly a very large number, but much less than the count had expected to find. curumilla had peacefully entered the city. his being an indian served as his safeguard, and he had seen, visited, and examined everything. this news the araucano brought back on reporting to the count the execution of the orders sent through him to captain de laville. the count and the hunter rubbed their hands, and hastened to make their final arrangements. among the hacenderos present at the conference of la magdalena was one whose influence was immense upon the pueblos. it was the man who, in the name of his countrymen, had assured the count that, so soon as an important town had fallen into the hands of the french, the signal for revolt should be given, and the country roused in a few days, in order to effect a decisive diversion. don louis, not wishing to lose a moment, and in the certainty of success, wrote him a letter in which, after announcing to him the fall of hermosillo, he urged him to be ready to support him, and give the signal for insurrection. we mention this fact to prove not only that the count believed himself sure of succeeding, but also foresaw everything with that sublime intuition only possessed by men of genius. the letter written, and the last arrangements made, the count and valentine left the room. it was about two in the morning: the sky was gloomy, and warm gusts coming from the desert bowed down the leafy crowns of the trees. the two foster brothers went down into the patio, where all the inhabitants of the hacienda had assembled to salute the count on his departure. doña angela, wrapped up in a long white dressing gown, with pallid face and eyes filled with tears, looked like a phantom in the glare of the torches shaken by the peons. the escort had mounted and sat motionless. curumilla held the horses of the two frenchmen. when they appeared, all raised their hats and saluted with a deep and respectful bow. "farewell, don louis," don rafaël said to him. "may heaven grant you the victory!" "may heaven grant you the victory," don ramon repeated, "for you are fighting for the independence of a people!" "never were more fervent prayers offered up than we shall make for you, don louis," doña luz then said. the count felt his heart contract. "i thank you all," he said with much emotion. "your wishes do me good: they prove to me that among the sonorians there are some who comprehend my noble object. thanks once again." doña angela came up to the count. "don louis," she said to him, "i love you. do your duty." the count bent down to her, and imprinted a kiss on her pale forehead. "doña angela, my affianced!" he said with a tenderness impossible to render, "you will see me again either a conqueror or a corpse." and he made a move as if to depart. at this moment father seraphin came to his side. "what!" he said with surprise, "do you accompany me, my father?" "i am going where duty calls me, sir," the missionary replied with that angelic simplicity which was so characteristic of him--"where i shall find pain to console, misfortunes to alleviate. let me follow you." louis pressed his hand silently, and after bowing once again to the friends he was leaving, perhaps for ever, he gave the signal for departure, and the cavalcade soon disappeared in the darkness. doña angela remained cold and motionless in the doorway so long as she could hear the horses' hoofs echoing on the road. when every sound had died away in the distance a long-restrained sob burst from her. "heavens, heavens!" she exclaimed in despair, and stretching out her hands to the sky. then she fell back in a fainting fit. doña luz and don rafaël hastened to her aid, and carried her into the hacienda, where they eagerly tried to restore her to consciousness. belhumeur tossed his head several times, and prepared to shut the gate of the hacienda. "not yet," a voice said to him; "let us go out first." "eh, what?" he said. "where the deuce do you want to go at this hour, black elk? "to tell you the truth," the hunter answered, "i am almost a frenchman, since i am a canadian, and so i am going to help my countrymen." "halloh!" belhumeur exclaimed, struck by these words, "that's not a bad idea. by jove! you shall not go alone; i will accompany you." "all the better; then there will be three of us." "how three? who else is coming with us?" "eagle-head, by jove! the chief says there are down there some indians, enemies of his nation, whom he should like to have a set-to with." "let us be off, then. i believe that the count will be pleased to have three fighting men more, like us, in his company." "by jove! i should think so," belhumeur said. "i do not care," black elk remarked, "whatever you may say, he is a fine fellow. what do you think about him, you who know him, eh?" "tough as hickory," the canadian answered intrepidly. without further commentary the three bold hunters mounted and proceeded in the track of the count. [ ] see "the trappers of arkansas." chapter xxi. the capture of hermosillo. although the horses ridden by the count's escort were good, the hunters were mounted on such fast mustangs that they caught up don louis within twenty minutes of his leaving the hacienda. on hearing hurried footfalls behind them, the frenchmen, not knowing who could be coming like a tornado after them, bravely wheeled round; but belhumeur prevented any misunderstanding by making himself known. "you are welcome, you and your companions, belhumeur," the count said to him. "but what urgent reason compels you to gallop so late along the roads?" "a service i want to ask of you, don louis," the canadian frankly replied. "a service! speak, my friend: whatever it may be, if it depends on me, it is granted before asking." "what i want _does_ depend on you." "what is it?" "my comrades and myself wish to have the honour of fighting by your side tomorrow." "is that the service you had to ask of me, belhumeur?" "yes, and no other." "then you are mistaken, my friend: you mean to say a service to render me. i heartily accept your proposition, and thank you for it cordially." "then that is arranged. you admit us into your ranks?" "by jove! i should be mad not to do so." belhumeur informed his friends of the success of his negotiation, and they rejoiced at it as if they had received the handsomest possible present. after this slight incident, the party, increased by the three new recruits, went onwards. the frenchmen trotted on in the darkness like a troop of silent phantoms, bending over the necks of their horses, eagerly questioning the sounds that rose from the desert, and sounding the gloom in order to obtain some sign that they were approaching their comrades. captain charles de laville, though still very young, seemed predestined for the part he was playing at this moment. his glance was infallible, both as superior chief and as a subordinate leader: he not only understood with extreme rapidity the orders he received, but seized their meaning and carried them out with rare intelligence.[ ] the count had not been in error for a moment about de laville's brilliant qualities. hence he had made him a favourite, and, whenever he had a difficult duty to intrust to anyone, he gave it to him, certain that he would perform it with honour. the success surpassed his hopes on this occasion; for de laville executed the advance movement with such precision and in such profound silence that the count almost found himself up with the rear before he suspected he was anywhere near it. in order to march more rapidly, and not be in any way detained, the captain had left his wagons and baggage at a deserted rancho about a league from the city, under the guard of the invalids, who, although too weak to fight in the ranks of the company, could yet, behind intrenchments, offer a sufficiently lengthened resistance to allow their comrades to come to their assistance. the count passed through the ranks, saluted in an affectionate voice by his men, and placed himself at the head of the column. for two months past the fatigue don louis had endured, and the constant state of excitement in which events kept him, had seriously injured his health; and it was only by his energy and will that he succeeded in conquering his illness and keeping upright. he understood that if he gave way all was lost: hence he wrestled with his sufferings, and though a fever devoured him, his face remained calm, and nothing revealed to his comrades the sufferings he endured with the courage of a stoic. still he suddenly felt himself attacked by such a feeling of weakness, that had not valentine, who guessed his condition, and watched over him like a mother, held him in his arms, he must have fallen from his horse. "what is the matter, brother?" the hunter asked him affectionately. "nothing," he answered, as he passed his hand over his forehead, which was dank with icy perspiration and fatigue; "but," he added, "it has gone off now." "take care, brother," he said to him with a sad shrug of his shoulders: "you do not nurse yourself enough." "eh? can i do it? but be not alarmed. i know what i want: the smell of powder will restore me. look, look! we have reached our destination at last." in fact, by the first rays of the sun, which rose majestically above the horizon, hermosillo, with its white houses glistening, now was visible about a cannon shot off. an immense shout of joy from the whole company greeted the so-ardently-desired appearance of the city. the order to halt was given. the city was silent--it seemed deserted: not a sound was heard within its walls. so calm, quiet, and dumb was it, that you might have fancied that you had before you that city in the arabian nights which a wicked enchanter struck with his wand and plunged into eternal sleep. the country was deserted. only here and there the fragments of arms, uniforms, sandals, the footsteps of horses, and the furrows of carts indicated the recent passage of general guerrero's troops. the count examined the city for a while with the utmost attention, in order to make his final arrangements, when suddenly two horsemen appeared on the bridge to which we have already alluded, and galloped toward the company, waving a flag of truce. "let us see what these persons want," the count said. and he galloped up to them. "what do you want, gentlemen, and who are you?" he said when he came up to them. "we wish," one of them said, "to speak with the count de prébois crancé." "i am the count. be good enough to tell me what brings you here." "monsieur le comte, i am a frenchman," the first speaker said. "i recognise you, sir. your name is thollus, i believe, and you are a merchant at hermosillo." "quite correct, monsieur le comte. my companion is señor ----" "don jacinto jabalí,[ ] a _juez de letras_, i suppose, or something of that sort, a great friend of general guerrero. well, gentlemen, i do not exactly see what we can have in common." "pardon me, sir, we are sent to you by señor don flavio agustado, prefect of hermosillo, in order to make certain propositions to you." "ah, ah!" the count said, champing his moustache. "are you really?" "yes, sir, and very advantageous propositions too," the merchant said in an insinuating tone. "for you possibly, sir, who sell calico and false jewellery, but i hardly think so for me." "still, if you would permit me to fulfil my mission, and tell you these conditions, it is possible----" "what do you say? why, my good sir, i want nothing better. acquit yourself of your mission--that is only too proper; still, make haste, for i am pressed for time." m. thollus drew himself up, and after consulting for a moment with his companion, he continued his speech, don louis standing coldly and like a rock of granite before him. "monsieur le comte, don flavio agustado, prefect of hermosillo, whom i have the honour to represent----" "that is all settled. come to the fact," don louis interrupted him impatiently. "offers you, if you consent to retire with your army without making an attempt on the city," the negotiator continued--"offers you, i say, the sum of----" "enough, sir!" the count exclaimed, red with indignation; "a word more would be an insult which, in spite of your quality as a flag of truce, i might not have the patience to let pass unpunished. and it is you, sir, a man who calls himself a frenchman, who dares to become the bearer of such dishonouring conditions? you lie, you are not my countryman--i disown you as such." "still, monsieur le comte----" the poor fellow stammered, completely taken aback by this galling reprimand, and not knowing how to look. "enough!" the count interrupted him; and drawing his watch from his pocket, he said in a peremptory tone, which admitted of no reply, and terrified the negotiators. "it is now eight o'clock. go and tell your prefect that in two hours i shall attack the city, and at eleven shall be master of it. begone!" and with a gesture of supreme contempt he ordered them to retire. the unlucky envoys did not wait to hear the order repeated; they turned back at once, and regained the city with hanging heads. the count galloped up to the head of the column, where the officers were assembled slightly in advance of the ranks, impatiently awaiting the result of the conference. "gentlemen," the count said to them on coming up, "get ready to fight." the news was greeted with a shout of joy, which had the effect of increasing the speed of the negotiators, in whose ears it echoed like a death knell. after this the count, with extreme simplicity and clearness, pointed out to each officer the post he must occupy during the action. he placed the whole of the cavalry under the orders of captain de laville; selected don cornelio, who had only rejoined the company on the previous evening, as his aide-de-camp; and, at valentine's request, he placed under the latter's orders the canadian hunters and the indians, with authority to act as he thought proper, and in whatever way he considered most advantageous to the common welfare. de laville, sent forward with a dozen horsemen to reconnoitre, soon returned, announcing that the city appeared to be in a complete state of defence, that the roofs of the houses were covered with soldiers, that the tocsin was pealing from all the churches, and the drums making a frightful disturbance. at this moment a spy announced that a body of two to three hundred indians was apparently threatening the baggage, and the count at once sent off ten men to reinforce the small garrison he had left in the rear. this final duty accomplished, he ordered the company to form a circle, and placed himself in the centre. then he spoke in a voice trembling with emotion. "comrades," he said, "the hour to avenge ourselves for all the villainy practised on us during the last four months, and the atrocious calumnies spread about us, has at length struck. but let us not forget that we are frenchmen; and if we have been patient under insults, let us he magnanimous after victory. we did not desire war; it was forced upon us, and we accept it. but remember that we are fighting for the liberty of a people, and that our enemies of today will be our brothers tomorrow. let us be terrible during the combat, merciful after the battle. one last word, or rather a final prayer. leave the mexicans the responsibility of firing the first shot, so that it may be evident that up to the last moment we desired peace. now, brothers, long live france!" "long live france!" the adventurers shouted as they brandished their weapons. "each to his post!" the count commanded. the order was executed with marvellous precision. don louis drew out his watch: it was ten o'clock. then he unsheathed his sabre, wielded it round his head, and turning to the company, every man in which had his eyes fixed on the leader, he shouted in a sonorous voice,-- "forward!" "forward!" the officers repeated. the column started in good order, marching at quick step, with trailed arms. we have mentioned the bridge which alone gave admission to the city: this bridge was barricaded, and at the other end was a house crowded with soldiers from the cellars to the _azotea_. a silence of death brooded over the plain. the frenchmen marched on coolly, as if on parade, with heads raised and flashing eyes. on arriving within musket shot the walls were begirt with a line of fire, and a frightful discharge scattered death among the frenchmen. the company at once broke into skirmishing order, and rushed onwards. at this moment an unheard-of, incredible thing was seen--a city of , souls, surrounded by walls, and defended by a numerous garrison, attacked by men fighting in the indian way; that is, in skirmishing order. the artillery, dragged by its gunners, advanced at the same speed, and only stopped to load and fire. even before the mexicans had time to look round the frenchmen were on them like a whirlwind, attacked them at the bayonet's point, drove back the defenders of the bridge, and entered without a check the city, sweeping before them, in their irresistible attack, all that opposed their passage. then the real battle began. the frenchmen found themselves opposite four guns loaded with grape, which swept the whole length of the street at the end of which they were; while to the right and left, from windows and roofs, a shower of bullets pattered on them. the position was becoming critical. the count dismounted, and turning to his soldiers with the shout, "who'll take the guns?" he rushed forward. "we, we!" the frenchmen yelled, as they chased after him with unexampled frenzy. the artillerymen were sabred at their guns, the muzzles of which were immediately turned on the mexicans. at this moment the count perceived, as in a cloud, valentine and his hunters, who were fighting like demons, and massacring the indians pitilessly, who tried in vain to resist them. "good heavens!" black elk said with beatitude at every blow he dealt, "it was a lucky idea of mine to come." "it really was," belhumeur replied; and he redoubled his blows. valentine had turned the city, and taking advantage of a forgotten ladder, escaladed the wall, and, without striking a blow, made prisoners the post stationed there, which was commanded by an officer. "thanks for the ladder, comrade," he said to the latter with a grin; and opening the gate of the city, he allowed the cavalry to enter. still the mexicans fought with the energy of despair. general guerrero, who flattered himself with the hope of giving the french a severe lesson, surprised and terrified by their fury, no longer knew what measures to take in order to resist these invincible demons, as he called them, whom nothing could arrest, and who, without deigning to reply to their enemies' fire, had only fought with the bayonet since their first discharge. driven in on all sides, the general concentrated his troops on the alameda, and protected the approaches by guns loaded with canister. in spite of the enormous losses they had suffered, the mexicans were still more than six hundred combatants, resolved to defend themselves to the death. the count sent don cornelio to captain de laville with orders to charge and sabre the last defenders of the city, while he made a flank movement with the infantry. the captain started immediately at a gallop, overthrowing with his horse's chest all obstacles. his pace was so hurried that he arrived alone in front of the enemy. the mexicans, terrified at the extraordinary audacity of this man, hesitated for a moment; but at the repeated orders of their chiefs they opened their fire on de laville, who seemed to mock them, and the balls began whistling like hail past the ears of the intrepid frenchman, who remained calm and motionless in the midst of this shower of lead. valentine, frightened by the captain's boldness, doubled his speed, and brought up all the cavalry. "hang it, de laville!" he exclaimed with admiration, "what are you doing there?" "you see, my friend," the latter answered with charming simplicity, "i am waiting for you."[ ] electrified by these noble words, the french dashed on the alameda, and charged to the other end with shouts of "long live france!" a shout to which the count's infantry responded from the other side of the alameda, while attacking the mexicans at the bayonet's point. there were a few moments of deadly struggling and a horrible carnage. the count, in the height of the medley, fought like the meanest of his soldiers, exciting them incessantly, and urging them forward. at last, in spite of their desperate resistance, the mexicans, pitilessly sabred by the french, no longer able to organise any effectual defence, and frightened by the ardour and invincible courage of their adversaries, whom they regarded as demons, began to break and fly in every direction. in spite of the fatigue of the horses, de laville started in pursuit with his cavalry. hermosillo was taken--the count de prébois crancé was victorious. stopping in the midst of the pile of corpses which surrounded him, he drew his watch coldly, and consulted it. it was eleven o'clock, as the count had told the envoys in the morning: he had become master of the city at eleven o'clock exactly. the battle had lasted an hour. "now, brothers," the count said, as he returned his sabre to the scabbard, "the city is ours! enough blood has been shed: let us think of aiding the wounded. long live france!" "long live france!" the adventurers shouted with maddening delight. [ ] we must be pardoned for laying such stress on the character of the young chieftain of guetzalli, who has doubtless been already recognised, and whose name we are now authorised, to our great delight, to reveal. after the hapless end of the marquis de pindray the colony of cocospera unanimously chose as his successor monsieur o. de la chapelle, a young man whom his eminent qualifications recommended for all suffrages. it is he who figures in our story under the pseudonym of de laville. monsieur o. de la chapelle died at an early age. this premature end was deeply felt by all his friends, among whom the author, though he knew him but very slightly, is happy to call himself, and to testify it by showing the heroic part he played in the glorious expedition which forms the subject matter of this work.--g.a. [ ] wild boar. [ ] fact. chapter xxii. after the victory. never before had a more brilliant victory been gained by troops numerically so weak, and under conditions apparently so unfavourable. the mexican array evacuated hermosillo in the utmost disorder, abandoning three hundred dead and wounded, baggage of every description, guns, ammunition, and flags. the rout was complete. general guerrero, shame on his brow and rage in his heart, fled at full speed along the ures road, pursued closely by the french cavalry. the count had made a large number of prisoners, among whom were several mexican officers. the joy of the adventurers bordered on madness. still the brilliant advantages had not been gained without a sensible loss, regard being had to the numerical strength of the army. it had lost twenty-two men--an enormous amount, which evidenced the obstinacy of the fight, and the courage with which the mexicans had fought. among the dead the count had to regret several of his best-beloved officers, brave young fellows, who had fallen at the head of their sections while urging their men on. the count, although his clothes were riddled with bullets, had not received a scratch: it seemed as if a charm protected him, for no one had spared his life less than himself during the fight. he had ever been in the thickest of the action, in advance of his comrades, encouraging them by word and deed, and only employing his sabre to ward off blows that came too near him. so soon as the battle was over the count proceeded to the cabildo, whither the mexican authorities were convened, in order to settle with him as to the safety of the city. don cornelio had not left him during the fight: he had done his duty bravely by his side. "don cornelio," he said to him, "i am pleased with you; you behaved most bravely. i wish to reward you by intrusting to you a mission of the highest importance. are you too tired to get on horseback?" "no, señor conde. besides, you know that i am a thorough _jinete_." "that is true. here are two letters, one for don rafaël, which you will deliver in passing the hacienda del milagro: when you get in sight of la magdalena you will tear the envelope off the other, and carry it to the address you will read on it; but in the event of your being stopped or taken prisoner on the road, that letter must not be found on you, and no one must know its contents. you understand me?" "perfectly, señor conde, and if necessary it shall be destroyed." "very good. now get a fresh horse and start without the loss of a moment: it is a question of life and death." "i start, don louis; you will hear of me again." these words were accompanied by a sinister smile, which passed unnoticed by the count. don cornelio left the room, and five minutes later his horse's hoofs could be heard echoing on the pavement. at this moment valentine entered. the hunter's features, usually so calm, were convulsed, and he seemed suffering from extreme agitation. he looked around him on entering. "what are you looking for?" the count asked him; "and what is the meaning of the state in which i see you?" "it means----" valentine answered. "but stay, better so. take a glance at these papers which i seized in the house of general guerrero." he handed the count a bundle of letters and other papers, which the other rapidly read through. "oh!" he exclaimed, stamping his foot passionately, "such great ingratitude after so many acts of kindness! a thousand devils! this land is, then, accursed, that treason should spring up under every blade of grass." "fortunately we have the proofs to hand. i will take on myself to arrest the villain." "it is too late." "how too late?" the hunter exclaimed. "where is he, then?" "he has set out on a mission of the highest importance, which i intrusted to him for the leaders of the malcontents." "confusion!" the hunter said; "what is to be done? it is plain that the scoundrel will sell our secrets to the enemy." "wait. i gave him a letter for don rafaël, which he cannot fail to deliver." "that is true: if only to lull suspicion to sleep, he will do so. i will be off to the hacienda at once." "go, my friend: unfortunately i cannot accompany you." "it is unnecessary. i swear that if this devil's own don cornelio falls into my hands, i will crush him like the viper he is. good-by." the hunter hurriedly left the cabildo, and a few minutes later, followed by belhumeur, black elk, curumilla, and eagle-head, he was galloping at full speed along the road to the hacienda. the count then occupied himself, before taking a moment's rest, in organising the tranquillity and security of the city. as most of the mexican authorities had taken flight, he appointed others, had the dead buried, and arranged an hospital for the sick, the direction of which he gave to father seraphin, whose evangelic devotion was beyond all praise. posts and main guards were established, and patrols received orders to march about the city in order to maintain tranquillity--a useless measure of precaution, for the inhabitants appeared as joyful as the french. the streets were hung with flags, and on all sides could be heard shouts of "long live france! long live sonora!" repeated with an expression of indescribable satisfaction. when the count had discharged these imperious duties, his mind being no longer over-excited by the necessity of the moment, nature, conquered for an instant, gained the upper hand with an extreme of reaction, and don louis fell back almost fainting into the chair where he had been working without relaxation for nearly eight hours. he remained thus without help until a late hour of the night, for he had not the strength to call for assistance. at length captain de laville entered to make his chief a report about the result of the pursuit of the mexicans. he was terrified at the state in which he found don louis; for the count was suffering from a violent fever, attended by delirium. the captain immediately summoned the company's surgeon, and the count was laid in a hastily-prepared bed. the surgeon could not be found, and a mexican doctor came in his stead. this man declared that the count was suffering from an attack of dysentery, and made him drink a potion which he prepared at once. the count fell into a species of lethargic sleep which lasted ten hours. fortunately the company's surgeon at length arrived. after a glance at the count, and examining the few drops of the potion left in the glass, the doctor immediately had eggs beaten in milk administered to the count, and ordered all his limbs to be rubbed with hot napkins. "why, doctor," the captain remarked to him, "what sort of treatment is this? the physician assured me that the count had the dysentery." the doctor smiled sorrowfully. "yes," he said, "he has a dysentery; but do you know what the physician gave him?" "no." "belladonna; that is to say, poison." "oh!" the captain said in horror. "silence!" the surgeon continued. "let this remain a secret between us two." at this moment the physician entered. he was a plump little man, with the look of a frightened cat. the captain seized him by the collar, and dragged him into a corner of the room. "look here!" he said to him, pointing to the glass the surgeon still held in his hand. "of what was that potion composed you gave the count?" the mexican turned pale. "why?" he stammered. "poison, you villain!" the captain shouted violently. "poison!" he exclaimed, raising his eyes and arms to heaven. "could it be possible? oh, let us see!" he examined the glass with feigned attention. "it is true," he said after a moment. "_por dios,_ what inadvertence!" the word appeared so precious to the frenchmen that, in spite of their anger and alarm, they could not prevent it, but burst into a loud laugh. the little doctor took advantage of this attack of gaiety to escape very quietly, and could never be found again, though carefully sought for: he had probably left the city. thanks to the intelligent and affectionate care of the surgeon, however, the effects of the poison were neutralised. the count felt a little better, and gave orders that the company should assemble at once in the patio of the cabildo. the command was rapidly obeyed, and within an hour the company was drawn up under arms in the courtyard. the count came down, leaning on the arm of captain de laville. "my comrades," he said, "i am ill, as you can see. still i have called you together to inform you of an engagement i have made in your name with the inhabitants of hermosillo. i declared that even if you walked over piles of piastres and ounces, you would not stoop down to pick them up. was i wrong?" "no," they all exclaimed; "you were quite right." "we are no pirates, whatever they may say," the count continued, "and the hour has arrived to prove it." "we will do so." "thank you, comrades." the company was dismissed, and carefully kept its promise: not a waist-buckle was stolen by these half-naked men, who for four months had been suffering the most horrible privations. the count's condition, however, instead of becoming better, grew worse daily, in spite of the anxious attentions of the doctor and father seraphin, who had posted himself by his bed, and never left him. in don louis the mind wore out the body. since don cornelio's departure he had received no news either of the spaniard or valentine. two faithful men, sent to the hacienda del milagro, had not returned, and neither don rafaël nor doña angela gave a sign of life. this silence became incomprehensible. on the other hand, the situation of the company was growing daily more serious. the count, master of a powerful city, found himself more isolated than before; the pueblos that should have risen did not stir; the man to whom the count had written, and who had pledged himself to give the signal for revolt, gave no reply to the appeal, and remained indifferent to the repeated entreaties don louis made him. unfortunately dysentery is one of those frightful diseases which completely annihilate a man's faculties, and for a very long period the count was incapable of attending to anything. señor pavo had come at full speed from guaymas to hermosillo, ostensibly to felicitate the count on his gallant exploit, but in reality to be able to betray him with greater facility. don louis was alone, without friends in whom he could trust, lying on a bed of pain, internally devoured by a mortal restlessness, and a prey to a profound despair at seeing himself reduced to a state of powerlessness, and losing the fruits of his toil and fatigues. captain de laville, the only man in whom he could have trusted at the moment, was attacked by the same illness as his chief, and, like him, was incapable of acting. señor pavo skilfully profited by this state of affairs to sow seeds of disaffection among the frenchmen. the count was the soul of the company--the only tie that rendered it compact and united: in his absence from his duties all went wrong. a system was then organised in the shade by don pavo. this system consisted in continual demonstrations on the part of the adventurers, who at every hour of the day came one after the other to lay before the count the most absurd grievances, and threaten to leave him. at last matters reached such a pitch that it was necessary to come to some decision. two courses offered themselves: the first, to give up the results of the victory of hermosillo, and retreat on guaymas. this was suggested to the count by the french representative, señor don antonio mendez pavo. the second was to await at hermosillo, while holding their ground by force and risking a siege, the succours which must speedily arrive from california, where they were being rapidly organised. so greatly had the news of the brilliant victory gained by the count electrified the minds of the adventurers, and inflamed their imagination. these two courses were equally repugnant to the count. the first seemed to him shameful; the second impracticable. still the situation was growing every day more and more intolerable, when at this moment a strange event occurred, which, had we been writing a romance instead of a history, would have seemed to us too startling for credibility. the company, incessantly excited by the hypocritical pity of señor pavo, and the dark intrigues he set at work, had fallen into a state of perfect insubordination towards the count, and almost open revolt. seeing that don louis was too ill to act vigorously, and incapable of opposing anything they pleased to do, the men let him know that, unless he consented to give the order for retreat, they would leave hermosillo and abandon him. the count was forced to yield. general guerrero had pledged his word that the retreat should not be disquieted, don louis succeeded in obtaining hostages who responded for the safety of the sick he was compelled to leave behind, and with a breaking heart, no strength or courage left, he was borne away in a litter. a reaction took place among the volunteers at the sight of their well-beloved chief, reduced to this miserable state, and almost dead of sorrow. they pressed round him, swearing obedience and fidelity, and promising him to fall to the last man for him. a melancholy smile played round the pallid lips of the dying man, for these proofs of devotion came too late. the count, crushed by a succession of insults, had drunk the cup to the dregs: he no longer put faith in his comrades. the retreat commenced. in spite of the general's solemn pledge, it was an uninterrupted succession of skirmishes; but a final ray of glory was reflected on the french. the adventurers, aroused by the smell of powder, found all their courage once more to victoriously repulse the attacks of the mexicans, whom they compelled to retreat pitiably, and give up any further annoyances. the company camped about three leagues from guaymas, resolved to force a passage, and enter that port the next day in spite of any opposition. the count, slightly revived by the prospect of an approaching combat, had fallen asleep after making all his preparations, when toward midnight he was aroused by the arrival of a flag of truce. the envoys were señor pavo and a merchant of guaymas, who came on behalf of general guerrero. they were bearers of an armistice for forty-eight hours; and a letter from the general, who earnestly begged the count to come to him in order to arrange the terms of peace. "i consent to the armistice," the count replied. "let the general send me an escort, and i will go to him." his companions objected. "why not take your cavalry?" one of them said to him. "for what use?" he said with discouragement. "i am the only person they care for: if a trap is set for me, i will fall into it alone." the adventurers insisted, but he remained inflexible. "we no longer understand one another," he said to them. then he turned to the negotiators. "return to guaymas, gentlemen, and be good enough to tell general guerrero that i thank him, and am awaiting his escort." the escort arrived at daybreak, and the count set out, after a last and melancholy glance at his comrades, who witnessed his departure with aching hearts and tears in their eyes. henceforth the divorce between the count and the adventurers was accomplished. general guerrero, on the count's entrance to guaymas, ordered the honours due to a commander-in-chief to be paid him. don louis smiled with disdain. what did he care for these empty ceremonies? the count and the general had a lengthened conversation together. the general had not yet given up his projects of seduction; but this time, like the first, the count answered with a positive refusal. the company was henceforth surrendered defencelessly to the machinations of señor pavo. this man lost no time, and by his advice the adventurers sent as a deputation to the count two ignorant sailors, with orders to come to a settlement with him at any price. these two emissaries were selected by señor pavo, for the worthy man knew perfectly well what he was about. the two sailors presented themselves at the count's house, who sent out a message to them that he was engaged at the moment, and begged them to wait a little while. the ambassadors, ruffled in their self-esteem, and puffed up with the importance of the mission intrusted to them, left the count's house immediately, swearing at his insolence, and went straight to the palace of general guerrero. the latter, advised beforehand, knew what would happen, and was impatiently awaiting them. he ordered them to be admitted at once so soon as they sent in their names, and received them most graciously: then, when he had sufficiently intoxicated them with flattery, he made them sign--that is to say, make a cross at the foot of--a treaty, in which they recognised that, having been _deceived and abandoned in a cowardly manner_ by their chief, they pledged themselves to lay down their arms and quit the country for a sum of _eleven thousand piastres_.[ ] we must confess that general guerrero made a capital bargain, for the arms came into his possession. oh! the mexicans are famous negotiators, and, above all, most crafty diplomatists. unable to vanquish the company, the mexicans bought it of two scoundrels, by the intervention of a third, whose duty it was to defend it. thus the atrevida company had committed suicide. it effected its own dissolution without even attempting to see once again that chief who had been its idol, and whom it abandoned writhing on a bed of suffering. we must mention, to the honour of the french plenipotentiaries that, in the treaty they signed, the liberty of the count was formally guaranteed. now let us see by what extraordinary concourse of circumstances the count, when in such a critical position, was thus abandoned by all his friends. how was it that general guerrero, his obstinate foe, had shown himself so kind and almost generous toward don louis during the last events we have narrated? we will proceed to explain this; but, in order to do so, we must take up events further back, and return to valentine and his comrades, whom we left galloping at full speed along the road to the hacienda. [ ] a little over £ . chapter xxiii. the hacienda del milagro. the road from hermosillo to the hacienda del milagro is perfectly well traced, straight and wide along the entire distance. although the night was gloomy and unlit by the moon, as the five horsemen galloped on side by side, it would have been impossible for them to pass don cornelio without seeing him, had they caught him up; but they reached the hacienda without receiving any tidings of him. the road had been so trampled in every direction during the last few days, both by french and mexicans, that it was impossible for these experienced hunters to distinguish or take up any imprint which could serve to guide them in their researches. the traces of horses, wagons, and men were so interlaced in each other, that they were completely illegible, even to the most practised eye. several times valentine tried, though in vain, to read this book of the desert. hence, the nearer the hunters drew to their destination, the more alarmed and anxious they became. it was about eight in the morning when they reached the hacienda: they had travelled the whole night through without stopping, save to search for traces of the man they were pursuing. the hacienda was tranquil; the peons were engaged in their ordinary labours; the ganado was grazing at liberty on the prairies. when the hunters entered, don rafaël was preparing to mount on horse, seemingly to take a ride round his farm. a peon was holding a magnificent mustang, which champed its bit and snorted impatiently at being held so long. when the hacendero perceived the newcomers he ran toward them, playfully menacing them with his chicote. "ah!" he said with a laugh, "here are my deserters returned. good morning, gentlemen." the latter, astonished at this merry reception, which they did not at all comprehend, remained dumb. don rafaël then noticed their gloomy and embarrassed air. "hilloh! what is the matter with you?" he asked seriously. "are you the bearers of ill news?" "perhaps so," valentine answered sadly. "may heaven grant that i am mistaken!" "speak--explain yourself. i was mounting to go and obtain news about you; but as you are here, it is unnecessary." the hunters exchanged an intelligent glance. "of course we will furnish you with all the details you may wish for." "all the better. in the first place, then, dismount and come into the house, where we shall converse more at our ease." the hunters obeyed, and followed don rafaël into a vast apartment which served as the hacendero's business room. when they entered valentine opposed the closing of the door. "in that way," he said, "we shall not have to fear listeners." "why such precautions?" "i will tell you. where are doña angela and doña luz at this moment?" "they are probably still asleep." "very good. tell me, loyal heart, have you received any visitor during the last twenty-four hours?" "i have not seen a living soul since the departure of the count de prébois crancé." "ah!" the hunter said, "then a courier did not arrive last night?" "none." "so that you are ignorant of the deeds accomplished yesterday?" "utterly." "you are not aware that the count fought a battle yesterday?" "no." "that he took hermosillo by assault?" "no." "and that general guerrero's army is utterly routed?" "no. is what you tell me really the truth?" "the most perfect truth." "in that case the count is victor?" "yes, and is now installed at hermosillo." "it is almost incredible. and now, my friend, as i have answered all your questions frankly and without comment, will you do me the kindness to tell me why you asked them?" "yesterday, so soon as the count was master of hermosillo, he thought of you, perhaps of somebody else, and he sent off a courier ordered to give you a letter." "me! that is strange. the courier was doubtlessly a native, an indian?" "no, he was don cornelio mendoza, a spanish gentleman, whom you probably remember." "certainly--a jolly, excellent companion, who was continually strumming the vihuela." "the same man," valentine said ironically. "well, this jolly, excellent companion, who was continually strumming the vihuela, my dear loyal heart, is simply a traitor who sold all our secrets to the enemy." "oh, valentine! you must be very sure ere you bring such an accusation against a caballero." "unfortunately," the hunter said sadly, "the slightest doubt on the subject is impossible; the count holds in his hands all the fellow's correspondence with general guerrero." "_cuerpo de cristo!_" don rafaël exclaimed, "do you know, my friend, this is very serious?" "i am so fully of your opinion that, in spite of the fatigue that overpowered me, i begged these gentlemen to accompany me, and started at full gallop, hoping to surprise him on the road and seize him; for, beside the letter he had to deliver to you, he had others of a most compromising nature, addressed to several influential persons in the province." "that is an awkward affair," loyal heart said with a pensive air: "it is evident that the scoundrel, instead of coming here, has gone straight to hand the papers to the general." "there is not, unfortunately, the least doubt of that." "what is to be done?" don rafaël muttered mechanically. there was a moment's silence: each reflected on the means to be employed in order to neutralise the effects of this treachery. curumilla and eagle-head rose, and prepared to leave the room. "where are you going?" valentine asked them. "while our brothers are consulting," the araucano replied, "the indian chiefs will go on the discovery." "you are right, chief: go, go," the hunter said. "i do not know why," he added mournfully, "but i have a foreboding of misfortune." the two indians went out. "do you know the contents of the letter the count wrote me?" don rafaël asked presently. "on my faith, no; but it is probable that he told you of the victory, and begged you to conduct doña angela to hermosillo. in any case the letter was most compromising." "as for that, i am very slightly alarmed, for general guerrero will think twice before he attacks me. "what is the use of this long deliberation, and such a loss of precious time? we have only one thing to do, and that is to go to hermosillo as escort to doña angela," belhumeur said. "in truth, that is the most simple," valentine said in confirmation. "yes," don rafaël remarked; "the count can only be pleased with that course." "come, let us carry out the plan without further delay," belhumeur continued. "while black elk and myself make all the preparations for the journey, do you, loyal heart, go and inform doña angela of the determination we have come to." "do so, and, above all, make haste," valentine said. "i do not know why, but i should have liked to be off already." without further words they separated, and the hunter remained alone. in spite of himself valentine was a prey to the most poignant uneasiness. he walked in agitation up and down the room, stopping at times to listen or look out of the windows, as if he expected to see an enemy rise. at length, no longer able to endure the uncertainty, he went out. the two hunters were busily engaged in lassoing horses and saddling them, while the peons were bringing in mules to carry the baggage. valentine felt his disquietude augmented with every moment. he helped his comrades with feverish impatience, and urged each to make haste. an hour passed away. all was then ready, and they only awaited doña angela, who arrived, accompanied by doña luz and don rafaël. "at last!" valentine exclaimed. "to horse, to horse! let us start at once!" "let us go," his friends repeated. each mounted; but suddenly a great noise was heard outside, and curumilla appeared with agitated features, and panting violently. "fly, fly!" he shouted; "they are coming." "forward!" valentine exclaimed. but an insurmountable obstacle rose before them. at the moment they were passing through the gate of the hacienda it was suddenly blocked up by the cattle the peons were driving back from the fields, probably to prevent them being carried off by marauders. the poor beasts pressed into the gateway, each anxious to be first, while uttering lamentable moans, and goaded behind by the peons. it was useless to hope getting out before the ganado had entered, and there was no chance of clearing the gateway by driving it back. hence the fugitives were compelled to wait, whether they would or not. valentine was half mad with anger. "i knew it, i knew it," he muttered in a hoarse voice, and clenching his fists in rage. at length, after nearly an hour (for don rafaël possessed numerous herds), the gate was free. "let us be off in heaven's name!" valentine shouted. "it is too late," eagle-head said, appearing suddenly in the gateway. "maldición!" the hunter yelled as he rushed forward. valentine looked around him, and uttered a cry of alarm. the hacienda was completely surrounded by nearly five hundred mexican cavalry, in the midst of whom general guerrero could be distinguished. "ah, the wretched traitor!" the hunter exclaimed. "come, let us not be discouraged," loyal heart said. "_cuerpo de cristo!_ it is not so long since i gave up desert life that i should have forgotten all its stratagems. we will not give these troops time to look about them. let us charge, and make a hole through them." "no," valentine said authoritatively; "close and bar the gate, belhumeur." the canadian hastened to obey. "stay," don rafaël said. "loyal heart," valentine continued, "you are no longer the master to act as you please, and throw yourself headlong into desperate enterprises. you must live for your wife and your children; besides, can we expose doña angela to the risk of being killed among us?" "that is true," he answered. "pardon me; i was mad." "oh!" doña angela exclaimed, "what do i care about death if i am not to see again the man i love?" "señorita," the hunter said sententiously, "allow events to follow their course. who knows if things are not better so? for the present return to the house, and leave us to manage this affair." "come, my child, come," doña luz said to her affectionately; "your presence is useless here, and perhaps it may soon become injurious." "i obey you, señora," the maiden said sadly; and she retired slowly, leaning on the arm of doña luz, who lavished on her all the consolations her heart dictated. don rafaël had given all his servants orders to arm, and hold themselves in readiness to offer a vigorous resistance in case the hacienda was attacked, an event which, from the orders given by the general to his troops, might be expected at any moment. the peons of the hacienda were numerous, and devoted to their master; hence the struggle threatened to be serious. suddenly repeated blows were struck on the gate. valentine, who had been thinking deeply for several moments, bent down to don rafaël's ear, and whispered a few words. "oh!" the latter replied, "that is almost cowardice, don valentine." "you must," the hunter said obstinately. and while loyal heart proceeded very unwillingly to the gate, he quickly entered the house. don rafaël opened a trap door in the gate, and asked who was there, and what was wanted; then, to the great surprise of all, after negotiating for a few moments with the men who demanded entrance in so peremptory a manner, he ordered the gate to be unbarred. in an instant it was thrown open, and the general appeared, accompanied by several officers, with whom he rode boldly in. "i beg your pardon for keeping you waiting, general, but i did not know it was you," don rafaël said to him. "caramba! amigo," the general remarked with a smile as he looked round, "you have a numerous garrison here, as far as i can judge." "after the late events that have taken place in sonora the roads are infested with marauders," don rafaël replied: "it is wise to take precautions." the general shrugged his shoulders. "very good, caballero," he replied dryly; "but it does not please me to see so many men armed without any legal motive. lay down your arms, gentlemen." the peons looked at their master; the latter bit his lips, but made them a sign to obey. all the weapons were then thrown on the ground. "i am very vexed, don rafaël, but i am about to leave a garrison in your hacienda. you and all the persons present are my prisoners. get ready to follow me to guaymas." "is that the reward for allowing you to enter my house?" don rafaël said bitterly. "i should have entered in any case," the general replied sternly. "and now send my daughter here at once." "here i am, my father," the young lady said as she appeared at the head of the steps. doña angela came down slowly into the courtyard, walked toward her father, and stopped two paces from him. "what would you of me?" she said to him. "give you the order to follow me," he answered dryly. "i can do no other than obey you. still you know me, father: my resolution is inflexible. i have in my hands the means to liberate myself from your tyranny when it appears to me too heavy for endurance. your conduct will regulate mine. now let us start." the only affection that remained warm and pure in the heart of the ambitious man was his love for his daughter; but that love was immense and unbounded. this man, who recoiled before no deed, however cruel it might be, to attain the object he proposed to himself, trembled at a frown from this child of sixteen, who, knowing the tyrannical power she exercised over her father, abused it unscrupulously. on his side, don sebastian knew the iron will and untamable character of his daughter. hence he trembled in his heart on listening to her cold declaration, although he allowed nothing to be seen. he turned away with an air of disdain, and gave orders for departure. a quarter of an hour later all the prisoners were _en route_ for guaymas, and no one was left at the hacienda but general don ramon and doña luz, who were watched by a garrison of fifty men, commanded by an officer, who had orders not to let them communicate with anybody. valentine, on seeing the general so speedily recovered from his defeat, judged the position of affairs at a glance. with his usual perspicuity he understood that, owing to don cornelio's treachery, the pueblos would not rise, that the hacenderos who had pledged their word would keep aloof, that the revolt would prove abortive, and that the count, ill and abandoned by everybody, would probably soon be reduced to treat with the man he had conquered. this was the reason why he urged don rafaël not to attempt a useless resistance, which could only have compromised him; and, at the same time, he persuaded doña angela to feign acceptance of her father's conditions, and return with him. we see that the hunter had reasoned well, and that his previsions were correct. still he was mistaken in supposing that he would manage to advise his foster-brother of all that had occurred. the orders given by the general in reference to the prisoners were executed with such extreme precision, that it was impossible even to tell the count of his whereabouts. and now that we have recounted the events that took place at the hacienda, we will approach the conclusion of this long drama. chapter xxiv. the boar at bay. we must beg the reader to follow us to guaymas, about a year after the events described in the last chapter. a man dressed in a military garb, bearing considerable resemblance to the mexican uniform, was walking, with his arms behind his back, up and down the sumptuously furnished room. this man appeared to be deep in thought; his brows were drawn together; and at times he turned an impatient glance toward a clock placed on a bracket. this man was evidently expecting somebody who did not arrive, for his impatience and ill-temper increased with every moment. he took up his hat, which he had thrown on a sofa, probably with the intention of withdrawing, when a door opened, and a servant announced,-- "his excellency don sebastian guerrero." "at last," the visitor growled between his teeth. the general appeared. he was in full uniform. "pardon me, my dear count," he said in an affectionate tone, "pardon me for having kept you waiting so long, i had infinite difficulty in getting rid of the troublesome people who bored me. at length i am quite at your service, and ready to listen with proper attention to the communications it may please you to make to me. "general," the count answered, "two motives bring me here today: in the first place, the desire to obtain from you a clear and categorical answer on the subject of the propositions i had the honour of making to you a few days back; and next the complaints i have to make to you on the matter of certain very grave facts which have occurred to the prejudice of the french battalion, and of which i have not the least doubt," he added with a certain tinge of irony in his voice, "you were ignorant." "this is the first i hear of them, sir. believe me that i am resolved to do good and ample justice to the french battalion, of which i have had only to speak in terms of praise since its organisation, not only through the good conduct of the men without distinction, but also for the services it has not ceased to render." "those are handsome words, general. why must they be so barren?" "you are mistaken, count, and i hope soon to prove to you the contrary. but let this be for the present, and come to the grievances of which you have to complain. explain yourself." the two persons who were talking in this friendly manner and lavishing smiles were general guerrero and count louis de prébois crancé, the two men we have seen in such bitter enmity. what had happened, then, since the treaty of guaymas? what reason was sufficiently powerful to make them forget their hatred? what community of ideas could have existed between them to produce a change so extraordinary and inexplicable? we will ask our readers' permission to explain this before going further, the more so as the events we have to narrate throw a perfect light on the mexican character. the general, after the success of the treaty of guaymas, and the way in which, thanks to the treachery of don cornelio, the insurrection of the pueblos was prevented, thought he had completely gained his cause, and believed that he had got rid of the count for ever. the latter, sick almost unto death, and incapable of connecting two ideas, had received orders to leave guaymas immediately. his friends, who were restored to liberty after the signature of the treaty, hastened to join him. valentine had him carried to mazatlan, where he gradually recovered; then both set out for san francisco, leaving curumilla in sonora, who was ordered to keep them acquainted with the progress of events. the general had held up before his daughter as a merit the generosity with which he had treated the count; then he had left her ostensibly free to act as she pleased, hoping that with time she would forget her love, and consent to second certain projects he did not as yet let her see, but which consisted in marrying to one of the most influential persons in mexico. still months had slipped away. the general, who built on the count's absence, and, before all, the want of news about him, to cure his daughter of what he called her mad passion, was greatly astonished, when he one day began talking to her about his plans and the marriage he had projected, to hear her answer,-- "my father, i have told you that i will marry the count de prébois crancé: no other will obtain my hand. you yourself consented to that union: hence i consider myself bound to him, and, so long as he lives, i will remain faithful to him." the general was at first greatly taken aback by this answer; for, although he was well aware of his daughter's firmness of character, he was far from expecting such pertinacity. still, after a moment, he regained his presence of mind, and bending over to her, kissed her on the forehead, saying, with pretended kindness,-- "come, you naughty child, i see i must do what you please, though i confess it is a heavy sacrifice. well, i will try. it will not depend on me whether you see the man you love again." "oh, father! can it be possible?" she exclaimed with a joy she could not restrain. "are you speaking seriously?" "most seriously, wicked one; so dry your tears--re-assume your gaiety and your bright colour of former days." "then i shall see him again?" "i swear it to you." "here?" "yes, here, at guaymas." "oh!" she exclaimed impetuously, as she threw her arms round his neck and embraced him tenderly, at the same time melting into tears. "oh, how kind you are, my father, and how i will love you if you do that!" "i will do it, i tell you," he said, affected, in spite of himself, by this love so true and so passionate. the general had already arranged his scheme in his head--the scheme which we shall soon see unfolded in all its hideousness. of the reply his daughter had made him don sebastian only remembered one sentence: "_so long as the count lives i will remain faithful to him._" poor doña angela had, without suspecting it, germinated in her father's brain the most horrible project that can be imagined. two days later curumilla started for san francisco, bearer of a letter from the young lady for the count--a letter destined to have an immense influence on don louis' ulterior determination. the mexicans had been so magnificently beaten by the french at hermosillo that they had kept up a most touching and respectful recollection of them. general guerrero, who, as the reader has been in a position to see, was a man of imagination, had made a reflection full of logic and good sense on this subject. he said to himself that if the french had so thoroughly thrashed the mexicans, who are very terrible soldiers as we know, _a fortiori_, they would defeat the indians, and, if necessary, the yankees, those gringos, as the americans of the south call them, whom they hold in mortal terror, and expect at any moment to see invade mexico. in consequence of this reasoning, general guerrero had formed at guaymas a battalion entirely composed of french volunteers, commanded by their own officers, and whose services were for the present limited to acting as police of the port, and maintaining order in the town. unfortunately the commandant of the battalion, though an upright officer and good soldier, was not exactly the man to be placed at the head of these volunteers. his ideas, rather narrow and paltry, were not up to the position he occupied, and grave misunderstandings soon broke out between the mexicans and the foreigners--misunderstandings probably encouraged in an underhand manner by certain influential persons, but which placed the battalion, in spite of the conciliatory temper of its chief, and the attempts he made to restore harmony, in a very difficult position, which naturally became more aggravated with each day. two parties were formed in the battalion: one, hostile to the commandant, spoke affectionately of the count, the memory of whom was still maintained in sonora, regretted his absence, and formed vows for his return; the other, though not devoted to the commandant, yet remained attached to the honour of the flag. but the devotion was lukewarm, and there was no doubt, if any unforeseen event occurred, that these men would let themselves be led away by circumstances. in this state of affairs general alvarez _pronounced_ against santa anna, president of the republic, and summoned the chiefs of all the corps scattered through the provinces to revolt. general guerrero hesitated, or pretended to hesitate, ere declaring himself. suddenly it was heard with amazement, almost with stupor, that the count de prébois crancé had landed at guaymas. this is what had occurred. immediately after that conversation with his daughter, of which we have quoted a part, the general paid a visit to señor don antonio mendez pavo. this visit was a long one. the two gentlemen conversed secretly together, after which the general returned to his house rubbing his hands. in the meanwhile don louis was at san francisco, sorrowful and gloomy, ashamed of the result of an expedition so well begun, furious with the traitors who had caused its failure, and burning--shall we confess it?--in spite of valentine's wise exhortations, to take his revenge. from several quarters simultaneously influential persons invited the count to undertake a second expedition. the money requisite for the purchase of arms and enrolment of volunteers was offered him. louis had also had secret interviews with two bold adventurers, colonel walker and colonel fremont, who at a later date was a candidate for the presidency of the united states. these two men made him advantageous offers; but the count declined them, owing to the omnipotent intervention of the hunter. still the count had fallen into a black melancholy. the man once so gentle and benevolent had become harsh and sardonic. he doubted himself and others. the treachery to which he had been a victim embittered his character to such a degree that his best friends began to be seriously apprehensive. he never spoke of doña angela--her name never rose from his heart to his lips; but his hand frequently sought on his breast the relic she gave him on their first meeting, and when he was alone he kissed it fondly with many a tear. the arrival of curumilla at san francisco produced a complete change; the count appeared to have suddenly recovered all his hopes and all his illusions; the smile reappeared on his lips, and fugitive rays of gaiety illumined his brow. two men arrived soon after curumilla, whose names we will not mention, lest we should sully the pages of this book. in a few days these men, doubtlessly following the instructions they had received, took complete possession of the count's mind, and hurled him back into the torrent from which his foster-brother had found such difficulty in drawing him. one evening the two were seated in a room of the house they occupied in common, and smoking a pipe after dinner. "you will come with me, my brother, i trust?" the count said, turning to valentine. "then you really mean to go?" the latter said with a sigh. "what are we doing here?" "nothing, it is true. my life is a burden to me, as yours is to you; but we have before us the boundless desert, the immense horizon of the prairies. why not recommence our happy life of hunting and liberty, instead of trusting to the fallacious promises of these heartless mexicans, who have already made you suffer so deeply, and whose infamous treachery brought you to your present condition?" "i must," the count said with resolution. "listen," valentine went on. "you no longer possess that ardent enthusiasm which sustained you on your first expedition. you lack faith. you do not yourself believe in success." "you are mistaken, brother. i am more certain of, success now than i was then; for i have as my allies the men who were formerly my most obstinate foes." valentine burst into a mocking laugh. "do you still believe in that?" he said to him. the count blushed. "well, no," he said. "i will conceal nothing from you. my destiny drags me on. i know that i am proceeding, not to conquest, but to death. but no matter; i must, i will see her again. here, read!" the count drew from his breast the letter curumilla brought him, and handed it to valentine; the latter read it. "well," he said, "i prefer your being frank with me. i will follow you." "thanks! good heavens!" he added sadly, "i do not deceive myself: i know the old latin proverb which says _non bis in idem_: what is once missed is so for ever. i do not allow myself to be deceived by the hypocritical protestations of general guerrero and his worthy acolyte, señor pavo. i know perfectly well that both will betray me on the first opportunity. well, be it so. i shall have seen again the woman who expects me, who summons me, who is all in all to me. if i fall i shall have a tomb worthy of me. the road i have traced others happier than i will follow, and bear civilisation to those countries which you and i once dreamed of emancipating." valentine could not restrain a sad smile at these words, which completely revealed the count's character--a strange composite of the most varying elements, and in which passion, pride, and enthusiasm waged an unceasing contest. the next day louis opened a recruiting office, and a week later embarked on board a schooner with his volunteers. the voyage commenced with an evil augury, for the adventurers were wrecked. had it not been for curumilla, who saved him at the risk of his life, it would have been all over with the count. the adventurers remained twelve days abandoned on a rock. "the romans would have seen a foreboding in our shipwreck," the count said with a sigh, "and would have given up an expedition so inauspiciously begun." "we should do wisely in following their example," valentine said sadly: "there is yet time." the count shrugged his shoulders in reply. a few days later they arrived at guaymas. señor pavo received the count most kindly, and proposed, himself, to present him to the general. "i wish to make your peace," he said to him. don louis allowed him to do so. his heart beat at the thought that he was possibly about to see doña angela again, but nothing of the sort took place. the general was extremely gracious to the count, spoke to him with feigned candour, and appeared ready to accept his propositions. don louis brought with him two hundred men and arms, and placed his sword at his disposal, if he intended to join the governor-general alvarez. don sebastian, while not replying absolutely to these advances, still allowed it to be seen that they were not displeasing to him; he even went further, for he almost promised the count to give him the command of the french battalion--a promise which, on his side, the count feigned to hear with the greatest pleasure. this interview was followed by several others, in which, always excepting the numberless protestations the general lavished on the count, the latter could obtain nothing except a species of tacit permission to take the command of the volunteers, in concert with the chief of the battalion. this permission was more injurious than useful to the count, however, as it rendered a great part of the frenchmen indisposed toward him, for they were angry at the general appointing them a new leader. during the week the count had been at guaymas the general had not said a word to him about doña angela, and it had been impossible for him to see her. on the day when we find him again at don sebastian's house, matters had reached such a pitch between the inhabitants and the french, that immediate repression was urgent in order to prevent great calamities. several frenchmen had been insulted--two had even been stabbed in the public streets; the _cívicos_ and inhabitants made growling threats against the volunteers; and there was in the air that something which forebodes a great catastrophe, which no one, however, can explain. the general pretended to feel deeply the insults offered the french. he promised the count that prompt and full justice should be done, and the assassins arrested. the truth was that the general, before striking the great blow he was meditating, wished for the arrival of the powerful reinforcements he expected from hermosillo in order to crush the french, and he only sought to gain time. the count withdrew. the next day the insults began again, and the french saw the assassins, whom the general had promised to punish, walking impudently about the streets. the battalion began to grow fearfully excited, and a fresh deputation, at the head of which the count was placed, was sent to the general. the count peremptorily demanded that justice should be done, two cannon given to the battalion for its security, and that the cívicos should be at once disarmed; for these men, drawn from the dregs of the populace, occasioned all the disorders. once again the general protested his kindly feeling toward the french, and promised to deliver to them two guns; but he would not hear a word about disarming the cívicos, alleging as his reason that such a step might irritate the population and produce an ill effect. while accompanying the frenchmen to the very door of the saloon he told them that, in order to prove the confidence he placed in them, he would himself come without an escort to their barracks, and hear their complaints. the step the general took was a bold one, and therefore sure to succeed, especially with frenchmen, who are good judges of bravery, and correct appreciators of everything that is daring. the general kept his promise; he really proceeded alone to the french quarters, in spite of the recommendations of his officers; he even answered them in a way which proves how thoroughly he was acquainted with the character of frenchmen. a colonel, among others, demonstrated to him the imprudence of thus placing himself defencelessly in the hands of men exasperated by the vexations of every description from which they had suffered so long. "you do not know what you are saying, colonel. the gauls in no way resemble the mexicans: with them the point of honour is everything. i know very well that the question will be discussed of keeping me prisoner; but there is one man who will never consent, and who will defend me if necessary: that man is the count de prébois crancé." the general judged correctly: all happened as he said. it was the count who energetically opposed his arrest, which was already almost resolved. the general left the barracks in the same way as he entered them. no one dared to utter a word of reproach in his presence. on the contrary, thanks to the honeyed eloquence with which he was gifted, he succeeded so well in turning opinions in his favour, that every one overwhelmed him with protestations of devotion, and an ovation was almost offered him. the result of this audacious visit was immense for the general; for, through the effect he had contrived to produce on the mass of volunteers, a division commenced among them almost immediately after his departure, and they no longer agreed. one party wished for peace at any price; the others demanded war with loud shouts, insisting that he was deceiving them, and that they would be once again the dupes of the mexicans. the latter were right, for they saw clearly; but, as ever happens, they were not listened to, and in conclusion they came to a compromise, which is always bad in such circumstances; that is to say, a committee was appointed to come to an understanding with the government, and regulate the affairs of the battalion. as may be seen, the mine was charged: a spark would be sufficient to enkindle an immense fire. chapter xxv. the beginning of the end. it was night. in a small house at guaymas, louis and valentine were conversing by the light of a meagre candle, which only spread a smoking and trembling illumination. they were discussing the measures by which to expedite the finale of the gloomy machinations in which general guerrero had managed to enfold them with diabolical cunning, while curumilla was peacefully sleeping in a corner of the room. "i foresaw it," valentine said. "now it is too late to draw back. we must act energetically: if not, you are lost." "eh, my friend? i am so in every way." "what! will you really break down when the hour of danger has pealed?" "i do not fear it: it will be welcome. i should wish to die, brother." "come, be a man. regain your courage, but make haste. have you noticed the arms and ammunition continually arriving? believe me, we must make an end of it, one way or other, as speedily as possible." "yes, i know as well as you that the general is deceiving us; but these volunteers are not the men i had at hermosillo. these fellows hesitate and are afraid. their commandant is incapable of acting: he is a vacillating, irresolute man. with such people we can achieve nothing." "i am afraid so: still it is better to know at once on what you have to depend than to remain any longer in this state of uncertainty." "tomorrow the delegates will go and see the general." "let them go to the deuce: they will be at least certain of obtaining a categorical answer from him," valentine said impatiently. at this moment two light taps were heard at the street door. "who can arrive so late?" the count said. "i expect nobody." "no matter; let us see," valentine said. "it is often the case that the people we least expect are the most agreeable visitors." and he went to open the door. it was scarce ajar ere a woman rushed into the house, crying to the hunter in a voice rendered hoarse by terror,-- "look, look! i am pursued!" valentine rushed out. although this woman was _tapada_--that is to say, her features were completely hidden by a rebozo--the count recognised her at once. what other woman but doña angela could come to see him in this way? it was, in reality, the general's daughter. the count received her half fainting into his arms, laid her on a butaca, and began lavishing on her all those attentions which her condition demanded. "in heaven's name, speak! what is the matter with you?" he exclaimed. "what has happened?" in a little while the young lady recovered, passed her hand over her forehead several times, and gazed at the count with an expression of intense happiness. "at length i see you again, my love!" she exclaimed as she burst into tears, and threw herself headlong into his arms. don louis returned her caresses, and tried to calm her. the maiden was suffering from a strange nervous excitement, her large black eyes were haggard, her face pallid as that of a corpse, and her whole body was agitated by a convulsive tremor. "tell me, my child, what is the matter with you? in heaven's name, explain! i implore you, speak. angela, speak, if you love me." "if i love you, poor cherished one of my heart!" she said with a sigh as she laid her hand in his. "if i love you! alas! i love you to death, don louis; and this love will kill me." "speak not so, my well-beloved angel! dispel these gloomy thoughts: let us only think of our love." "no, don louis, i have not come to you to speak of love: i have come to save you." "to save me!" he said with feigned gaiety. "do you believe me, then, to be in great peril?" "don louis, you are running an immense risk. take heed of my words. do not look at me so with a smile: tomorrow you will be a lost man. all the measures are taken. i heard all: it is horrible! and that is the way i learnt your return to guaymas, of which i was ignorant. then i ran off madly, wildly to you, in order to say to you, 'fly, fly, don louis!'" "fly!" he repeated thoughtfully. "and you, angela, must i lose you again this time and for ever? no, i prefer death." "i will go with you; for am i not your affianced, your wife in the sight of heaven? come, come, don louis, let us go--not lose a minute, a second. your black horse will carry us beyond pursuit in two hours. but take your weapons, for i was followed by a man as i came here from my father's house." she spoke with strange volubility, like a person talking in a fever. the count knew not what resolution to follow, when suddenly a loud noise was heard in the street, and the door, which was only leant to, flew wide open. "save me, save me!" the poor child exclaimed, a prey to indescribable terror. don louis bounded on his pistols, and placed himself resolutely before her. "oh, you shall come, you villain!" valentine's voice was heard outside. "you shall not escape me this time. come, walk in, or i'll quicken your motions with my dagger." and with a vigorous effort the hunter entered the room, dragging after him a man who made futile efforts to escape. "shut the door, louis," valentine continued. "and now, my worthy spy, show me your treacherous face, that i may be able to recognise you again." curumilla had left the corner in which he had hitherto been sleeping. without uttering a syllable he drew doña angela behind a mosquito net, which completely concealed her, and then rejoined his friends, candle in hand. all this while the prisoner offered an obstinate resistance to prevent his features being seen; but he did not say a word, contenting himself with uttering hoarse and indistinct exclamations of rage. at length, after a long struggle, the stranger seemed to comprehend that all his efforts would be in vain: he drew himself up, took off his cloak, and crossed his arms on his chest. "well, look at me, as you insist on doing so," he said with a sarcastic accent. "don cornelio!" the frenchmen exclaimed. "myself, gentlemen. how have you been since i last had the pleasure of seeing you?" he continued with serpent coolness. "miserable traitor!" valentine yelled as he rushed on him. but the count checked him. "wait," he said. "i betrayed you, it is true," don cornelio replied. "what next? i had probably a motive in doing so. i know you are going to say that you did me many services. what does that prove, if you did me in a single day more injury than all the good you did me during the course of our relations?" "i did you an injury! you lie, you scoundrel!" "señor conde," don cornelio said with a haughty air, "i would remind you that i am a gentleman, and will not allow you to address me in the way you are now doing." "this wretch is mad, on my soul!" the count said with a smile of pity. "let him go, brother; he is unworthy of our anger: he only merits our contempt." "not so," valentine sharply objected. "this man is the general's tool: we cannot let him go thus." "what shall we do with him? sooner or later we must release him." "that is possible, but for the present we will hand him over to the care of curumilla." the indian gave a nod of assent, and seizing don cornelio, led him away. the latter allowed him to do so without offering the slightest resistance. "we shall meet again, gentlemen," he said with a mocking smile. the indian looked at him in a very peculiar manner, and drew him into another room. doña angela then emerged from behind the curtain. "i am waiting for you, don louis," she said. the latter shook his head sadly. "alas!" he said, "i cannot fly: my life is not my own. i have sworn to my comrades not to abandon them. were i to fly, i should be a traitor." doña angela went up to him and bent gracefully over him. "farewell, don louis," she said. "you are acting as a caballero. follow your destiny. your honour is as dear to me as to yourself. i wish it to be unspotted. i no longer insist. farewell! give me a kiss on the forehead: we shall not meet again till the day of our death." all at once a cry was heard in the street, so horrible that the three persons shuddered with terror. the door opened, and curumilla stalked in: his face was calm, and his step as measured as usual. "you went out by the door of the corral then, chief?" valentine asked him. "yes." "but what have you done with don cornelio?" "free," the indian said. "what! free?" don louis exclaimed. "there must be something in the background," the hunter remarked. "why did you give him his liberty?" curumilla drew his knife from his waist belt, and the blade was red with blood. "you need no longer fear him," he said. "you have not killed him?" the three exclaimed simultaneously. "no," he said. "he is dumb and blind." "oh!" they said with a gesture of horror. curumilla had simply scooped out don cornelio's eyes with his scalping knife, and torn out his tongue; then he led him to the other end of the town, and abandoned him to his fate. valentine and don louis considered it useless to address any reproaches to the chief, which could not repair the evil, and which, indeed, the araucano would not have understood; consequently they refrained from any observation. doña angela, in spite of the count's entreaties, would not consent to him accompanying her on her return home. she withdrew, after whispering in his ear the parting recommendation,-- "take heed of tomorrow, don louis." the count smiled, and she flew away like a bird, leaving behind her very sad and naked the little room which she had illumined for a short time with her presence. "come," the count said, as he fell hack in a butaca so soon as she was gone, "it seems that tomorrow will bring the finale: all the better. still the man that takes me will have to pay dearly for it." the next day, as had been arranged, the delegates of the volunteers waited on the general, who received them in his usual way, lavishing protestations and promises on them. the delegates pressed for a settlement, on which don sebastian, who was doubtlessly ready to deal the blow he had so long meditated, changed his tone and dismissed them, bidding them await his good pleasure. the delegates withdrew, exasperated by the roguery of the man in whom they had been so weak as to place confidence, and who now proved to them that he had been deceiving them from the beginning. the volunteers were anxiously expecting the answer their delegates were to bring them. when the latter described what had taken place their exasperation reached its height: the cry "to arms!" was raised, and everyone prepared for fighting. the chief of the battalion completely lost his head. "bid them form a square," the count said to him. the order was obeyed. the count placed himself in the centre of the square, and raised his hand to command silence. all were still: the moment was a solemn one, and all perceived it. in spite of himself, a certain degree of hesitation was depicted on the count's handsome face: not that he feared for himself personally, but he felt that he was about to risk his last stake, and it would be decisive. everyone had his eyes fixed upon him. "you hesitate, count," an officer said to him. "why did you join us, then? are you no longer the man of hermosillo?" at this sharp remark a vivid blush suffused the count's cheek, and he trembled with suppressed passion. "no," he exclaimed, "no, by heavens! i do not hesitate. my friends, reflect: there is yet time. remember that, the sword once drawn, we become outlaws. what will you do?" "fight--fight!" the volunteers shouted, waving their weapons enthusiastically. the count drew himself up, unsheathed his sword, and brandished it over his head. "you wish it?" he shouted. "yes, yes!" "well, then, forwards! long live france!" "long live france!" the volunteers replied. the battalion, formed in four companies, resolutely left its quarters, and proceeded at a quick step toward the mexican barracks. unfortunately, as we have said, a dissension had sprung up among the french. many of them marched very unwillingly, being forced on by their comrades. the chief of the battalion, too, though personally very brave, was not the man suited to attempt a _coup de main_ like the present one; and the count, through excess of delicacy, and in order to maintain unity of action, committed the fault of declining the command when offered to him by the officers and men. the battalion proceeded toward the mexican barracks by three different roads. but general guerrero had made his arrangements long before. he had shut himself up in these barracks with three hundred troops of the line. the neighbouring houses were crammed with cívicos, while four guns commanded the only approaches. the frenchmen only amounted to three hundred men, one half of them discouraged, while the mexicans were nearly two thousand. still the action began vigorously on all sides at once. the first charge was admirable. the mexican guns swept down the attacking party, and effected a frightful carnage. still the french held their ground, and continued to advance, supported by the example of the count, who walked fifteen paces in advance of the column, with a rifle in one hand and a sword in the other, amid a hail-storm of bullets, shouting in his powerful voice,-- "forward! forward!" all at once, the chief of the battalion, who ought to have supported the attack on the right, seeing his company decimated by canister, lost his head completely, and fell back in disorder on the french quarters. the count tried in vain to rally the volunteers; disorder was beginning to spread among them, and all his efforts were powerless. it was at this moment the count understood the fault he had committed by not accepting the chief command. still the mexican guns no longer fired, for the artillerymen were dead. "forward! charge with the bayonet!" the count shouted; and he rushed onward, followed by valentine and curumilla, who did not remain an inch behind. some twenty volunteers dashed after him. the count rushed up to the wall of the barracks, which he succeeded in scaling, and stood upright on the summit, exposed to the whole of the enemy's fire. "forward! forward!" he repeated. his hat, pierced by balls, was blown off his head, and several bayonet-thrusts tore his clothes. a terrible hand-to-hand contest commenced. unfortunately there were only fifteen frenchmen altogether. after a heroic attempt to hold their ground they were compelled to give way; but they fell back like lions, pace by pace, with their faces turned to the foe, and not ceasing to fight. the count howled with rage: tears of passion poured down his cheeks at seeing himself thus abandoned. he wished to die. but in vain did he throw himself into the thickest of the fight: his friends protected him, in spite of himself, against the blows dealt at him. at length the route commenced. the count broke his sword, after a glance of powerless fury at his enemies, whom, had he been bravely supported, he would have conquered, and who thus escaped him. valentine and curumilla dragged him down to the port; but the vessel which brought him had set sail during the combat. flight was impossible. in this extremity only one house could offer a refuge to the conquered: it was that of the french agent, and the volunteers flocked to it. señor pavo promised that all those who delivered their arms up to him should be placed under the protection of the french flag. the count had entered the house and thrown himself into a chair, insensible to all that was said and done around him; but valentine was watching. "a moment," he said. "señor pavo, will the life of count de prébois crancé be saved?" the mexican looked craftily at the hunter, but made no answer. "no shuffling, sir," valentine continued. "we want a distinct answer, or we shall renew the engagement." as it was no longer possible to hesitate señor pavo spoke. "gentlemen," he said in a clear and distinct voice, "on my honour i swear to you that the life of count louis de prébois crancé shall be spared." "we shall remember your words, sir," valentine said sternly. don antonio pavo hoisted a white flag as a signal of peace. nearly the whole battalion of volunteers had sought refuge at his house. the battle was over; it had lasted three hours. the french had thirty-eight men killed, and sixty-three wounded, out of three hundred combatants. the mexicans lost thirty-five men during the action, and had one hundred and forty-seven wounded, out of about two thousand soldiers. the battle had been warmly contested, and the conquerors paid dearly for a victory which was the result of treachery. chapter xxvi. the catastrophe. immediately after the combat a delicious comedy, began between don antonio pavo and general guerrero. the latter would not listen to any proposition tending to obtain for the french a written capitulation. he confined himself to giving his word of honour as a general officer, that if the arms were surrendered to him at once, _all_ the rebels should have their lives granted them. don antonio was constrained to yield to the general's orders. the arms were surrendered, the french made prisoners of war, and locked up. so soon as night fell, colonel suarez, accompanied by four other officers, presented himself at the house of don antonio pavo, demanding, in the name of general guerrero, that the count de prébois crancé should be immediately handed over to him. don antonio hastened to obey by giving the count orders to quit his house. the latter, without replying, contented himself with darting a glance of sovereign contempt at him, and surrendered to the colonel. a quarter of an hour later he was in solitary confinement. of all the combatants only two had escaped, valentine and curumilla, and that was only at the count's peremptory order. we repeat it here, although the names are changed, and certain facts have, been expressly altered, we are not writing a romance, but the history of a man whose noble character must be dear to all his fellow countrymen. there are, then, certain things which we cannot and ought not to pass over in silence, though frequently in the course of this long narrative we have softened down facts which we felt a repugnance to display in all their horror. despite the solemn promise made by don antonio pavo in the presence of all the volunteers, a few days after his illegal arrest the count was told to prepare for trial. the europeans were aroused by this disloyal act, and several of them went to don antonio to remind him of his promise, and incite him to keep it then don antonio asserted that he never made any promise, and that the affair in no way concerned him. in the meanwhile the preparations for the count's trial were actively pushed on. all the officers of the battalion, including the commandant, were interrogated, and all, with one exception, we are compelled to confess, sought to throw the whole blame of their conduct on the count. not a single witness for the defence was examined; for what was the use of it? the accused was condemned beforehand. when the count was arrested he still had in his waist belt the pistols with which he marched into action. general guerrero ordered that they should be left him. he doubtless hoped that louis, impelled by despair, would, in a moment of terror, blow out his brains, and thus spare himself the shame of signing the death warrant. but he was not acquainted with the character of his enemy. the count possessed a mind too strongly tried by that touchstone called misfortune to have recourse to suicide, and tarnish the end of his career. in the meanwhile valentine had not been inactive. if he had consented to preserve his liberty, it was only in the hope of saving his foster-brother. two or three days before the count's secret imprisonment was altered, toward evening, the door of his cell opened. he turned his head mechanically to see who entered, uttered a cry of joy, and rushed toward him. the newcomer was valentine. "you--you here!" he said to him. "oh, thanks for coming!" "did you not expect me, brother?" the hunter asked. "i expected your visit, though i did not dare count on it. you must be exposed to a thousand annoyances, and compelled to conceal yourself?" "i! not a bit of it." "all the better; you cannot imagine how happy i am at seeing you. but who is the person accompanying you?" in truth, valentine was not alone; another person had entered the cell with him, and was standing motionless against the door, which the jailer locked again, after introducing the visitors. "do not trouble yourself about that person at present," valentine said; "let us talk about business." "be it so: speak." "you know that you will be condemned to death. i suppose?" "i presume so." "good! now listen to me, and, above all, do not interrupt me; for time is precious, and we must profit by it. you understand that if i obeyed you when you ordered me to escape, i did so because i suspected in what way affairs would turn. now the moment for action has arrived. all is prepared for your flight; the jailers are bought--they will not see you quit the prison. i have freighted a vessel. take your hat, and come. in ten minutes we shall be aboard, in half an hour under sail, and we will leave mexican justice to deal with you in your absence. come, i have managed capitally, i think, brother. you see that i have lost no time, and all this is very simple." "extremely simple indeed," the count replied with the utmost calmness. "i thank you for what you have done for me." "indeed, brother, it is not worth thanking for." the count laid his hand on his arm to interrupt him. "but," he continued, "i cannot accept your offer." "what!" valentine exclaimed with a start of surprise. "what do you say, brother? you must be jesting." "not at all, brother. what i say is the truth. it is my inflexible will to leave to the mexican people the iniquity of my condemnation, the indelible stain of my death. i will not fly: i cannot--i ought not; for it would be an act of cowardice on my part. a soldier does not abandon his post. a gentleman does not sully his escutcheon. a frenchman has not the right to dishonour his name. i die for a noble and grand idea--the emancipation and regeneration of a people. that idea required a baptism of blood to make it prosper and bear fruit at a later date. i give it mine without regret--without a thought of self, gladly--i will say almost with happiness. brother, in a prison thoughts ripen quickly: it is probably because a man is nearer the tomb there, and life appears to him what it really is--a dream. i have thought much. i have reflected deeply. i have weighed with the utmost impartiality the for and against of the two questions, and i prefer death. i knew what you would attempt for me. your life has been one long devotion; but that devotion must this night accomplish its greatest sacrifice in letting me die, and not attempting to save me. a man like i am must not secure his life by trickery. i pledged my head as the stake in the game i played. i lost, and i pay my debt." "brother, brother, do not speak so!" valentine exclaimed with despair; "you break my heart." "reflect, my good valentine, on the position in which i now stand. i am tried contrary to the law of nations. hence my position is a fine one; my judges will endure all the disgrace of my condemnation. if i fly, i shall be nothing more than any common adventurer--a pirate, as they call me, prodigal of his companions' blood, and chary of his own. must i not acquit the debt i have contracted with all my friends, who died to defend my cause? come, brother, do not try to convince me, for it would be useless. i repeat to you, my resolution cannot be shaken." "ah!" valentine exclaimed again, with an outburst of passion he could not repress, "you are determined to die. but do you reflect that, in dying, you drag down with you to the grave another person? do you believe that she will consent to live when----" "silence!" the count interrupted him in great agitation. "do not speak to me of her. poor angela! alas! why did she love me?" "why!" the person who accompanied valentine, and had hitherto remained motionless, exclaimed. "because you are great, louis; because your heart is immense." "oh!" he said with grief, "angela! brother, brother, what have you done?" the hunter made no reply, for he was weeping. his iron nature was broken; the strong man wept like a child. "do not reproach him for having brought me, don louis. i wished to come--i insisted on accompanying him." "alas!" the count replied with an ineffable sadness, "you break my heart, poor darling child. in your presence all my resolution and courage abandon me. oh! why have you come to revive, by your presence, regrets which nothing will be able to calm again?" "you are mistaken, don louis," she said with febrile energy. "you believe me to be a weak woman, without courage. my love for you is too true and too pure for me ever to advise you to do anything against your honour or your glory. just now, concealed in that obscure corner, i listened eagerly to your words. i was happy at hearing you speak as you did. i love you, don louis, oh, as man never was loved in this world! but i love you for yourself, and not for myself. your glory is as dear to me as you are. your memory must remain without a stain, as your life has been unsullied. don louis, i, to whom you are all in all, the man for whom i would sacrifice my life if necessary, i have come to say to you, 'dear count, die nobly, with head erect: fall like a hero! your memory will be revered as that of a martyr.'" "yes, thanks, thanks for saying that to me, angela," the count said as he pressed her in his arms with passionate energy; "you restore me all my energy." "and now farewell, count, to meet again soon." the count went up to valentine. "your hand, brother," he said to him. "forgive me for not desiring to live." the hunter threw himself into his brother's arms, and the two remained thus enfolded for several minutes. at length the count liberated himself from this loving prison by a heroic effort. valentine left the cell, not having the strength to utter a word, and supporting doña angela, who, in spite of the courage she had displayed, felt on the point of fainting. the door closed again, and the count remained alone. he fell back in his chair, leaned his elbows on the table, buried his face in his hands, and remained in this position the whole night through. the next morning, at an early hour, don louis was fetched to go to the court. the interrogatory was over, and the pleading was about to begin. the count had chosen as his defender a young captain of the name of borunda, who during the siege of hermosillo had been taken prisoner by the french at the attack on the bridge head. borunda had remembered the generous manner in which the count had treated him at that period. his pleading was what might be expected from the young and noble officer, simple, pathetic, and imprinted with that eloquence which comes from the heart, and nothing can equal. assuredly the count would have been acquitted, had not his death been decided beforehand. don louis, who during the entire discussion remained calm and apathetic, listening to the false statements and calumnious imputations of the witnesses without quivering, or addressing a reproach to those ingrates who sacrificed him in this cowardly way, felt affected by his defender's glowing language. he rose and held out his hand to him with inimitable grace. "thank you, sir," he said to him. "i am happy at having found a man like yourself among so many enemies. your pleading was as it should be, and money will not repay such words." then, drawing from his finger the ring bearing his coat of arms, which he had always worn since leaving france, he passed it on to the captain's finger, adding,-- "accept this ring, and keep it in remembrance of me." the captain pressed his hand, but could not reply.[ ] the judges retired to deliberate. they returned at the expiration of five minutes. count louis de prébois crancé, unanimously found guilty, was condemned to be shot. the sworn interpreter of the court was then called on by the president to translate the sentence to the condemned; but then a strange incident occurred. this interpreter rose and addressed the court. "no, gentlemen," he said resolutely; "i will not translate this unjust sentence, which you will soon regret having pronounced." this energetic protest abashed the judges for an instant. the interpreter was discharged on the spot. he was a spaniard. "gentlemen," the count then said with the greatest coolness, "i understand your language sufficiently well to know that you have condemned me to death. may heaven pardon you, as i do!" he bowed to the judges with a smile, and withdrew as calm as he entered. the count was immediately placed in _capilla_. it is the fashion in spain and all southern america for men condemned to death to be placed in a room, at one end of which is an altar. near the bed stands the coffin in which the body of the condemned will be laid after the execution. the walls are hung with black cloth, on which silver tears and mournful inscriptions are sewn. this custom, which is very cruel in our opinion, and is evidently a relic of the barbarous medieval times, is probably intended to imbue the condemned with religious ideas. the count was in no way influenced by these mournful trappings, but employed himself with the utmost tranquillity in setting his affairs in order. the very day he was put in _capilla_ valentine entered his cell, followed by father seraphin. he was the priest he would most certainly have sent for to console him in his last moments, had he known where to find him; but valentine thought of everything. by his orders curumilla went on the search, and the worthy indian soon discovered the missionary, who, on learning the nature of the case, hastened to follow him. still the condemnation of the count had produced an extraordinary emotion. while the cívicos and other bandits of the town indulged in indecent joy, parading the streets with bands of music at their head, the upper classes and sound portion of the population displayed extreme sorrow. they spoke of nothing less than preventing the execution of the sentence, and for some hours general guerrero trembled lest his victim should escape him. the vice-consul of the united states, indignant at this unjust sentence, but not having the power to act officially, proceeded to don antonio pavo with the hope of inducing him to act energetically, and save the count. don antonio refused. while protesting the sorrow he felt, nothing could make him recall his refusal. still don antonio understood that he could not refrain from paying a visit to the count. valentine was with him, as well as father seraphin. the hunter had obtained leave to remain with his foster brother till the last moment. the count received don antonio with an icy face. he contented himself with shrugging his shoulders in contempt when the latter tried to exculpate himself, and alleviate all that was reprehensible in his conduct. the count handed him several papers, and, interrupting him roughly in the midst of a very involved sentence, in which he was trying to prove how innocent he was of all imputed to him, said dryly,-- "listen to me, sir. i am willing, if it is of any use to you, to give you a letter, in which i acknowledge that your conduct toward me was always irreproachable; but on one condition----" "what is it, sir?" he asked eagerly. "i do not wish to be shot on my knees, and with my eyes bandaged. you understand me, sir? i want to look death in the face. go and arrange that with the governor." "that favour shall be granted you, i can assure you, sir," he answered, delighted at having been let off so easily. he went out and kept his word. what did the count's enemies care whether he fell standing or on his knees, with eyes bandaged or not? their great object was that he should be dead. still general guerrero profited by this opportunity to appear generous at a small cost. the next day but one valentine brought doña angela with him: the maiden had donned that monk's robe which she had already worn under critical circumstances. "is it for today?" the count asked. "yes," valentine answered. louis took his foster-brother on one side. "swear to me to protect that child when i am no longer here to do so." "i swear it!" valentine said in a broken voice. doña angela heard the words. she smiled sadly as she wiped away a tear. "now, brother, there is another oath i must obtain from you." "speak, brother." "swear to do what i ask you, whatever it may be." valentine looked at his foster-brother: he saw such anxiety depicted on his face that he let his eyes fall. "i swear it!" he said in a hollow voice. he had guessed what don louis was about to demand of him. "i do not wish you to avenge me. believe me, brother, god will take that vengeance on himself, and sooner or later punish my enemies in a more terrible manner than you can do. do you promise to obey me?" "you have my word, brother," the hunter answered. "thanks! now let me say good-by to this poor girl." and he walked toward doña angela, who advanced to meet him. we will not describe their conversation. they forgot everything during an hour to live an age of joy by isolating themselves, and speaking heart to heart. suddenly a loud noise was heard outside, the door of the capilla opened, and colonel suarez appeared. "i am at your orders, colonel," the count said, not giving the other time to speak. he passed his fingers for the last time through his moustache, smoothed his hair, took up his panama straw hat, which he held in his hand, and after taking a melancholy glance around, went out. father seraphin walked on his right; doña angela, with the hood over her head, on his left. valentine came next, tottering like a drunken man, in spite of all the efforts he made, with haggard eyes, and face bathed in tears. there was something heart-rending in the aspect of this man, with the energetic features and bronzed face, a prey to such grief, which was the more profound because it was silent. it was six in the morning, the sun had just risen, the dawn was magnificent, the atmosphere was filled with perfume, nature seemed rejoicing, and a man full of life, health, and intellect was about to die--die brutally, struck by unworthy foemen. an immense crowd covered the place of execution, and the troops were drawn up in battle array. general guerrero, in full uniform, glistening with precious stones, appeared at the head of the troops. the count walked slowly, talking with the missionary, and from time to time addressing a word to the heroic girl, who refused to abandon him at this supreme hour. he held his hat before his face to protect him from the sunbeams, and fanned himself carelessly. on reaching the execution ground he stopped, went in the direction of the firing party, threw his hat on the ground, and waited. an officer read his sentence. when this was over, the count affectionately embraced the missionary, did the same to valentine, and whispered in his ear,-- "remember!" "yes," the latter said in an inarticulate voice. then came the turn of doña angela. they remained for a long time in a close embrace, and then separated as if by mutual agreement. "though separated on the earth, we shall soon be united in heaven. courage, my beloved!" she said with exaltation. he replied to her with a smile which had nothing earthly about it. father seraphin and valentine fell back about fifteen paces, knelt down on the ground, and folded their hands in prayer. doña angela, with the cowl still over her face, placed herself only a few paces from the general, who watched all the preparations for the execution with a triumphant smile. the count looked around him to assure himself that his friends had retired, took a step forward nearer the firing party, from which he was only eight yards, and laying his hands behind his hack, with head erect, a smile on his lips, and a resolute glance, he called out in a clear, impressive voice,-- "come, my brave fellows, do your duty! aim at the heart!" then a strange event occurred. the officer stammered as he gave the order to fire; and the soldiers, firing one after the other, did not hit the sufferer. "enough of this, caray!" the general shouted. the soldiers reloaded their muskets, and the order to fire was given once more. a discharge burst forth like thunder, and the count fell with his face to the earth. he was dead: progress counted one martyr more! "farewell, father," a voice cried in the general's ear. "i keep my promise." don sebastian turned in terror, for he had recognised his daughter's voice. doña angela had fallen to the ground. her father rushed toward her. it was too late; he only pressed a corpse in his arms. his punishment had already commenced. the count had scarce fallen ere valentine rushed toward him, followed by the missionary. "let no one approach the body!" he said in a voice which made the bravest recoil, and kneeling on his right, while the missionary placed himself on the left, he prayed. curumilla had disappeared. those who tell us that the count de prébois crancé was an adventurer, i will merely ask what hernando cortez was on the day before the fall of mexico? in politics, as in everything else, the end justifies the means, and success is only the consecration of genius. [ ] we are delighted to be able to state that captain borunda, in spite of the brilliant offers afterwards made him, would not consent to part with this ring.--g.a. note. several of our friends have remarked to us with truth that the work of justice we have attempted in this work would be incomplete if we insisted on concealing our characters under their pseudonyms. we will, therefore, obey our friends' wishes. who does not remember the heroic episode of count gaston de raousset-boulbon's life? the incident that terminated it was, in spite of the political preoccupations of the moment, considered a public calamity. it is the expedition of this great soldier, who only lacked a lever to overturn a world, that we have attempted to describe. don louis is the count. by the side of consul calvo, general yanès, and the commandant lebourgeois-desmarets, a sinister trinity fatal to the count, the first two through a mean hatred, the third through jealousy, also grin the ignoble and gloomy faces of colonel campusano and cubillas, those subaltern agents, the buzzards who were less hideously ferocious than the men who urged them to action. now let us mention hap-hazard the names of the few men who remained faithful to the count at all risks. in the first rank we will name monsieur a. de la chapelle, editor in chief of the _messager de san francisco,_ a private friend of raousset, who left him at his death the duty of avenging his memory, and whom friendship inspired to write so fine a book; then lenoir, gamier, fayolle, and lefranc, of whom the last three fell bravely before hermosillo; o. de la chapelle, brother of the journalist, that chivalrous chief of the cocosperians; lastly, the mexican captain, borunda, whose chivalrous pleading would have saved the count, had not his death been resolved on. twelve years have passed over the drama of guaymas, and the hour has arrived to do proper justice to the heroic victim of that unjustifiable assassination. we, one of his obscurest friends, will be pleased if our book, so incomplete as it may be, aids to any extent, however slight, in effecting this rehabilitation so eagerly expected by all honest hearts. we will add in conclusion, that the narrative has been undertaken without any notes being prepared beforehand, and written under the impression of ineffaceable memories, rather with the heart than with the pen. gustave aimard. the end. {transcriber's note: quotation marks have been standardized to modern usage. footnotes have been placed to immediately follow the paragraphs referencing them. transcriber's notes are in curly braces; square brackets and parentheses indicate original content.} {illustration: frontispiece--norman b. wood.} lives of famous indian chiefs from cofachiqui, the indian princess, and powhatan; down to and including chief joseph and geronimo. also an answer, from the latest research, of the query, whence came the indian? together with a number of thrillingly interesting indian stories and anecdotes from history * * * * * copiously and splendidly illustrated, in part, by our special artist. * * * * * by norman b. wood historian, lecturer, and author of "the white side of a black subject" (out of print after twelve editions) and "a new negro for a new century," which has reached a circulation of nearly a _hundred thousand copies._ {illustration: two indians in a canoe.} published by american indian historical publishing company brady block, aurora, ill. copyrighted in by american indian historical publishing co., aurora, illinois. * * * * * all rights of every kind reserved. {illustration: seal.} printing and binding by the henry o. shepard co. engraving by the inland-walton co. chicago. to theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, who has observed closely and recorded justly the character of the red man, and who, in the words of chief quanah parker, "is the indian's president as well as the white man's," this volume is respectfully dedicated by the author. contents * * * * * page introduction, chapter i. cofachiqui, the indian princess, chapter ii. powhatan, or wah-un-so-na-cook, chapter iii. massasoit, the friend of the puritans, chapter iv. king philip, or metacomet, the last of the wampanoaghs, chapter v. pontiac, the red napoleon, head chief of the ottawas and organizer of the first great indian confederation, chapter vi. logan, or tal-ga-yee-ta, the cayuga (mingo) chief, orator and friend of the white man. also a brief sketch of cornstalk, chapter vii. captain joseph brant, or thay-en-da-ne-gea, principal sachem of the mohawks and head chief of the iroquois confederation, chapter viii. red jacket, or sa-go-ye-wat-ha, "the keeper awake." the indian demosthenes, chief of the senecas, chapter ix. little turtle, or michikiniqua, war chief of the miamis, and conqueror of harmar and st. clair, chapter x. tecumseh, or "the shooting star," famous war-chief of the shawnees, organizer of the second great indian confederation and general in the british army in the war of , chapter xi. black hawk, or ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiak, and his war, chapter xii. shabbona, or built like a bear, the white man's friend, a celebrated pottawatomie chief, chapter xiii. sitting bull, or tatanka yotanka, the great sioux chief and medicine man, chapter xiv. chief joseph, of the nez perces, or hin-mah-too-yah-lat-kekt, thunder rolling in the mountains, the modern xenophon, chapter xv. geronimo, or go-yat-thlay, the yawner, the renowned apache chief and medicine man, chapter xvi. quanah parker, head chief of the comanches, with, an account of the captivity of his mother, cynthia anne parker, known as "the white comanche," chapter xvii. a sheaf of good indian stories from history, chapter xviii. indian anecdotes and incidents, humorous and otherwise, chapter xix. whence came the aborigines of america? list of illustrations. * * * * * page frontispiece. cofachiqui, the indian princess, american horse, sioux chief, powhatan, captain smith and pocahontas, pocahontas, or lady rebecca, ope-chan-ca-nough, massasoit and pilgrims, nellie jumping eagle, king philip, or metacomet, philip rejecting elliot's preaching, pontiac, the red napoleon, montcalm at massacre of quebec, hollow-horn bear, sioux chief, major campbell and pontiac, hollow horn, starved rock, logan, the mingo orator, logan and the two hunters, joseph brant, mohawk chief, king hendrick, mohawk chief, sir william johnson and the mohawks, leading hawk, red jacket, seneca chief and orator, massacre at wyoming, corn planter, seneca chief, adolph knock and family, red jacket presenting deer, little turtle, miami war-chief, little turtle's warriors chasing st. clair's scout ouray, late principal chief of utes, tecumseh, the noblest indian of them all, tecumseh rebuking proctor, the prophet, brother of tecumseh, red cloud, noted sioux chief, death of tecumseh, black hawk, sac and fox chief, buffalo hunt, keokuk, sac and fox chief, shabbona, "the white man's friend," pottawatomie chief, fort dearborn massacre, annie red shirt, indian beauty, waubonsie, pottawatomie chief, plan of sitting bull's tepee, sitting bull, noted sioux chief and medicine man, sitting bull's family, chief gall, sioux war-chief, chief one bull and family, rain-in-the-face, noted sioux warrior, sitting bull's autograph, indian village, chief joseph, of the nez perces, greatest indian since tecumseh, buckskin charlie, war-chief of utes, "comes out holy," sioux, geronimo, noted apache chief and medicine man, group of apaches, naiche, apache chief, quanah parker, comanche chief, quanah parker and two of his wives, comanche indians stealing cows, needle parker, indian beauty, the mohawk's last arrow, lone wolf, orator and principal chief of the kiowas, kiowa annie, noted indian beauty, se-quo-yah, the cherokee cadmus, big tree, second kiowa chief, satanta, kiowa chief and noted orator, chief simon pokagon, pottawatomie, dr. charles a. eastman, dr. carlos montezuma, the last shot, chief charles journey cake, indian maiden in japanese costume, japanese maiden in indian costume, map showing how america was peopled, japanese man in garb of indian, indian man in japanese garb, introduction. we do not propose to apologize for writing this book, for the reasons that those who approve would not consider it necessary and those who oppose would not accept the apology. therefore, we can only offer the same explanation as that made twenty-four centuries ago by the "father of history" when he said: "to rescue from oblivion the noble deeds of those who have gone before, i, herodotus of halicarnassus, write this chronicle." we deem it well, however, to mention a few of the many reasons which impelled us to attempt the somewhat laborious but congenial task of preparing this work. first of all, we were gratified and inspired by the kind reception accorded our first literary venture, "the white side of a black subject," which is now out of print after reaching twelve editions. added to this was the still more generous treatment of our second production, "a new negro for a new century." nearly a hundred thousand copies of this book have been sold up to date, and the demand is still increasing. having done what we could to vindicate the afro-american, we next began to consider the first american, when by chance a copy of thatcher's "indian biography" fell into our hands. we read this book with much interest, and were impressed with two facts. first of all, we noticed that while the author gave the lives of a few chiefs well known to this generation, he filled the book up with village or sub chiefs, of whom even historians of this age never heard. then, too, the book in question was seventy-four years old. thatcher's biography tended to create an appetite for that kind of literature, and we inquired for other lives of noted indians, but, strange to say, could only hear of one other book devoted to that subject. this was a small volume written by s. g. goodrich, sixty-two years ago, and he gave only short sketches of perhaps half a dozen indians of the united states, but the greater portion of the contents was devoted to the indians of peru and mexico. we now concluded that if there were only two books giving the lives of famous indians, and both of these published so many years ago, there was certainly room for another book on the subject, which should be confined to the indian tribes of the united states and cover their entire history from powhatan to the present time. we trust we will not be misunderstood. we know that many indian books have been written since the date of those mentioned, but they were on "the indian wars," "the pioneer and the indian," "the winning of the west," "the manners and customs of the indian," "folklore tradition and legend," and many other phases of the question. we know that pontiac, brant, red jacket, tecumseh, shabbona, black hawk, sitting bull, and perhaps others, have had their lives written, but in each of these cases an entire book is devoted to one indian and his war. our claim is that we have written the only book giving in a condensed form the lives of practically all the most famous indian chiefs from the colonial period to the present time. lest it be thought that we have an exaggerated idea of our people's interest in the indian, we will digress long enough to prove the statement to our own satisfaction, and we trust also to that of the reader. mrs. sigourney has well said with reference to this point "ye say they all have passed away, that noble race and brave, that their light canoes have vanished from off the crested wave that 'mid the forests where they roamed there rings no hunter's shout, but their name is on your waters ye may not wash it out. "ye say their cone like cabins that clustered o'er the vale have fled away like withered leaves before the autumn gale. but their memory liveth on your hills, their baptism on your shore; your everlasting rivers speak their dialect of yore." we have ventured to add a third verse ye say no lover wooes his maid, no warrior leads his band. all in forgotten graves are laid, e'en great chiefs of the clan; that where their council fires were lit the shepherd tends his flock. but their names are on your mountains and survive the earthquake shock. the mark of our contact with the indian is upon us indelibly and forever. he has not only impressed himself upon our geography, but on our character, language and literature. bancroft, our greatest historian, is not quite right when he says, "the memorials of their former existence are found only in the names of the rivers and mountains." these memorials have not only permeated our poetry and other literature, but they are perpetuated in much of the food we eat, and every mention of potatoes, chocolate, cocoa, mush, green corn, succotash, hominy and the festive turkey is a tribute to the red man, while the fragrance of the tobacco or indian weed we smoke is incense to their memory. on one occasion, according to aesop, a man and a lion got into an argument as to which of the two was the stronger, and thus contending they walked together until they came to a statue representing a man choking and subduing a lion. "there," exclaimed the man, "that proves my point, and demonstrates that a man is stronger than a lion." to which the king of beasts replied, "when the lions get to be sculptors, they will have the lion choking and overcoming the man." the indians are neither sculptors, painters nor historians. the only record we have of many of their noblest chiefs, greatest deeds, hardest fought battles, or sublimest flights of eloquence, are the poor, fragmentary accounts recorded and handed down by their implacable enemies, the all-conquering whites. it is hard indeed for one enemy to do another justice. the man with whom you are engaged in a death struggle is not the man to write your history; but such has been the historian of the indian. his destroyer has covered him up in an unmarked grave, and then written the story of his life. can any one believe that the spaniards, cruel, hard-hearted and remorseless as the grave, who swept whole nations from the earth, sparing neither men, women nor children, could or would write a true story of their silent victims? is it not reasonable to believe that had philip, pontiac, cornstalk, tecumseh, black hawk or chief joseph been able to fling their burning thoughts upon the historic page, it would have been very different from the published account? we believe that god will yet raise up an indian of intellectual force and fire enough to write a defense of his race to ring through the ages and secure a just verdict from generations yet unborn. in the preparation of this work we have honestly tried to do the subject justice, and have endeavored to put ourself in the indian's place, as much as it is possible for a white man to do. we have prosecuted the self-imposed task with enthusiasm and interest from its inception to its completion. we fully agree with bishop whipple when he said: "our indian wars were most of them needless and wicked. the north american indian is the noblest type of a heathen man on the earth. he recognizes a great spirit; he believes in immortality; he has a quick intellect; he is a clear thinker; he is brave and fearless, and until betrayed, he is true to his plighted faith; he has a passionate love for his children, and counts it joy to die for his people. our most terrible wars have been with the noblest types of the indians, and with men who had been the white man's friend. nicolet said the sioux were the finest type of wild men he had ever seen. old traders say it used to be the boast of the sioux that they had never taken the life of a white man. lewis and clark, governor stevens and colonel steptoe bore testimony to the devoted friendship of the nez percÃ�© for the white man." one evidence that our indian wars were unnecessary is seen in the fact that while our country has been constantly involved in them, canada has not had any; although our government has spent for the indians a hundred dollars to their one. they recognize, as we do, that the indian has a possessory right to the soil. they purchase this right, as we do, by treaty but their treaties are made with the indian subjects of his majesty, the king, while our government has enacted the farce of making treaties with indian tribes or their representatives, as if they were sovereign nations. those tribes of blanket indians, roaming the wilderness and prairie, living by hunting, trapping, fishing or plundering, without a code of laws to practice, or a government to maintain, are not nations, and nothing in their history or condition could properly invest them with a treaty-making power. there are other lessons we can learn from canada concerning the indian question. they set apart a permanent reservation for them; they seldom move them, while our government has continually moved whole tribes at the demand of greedy white men who were determined to have the indian's land by fair means or foul, generally the latter. moreover, the canadian government selects agents of high character, who receive their appointments for life; they make fewer promises, but they fulfil them; they give the indians christian missions, which have the hearty support of christian people and all their efforts are toward self help and civilization. in bishop whipple visited washington, and had a long talk with president lincoln. said he: "i found the president a willing listener. as i repeated the story of specific acts of dishonesty (on the part of indian agents of that period) the president said: 'did you ever hear of the southern man who bought monkeys to pick cotton? they were quick; their long, slim fingers would pull out the cotton faster than negroes; but he found it took two overseers to watch one monkey. this indian business needs ten honest men to watch one indian agent.'" in speaking of this interview with the bishop, lincoln afterwards said to a friend "as i listened to bishop whipple's story of robbery and shame, i felt it to my boots;" and, rising to his full height, he added: "if i live this accursed system shall be reformed." but unfortunately he did not live to carry out his plans. however, we are glad to note an improvement in the condition of our indians, of recent years, which shows that the public conscience has at last been aroused, and one object of this book is to further that good work. another object is to disprove the oft-quoted saying of general sherman that "the only good indian is a dead one." {fn} we have written the biographies of twenty or more famous chiefs, any one of whom was a good indian, or would have been had he received kind treatment from the whites, who were almost invariably the aggressors. it makes one's soul sick to read of the white men selling the indian "firewater," to brutalize and destroy; of violated treaties; of outrageous treatment which aroused the worst passions of the indian's nature. * * * * * {fn} general sherman used this phrase at a banquet at delmonico's, new york, in the winter of . in selecting the subjects for our biographical sketches, we were confronted with an embarrassment of riches. and while there are none in the book which could well have been omitted, yet there are many outside richly deserving a place in it. there are so many famous chiefs, we found it impossible to give them all a place in one volume. so we tried to select those who, in our judgment, were the greatest, those who for special reasons could not be omitted, and those whom we thought would make the most interesting sketches. we may say in this connection, that we refrained from writing the biographies of mixed breeds, such as osceola powell, weatherford or red eagle, simply because we knew, from our experience with other books, that people would be prone to say that their greatness was due to the infusion of the blood of the superior white race. as far as we know, all of our subjects treated at length were full-blooded indians, except sequoyah and quanah parker, and most of them, as we shall see, were nature's noblemen. we have enjoyed peculiar facilities for prosecuting our studies on indian biography and history, having free access to the four great libraries of chicago. for the benefit of others interested in the same subject, we will mention a few of the many books we found helpful, in the preparation of this work, besides the two already named. at the head of the list we place roosevelt's "winning of the west," parkman's "conspiracy of pontiac," mason's "pioneer history," ellis's "indian wars of the united states." in our judgment these are about the strongest books we have read on the subject, especially in relation to the indian, the pioneer, and the border wars. in the next group we place dunn's "massacres of the mountains," finerty's "war-path and bivouac," helen hunt jackson's "century of dishonor," and eggleston's "biographies of brant, red jacket, tecumseh," etc. in addition to our library work, we spent much time traveling among the indian tribes and making the acquaintance of many of the most famous living chiefs, and cultivating their friendship, so we record many of the incidents in the book as an eye-witness. we referred to the indian in this introduction as a so-called "vanishing race." as a matter of fact the indian is not vanishing at all but slowly increasing in numbers. the census of gave the number of indians in the united states as , , while that of gave the total as , , a net gain of , in ten years. another erroneous conception many people have of the indian we can only call attention to here. they somehow have come to believe that the red man is very dignified and solemn, has no appreciation of the ludicrous, or conception of a joke. never was a greater mistake. no one enjoys what he considers a good joke more than an indian. you will find some evidence that he can be as funny as his white brother, in the chapter on "indian anecdotes." we determined to have the illustrations one of the very best features of the book, fully in keeping with the subject matter; and, wherever possible, absolutely authentic. for this reason alone, the publication has been held back several months, the publishers sparing neither pains nor expense in procuring pictures from photographers and collectors, who made a specialty of the indian, such as d. f. barry, drake, the field museum, the newberry library and the ethnological bureau at washington; some of the latter being copies of paintings made before photography was known. we also procured photographs of several rare paintings never published in any book before. should the book prove instructive in demonstrating that there is a brighter, better side to indian life and character than is usually seen, the author will feel that he has not written in vain, and he will be gratified if, in addition to this, it also gives pleasure. {illustration: cofachiqui, the indian princess, presenting the string of pearls to de soto.} chapter i. cofachiqui, the indian princess. a true story of de soto and his cavaliers. cofachiqui seems to have been the name of a populous and wealthy indian province visited by hernando de soto and his army of adventurers and cavaliers in their wanderings in search of gold. they also applied this name to the beautiful and intelligent young queen or princess who ruled the indians of this and a confederation of neighboring tribes. it is impossible to trace the route traversed by de soto, as it was at times an aimless wandering through what is now the states of florida, georgia, and, perhaps, the border of south carolina. but indian traditions locate yupaha, the capital of the province of cofachiqui, at what is now silver bluff, on the east bank of the savannah river, in barnwell county, south carolina. from time to time rumor reached de soto and his men of this great princess, a veritable "she-who-must-be-obeyed," whose subjects were so devoted and faithful that her slightest wish was law. one day an indian youth, who had been brought into camp with other prisoners, told the spaniards that all the neighboring chiefs paid tribute to this great ruler, and sent her at stated intervals provision, fine clothing and gold. the cavaliers cared nothing for the provision and clothing, but they were all interest when gold was mentioned, and asked the youth many questions, through their interpreter, which he answered in full. he told how the gold was taken from the earth, how it was melted and refined. his description was so exact that the spaniards had no longer any doubt. they were greatly elated at the news, and after robbing and plundering the indians who had fed and sheltered them during the winter months--the usual return for such kindness--they broke camp and marched northward. many times during the march the spaniards were on the verge of starvation and wandering aimlessly in the wilderness, where they must have perished, had they not been rescued and fed by the simple-minded, hospitable natives. even those from whom they received such timely aid were often robbed and murdered indiscriminately. no doubt the indians regarded them as demons rather than christians, for the unprovoked savage ferocity of the spaniards would be beyond belief if the sickening details were not piously set forth by the historian of the expedition. on the th day of april, , de soto and his spaniards reached the neighborhood of cofachiqui. while the army camped for the night the enterprising juan de aÃ�±asco with a band of thirty foot-soldiers went out to reconnoiter. they soon found a broad, well-worn path leading along the banks of a large river, probably the savannah. they followed this path about two leagues when, just as it grew dark, they reached a landing opposite a large indian town. there was no means of crossing the river, neither would it have been prudent to have crossed with such small numbers, not knowing the kind of reception to expect, or the force they might encounter. so aÃ�±asco dispatched couriers back in the night to inform de soto of their discovery. by daylight the vanguard of the army, consisting of one hundred horse and as many foot, was in motion, led by de soto himself. when he reached the banks of the river, and the natives upon the opposite shore caught sight of his glittering dragoons on their magnificent steeds, they were struck with amazement and consternation. the interpreter shouted loudly for some one to bear a message to their chief. after some little hesitation and deliberation, the indians launched a large canoe, in which six warriors took seats. they were men of fine appearance and probably the counselors of the chief. quite a number of lusty men grasped the oars, and the canoe was driven rapidly through the water. de soto, who had watched these movements with interest, knew he was about to be visited by the head men of the town, he therefore ordered his showy throne or chair of state, which he had with him for such occasions, to be placed in position. here he took his seat with his officers around. the distinguished natives landed without any apparent fear, and, advancing toward the spaniards, all six of them at the same time made three profound bows, the first toward the east, to the sun, the second toward the west, to the moon, and the third to de soto. "sir," said their spokesman, "do you wish peace or war?" "peace," answered the spanish general, as usual, "not war"; adding that he only asked passage through the territory and provision, in order to reach other provinces, which were his destination; he desired rafts and canoes also to cross the army over the river, and lastly friendly treatment while he was marching through the country so that he might cause it the least damage possible. peace, the ambassadors said they could promise; as for food, they had themselves but little, because during the past year a pestilence had swept off many of their people and driven others from their villages into the woods, so that they had not planted their fields; and although the pestilence was now over, yet many of the indians had not returned to their homes. the settlement opposite alone had escaped the scourge. they went on to explain that their chief was a woman--a young princess, but recently raised to the position. they would return and bear to her the request of the strangers, who in the meantime must await her answer with good confidence, however, for although their ruler was a maiden, she had the judgment and spirit of a man, and they doubted not would do for the spaniards all she possibly could. with this the six envoys returned to their boats, and crossing the river were soon lost to sight in the waiting crowd upon the other shore. after a short interval the spaniards saw a decided commotion among the indians. a large and highly decorated canoe appeared and was hastily made ready, mats and cushions were placed in it and a canopy raised over one end. then quite a gorgeous palanquin was seen borne by four stalwart men, descending toward the stream a young squaw, evidently the princess descended from it, and seated herself in the canoe that had the awning. eight indian women followed, taking the paddles; the men went in the other canoes. the women rowed the princess across the river, and when she stepped out of her barge they followed, walking up the bank after her. if there were any among the cavaliers who knew classical history they must have been reminded (although the scene was rustic and simple in comparison) of cleopatra going up the river cydnus to meet mark antony, when according to shakespeare, "the barge she sat in, like a burnish'd throne, burn'd on the water. . . . . . . for her own person, it beggar'd all description: she did lie in her pavilion. . . . her gentlewomen, like the nereids, so many mermaids, tended her . . . . . . at the helm a seeming mermaid steers." the princess, making a low and graceful bow before the spanish general, seated herself upon the throne, which he brought and placed for her at his side, and without waiting an instant began to speak. she repeated what her warriors had said; that the pestilence of the past year made it impossible for her to furnish the amount of provision she would wish, but that she would do all in her power. and that de soto might see her will in her deed, she gave him at once one of her two storehouses of corn, collected in her village for the relief of her people who had escaped from the pestilence; the other one she requested de soto to kindly spare, for her own necessities were great. she said she had another store of corn in a neighboring village, part of which he could take if necessary. she offered half of her own residence for de soto's accommodation, and half of the houses in the village as barracks for his soldiers. if it would please him more, she and all her people would abandon the village and retire to a neighboring one. she also promised that by the next day rafts and canoes should be in readiness to transport the spaniards across the river. abbott informs us that "the generous soul of de soto was deeply touched as he assured her of his lasting friendship and that of his sovereign." but there is not the slightest evidence that de soto was ever actuated by a generous motive. we are inclined to believe, with joel chandler harris, that the truth seems to be that de soto and his men cared nothing for the courtesy and hospitality of the queen and that they were not moved by her beauty and kindness. according to the historian of the expedition, the spaniards had quite a conversation with the young princess and were astonished at her sound judgment and well ordered ideas. but they also noticed that the indians of this tribe were more refined and intelligent in appearance, more affable and less warlike, than the others they had met in their explorations. they were, moreover, quite graceful and attractive, and almost as white as the spaniards. while talking the princess had quietly and slowly unwound a long string of pearls, as large as hazelnuts, that coiled three times around her neck and fell to her waist. when the interview was over she handed the string of pearls to juan ortiz, the interpreter, and told him to give them to the governor. the interpreter told her his commander would appreciate them more if presented with her own hands. she replied that she dare not do that for fear of being considered immodest. de soto now inquired of the interpreter what was said, and being informed, answered with much earnestness like a truly gallant cavalier (which he was not) "more than the pearls themselves would i value the favor of receiving them from her hands; and in acting so she would not go against modesty, for we are treating of peace and friendship, of all things the most important, most serious between strange people." having heard this the princess arose and with her own fair hands suspended the string of costly pearls around the neck of de soto. the governor then arose and taking from his finger a gold ring set with a handsome ruby that he always wore (which he had probably pillaged from the peruvians) he gave it to the princess. she received it with great dignity and placed it on one of her fingers. grace king, in her book, "de soto and his men in florida," says, in this connection: "this little ceremony over, she took her leave and returned to her village, leaving the spanish cavaliers charmed and half in love with her, not only on account of her mind, but of her beauty, which they vowed then and ever afterward she possessed to the extreme of perfection. and so also then and afterward they called her by no other name or title than la sanora, the lady of cofachiqui; and the name was right, says the chronicler, for a lady she was in all respects." the master of camp arrived with the rest of the army and it was put across the river next day by means of the rafts and canoes provided by the indians. de soto and his cavaliers found themselves surrounded by the most hospitable indians they had yet seen. they were supplied with everything the land afforded and rested in comfortable houses and wigwams under the shades of the mulberry trees. the soldiers were so delighted with the situation that they were anxious to form a settlement there; but de soto refused to forget the only object of the expedition, which was to search for gold and other treasures. the general was a man of few words but an iron will, and his determination had the desired effect. his men soon recovered their energies. while enjoying the hospitalities of the princess they found out the burial place of her people, and robbed their graves, according to the spanish historian, of three hundred and fifty weight of pearls, and figures of babies and birds made from iridescent shells. learning that the widowed mother of the princess lived in retirement about forty miles down the river, and that she was said to be the owner of many fine pearls, de soto determined to get her in his power. he pretended, however, to be actuated only by a desire to make sure of peace and tranquillity as long as he was in the country. at his request cofachiqui dispatched twelve of her principal officers inviting her mother to come to town and meet a people never before seen by the indians and see the wonderful animals on which they rode. the queen's mother, instead of complying, sent her daughter a severe reprimand for having admitted into her capitol a body of strangers of whom she knew nothing. all this being reported to de soto made him more determined than ever to get her in his power. accordingly he ordered juan de aÃ�±asco to take thirty soldiers, and disregarding the privacy and seclusion of the queen mother to bring her kindly but with force with him to the camp. aÃ�±asco, although the day was well advanced, set out at once on his mission. a young warrior about the age of the princess was appointed by her to be guide for the party. the princess also gave him special instructions that when the men neared the dwelling place of the queen mother, he was to go in advance and warn her of the spaniards coming, and supplicate her to go peaceably and as a friend with them, and he was to be sure and say that her daughter and all her people made the same petition to her. the young warrior had been reared in the very arms of the queen mother, and she loved him as her own son, and the princess chose him for this very reason, hoping that love for the messenger would mitigate the pain inflicted by this message. the young warrior matched his princess chief in looks and learning and was strikingly attractive in face and figure. he wore a diadem of rarest feathers, a mantle of finest and softest deerskin. at his back was a magnificent bow just his own height and an elegant quiver of arrows. about midday the party stopped to eat and to rest a while under the shade of a grove of trees, for it was quite warm. sitting apart the guide seemed to give himself up to thought, resting his head on his hand and every now and then breathing a low sigh. presently he took his quiver of arrows and placing it before him on the ground, began slowly to draw them out one by one and passed them to the spaniards, who broke into exclamations of surprise and pleasure, for each one was different from the other and had a beauty and novelty of its own. in polish and workmanship they were indeed remarkable. some were tipped with staghorn, others with fishbones wonderfully and cunningly adapted. at last the young warrior drew out a flint head, pointed and edged like a dagger. casting an anxious glance around and seeing the attention of the spaniards engrossed in examining his weapons, he plunged the sharp-pointed arrow into his throat, severing an artery, and fell. before the spaniards could rush to him he was dead. there were several indian attendants in the company who seemed overwhelmed with distress, uttering loud cries of grief over the corpse. these were now questioned by the spaniards, and it was learned that the young guide knew that the queen mother was very unwilling to have any acquaintance with the spaniards, because she had emphatically refused to meet them when first importuned; and now for him to guide those same spaniards to her that they might compel her to come by fair means or foul, would make him appear as a miserable ingrate after her great kindness. on the other hand the princess, whom he revered and loved, had commissioned him to conduct the spaniards to her mother's abode. he did not dare to disobey her commands. either alternative was more to be dreaded by him than death. the ingenious young man had therefore endeavored to escape the dilemma by self-destruction. savage history offers not, perhaps, another instance of such refined and romantic devotion. he could not live to please both, so he determined to die for both. the other indians were now pressed to act as guides, but they all swore, truly or falsely, that they did not know where the queen mother lived; that the young warrior alone knew the secret of her hiding place. the cavaliers pushed on as best they could without a guide, but the bad walking, the excessive heat and the weight of their armor wearied and disgusted them, and after two days they returned empty-handed to the camp. two days after his return an indian came to aÃ�±asco and offered to conduct him down the river in a canoe to the home of the queen mother. he gladly accepted the proposition. two large canoes with strong rowers were quickly made ready, and aÃ�±asco with twenty companions set out on this second expedition. but it was also doomed to failure. the queen mother heard of his approach and with a few attendants secretly fled to another retreat far away. after a fruitless search of six days, the canoes returned. de soto never again attempted to get possession of the widow. {illustration: american horse, sioux chief.} in the meantime, while aÃ�±asco was engaged in these unsuccessful expeditions, de soto had been making anxious inquiries respecting the silver and gold he had been informed was to be found in the province. he began by summoning the princess before him and his officers and commanding her to bring all the yellow and white metals and pearls she possessed, like the finger rings and pieces of silver and pearls and stones set in the rings that the spaniards showed her. the princess replied that both the white and yellow metals were to be found in great abundance in her territory. she immediately sent out indians to bring him in specimens. they quickly returned laden with a yellow metal somewhat resembling gold in color, but which proved to be copper. the shining substance which he had supposed was silver was nothing but a worthless species of mica or quartz. the sight of these articles dissipated, in an instant, all the bright and chimerical hopes which had prompted the spaniards to undertake this long and perilous expedition. it would seem that the warm-hearted princess sympathized with the spaniards in their great disappointment, or she may have feared they would vent their rage on her hapless people; certain it is, she informed them that while there were no precious stones in her realm, they did have great abundance of pearls. pointing with her fingers to a temple that stood upon a neighboring mound, she said: "that is the burial place of the warriors of this village, there you will find our pearls. take what you wish; and if you wish more not far from here there is a village which was the home of my forefather; its temple is far larger than this, you will find there so many pearls that even if you loaded all your horses with them and yourselves with as much as you could carry, you would not come to the end of them. many years have my people been collecting and storing pearls. take all, and if you still want more, we can get more, and even more still for you from the fishing places of my people." this great news and the magnificently queenly manner in which it was told soon raised the drooping spirits of the spaniards and consoled them for the bitter disappointments about the gold and silver. the fact of her inviting the spaniards to ransack the tombs of her forefathers for pearls, seems, as goodrich says, "utterly inconsistent with all our notions of the reverence for ancestry which is so striking a characteristic of the indians. we should have a strong doubt of the truth of the statement, were it not distinctly asserted in both the narratives of the expedition." to our mind there is only one of two explanations of it--either the two historians deliberately falsified their statements to cover up the impious sacrilege of de soto and his cavaliers, or else the princess was intimidated until she pursued the peace-at-any-price policy, even to the profanation of her ancestors' tombs. the spaniards soon visited the temple which the princess had pointed out and took from it pearls amounting to fourteen bushels, according to one author, while others record a very much larger amount. two days later de soto, with a large retinue of his own officers and of the household of the princess, started out to visit the large temple at talomeco, as it was called, situated upon the high bank of the river about three miles distant. the country through which they passed en route was very fertile and in places covered with fruit trees filled with ripe fruit which the spaniards picked and ate with relish, while they congratulated themselves that the golden dawn of a realization of their dreams was brightening before them. they found this village contained about five hundred cabins, all substantially built, and from its superiority of size and appearance over other villages they inferred it had one day been the seat and residence of several powerful chiefs. the chief's residence on a mound rose larger and more conspicuous than the others, but it was in turn dominated by the temple. the spaniards' eyes, in fact, could see nothing but the temple as it loomed up before them on a commanding eminence at the side of this deserted village. as it was by far the largest and most imposing edifice they saw in their journey through the southland it merits a description. it was about three hundred feet in length by one hundred and twenty in breadth, with a tall pointed roof that glittered like an enchanted palace. canes, slender and supple, woven into a fine mat, served for thatching, and this was studded with row upon row of all kinds and sizes of shells with the bright side out. there were great sea shells of curious shapes, conchs and periwinkles--a marvel of playing light and color. grace king has given such a full description of the interior of this temple that she must have received her information from the records of the historians of the expedition. said she, "throwing open the two large doors the spaniards paused at the threshold spellbound. twelve gigantic statues of wood confronted them, counterfeiting life with such ferocity of expression and such audacity of posture as could not but awe them. six stood on one side and six on the other side of the door as if to guard it and to forbid any one to enter. the first ones, those next the door, were giants about twelve feet high, the others diminished in size by regular gradation. each pair held a different kind of weapon and stood in attitude to use it. the first and largest raised in both hands great clubs, ornamented a quarter of their length with points and facets of copper; the second brandished broadswords of wood shaped much like the steel swords of the spaniards. the next wielded wooden staves about six feet long, the end flattened out into a blade or paddle. the fourth pair had tomahawks with blades of brass or flint; the fifth held bows with arrows aimed and strung, drawn ready to shoot; the sixth and last statues grasped pikes pointed with copper. "passing between the file of monsters the spaniards entered the great room. overhead were rows of lustrous shells such as covered the roof, and strands of pearls interspersed with strings of bright feathers, all seemed to be floating in the air in wildering tapestry. looking lower the spaniards saw that along the upper sides of the four walls ran two rows of statues, figures of men and women of natural size, each placed on a separate pedestal. the men held various weapons and each weapon was ornamented with strings of pearl. the women had nothing in their hands. all the space around these statues was covered with shields of skins and fine cane mats. the burial chests were placed on benches around the four sides of the room, but in the center upon the floor were also rows of caskets, placed one on top of another in regular gradation like pyramids. all the caskets, large and small, were filled with pearls; and the pearls, too, were distributed according to size, the largest in the largest caskets, the smallest, the seed pearls, in the smallest caskets. in all there was such a quantity of pearls that seeing it with their own eyes, the spaniards confessed that what the princess had told them about the temple was truth and not pride and exaggeration. as she declared, even if they loaded themselves with as much as they could carry (and there were more than nine hundred of them) and loaded their three hundred horses with them, they could not take them all, there would still be hundreds of bushels of them left. and in addition there were great heaps of the largest and handsomest deerskins, dyed in different colors, and skins of other animals dressed with the hair on--cured and dressed as perfectly, the spaniards said, as could have been done in germany or muscovy. around this great room were eight small rooms all filled with different weapons--pikes, clubs, tomahawks, bows and arrows of all varieties and of the most exquisite workmanship; some with three-pronged heads, like harpoons, some two-pronged; some with chisel edges, like daggers; some shaped like thorns. in the last room were mats of cane, so finely woven that there were few among the spanish crossbowmen could have put a bolt through them." the revenue officers now proposed to take from the spoils the royal fifth that belonged to his imperial majesty and to carry it away with them. but de soto said that this would only embarrass the movements of the army with excessive luggage, that even now it could not carry its necessary munitions and provisions. "they were not dividing the land now," he reminded them, "only exploring it." such is the story taken from the historians of the expedition. but, as joel chandler harris says "it is just as well to believe a little of this as to believe a great deal. it was an easy matter for the survivors of the expedition to exaggerate these things and they probably took great liberties with the facts, but there is no doubt the indians possessed many pearls. mussels like those from which they took the gems are still to be found in the small streams and creeks of georgia, and an enterprising boy might even now be able to find a seed pearl if he sought for it patiently." it is not to be doubted that rich stores of pearls were found. some were distributed to the officers and men, but the bulk of them, strange to say, were left undisturbed to await the return of the spaniards another day. it is said that de soto dipped into the pearls and gave his two joined hands full to each cavalier to make rosaries of, he said to say prayers for their sins on. we imagine if their prayers were in proportion to their sins they must have spent the most of their time at their devotions. the spaniards were greatly elated at the discovery of these riches. some of them must have known that real pearls were estimated at a value next to diamonds, and there were undoubtedly many real pearls of great value in so large a collection, possibly rivaling the one possessed by philip ii. of spain, which was about the size of a pigeon egg and valued at one hundred and sixty thousand dollars, or that of cleopatra, which was valued at three hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars. de soto was urged to establish his colony in this country, which was at once beautiful, fertile and rich in treasures. but the persistent spirit of de soto was not to be turned from its one great all-absorbing object, the search for gold. he was a man of few words but of wonderful will power. accordingly he eagerly inquired of the indians if they knew of any still greater land or chief farther inland. the princess and her advisers had learned by this time that the best way to get rid of such unwilling guests was to answer such questions in the affirmative. they assured him that further on was a greater and more powerful chief ruling over a richer country called chiaha. he determined at once to march thither. in answer to the objections of those who wished to remain where they were, he urged that in consequence of the recent pestilence there was not sufficient provision in the country to support the army for a month. that by continuing their march they might find gold mines. should they fail, they could then return, and in the meantime, the indians having replanted their land, there would be abundance of food. he had his way and preparations were made for the journey. the conduct of the spaniards had been so cruel during their stay at cofachiqui that the princess and her people had come to regard them with fear and hatred. there were some indications that the princess so far distrusted the treacherous and marble-hearted spaniards, that, like her more prudent mother, she was about to secretly escape from them by flight. in some way de soto heard of this and appointed a guard who was to keep a constant watch upon the princess, so that she could by no possibility escape. and when he took up his march for chiaha, may , , the princess who had received him with so much grace, dignity and hospitality was compelled to accompany him on foot with an escort of female attendants. even the old spanish chronicler is moved to remark that, "it was not so good usage as she deserved for the good will she showed and the good entertainment that she made him." we fully agree with him, for there are but few instances in all history of baser ingratitude. one reason why de soto made the princess his prisoner and carried her with the expedition was to use her influence in controlling the indians along his line of march. in fact, the indians of florida, mexico and peru were so loyal and devoted to their rulers that they often refrained from attacking the spaniards, lest they should imperil their lives. it was true in this case that the indians not only did not attack the invaders while the princess was with them, but at her command they supplied them with guides to conduct them through the wilderness, porters to carry their extra baggage and provision as it was needed along the route through her domain. but had the spaniards treated the princess and her people kindly and with justice all this would have been done from motives of hospitality and good will. kindness begets kindness even among savage races. de soto did not accept the spirit of the letter from the noble isabella, in which she wrote, "i will no longer persevere in this invasion of the lands of others which is always plunging me more and more deeply into difficulties." instead of this he followed the infamous example which pizarro, in peru, and cortez, in mexico, had set him. there is nothing whatever to justify his action, as it was alike cruel, dastardly and unnecessary. after being dragged a prisoner in the spanish army for two or three weeks and covering a distance of about three hundred miles, she found an opportunity to escape from her treacherous and brutal captors. passing one day through a thick forest she and her attendants suddenly darted from the train and disappeared. de soto never saw her or heard from her again, though every effort was made to recapture her, partly because of the casket of splendid pearls which one of her attendants carried off with her. undoubtedly a band of her warriors were in rendezvous there to receive her. the historian of florida, garcilasode la vega, terminates his account of this princess by declaring that she possessed a truly noble soul and was worthy of an empire. shame for his country-men has induced him to suppress all mention of the brutal indignity to which she was subjected by de soto, and for which, as a castilian knight, he deserved to have been deprived of his spurs. the portuguese narrator who accompanied the expedition states the facts too circumstantially to leave us in any doubt about the matter, and the noble and generous cofachiqui is to be numbered among those who suffered by trusting to the honor and justice of the plunderers of the new world. again quoting from joel chandler harris (uncle remus), we feel moved to say that "de soto's expedition was organized by the spirit of greed. it spread desolation wherever it went and it ended in disaster and despair. de soto himself found a grave in the waters of the mississippi, and the survivors who made their way back home were broken in health and spirit." an attempt has been made to throw a halo of romance over the march of the spaniards through the wilderness of the new world, but there is nothing romantic or inspiring about it. it was simply a search for riches in which hundreds of lives were most cruelly sacrificed and thousands of homes destroyed. the only permanent good which resulted from it was the discovery of the father of waters and this noble, indian princess cofachiqui. {illustration: powhatan, or wah-un-so-na-cook. atypical american indian.} chapter ii. powhatan, or wah-un-so-na-cook. when the english colonists first landed in virginia, in , they found the country occupied by three large tribes of natives known by the general names mannahoack, monacans and powhatans. of these the two former might be called highland or mountain indians, because they occupied the hill country east of the alleghany ridge, while the powhatan nation inhabited the lowland region extending from the seacoast westward to the falls of the rivers and from the patuxent southward to carolina. mr. jefferson, in his "notes on virginia," estimates that the powhatan confederacy at one time occupied about eight thousand square miles of territory, with a population of about eight thousand people, of whom twenty-four hundred were warriors. when it is remembered that there were thirty tribes in this coalition, and that this estimate is less than one hundred warriors to the tribe, it seems moderate enough, especially since it is recorded by an early writer that three hundred warriors appeared under one indian chief in one body at one time and seven hundred at another, all of whom were apparently of his own tribe. moreover, the powhatan confederacy inhabited a country upon which nature bestowed her favors with lavish profusion. their settlements were mostly on the banks of the james, elizabeth, nansamond, york and chickahominy rivers, all of which abounded with fish and fowl. the forest was filled with deer and wild turkey, while the toothsome oyster was found in great abundance on the shores of the chesapeake and its numerous inlets. indeed, the whole region seems to have been a veritable paradise for hunter and fisherman. vast quantities of corn, too, yearly rewarded even the crude agriculture of the indians, bestowed as it was upon the best portion of a fertile soil. captain john smith, the hero and historian of early virginia, informs us that at one time "the rivers became so covered with swans, geese, ducks and cranes that we daily feasted with good bread, virginia pease, pumpions (pumpkins) and putchamins (a wild plum), fish, fowl and diverse sorts of wild beasts so fat as we could eat them." he might have added, "and the barbarous people showed us no little kindness," but at first were ready to divide with them their ample store, for on one occasion when smith undertook an exploring tour into the interior late in the season a violent storm obliged him and his men to keep christmas among the savages. "and we were never more merry," he relates, "nor fed on more plenty of good oysters, fish, flesh, wild fowl and good bread, nor ever had better fires in england." the mention of oysters here is the first account of this palatable bivalve we have found in history. they also graced the first thanksgiving dinner, as will be seen in another chapter. but it might be asked, why is it, since virginia was a land of such great abundance of food, we read so much of famine and "the starving time" among the colonists at jamestown? simply because the men sent over by king james were for the most part so idle, improvident and utterly worthless that they would have literally starved to death "with stewed pigeons flying into their mouths." shortly after the settlement at jamestown captains smith and newport, accompanied by twenty-three others, sailed up the james river to its falls. a few miles below where richmond now stands, near what is known as mayo's plantation, they visited an indian village of a dozen houses called powhatan. here they met and were entertained by the leading chief, or werowance, of the powhatan confederacy, who, strange to say, was also called powhatan. indeed, the english understanding but little of the indian language, and hearing this name often mentioned, and always with awe or reverence, by turns regarded it as the name of a river, of the country, of the people, of a town and of their head sachem. but little is known of this, the first interview between captain smith and company and the great sagamore and his people, but it is recorded that the english were kindly and hospitably received, as they usually were, and feasted on fruit, fish and vegetables, as well as roast deer and cakes. bancroft says the savages at first murmured at this intrusion of strangers into the country; but their crafty chief disguised his fear and would only say, "they hurt you not; they take but a little waste land." but even powhatan grew suspicious of a cross which newport insisted on erecting as a sign of english dominion until the latter, probably at the suggestion of smith, told him the arms represented powhatan and himself, and the middle their united league. the interview ended by the return of the explorers to jamestown, but before doing so newport presented the chief with a hatchet, with which he was much delighted. the english invested savage life with all the dignity of european courts. powhatan was styled "king" or "emperor," his wives, of whom he had many, were "queens," his daughter was a "princess" and his principal warriors were "lords of the kingdom." in his younger days powhatan had been a great warrior. hereditarily he was sachem of eight tribes and by his arms he subdued twenty-two others, so that at this time he was the mighty werowance, or sagamore, of thirty of the forty tribes of virginia. this great chief has been called the indian caesar, and certainly his system of government was strikingly similar to that of the roman empire, for the hereditary chiefs or "kings" of the subject tribes were permitted to rule their own people as before the conquest and their local laws and customs were not interfered with on condition of their paying annual tribute to powhatan of "skinnes, beads, copper, pearle, deere, turkies, wild beasts and corne. what he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing." moreover, as if to make the resemblance more remarkable, his subjects regarded him as half man and half god, just as the roman people regarded their emperors as demi-gods. he is described as a "tall, well-proportioned man with a sower looke, his head somewhat gray, his beard so thinne that it seemeth none at all, his age neare sixtie, of a very able and hardy body, to endure any labor." and certainly the extent of his conquests, his unlimited power over his subjects and the pomp which he maintained invested powhatan with no little courtly though savage dignity. besides this village of his own name where he entertained smith and newport, powhatan had a larger town on the york river called we-ro-wo-co-mo-co, a hunting town in the wilderness called orapax, and others. at each of his hereditary towns there was a house built in the form of a long arbor for his especial reception, and when the great chief made a visit to one of his towns a feast was made ready in advance and spread in the long house. a mile from orapax, deep in the woods, he had another arbor-like house in which he kept all his treasures, such as furs, copper, pearls and beads, to have them ready for his burial. though isolated, the contents of this treasure-house were never disturbed, but whether this was due to the terror inspired by the owner or to superstitious reverence is not known. perhaps it was both. it is said that powhatan had twenty sons and eleven daughters living at the time of the jamestown settlement. we know nothing of his sons except nantaquans, who is described as "the most manliest, comliest and boldest spirit, ever seen in a savage." pocahontas, the favorite daughter of powhatan, was thought to have been born in , which would make her about thirteen years of age at the time of captain smith's trial before her august father. nothing is known of her mother; she was simply one of powhatan's numerous wives, and it is within the bounds of possibility that, growing tired of her, the chief had presented her to one of his subjects whom he wished to honor, for such was his custom. the indians believed that a knowledge of the real names of persons gave their enemies power to cast spells upon them, so they were frequently known by several names and endeavored to conceal their true ones. they also had a custom of changing the name upon great occasions. pocahontas, signifying, it is said, "bright stream between two hills," was the household name of powhatan's "dearest daughter." she had also two other names, amonate and matoaka, the last being her "real name." besides her favorite brother, nantaquans, we know the names of two sisters, matachanna and cleopatre. the real name of powhatan, it seems, was wah-un-so-na-cook. this powerful indian sagamore was at first attended by a bodyguard of forty or fifty tall warriors, which was increased to two hundred after hostilities commenced with the english. captain smith informs us that "every night upon the foure quarters of his house are four sentinels, each from other a slight shoot, and at every halfe houre one from the corps on guard doth hollow, shaking his lips with his finger betweene them, unto whom every sentinel doth answer round from his stand; if any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extremely." this is the first description we have of the indian warwhoop still in vogue among certain tribes, and while it was a safeguard to prevent surprise, it must have tended to murder sleep about every half-hour during the watch of the night. we also read that powhatan had a fleet, of which he was very proud. it consisted of a large number of the canoes called "dugouts," which are still in use among some tribes of indians. these boats were made by a very laborious process. trees of a kind of timber which would float readily were felled by fire and from the trunks a boat was shaped and hollowed out by means of burning and scraping with shells and tomahawks. the family of powhatan was numerous and influential. besides his sons and daughters there were also three brothers younger than himself; and upon them successively (and not his sons) according to their several ages, custom seems to have required that the government should devolve after his own death. the eldest, opitchipan, accordingly succeeded him, in form at least. but this chief proved to be an inactive and unambitious man, owing in part to the fact that he was well advanced in years. he was soon thrown into the shade by the superior energy and greater talent of ope-chan-ca-nough, who, before many years, ruled the entire federation acquired by powhatan. of the younger brother, kekataugh, scarcely anything is known. he is thought to have died before an opportunity occurred to show his ability in a public station. it was ope-chan-ca-nough, then sachem of the pamunkies, who captured the indomitable captain smith while the latter was engaged in exploring the chickahominy river. having gone as far as they could in a barge, captain smith left it moored in the middle of a small lake out of the reach of the savages on the banks, and accompanied by robinson, emry and two friendly indians, pushed on up the stream in a smaller boat. those with the barge were ordered on no account to go ashore. but the order was disobeyed and they came near forfeiting their lives by their rashness, for two or three hundred indians lay in ambush on the banks. when, on landing, the english discovered the crouching savages, they fled precipitately to their boat and escaped, leaving one of their number, george cassen, a prisoner. him the indians compelled to show the direction taken by smith, after which he was put to death in a barbarous manner. smith's party was overtaken among the chickahominy swamps or "slashes," as they are called in virginia, robinson and emry were killed and smith himself captured, but only after a terrible resistance. he fought like a lion at bay, tied one of the indian guides to his left arm for a shield, killed three indians, wounded several others and would have escaped had he not stepped backward into a deep quagmire. he now surrendered to the indian sachem ope-chan-ca-nough, who conducted him in triumph through the indian villages on the potomac and the rappahannock, thence to his own town, pamunkey. at this place the medicine men practiced incantations and ceremonies for the space of three days, hoping to obtain some insight into the mysterious character and designs of the captive in order to determine his fate. by this time smith had so overawed his captors that they feared to inflict the death penalty without the concurrence of their great werowance, powhatan. accordingly he was conveyed to we-ro-wo-co-mo-co, the favorite home of this chieftain of the chiefs, on the york river, a few miles from the historic field of yorktown. arriving at we-ro-wo-co-mo-co, captain smith was detained near the town until preparations had been made to receive him in state. when powhatan and his train had time to array themselves in all "their greatest braveries" the noted prisoner was admitted to the great chief's presence. powhatan "looked every inch a king" as he sat on a kind of throne in the longhouse, covered with a robe of raccoon skin, and with a coronet of immense gaily colored plumes on his head. his two favorite daughters sat on right and left while files of warriors and women of rank, his favorite wives or sisters, were ranged around the hall. on smith's entrance into the hall of state a great shout arose from those present. at a signal a handsome indian woman, perhaps a sister of the great chief, whom smith styles "the queen of appamatuck," brought water in a copper basin to wash the prisoner's hands, while her companion presented a bunch of feathers with which to dry them. powhatan now proceeded to question smith closely as to where he was from, where he was going, what brought the whites to his country, what were their intentions, what kind of a country they lived in and how many warriors they had. no doubt the captain was equal to the occasion, but it is quite probable that the grim old savage regarded him as a liar. again quoting smith, "a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before powhatan, then as many savages as could, layd hands on him, dragged him to them and thereon layd his head," in position to be crushed with a war club. a stalwart warrior was appointed executioner. the signal was given, the grim executioner raised his heavy war club and another moment had decided the fate both of the illustrious captive and his colony. but that uplifted bludgeon was not destined to fall upon the head of smith. matoaka, or pocahontas, the eldest daughter of powhatan, sprang from her seat, and rushing between the big warrior and his intended victim, she clasped "his head in her arms and laid her own upon his to save him from death." she held on with the resolution of despair until her father, yielding to her frantic appeals, lifted them up and ordered smith to be released. "the emperor was contented; he should live to make him hatchets" (like the one newport had presented) "and her beads and copper trinkets." ridpath well says, "there is no reason in the world for doubting the truth of this affecting and romantic story, one of the most marvelous and touching in the history of any nation." bancroft also records the incident as a historical fact and moralizes on it by saying, "the gentle feelings of humanity are the same in every race and in every period of life; they bloom, though unconsciously, even in the bosom of a young indian maiden." the truth of this beautiful story was never doubted until , when the eminent antiquarian, dr. charles deane, of cambridge, massachusetts, in reprinting smith's first book, "the true relation of ," pointed out that it contains no reference to this hair-breadth escape. since then many american historians and scholars have concluded that it never happened at all, and in order to be consistent they have tried to prove that smith was a blustering braggadocio, which is the very last thing that could in truth be said of him. the rescue of a captive doomed to death, by a woman, is not such an unheard-of thing in indian stories. if the truth of this deliverance be denied, how then did smith come back to jamestown loaded with presents when the other three men were killed, george cassen, in particular, in a most horrible manner? and how is it, supposing smith's account of it to be false, that pocahontas afterward frequently came to jamestown with her attendants bringing baskets of corn and was, next to smith himself, the salvation of the colony? she was also sent by her father to intercede with smith for the release of prisoners. the fact is, nobody doubted the story in smith's life time and he had enemies enough. pocahontas never visited jamestown after smith went to england in october, , until she was kidnapped and taken there in april, , by the infamous captain argall, with the aid of japazaws, the chief sachem of the patawomekes or potomacs. {illustration: captain smith making toys for pocahontas.} it is true there is no mention of pocahontas saving the life of smith in the "true relation," but it must not be forgotten that it is confessed that the editor came upon his copy at second or third hand; that is, we suppose that it had been copied in ms. he also confesses to selecting what he thought "fit to be printed." "can any one doubt," says eggleston, "that the 'true relation' was carefully revised, not to say corrupted, in the interest of the company and the colony? and, if so, what more natural than that the hostility of so great a chief as powhatan would be concealed? for the great need of the colony was a fresh supply of colonists. nothing would have so much tended to check emigration to virginia (especially women) as a belief that the most powerful neighboring prince was at war with the settlement." but smith does mention the thrilling incident in his letter to queen anne, on behalf of his protege, and rings the changes on it. said he, "pocahontas, the king's most dear and well-beloved daughter, being but a child of twelve or thirteen years of age, whose compassionate, pitiful heart, of desperate estate, gave me much cause to respect her." . . . for "at the minute of my execution she hazarded the beating out of her own brains to save mine; and not only that, but so prevailed with her father that i was safely conducted to jamestown." the amiable young "princess," pocahontas, became the first christian convert in virginia, as well as the first bride, when she married john rolfe, in . at her baptism she received the name "lady rebecca," no doubt in allusion to rebekah, the wife of isaac, who became the mother of two distinct nations and two manner of people. in she and her husband went to england. here the "lady rebecca" received great attentions at court and was entertained by the bishop of london. pocahontas remained in england about a year; and when, with her husband and son, she was about to return to virginia, with her father's counselor, tomocomo, she was seized with smallpox at gravesend and died in june, , aged twenty-two. it may assist the reader to remember the place by recalling that at _gravesend_ her beautiful life came to an _end_ and she found a _grave_ under the chancel of the parish church. john rolfe returned to virginia and became a prominent official of the colony. his son, thomas rolfe, was taken to london, where he was brought up by an uncle. when he was a young man he came to virginia, and, as "lieutenant rolfe," commanded fort james, on the chickahominy. in , when about twenty-six, he petitioned the governor for permission to visit his great uncle, ope-chan-ca-nough, and his aunt, cleopatre, who still lived in the woods on the york river. he married a young lady of england, became a gentleman of "note and fortune" in virginia, and some of the most prominent families of that state are descended from him. john randolph, of roanoke, was the best known of his descendants and was proud of his indian blood. his manner of walking and the peculiar brightness of his eyes are said to have shown his origin, and he once said he came of a race who never forgot a kindness or forgave an injury. randolph was sixth in descent from pocahontas, through jane rolfe, her grand-daughter. "and," as john esten cook says, "the blood of powhatan mingled with that of his old enemies. dead for many years, and asleep in his sepulcher at orapax, the savage old emperor still spoke in the voice of his great descendant, the orator of roanoke." the crafty powhatan, seeing how much superior the english weapons were to his own, determined to possess some of them. accordingly, after sparing the life of captain smith, he told him that they were now friends and that he would presently send him home, and when he arrived at jamestown he must send him two great guns and a grindstone. he also promised to consider him his son and give him the country of capahowosick. smith was shortly afterward sent to jamestown with twelve guides and arrived safely after seven weeks' captivity. here he treated his savage guides with great hospitality and showed rawhunt, their leader, two demi-culverins (long cannon carrying a nine-pound shot) and a millstone to carry to powhatan. the indians, however, "found them somewhat too heavy." to give them a wholesome fright, smith caused a cannon to be loaded with stone and fired among the boughs of trees filled with icicles. the effect may easily be imagined. presents of various toys and trinkets were now given the indians for powhatan and his family and they went away satisfied. during the same winter smith visited powhatan in company with newport. attended by a guard of thirty or forty men they sailed as far as we-ro-wo-co-mo-co the first day. here newport's courage failed him. but smith, with twenty men, went on and visited the chief at his town. powhatan exerted himself to the utmost to give his adopted son a royal entertainment. the warriors shouted for joy to see smith; orations were addressed to him and a plentiful feast provided to refresh him after his journey. the great sachem received him, reclining upon his bed of mats, his pillow of dressed skin lying beside him with its brilliant embroidery of shells and beads, and his dress consisting chiefly of a handsome fur robe. along the sides of the house sat twenty comely females, each with her head and shoulders painted red and a great chain of white beads about her neck. "before these sat his chiefest men in like order, and more than fortie platters of fine bread stood in two piles on each side of the door. foure or five hundred people made a guard behind them for our passage; and proclamation was made, none upon paine of death to presume to doe us any wrong or discourtesie. with many pretty discourses to renew their old acquaintance, this great king and our captain spent the time, till the ebbe left our barge aground. then renewing their feast with feates, dauncing and singing, and such like mirth, we quartered that night with powhatan." the next day captain newport came ashore and was received with savage pomp, smith taking the part of interpreter. newport presented powhatan with a boy named thomas salvage. in return the chief gave him a servant of his named namontack, and several days were spent in 'feasting, dancing and trading, during which time the old sachem manifested so much dignity and so much discretion as to create a high admiration of his talents in the minds of his guests. newport had brought with him a variety of articles for barter, such as he supposed would command a high price in corn. not finding the lower class of indians profitable, as they dealt on a small scale and had but little corn to spare, he was anxious to drive a bargain with powhatan himself. this, however, the haughty chief affected to decline and despise. "captain newport," said he, "it is not agreeable to my greatness to truck in this peddling manner for trifles. i am a great werowance and i esteem you the same. therefore lay me down all your commodities together; what i like i will take and in return you shall have what i conceive to be a fair value." newport fell into the trap. he did as requested, contrary to smith's advice. powhatan selected the best of his goods and valued his corn so high that smith says it might as well have been purchased in old spain. they did not get four bushels, where they expected twenty hogsheads. it was now smith's turn to try his skill; and he made his experiment not upon the sagacity of powhatan but upon his simplicity. picking up a string of large brilliant blue beads he contrived to glance them as if by accident, so that their glint attracted the eye of the chief, who at once became eager to see them. smith denied having them, then protested he could not sell them as they were made of the same stuff as the sky and only to be worn by the greatest kings on earth. powhatan immediately became "half-mad" to own "such strange jewels." it ended by smith securing two or three hundred bushels of corn for a pound or two of blue beads. having loaded their barges, they floated with the next tide. they also visited ope-chan-ca-nough before their return and "fitted this chief with blue beads on the same terms." on september , , smith was made president of the colony and things had begun to run smoothly when the marplot newport returned with several wild schemes. he brought with him orders from king james for a coronation of powhatan as emperor, together with elaborate presents for the old chief. a more foolish thing was never perpetrated. smith, with his usual hard sense, protested against it. he well knew that it would tend to increase the haughty chief's notions of his own importance and make it impossible to maintain friendly relations with him. finding his opposition in vain he insisted on at least trying to get powhatan to come to jamestown for the ceremony, and even offered to go himself and extend the invitation to the chief. smith took with him four companions only and went across the woods by land, about twelve miles, to we-ro-wo-co-mo-co. powhatan was then absent at a distance of twenty or thirty miles. pocahontas immediately sent for him and he arrived the following day. smith now delivered his message desiring him to visit "his father" newport at jamestown for the purpose of receiving the newly arrived presents and also concerting a campaign in common against the monacans. but this proud representative in the american forest of the divine right of kings haughtily replied, "if your king has sent me a present, i also am a king and this is my land; eight days i will stay to receive them. your father is to come to me, not i to him, nor yet to your fort neither will i bite at such a bait; as for the monacans i can revenge my own injuries." "this is the lofty potentate," says a charming writer, "whom smith could have tickled out of his senses with a glass bead and who would have infinitely preferred a big shining copper kettle to the misplaced honor intended to be thrust upon him, but the offer of which puffed him up beyond the reach of negotiation." after some further general conversation smith returned with his answer. if the mountain would not come to mahomet, then mahomet must go to the mountain. the presents were sent by water around to we-ro-wo-co-mo-co and the two captains with a guard of fifty men went by land. smith describes the ridiculous ceremony of the coronation, the last act of which shows that the old sachem himself saw the size of the joke. "the presents were brought him, his basin and ewer, bed and furniture setup, his scarlet cloak and apparel with much adoe put on him, being assured they would not hurt him. but a foule trouble there was to make him kneel to receive his crown; he not knowing the majesty, nor wearing of a crown, nor bending of the knee, endured so many persuasions, examples and instructions as tyred them all. at last by bearing hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the crown in their hands, put it on his head, when by the warning of a pistoll the boats were prepared with such a volly of shot, that the king started up in a horrible feare, till he saw all was well. then, remembering himself, to congratulate their kindness, he gave his old shoes (moccasins) and his mantell (of raccoon skins) to captain newport." the mountain labored and brought forth a mouse. little was heard of powhatan for some time after this, except occasionally through the medium of some of his tribes, who refused to trade with the english in consequence of his orders to that effect. he had evidently become jealous, but appearances were still kept up, and in december, , the emperor (for he is now one of the crowned heads) invited the captain to visit him. he wanted his assistance in building a house, and if he would bring with him a grindstone, fifty swords, a few muskets, a cock and hen, with a quantity of beads and copper, he might depend upon getting a ship load of corn. smith accepted the invitation and set off with a pinnace and two barges manned by forty-six volunteers. it was on this occasion that a severe storm drove smith and his men to seek shelter and spend christmas with friendly indians, where they enjoyed the good cheer and hospitality mentioned elsewhere in this narrative. they reached we-ro-wo-co-mo-co january , quartered without much ceremony at the first house they found, and sent to powhatan for a supply of provisions. the wily old chief furnished them with plenty of bread, venison and turkeys, but pretended not to have sent for them at all. in reply smith asked if he had forgotten his own invitation thus suddenly, and then produced the messengers who had carried it, and who happened to be near at hand. powhatan affected to regard the whole affair as a mere joke and laughed heartily. smith reproached him with deceit and hostility. the chief replied by wordy evasions and seemed very indifferent about his new house. he demanded guns and swords in exchange for corn, which smith, of course, refused. by this time the captain was provoked and gave the chief to understand that necessity might force him to use disagreeable expedients in relieving his own wants and the need of the colony. powhatan listened to this declaration with cool gravity and replied with corresponding frankness. said he, "i will spare you what i can and that within two days. but, captain smith, i have some doubts as to your object in this visit. i am informed that you wish to conquer more than to trade, and at all events you know my people must be afraid to come near you with their corn so long as you go armed and with such a retinue. lay aside your weapons then. here they are needless. we are all friends, all powhatans." the information here alluded to was probably gained from the two dutchmen who had deserted the colony and gone among the indians. a great contest of ingenuity now ensued between the englishman and the savage, the latter endeavoring to temporize only for the purpose of putting smith and his men off their guard. he especially insisted on the propriety of laying aside their arms. "captain smith," he continued, "i am old and i know well the difference between peace and war. i wish to live quietly with you and i wish the same for my successors. now, rumors which reach me on all hands make me uneasy. what do you expect to gain by destroying us who provide you with food? and what can you get by war if we escape you and hide our provisions in the woods? we are unarmed, too, you see. do you believe me such a fool as not to prefer eating good meat, sleeping quietly with my wives and children, laughing and making merry with you, having copper and hatchets and anything else--as your friend--to flying from you as your enemy, lying cold in the woods, eating acorns and roots, and being so hunted by you meanwhile that if but a twig break, my men will cry out, 'there comes captain smith.' let us be friends, then. do not invade us with such an armed force. lay aside these arms." but smith was proof against this eloquence, which, it will be conceded, was of a high order. believing the chief's purpose was to disarm the english and then massacre them, he ordered the ice broken and the pinnace brought nearer shore. more men were then landed preparatory to an attack. the white man and the indian were well matched in general intelligence, insight into character and craftiness. no diplomacy inferior to that of the indian emperor could have so long retained the upper hand of smith. no leader of less courage and resources than john smith could so long have maintained a starving colony in the hostile dominions of the great powhatan. while waiting until the re-enforcements could land. smith tried to keep powhatan engaged in a lengthy conversation. but the indian outwitted him. leaving three of his handsomest and most entertaining wives to occupy smith's attention, powhatan slipped through the rear of his bark dwelling and escaped, while his warriors surrounded the house. when smith discovered the danger he rushed boldly out. flourishing his sword and firing his pistol at the nearest savage he escaped to the river, where his men had just landed. the english had already traded a copper kettle to powhatan for eighty bushels of corn. this was now delivered, and with loaded muskets they forced the indians to fill the boat. by the time this was done night had come on, but the loaded vessel could not be moved until high tide. smith and his men must remain ashore until morning. powhatan and his warriors plotted to attack them while at their supper. once again pocahontas saved smith. slipping into the camp she hurriedly warned him of his danger and revealed the whole plot. the captain offered her handsome presents and rewards, but with tears in her eyes she refused them all, saying it would cost her her life to be seen to have them. {illustration: pocahontas, or lady rebecca.} presently ten lusty warriors came bearing a hot supper for the english and urging them to eat. but smith compelled the waiters first to taste their own food as an assurance against poison. he then sent them back to tell powhatan the english were ready for him. no one was permitted to sleep that night, but all were ordered to be ready to fight any moment, as large numbers of indians could be seen lurking around. their vigilance saved them, and with the high tide of the morning the homeward trip was commenced. such benefits resulted from the marriage of rolfe and pocahontas that governor dale piously ascribed it to the divine approval resting on the conversion of the heathen, and reflecting that another daughter of powhatan would form an additional pledge of peace, sent ralph hamer and the interpreter, thomas savage, to powhatan to procure a second daughter for himself. they found the aged chief at matchcat, further up the river than we-ro-wo-co-mo-co, and after a pipe of tobacco had been passed around powhatan inquired anxiously about his daughter's welfare, "her marriage, his unknown son, and how they liked, lived and loved together." hamer answered that they "lived civilly and lovingly together," and "that his daughter was so well content that she would not change her life to return and live with him, whereat he laughed heartily and said he was very glad of it." powhatan now asked the particular cause of mr. hamer's visit. on being told it was private, the emperor ordered the room cleared of all except the inevitable pair of queens, who sat on either side of the monarch. hamer began by saying that he was the bearer of a number of presents from governor dale, consisting of coffee, beads, combs, fish hooks and knives, and a promise of the much-talked-of grindstone whenever powhatan would send for it. he then added that the governor, hearing of the fame of the emperor's youngest daughter, was desirous of making her "his nearest companion and wife." he conceived there could not be a finer bond of union between the two people than such a connection; and, besides, pocahontas was exceedingly anxious for her sister's companionship at jamestown. he hoped that powhatan would at least suffer her to visit the colony when he should return. powhatan more than once came very near interrupting the delivery of this message. but he controlled himself, and when hamer had finished, the emperor gracefully acknowledged the compliment, but protested that his daughter had been three days married to a certain young chief. to this the brazen hamer replied that this was nothing; that the groom would readily relinquish her for the ample presents which governor dale would make, and further that a prince of his greatness might easily exert his authority to reclaim his daughter on some pretext. to this base proposition the old sachem made an answer of which the nobility and purity might have put to shame the unscrupulous hamer. he confessed that he loved his daughter as his life and though he had many children he delighted in her most of all. he could not live without seeing her every day and that would be impossible if she went among the colonists, for he had resolved upon no account to put himself in their power or to visit them. he desired no other pledge of friendship than the one already existing in the marriage of his pocahontas, unless she should die, in which case he would give up another child. he concluded with the following pathetic eloquence: "i hold it not a brotherly part for your king to endeavor to bereave me of my two darling children at once. give him to understand that if he had no pledge at all, he need not distrust any injury from me or my people. there has already been too much of blood and war; too many of my people and of his have already fallen in our strife, and by my occasion there shall never be any more. i, who have power to perform it, have said it; no, not though i should have just occasion offered, for i am now grown old and would gladly end my few remaining days in peace and quiet. even if the english should offer me injury, i would not resent it. my country is large enough and i would remove myself further from you. i hope this will give satisfaction to my brother, he can not have my daughter. if he is not satisfied, i will move three days' journey from him and never see englishmen more." his speech was ended. the barbarian's hall of state was silent. the council fire unreplenished had burned low during the interview and the great crackling logs lay reduced to a dull heap of embers--fit symbol of the aged chieftain who had just spoken. as mason well says, "call him a savage, but remember that his shining love for his daughter only throws into darker shadow the infamous proposition of the civilized englishman to tear away the three days' bride from the arms of her indian lover and give her to a man who had already a wife in england. call him a barbarian, but forget not that when his enemies hungered he gave them food. when his people were robbed, whipped and imprisoned by the invaders of his country, he had only retaliated and had never failed to buy the peace to which he was entitled without money and without price. call him a heathen, but do not deny that when he said that, if the english should do him an injury, he would not resent it but only move further from them, he more nearly followed the rule of the master, of whom he was ignorant, than did the faithless, pilfering adventurers at the fort, who rolled their eyes heavenward and called themselves christians." no candid person can read the history of this famous indian with an attentive consideration of the circumstances under which he was placed without forming a high estimate of his character as a warrior, statesman and a patriot. his deficiencies were those of education and not of genius. his faults were those of the people whom he governed and of the period in which he lived. his great talents, on the other hand, were his own and these are acknowledged even by those historians who still regard him with prejudice. smith calls him "a prince of excellent sense and parts, and a great master of all the savage arts of government and policy." he died in , just one year after the untimely death of pocahontas, "full of years and satiated with fightings, and the delights of savage life." he is a prominent character in the early history of our country and well does he deserve it. in his prime he was as ambitious as julius caesar and not less successful, considering his surroundings. he and pocahontas were the real "f. f. v.'s," for, beyond controversy, they were of the "first families of virginia." chapter iii massasoit. the friend of the puritans. "welcome, englishmen!" a terrific peal of thunder from a cloudless sky would not have astonished the plymouth fathers as did these startling words. it was march , , a remarkably pleasant day, and they had assembled in town meeting to plan and discuss ways and means for the best interests of the colony. so engrossed were they with the matter under consideration they did not notice the approach of a solitary indian as he stalked boldly through the street of this village until he advanced towards the astonished group, and with hand outstretched in a friendly gesture and with perfectly intelligible english addressed them with the words, "welcome, englishmen!" the astonished settlers started to their feet and grasped their ever ready weapons. but reassured by his friendly gestures and hearty repetition of the familiar english phrase in which only kindness lurked, the settlers cordially returned his greeting and reciprocated his "welcome," which is the only one the pilgrims ever received. "he who would have friends must show himself friendly." this their dusky guest had done and it paved the way for a pleasant interview, which resulted in mutual good. knowing that the way to the heart lies through the stomach, they at once gave their visitor "strong water, biscuit, butter, cheese and some pudding, with a piece of mallard." the heart of the savage was gained: the taciturnity characteristic of his race gave way and he imparted valuable information, much of it pertaining to things they had long desired to know. they ascertained that his name was samoset, that he was a subordinate chief of the wampanoag tribe, and his hunting-grounds were near the island of monhegan, which is at the mouth of penobscot bay. with a strong wind it was but a day's sail eastward, but it required five days to make the journey by land. this was a noted fishing place and he had learned something of the english language from crews of fishing vessels which frequented his coast. he told them the country in their vicinity was called pawtuxet; that four years previous a terrible pestilence had swept off the tribes that inhabited the district, so that none remained to claim the soil. he also informed them that a powerful sachem named massasoit was their nearest neighbor. he lived about montaup (afterward corrupted by the english into mount hope), and was chief of the wampanoag tribe as well as head sachem of the pokanoket confederacy of thirty tribes. massasoit, he said, was disposed to be friendly. but another tribe, called the nausets, were greatly incensed against the english, and with just cause. samoset was able to define this cause, which also served to explain the fierce attack the pilgrims received from the savages in their memorable "first encounter." it seems that a captain by the name of hunt who had been left in charge of a vessel by captain john smith, while exploring the coast of new england in , had exasperated the indians beyond endurance. captain smith thus records this infamous crime in his "generale historie of new england." "he (hunt) betraied foure and twentie of these poore salvages aboord his ship, and most dishonestly and inhumanely for their kind usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to maligo, and there for a little private gaine sold those silly salvages for rials of eight; but this vilde act kept him ever after from any more emploiement to these parts." samoset had heard from his red brothers all about this kidnapping, as well as the attack on the pilgrims in revenge for it. the sequel of hunt's outrageous crime is quite interesting. he sold his victims, as we have seen, at malaga, for eighty pounds each, but some of them, including an indian by the name of squanto, were ransomed and liberated by the monks of that island. squanto now went first to cornhill, england, afterward to london. here he acquired some knowledge of the english language and obtained the friendship and sympathy of mr. john slaney, a merchant of that city, who protected him and determined to send the poor exile back to his native land. about this time ( ) sir f. gorges was preparing to send a ship to new england under the command of captain thomas dermer, and it was arranged for squanto to embark on board this ship. "when i arrived," says dermer in his letter to purchas, "at my savage's native country, finding all dead (because of the pestilence), i traveled along a day's journey to a place called nummastaquyt, where, finding inhabitants, i dispatched a messenger a day's journey further west, to pacanokit, which bordereth on the sea; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of fifty armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and i discoursed unto them (being desirous of novelty) gave me content in whatsoever i demanded. here i redeemed a frenchman and afterwards another at masstachusitt, who three years since escaped shipwreck at the northeast of cape cod." one of these two "kings," as the sachems were frequently entitled by the early writers, must have been massasoit, the other was probably his brother, quadepinah. the good captain dermer was faithful to his trust and delivered the poor exile squanto to his native land, but not to his own people at plymouth, as they had been swept off by the pestilence in his absence. he, however, became a loyal subject of massasoit. he was introduced to the english settlers at plymouth by samoset on his third visit. squanto was disposed to return good for evil, and forgetting the outrage of the knave who had kidnapped him and remembering only the great kindness which he had received from his benefactor, mr. slaney, and from the people generally in london, in generous requital now attached himself cordially to the pilgrims and became their firm friend. his residence in england, as we have stated, had rendered him quite familiar with the english language, and he proved invaluable, not only as an interpreter, but also in instructing them respecting fishing, woodcraft, planting corn and other modes of obtaining support in the wilderness. squanto brought the welcome intelligence that his sovereign chief, the great massasoit, had heard of the arrival of the pilgrims and was approaching to pay them a friendly visit, attended by a retinue of sixty warriors. an hour later massasoit and his warriors, accompanied by his brother, quadepinah (sometimes written quadequina) appeared on a neighboring hill. the wily sachem was well acquainted with the conduct of the unprincipled hunt and other english seamen who had skirted the coast and committed all manner of outrages on the natives, and he was too wary to place himself in the power of strangers, respecting whom he entertained such well grounded suspicions. he therefore took a position on a hill where he could not be taken by surprise and in case of attack could retreat if necessary. as they seemed unwilling to approach nearer, squanto was sent to ascertain their designs, and was informed that they wished some one should be sent to hold a parley. edward winslow was appointed to discharge this duty, and he immediately waited on the sachem and conveyed a present consisting of a pair of knives and a copper chain with a jewel attached to it. also a knife, a jewel to hang on his ear, "a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit and some butter" for quadepinah. massasoit received him with dignity, yet with courtesy. mr. winslow, with the aid of squanto as interpreter, addressed the chief in a speech of some length, to which the indians listened with the decorous gravity characteristic of the race. the purport of the speech was that king james saluted the sachem, his brother, with the words of peace and love; that he accepted him as his friend and ally; and that the governor desired to see him and to trade and treat with him upon friendly terms. massasoit made no special reply to these words, probably for the sufficient reason that he did not fully comprehend the drift of it, except the last clause. he observed the sword and armor of winslow during the harangue, and, when he had ceased speaking, signified his disposition to commence the proposed trade immediately by buying them. they were not, however, for sale; and after a brief parley winslow was left behind as a hostage in the custody of quadepinah, while massasoit and twenty unarmed followers met standish, williamson and six musketeers at the brook which divided the parties. {illustration: ope-chan-ca-nough.} the sachem and his retinue, marching in indian file one behind the other, led by the chief, were escorted to the best house in the village. here a green rug was spread upon the floor and several cushions piled on it for his accommodation. presently governor carver entered the house in as great state as he could command, with beat of drum and blare of trumpet, and a squad of armed men as a bodyguard. the governor took the hand of massasoit and kissed it. the indian chieftain immediately imitated his example and returned the salute. the two leaders now sat down together and regaled themselves with refreshments consisting chiefly of "strong waters, a thing the savages love very well; and the sachem took such a large draught of it at once as made him sweat all the while he staid." the white man's "firewater" thus in evidence in this treaty has been the most fruitful source of the red man's ruin from that day to the present time. following are the terms of the treaty concluded upon this occasion: . that neither he nor any of his (massasoit's) should injure or do hurt to any of their people. . that if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the offender, that they might punish him. . that if anything were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored, and they should do the like to his. . that if any did unjustly war against him, they would aid him; and if any did war against them, he should aid them. . that he should send to his neighbor confederates, to inform them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be like wise comprised in these conditions of peace. . that when his came to them upon any occasion, they should leave their arms behind them. . that so doing, their sovereign lord, king james, would esteem him as his friend and ally. such was the first treaty made with the indians of new england, which remained in force fifty-four years. nor was massasoit or any of the wampanoags during his lifetime convicted by the harshest revilers of his race of having violated or attempted to violate any of its provisions. it was eminently satisfactory to both parties to the compact, but a close reading will show hints (as usual) of the white man overreaching his red brother. in the first place they got an immense territory for a few baubles and gewgaws, part of which were utterly useless. then, too, the indians were required to come unarmed in their interviews with the pilgrims, but we fail to find it stated that the white men should leave their pieces behind them on going among the indians. it is also noticed that the indians were to aid the english should any foe war against them, and the english should aid the indians should any foe "unjustly war against them." why this word "unjustly" on the one side and not on the other? and who was to decide the matter? certainly the puritans. but to their credit be it said, they did send aid to their ally promptly in his time of need, as we shall see. massasoit is thus described in the pilgrim's journal: "in his person he is a very lusty man in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance and spare of speech; in his attire little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, save only in a great chain of white beads about his neck; behind his neck, attached to the chain, hangs a pouch of tobacco which he drank (smoked) and gave us to drink. his face was painted with a seal red, and he was oiled both head and face that he looked greasily." he and his companions were picturesquely dressed in skins and plumes of brilliant colors. being tall, strongmen, and the first natives whom most of the colonists had ever seen near at hand, they must have impressed them as a somewhat imposing as well as interesting spectacle. after the conclusion of this famous treaty, massasoit was conducted by the governor to the brook and rejoined his party, leaving hostages behind. presently his brother, quadepinah, came over with a retinue, and was entertained with like hospitality. the next day, on an invitation from the chief, standish and allerton returned his visit and were regaled with "three or four ground-nuts and some tobacco." governor carver sent for the chief's kettle and returned it "full of pease, which pleased them well, and so they went their way." the next interview the colonists had with massasoit was in july, . at this time an embassy consisting of edward winslow and stephen hopkins, with squanto as interpreter, was sent to make the sachem a formal visit at montaup, his seat near the narragansett bay. the objects of this embassy were, says mourt, "that forasmuch as his subjects came often and without fear upon all occasions amongst us, becoming, in fact, a sad annoyance to the colonists as they went to the sea shore in search of lobsters and to fish. men, women and children always hanging about the village, clamorous for food and pertinaciously inquisitive." it was partly to abate this nuisance and "partly," says the old chronicle, "to know where to find our savage allies, if occasion served, as also to see their strength, explore the country, make satisfaction for some injuries conceived to have been done on our parts, and to continue, the league of peace and friendship between them and us." the "injuries" here mentioned refer to the fact that the colonists shortly after their arrival found corn buried in the ground. seeing no inhabitants in the neighborhood, "but some graves of the dead newly buried," they took the corn with the intention of making full satisfaction for it whenever it became practicable. the owners of it were supposed to have fled through fear. it was now proposed that the owners of this corn should be informed by massasoit, if they could be found, that the english were ready to pay them with an equal quantity of corn, english meal, or "any other commodities they had to pleasure them withal"; and full satisfaction was offered for any trouble which the sachem might do them the favor to take. all of which shows that the pilgrim fathers were scrupulously just in their dealings with the indians. the two ambassadors and their guide, bearing presents for the sachem, started on their journey through the forest. much they marveled at the well-nigh infallible skill of squanto in always leading right, even when confronted with a mazy labyrinth of paths pointing in every direction. they met several bands of indians en route, and partook of such hospitality as they had to offer. their number was augmented by six stalwart savages, who insisted not only on bearing them company but bearing their arms and baggage. at the various fords the friendly indians carried the englishmen over dry-shod upon their shoulders, which is quite remarkable, in view of the proverbial laziness of the indians in general and those of the new england coast in particular. in due time the envoys arrived at montaup, or sowams, the residence of massasoit. the sachem was not at home, but was quickly summoned by a runner and was saluted by his visitors with a discharge of musketry. he welcomed them heartily after the indian manner, took them into his lodge and seated them by himself. the envoys then delivered their message and presents, the latter consisting of a copper chain and a horseman's coat of red cotton embroidered with lace. massasoit proudly hung the chain about his neck and arrayed himself in this superb garment without delay, evidently enjoying the admiration of his people, who gazed upon him at a distance. the great chief now gathered his leading warriors around him, and after the pipe of peace had been smoked by all, he answered the message in detail. expressing his desire to continue in peace and friendship with his neighbors, he promised to promote the traffic in furs, to furnish a supply of corn for seed and, in short, to comply with all their requests. the two commissioners stated the case concerning the too frequent and protracted visits of the indians to the colony with great tact and delicacy, assuring the sachem that he himself or any he might send would always be welcome. "to the end that we might know his messengers from others," wrote winslow, "we desired massasoit, if any one should come from him to us to send the copper chain, that we might know the savage and harken and give credit to his message accordingly." as it grew late and he offered no more substantial entertainment than this, "no doubt for the sound reason," as thatcher says, "that he had nothing to offer," his guests expressed a desire to retire for the night. the chief at once complied with their request in the language of winslow, "he laid us on the bed with himself and his wife, they at one end and we at the other, it being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them. two more of chief men, for want of room, pressed by and upon us, so that we were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey." the next day the two ambassadors had no breakfast, but the morning was taken up in receiving, as visitors, several subordinate sachems and their warriors, and in witnessing indian games which had been gotten up for their entertainment. about noon massasoit, who had gone hunting at dawn, returned, bringing with him two large fishes which he had speared or shot with arrows. these were soon boiled and divided among forty persons this was the first meal taken by the envoys for a day and two nights. the afternoon passed slowly away and again the two white men went supperless to bed, only to spend another sleepless night, being kept awake by vermin, hunger and noise of the savages. friday morning they arose at dawn resolved to immediately commence their journey home. at this massasoit greatly importuned them to remain longer with him. "but we determined," they recorded in their graphic narrative, "to keep the sabbath at home, and feared that we should either be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with bad lodgings, the savages' barbarous singing (for they used to sing themselves to sleep), lice and fleas within doors and mosquitoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there; we much fearing that if we should stay any longer we should not be able to recover home for want of strength; so that on the friday morning before the sun rising we took our leave and departed, massasoit being both grieved and ashamed that he could no better entertain us." it is thus apparent that massasoit, in spite of his many virtues and the conceded fact that he was the greatest chief of all the new england tribes of this period, was in his housekeeping the smallest possible removed above brute life. with the streams and bays swarming with fish, the neighboring forest filled with turkey, deer and other game, he and his people seem to have lived in semi-starvation. this fact is all the more startling when it is contrasted with the great abundance enjoyed by powhatan, joseph brant, red jacket and others, mentioned elsewhere, and their tribes. but it is also true of this great chief that despite his pinching poverty, when the test came he proved to be pure gold refined by fire. thatcher informs us that "massasoit's friendship was again tested in march, , when an indian known to be under squanto's influence came running in among a party of colonists with his face gashed and the blood fresh upon it, calling out to them to flee for their lives, and then looking behind him as if pursued. on coming up he told them that the indians under massasoit were gathering at a certain place for an attack upon the colony; that he had received his wounds in consequence of opposing their designs and had barely escaped from them with his life. the report occasioned no little alarm, although the correctness of it was flatly denied by hobbamak, a pokanoket indian residing at plymouth, who recommended that a messenger be sent secretly to sowams for the purpose of ascertaining the truth. this was done and the messenger, finding everything in its usually quiet state, informed massasoit of the reports circulated against him. he was excessively incensed against squanto, but sent his thanks to the governor for the opinion of his fidelity which he understood him to retain, and directed the messenger to assure him that he should instantly apprise him of any conspiracy which might at any further time take place;" this whole affair seems to have been a plot on the part of squanto, out of jealousy, to array the colonists against their ally, but happily for both parties it miscarried through the common-sense suggestion of hobbamak. early in the spring of news came to plymouth that massasoit was very sick at his home, and it was determined to send mr. winslow to pay him a second visit in token of the friendship of the colonists. that gentleman started on his journey at once, taking with him hobbamak as guide and interpreter, and accompanied by "one master john hampden, a london gentleman who had wintered with him and desired much to see the country and the indians in their wigwam homes." this hampden afterward became cromwell's distinguished friend and counselor, and is alluded to in gray's "elegy." the envoys had not gone far before they met some indians who told them massasoit was dead. the white men were shocked and hobbamak began to wail forth his chief's death song: "oh, great sachem. oh, great heart, with many have i been acquainted, but none ever equaled thee." then turning to his companions he said, "oh, master winslow, his like you will never see again. he was not like other indians, false and bloody and implacable; but kind, easily appeased when angry, and reasonable in his requirements. he was a wise sachem, not ashamed to ask advice, governing better with mild, than other chiefs did with severe measures. i fear you have not now one faithful friend left in the wigwams of the red men." he would then break forth again in loud lamentations, "enough." says winslow, "to have made the hardest heart sob and wail." but time pressed, and winslow, bidding hobbamak "leave wringing of his hands" and follow him, trudged on through the forest until they came to corbitant's village. the sachem was not at home but his squaw informed them that massasoit was not yet dead, though he could scarcely live long enough to permit his visitors to close his eyes. believing that while there was life there was hope, the envoys pressed on and soon reached massasoit's humble abode. "when we arrived thither," wrote winslow, "we found the home so full that we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for us. they were in the midst of their charms for him, making such a fiendish noise that it distempered us who were well, and therefore was unlike to ease him that was sick. about him were six or eight women who chafed his arms, legs and thighs, to keep heat in them. when they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends, the english, were come to see him. having understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked who was come. they told him winsnow, for they can not pronounce the letter l, but ordinarily n in the place thereof. he desired to speak with me. when i came to him they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which i took. then he said twice, though very inwardly, 'keen winsnow?' which is to say, 'art thou winslow?' i answered 'ahhe,' that is, 'yes.' then he doubled these words: 'matta neen wonckanet namen winsnow'; that is to say, ' , winslow, i shall never see thee again;'" hobbamak was now called in and desired to assure the sachem of the governor's kind remembrance of him in his affliction, and to inform him of the medicine and delicacies they had brought with them for his use. winslow, who seems to have possessed some knowledge of the healing art, then proceeded to use measures for his relief, consisting of a "confection of many comfortable conserves," which soon worked a cure. the convalescent sachem said, "now i know that the english are indeed my friends, and love me; while i live i will not forget this kindness." as martyn well says, "nobly did he keep his word; for, after requesting 'the pale-face medicine' to exercise his skill upon others of his tribe, who were down with the same disease which had laid him low, his gratitude was so warm that he disclosed to winslow, through hobbamak, the fact that a widespread and well matured conspiracy was afoot to exterminate weston's colony, in revenge for injuries heaped upon the indian; that all the northeastern tribes were in the league; and that the massacre was to include the pilgrims also, lest they should avenge the fall of their neighbors." "a chief was here at the setting of the sun," added massasoit, "and he told me that the pale-faces did not love me, else they would visit me in my pain, and he urged me to join the war party. but i said, 'no.' now, if you take the chiefs of the league and kill them, it will end the war-trail in the blood of those who made it, and save the setllements." the chief's advice was afterward taken by miles standish and his men, and proved to be successful in nipping the conspiracy in the bud. {illustration: massasoit and pilgrims.} mr. winslow remained several days and his fame as a physician spread so rapidly that great crowds gathered in an encampment around montaup to gain relief from various ills. some came from the distance of more than a hundred miles. but on hearing of the plot above mentioned, immediately started for home. the other leading events in the life of massasoit may be soon detailed. in he was assaulted at sowams by a party of narragansetts and obliged to take refuge in the home of an englishman. his situation was soon ascertained at plymouth, and an armed force being promptly dispatched to his relief under his old friend standish, the narragansetts were compelled to retreat. massasoit and ninety of his people were also present at the first celebration of thanksgiving in the autumn of , and were feasted by the colonists for three days, though the indians contributed five fat deer to the festivity. oysters, turkey and pumpkin pie also graced this occasion, and no thanksgiving feast is considered _complete_ to-day without these essentials. governor winthrop records this anecdote of the great sachem: "it seems that his old friend 'winsnow,' made a trading voyage to connecticut, during the summer of . on his return he left his vessel upon the narragansett coast for some reason or other, and commenced his journey for plymouth across the woods. finding himself at a loss, probably, as to his route, he made his way to sowams, and called upon his ancient acquaintance, the sachem. the latter gave him his usual kind welcome, and upon his resuming his journey offered to conduct him home, a pedestrian journey of two days. he had just dispatched one of his wampanoags to plymouth with instructions to inform the friends of winslow that he was dead, and to persuade them of this melancholy fact by specifying such particulars as their own ingenuity might suggest. all this was done accordingly, and the tidings occasioned, as might be expected, a very unpleasant excitement throughout the colony. in the midst of it, however, the sachem entered the village attended by winslow, with more than his usual complacency in his honest and cheerful countenance. he was asked why such a report had been circulated the day previous. 'that winsnow might be the more welcome,' he answered, 'and that you might be the more happy; it is my custom.' he had come thus far to enjoy the surprise personally; and he returned homeward more gratified by it, without doubt, than he would have been by the most fortunate foray among the narragansetts." we have seen it intimated more than once that massasoit's fear of those warlike neighbors lay at the foundation of his friendship for the english settlers. it might have been nearer the truth, considering all the known facts in the case, to say that his interest happened to coincide with his inclination. at all events, it was in the power of any of the other sachems of the surrounding country to have established the same friendly relation with the colonists had they been prompted by as much good breeding or good sense. "on the contrary," as thatcher says, "the massachusetts were plotting and threatening on one hand, as we have seen--not without provocation, it must be allowed--while the narragansett sachem, upon the other, had sent in his compliments as early as , in the shape of a bundle of arrows, tied up with a rattlesnake's skin. nor should we forget the wretched feebleness of the colony at the period of their first acquaintance with massasoit. indeed the instant measures which he took for their relief and protection look more like the promptings of compassion than either hope or fear. a month previous to his appearance among them, they were reduced to such a pitiable condition by sickness, that only six or seven men of their whole number were able to perform labor in the open air; and probably their entire fighting force, could they have been mustered together, would scarcely have equaled that little detachment of twenty which massasoit brought with him into the village, delicately leaving twice as many with the arms of all behind him, as he afterward exchanged six hostages for one. no wonder the colonists 'could not yet conceive but that he was willing to have peace with them.'" massasoit was unique among indian sachems, in the fact that he was ever a lover of peace; nor is he known to have been once engaged in waging war with the powerful and warlike tribes who environed his territory. all the native tribes of new england but the pokanoket confederation were involved in dissensions and wars with each other and the white settlers; and all shared sooner or later the fate which he avoided. this chief vied with canonicus and miantonomoh, the narragansett sachems, in giving a hearty welcome to roger williams at the time of his banishment from salem, when he "fled from christians to the savages, who knew and loved him, till at last he reached the kind-hearted but stupid indian heathen, massasoit." these three friends in his time of distress shouted their welcome salutation of "wha-cheer, wha-cheer?" and grasped his hand with cordial sympathy as he stepped ashore. the reason for this warm welcome accorded roger williams the baptist, the father of "soul liberty," is obvious when it is remembered that he took great interest in the indians, so mastering their dialects as to be able to prepare "a key to the languages of america." except eliot, his coworker, he was the most successful missionary among the indians of this period. "my soul's desire," he said, "was to do the natives good." and later he wrote. "god was pleased to give me a painful patient spirit, to lodge with them in their filthy, smoky holes to gain their tongue." while at plymouth he had written a pamphlet against the validity of the colonial charter and submitted it to governor bradford. this he afterward published while at salem, and in it he said: "why lay such stress upon your patent from king james? tis but idle parchment; james has no more right to give away or sell massasoit's lands, and cut and carve his country, than massasoit has to sell james' kingdom or to send his indians to colonize warwickshire." thus did he run a tilt against the established law and order of his time; but while it endeared him to massasoit, who became to him "a friend in need and a friend in deed," it led to his banishment from salem "in winter snow and inclement weather"--without guide, without food, without shelter, he suffered tortures. "fourteen weeks," he wrote, "i was sorely tossed in a bitter season, not knowing what bread or bed did mean." he must inevitably have perished in the frozen wilderness without giving to the world his immortal idea, had he not found shelter and food with massasoit. great events turn on seemingly trivial circumstances. who shall say that massasoit, in saving the life of the great reformer, did not preserve to all time the casket containing the priceless jewel--religious tolerance. bancroft well says of roger williams: "in the capacious recesses of his mind, he had revolved the nature of intolerance, and he, and he alone, had arrived at the grand principle which is its sole effectual remedy. he announced his discovery under the simple proposition of the sanctity of conscience. the civil magistrate should restrain crime, but never control opinion; should punish guilt, but never violate the freedom of the soul." this divinely inspired idea of the pioneer american reformer is embodied in the first article of amendment to our constitution: "congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." tracing the effect back to its cause, we find behind this first article of amendment and responsible for it, roger williams, and behind him, aiding, though in ignorance, we find the great-hearted, honest, benevolent savage, massasoit. chapter iv. king philip, or metacomet. the last of the wampanoags. the "great and good massasoit" was gathered to his fathers in the year , but to the last remained firm in his fidelity to the english. near the close of his life he took his two sons, wamsutta and pometaeom, or metacomet, to plymouth and requested the governor in token of friendship to give them english names. they were very bright, attractive young men of fine physical developments. the governor related to the aged sachem the history of philip and alexander, the renowned kings of macedon, and gave to wamsutta, the older, the name of alexander, the conqueror of asia, and to his younger brother the less renowned name of philip, and by these names they are known in history. the two young chieftains married sisters, the handsome daughters of the sachem of pocasset. the wife of alexander was named wetamoo, who, as we shall see had an eventful life and a sad and untimely death. the wife of philip had the euphonious name of wootonekanuske. alexander became sachem on the death of his father and was deeply grieved that the english were so rapidly increasing, while his people were decreasing. moreover his lands were fast slipping away to the possession of the english. year by year the territory of the wampanoags had narrowed until they had nothing left they could call their own but the two narrow peninsulas of bristol and tiverton on the east coast of narragansett bay. there were personal grievances also on both sides. with prosperity came avarice. unprincipled men flocked to the new settlements which sprang up everywhere; the indians were despised and often harshly treated; and the forbearance which marked the pilgrims with the indians was forgotten. the english were quick to notice a change in the indians and a less friendly disposition in their young chief. it was decided to summon alexander before the plymouth court to answer charges of plotting against the colony. the sachem refused to come. upon this, governor prince assembled his counselors, and, after deliberation, ordered major josiah winslow, son of massasoit's old friend, edward winslow, to take an armed force, go to mount hope and arrest alexander and bring him to plymouth. this was accordingly done, and though his rage knew no bounds, he was forced at the muzzle of a gun to march in front of his captors. the indignity offered him crushed his kingly spirit. he was taken alarmingly ill with a burning fever, caused by his fury, grief and humiliation. his warriors, greatly alarmed for the safety of their beloved chieftain, entreated that they might be permitted to take alexander home. the privilege was granted on condition that the chief's son should be sent to them as a hostage, and the sachem returned as soon as he had recovered. the warriors, accompanied by alexander's beautiful queen, wetamoo, started on the sad journey, bearing their unhappy and suffering chieftain upon a litter on their shoulders. slowly they traveled until they arrived at taunton river; there they took to canoes, but had not paddled far before it became evident that their chieftain was dying. landing, they placed him on a grassy mound under an overshadowing tree. while the stoical warriors gathered around in stern sadness and the faithful and heroic wetamoo held the head of her dying lord and wiped his clammy brow, his proud spirit departed "for the land of the hereafter." this event filled the hearts of his people with sullen and vindictive malice, for they believed alexander to have been poisoned by the english. wetamoo immediately became the unrelenting foe of the english. she was by birth a princess in another tribe, one of the numerous "squaw sachems" of new england, and able to lead three hundred warriors into the field. all the energies of her soul were aroused to avenge her husband's death. alexander was succeeded by his brother philip, who also became the head of the pokanoket confederacy, and in a few years, by his superior diplomacy, he held sway over nearly all the tribes of new england. philip, of mount hope, was a man of superior endowments and one of the few indians acknowledged by all historians to have been truly great. he clearly understood the power of the english and the peril he encountered in measuring arms with them. and yet he also saw that unless the encroachments of the english could be arrested his own race was doomed to destruction. he deliberately made up his mind to avenge his brother's untimely death; to drive the english from the country or perish in the attempt. had he belonged to the proud caucasian race, and especially the anglo-saxon division of it, he would have been called a patriot; but, belonging to a so-called inferior race, we find that hubbard and other earlier historians, whenever they had occasion to mention his name, pay him the passing compliment of "caitiff," "hellhound," "fiend," "arch-rebel" and various similar designations of respect and affection. verily it makes a great difference as to whether it was my bull gored your ox, or vice versa. philip and his wampanoags are unlucky enough, like the lion in the fable, to have no painter. at one time philip is thought to have been quite interested in the christian religion, "but," as abbott says, "apparently foreseeing that with the introduction of christianity all the peculiarities in manners and customs of indian life must pass away, he adopted the views of his father, massasoit, and became bitterly opposed to any change of religion among his people." mr. goodkin, speaking of the wampanoags, says: "there are some that have hopes of the greatest and chiefest sachem, named philip. some of his chief men, as i hear, stand well inclined to hear the gospel, and himself is a person of good understanding and knowledge in the best things. i have heard him speak very good words, arguing that his conscience is convicted. but yet, though his will is bound to embrace jesus christ, his sensual and carnal lusts are strong bands to hold him fast under satan's dominion." before the war rev. john elliot, the great apostle to the indians, made the most persistent efforts to induce philip to embrace christianity. the courtly savage had always received his arguments and persuasions politely, but without other effect. one day he took hold of a button on elliot's regulation black threadbare coat and said, "i care no more for your religion than i do for that old button. let me hear no more about it." the character of philip is further illustrated by an incident which happened in . at that time he heard that a christian-indian named assasamooyh, whom the colonists called john gibbs, had spoken disrespectfully of his father, massasoit. it was not a mere personal insult but a violation of reverence due from a subject to his king, and the offender forfeited his life, according to their code, at the hand of the nearest relative, who thus became the "avenger of blood." hearing that assasamooyh was on the island of nantucket, philip took a canoe and went in pursuit. the offender was sitting at the table of one of the colonists when a messenger rushed in breathlessly and informed him that the dreaded avenger was near the door. assasamooyh had but just time to rush from the house when the enraged chieftain was upon him. from house to house the indian fled like a frightened deer, closely pursued by philip with brandished tomahawk, who considered himself but the honored executor of justice. assasamooyh, however, at length leaped a bank and plunging into a forest eluded his foe. with difficulty the colonists then succeeded in purchasing the life of his intended victim by a very heavy ransom. the muttering warclouds grew darker and more threatening on the horizon, and while, for a time, there was no open rupture, yet many things, real and imaginary, indicated an impending crisis. {illustration: nellie jumping eagle, ogalalla sioux.} it is not recorded that the old men dreamed dreams, but young and old appear to have "seen visions." in that superstitious witch-burning age it is not surprising that many of the colonists at this time began to give way to superstitious fears. among other things it was asserted that a sign of impending evil in the form of an indian bow was clearly defined against the heavens, and during the eclipse of the moon the figure of an indian scalp was clearly seen imprinted on its disk. the northern heavens glowed with auroral lights of unusual brilliancy; troops of phantom horsemen were heard to dash through the air; the sighing of the night-wind was like the sound of whistling bullets; and the howling of wolves was fiercer and more constant than usual. these things, the superstitious declared, were warnings that the colonists were about to be severely punished for their sins, among which they named profane swearing, the neglect of bringing up their children in more rigid observances, the licensing of ale houses, and the wearing of long hair by the men and of gay apparel by the women. the more extreme even declared that they were about to be "judged" for not exterminating the quakers. historians have given philip credit for a grand scheme, conceived with deep foresight and carried on with the most crafty and persevering dissimulation--a scheme to lull the suspicions of the whites by a constant show of friendship, till a general combination of all the indian tribes could be formed to extirpate them at a single blow. the english meantime felt as if standing over a powder magazine which might explode at any time. they were fully persuaded that a plot was making for their destruction. they felt that something must be done to meet the coming storm or dissipate it before it should burst on their heads. what confirmed them in this belief was the fact that philip exerted every effort to accumulate guns and ammunition for his warriors. unlike powhatan, he succeeded in obtaining a good supply of the deadly weapons of the english, and even made a great effort to obtain the formula for making gunpowder. his men became expert marksmen and continually practiced athletic exercises, all in pursuit of their common purpose. in philip was discovered to be making warlike preparations and summoned to a conference with the plymouth government at taunton. he refused to come unless accompanied by his men. the conference took place in the meeting-house at taunton. on one side of the house were ranged philip's fierce looking warriors, attired, painted and armed as for battle. their long black hair, their eyes glittering with treachery and hate, their fantastic plumes and decorations contrasted strangely with the prim and austere puritans with plain garb, close-cut hair and solemn countenances as they ranged themselves on the opposite side of the church. the massachusetts commissioners, three gentlemen, were to sit alone near the altar as umpires. no fair-minded man can fail to admire the character developed by philip in these arrangements. philip alone was the indian orator and managed his case, which was manifestly a bad one, with such adroitness, that we doubt not prince talleyrand himself, the world's most skillful diplomat, would have assigned him a high place among diplomatists. philip charged the whites with depredations upon his cornfields and denied that he entertained any hostile design; and promptly explained his preparations for war as intended for defense against the narragansetts. evidence was at hand, however, to show that he was on terms of more intimate friendship with the narragansetts at this time than ever before. his plans were by no means perfected and he denied any hostile purposes, signed a new treaty and agreed to surrender all his guns. he is said to have been frightened into this agreement, but his history is written only by his foes. philip and his warriors immediately gave up their guns, seventy in number, and promised to send in the rest within a given time. it was also agreed in the council that in case of further troubles both parties should submit their complaints to the arbitration of massachusetts. this settlement, apparently so important, amounted to nothing. the indians were ever ready, it is said, to sign any agreement whatever which would extricate them from a momentary difficulty, but such promises were broken as promptly as made on the white man's theory, perhaps, that "all is fair in love and war." certain it is that philip, having returned to mount hope, sent in no more guns, but was busy as ever gaining resources for war and entering into alliances with other tribes. at last philip was notified from plymouth that unless the arms were given up by september , force would be used to compel the act. at the same time messengers were also dispatched to the government of massachusetts, at boston, which, it will be remembered, was chosen as umpire to arbitrate between the two contending parties. philip, shrewd enough to have perceived the jealousy and rivalry between the two colonies, set off at once to boston, and thus assumed the position of the "law and order" party. with the rarest diplomacy he flattered the massachusetts colony by certain territorial concessions and made such an adroit statement of his case, representing that plymouth had encroached on the other colonies by summoning him for trial before her own court, and virtually declaring war without consulting them, that the bostonians not only refused to help plymouth at this time but coolly criticised her action as wrong and unwarrantable. they also wrote a letter to plymouth, assuming that there was perhaps equal blame on both sides, and declaring that there did not appear to be sufficient cause for the plymouth people to commence hostilities. in their letter they wrote: "we do not understand how philip hath subjected himself to you. but the treatment you have given him, and your proceedings toward him, do not render him such a subject as that, if there be not at present answering to summons there should presently be a proceeding to hostilities. the sword once drawn and dipped in blood may make him as independent upon you as you are upon him." in short, the bostonians believed that the whole difficulty arose from the puritans' "lust for inflicting justice" and might have been avoided. it was while philip was at boston that josselyn, the english traveler, saw him. "the roytelet of the pokanokets," he informs us, "had a coat on and buskins set thick with beads in pleasant wild work, and a broad belt of the same. his accoutrements were valued at twenty pounds. . . . their beads are their money; of these there are two sorts, blue beads and white beads; the first is their gold, the last their silver. these they work out of certain shells, so cunningly that neither jew nor devil can counterfeit." philip, bent on gaining further time for his plans and preparations, signed a new treaty, in which he confessed himself the author of the troubles and stipulated to pay a hundred pounds "in such things as he had" as an indemnity for the expense to which he had subjected the colony. furthermore, he covenanted to deliver "five wolves' heads if he could get them, or as many as he could procure until they came to five wolves' heads yearly." three years now passed of strained intercourse and suspicious peace. this interval was used by the sachem to concert a most elaborate plan for the extermination of the english. ancient enmities were forgotten. all the new england tribes except the mohegans and the remnant of the pequots were united in a great confederacy, of which philip was to be the chief. the narragansetts alone agreed to furnish four thousand warriors. other tribes were to furnish their hundreds or their thousands, according to their strength. hostilities were to commence in the spring of by a simultaneous assault upon all the settlements, so as to prevent aid being sent from one part of the country to another. as philip's deep laid plans approached maturity he became more independent and bold in his demeanor. the governor of massachusetts, becoming convinced that a dreadful conspiracy was in progress, sent an ambassador to philip demanding an explanation of these threatening appearances, and desiring another treaty of peace and friendship. the proud sachem haughtily replied to the ambassador: "your governor is but a subject of king charles of england. i shall not treat with a subject. i shall only treat with the king, my brother. when he comes i am ready." just before the outbreak john borden, a rhode island man and a great friend of philip, tried to dissuade him from war. his reply is remarkable: "the english who came first to this country were but a handful of people, forlorn, poor and distressed. my father did all in his power to serve them. others came. their numbers increased. my father's counselors were alarmed. they urged him to destroy the english before they became strong enough to give law to the indians and take away their country. my father was also the father to the english. he remained their friend. experience shows that his counselors were right. the english disarmed my people. they tried them by their own laws, and assessed damages my people could not pay. sometimes the cattle of the english would come into the corn-fields of my people, for they did not make fences like the english. i must then be seized and confined till i sold another tract of my country for damages and costs. thus tract after tract is gone. but a small part of the dominion of my ancestors remains. i am determined not to live till i have no country." "this," says a writer, "is a declaration of war more striking in its origin, more true in its statements, than any with which we are acquainted. it is the mournful summary of accumulated wrongs that cry aloud for battle, not for revenge alone, but for the very existence of the oppressed. it is the sad note of preparation sounded by a royal leader that summons to their last conflict the aboriginal lords of new england." the burning words were followed by burning deeds. though still unprepared for war, the pent-up fury of his warriors could hardly be restrained. they became very insolent and boastful, and would actually sharpen their knives and tomahawks upon the door-sills of the colonists, talking in mysterious phrase of the great deeds they were about to perform. one of the most intelligent of elliot's converts was john sassamon, who had acquired considerable education, and had become quite an efficient agent in christian missions to the indians. he was also a great help to elliot in translating the bible and other books into the indian language. he lived in semi-civilized style upon assawompset neck, with his family, including a very pretty daughter, whom he called assowetough, but who was called by the puritans the less sonorous name of betty. the noted place in middleborough now called betty's neck is immortalized by the charms of assowetough. sassamon, though sustaining the most intimate and friendly relations with the english, was a subject of king philip, and became his private secretary. soon after this sassamon became acquainted with philip's conspiracy in all its appalling extent and magnitude of design. he at once repaired to plymouth and informed the governor of his discovery, but enjoined the strictest secrecy respecting his communication, assuring the governor that should the indians learn that he had betrayed them his life would be the inevitable forfeit. sassamon soon after resigned his position as philip's secretary, and returning to middleborough, resumed his employment as teacher and preacher to the indians. by some unknown means philip learned that he had been betrayed by sassamon, and early in the spring of , sassamon was suddenly missing. suspicion immediately arose that he had been murdered either by philip or some of his friends. after a search the body was found beneath the ice of assawompset pond, in middleborough. the murderers, hoping to escape suspicion, left his hat and gun upon the ice, that it might be supposed he had drowned himself or fallen in by accident; but upon an examination of the body it appeared that his neck had been broken, "which," says dr. mather, "is one _indian way of murdering._" three indians were arrested and put upon trial at plymouth, in june, before a jury composed of _eight_ englishmen and _four_ indians. in that superstitious age the colonists were but too ready to believe anything and everything which supported a charge against philip. the leader of the three indians arrested was tobias, one of philip's councilors. dr. increase mather says of him: "when tobias came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it had been newly slain, albeit it was buried a considerable time before that." matters looked very black for tobias, and blacker still when a _convenient_ indian, one patuekson, was found who, from a neighboring hill, claimed to have witnessed the death of sassamon, at the hands of tobias and the others. patuekson had not dared to tell what he had seen before this, because of fears for his own life. the three men were all convicted and hung. philip was highly exasperated when he heard of the execution. he did not deny their agency in the affair, but contended that "the english had nothing to do with one indian's killing another." to make matters worse, philip was apprehensive that he also might be kidnapped and hung, as indeed was contemplated, as we learn from a letter written by governor winslow, july , , in which he says: "i do solemnly protest, we know not anything from us which might have put philip upon these motions, nor have heard that he pretends to suffer any wrong from us, save only that we had killed some indians, and intended to send for himself for the murder of john sassamon." we are curious to know what more provocation the good governor would deem necessary before philip would have a _just "casus beli."_ the murder of sassamon precipitated the conflict. at that time philip was training his forces, but had not fully matured his plans. the narragansetts, who had entered into the plot and were to furnish four thousand warriors, were not yet ready. but philip could no longer restrain the vindictive spirit of his young wampanoag warriors, who were roused to a frenzy, and immediately commenced a series of the most intolerable annoyances, shooting the cattle, frightening the women and children, and insulting wayfarers wherever they could find them. according to abbott, "the indians had imbibed the superstitious notion, which had probably been taught them by john sassamon, that the party which should commence the war and shed the first blood would be defeated. they therefore wished, by violence and insult, to provoke the english to strike the first blow." nor had they long to wait. on sunday, june , , a party of eight indians, bent on mischief, entered the little settlement of swanzey, ransacked a house while the settlers were at church and shot the peaceful cattle pasturing on the green. becoming very much exasperated at the attempt of the indians to force an entrance into his house, a settler fired at and wounded one of the savages, who went sullenly away with bloody threats. the first blood was now shed, and the drama of war was opened. in view of the alarming state of affairs, messengers were dispatched to boston and plymouth. thursday, the th, was appointed as a day of fasting and prayer. on that day the village wore the stillness of a sabbath. the pious people were returning with thoughtful faces from the log church. the rough street, filled with stumps, wound past the cabins with their little clearings, and through the noonday shadows of the primeval forest. suddenly there were two sharp reports, two puffs of smoke, and two manly forms lay prostrate, one of them dead. the english were dumb with horror. two who were dispatched for a "chirurgeon" were shot dead in the road, at the same time red flames burst through the roofs of a dozen cabins. leaving their slain where they had fallen, sixteen men and fifty-four women and children fled to a large house, where they prepared to fight for their lives. in another part of the town six others were killed and their bodies shockingly mutilated in attempting to reach this place of safety. one story is recorded of a servant girl in a cabin, who hid two little children under a large brass kettle, fired at an indian entering the house, and, failing to kill him, beat him off by throwing a shovelful of live coals in his face, so that he was found in the woods dead from his wounds. as the terrible news quickly spread through the colonies, little companies of men were soon raised. the people besieged in the strong house at swanzey were relieved, and soon a force of more than a hundred men was collected at that ill-fated village. an expedition was sent to attack philip at mount hope; but that wily sachem, fearing a trap and seeing how untenable the little peninsula was for successful defense, had withdrawn his entire force and taken a strong strategic position in the midst of the great pocasset swamp, where he was finally located by captain church and his men. {illustration: king philip, or metacomet.} in the meantime the massachusetts troops had marched into the narragansett country, and with great show of force concluded a treaty with the narragansetts, which they faithfully observed while the colonists were in sight. the united forces then marched on philip, still intrenched in the great swamp. the colonists, knowing the intellectual supremacy of king philip as the commanding genius of the war, determined to kill or capture him, and offered large rewards for his head. after the english were led into an ambush and fifteen of them killed, they concluded that, as three sides of the swamp were surrounded by water, they had only to closely guard the land side, and philip would be starved out and forced to surrender, as the indians had but a limited store of provisions. so they built a fort and kept guard for thirteen days. but philip and his warriors had been busy constructing rafts and canoes, and one dark night he floated all his fighting men, numbering some two hundred, across the river, and continued his flight far away into the unknown and almost unexplored wilderness of the interior of massachusetts. wetamoo, the widow of his brother alexander, who was ever at philip's side, together with some of her warriors, escaped with him. he left a hundred starving women and children in the swamps, who surrendered themselves the next morning to the english. philip had now penetrated the wilderness and effected his escape beyond the reach of his foes. he had the boundless forest around him for his refuge, with the opportunity of emerging at his leisure upon any point of attack along the new england frontier he might choose. brookfield, an exposed settlement of twenty families, was the first to suffer. twenty horsemen coming to its defense, were ambushed in a deep gully, and eleven killed. emboldened by this success, three hundred indians, yelling like fiends and brandishing their bloody weapons, rushed into the settlement. the terrified people gathered for defense in the strongest house, from the loopholes and windows of which they saw the torch applied to their homes. in an hour every cabin, with all its household furniture, most of it brought from england, was a heap of smoldering embers. the indians now surrounded the house in which the people were gathered. inside, feather beds were fastened to the walls for protection. outside the indians exerted their utmost ingenuity for two days to fire the building; they wrapped around their arrows hemp dipped in oil, and setting them on fire, shot them on the dry, inflammable roof. several times the building was in a blaze, but by great effort the inmates extinguished it. one night a fire was built against the very door, but the colonists rushed out to a near-by well and procured water to quench it. when the ammunition of the colonists was running low, and they were exhausted by two days and as many nights of incessant conflict, and ready to despair, the indians made a last desperate effort to fire the building. filling a cart with hemp, flax and the resinous boughs of fir and pine, fastening to the tongue a succession of long poles, they set the whole contents on fire and pushed it against the garrison house, whose walls were as dry as tinder. but at that critical instant, when all hope was gone. major willard, of boston, with forty-eight dragoons, charged through the indians, scattering them right and left, and entered the garrison. the burning cart was rolled away from the building, and a providential shower aided in extinguishing the flames which had been kindled. the savages, after firing a few volleys into the fortress, sullenly retired. during this remarkable siege, one white man was killed and many wounded, while the indians' loss was about eighty killed. it is said that major willard, who thus rescued the people of brookfield from a cruel death, suffered military censure and disgrace for having gone there instead of remaining at hadley, where there were no indians. the fate of brookfield was also meted out to hatfield, deerfield, northfield and springfield, while north hampton, worcester and hadley, though lacking the name, became "battlefields." a curious incident is recorded in connection with the indians attack on hadley, which occurred on sabbath morning of september , while the people were attending public worship. this town had three companies organized for defense, but the suddenness of the attack caused the people to become panic-stricken; they were about to fly in the wildest confusion, like sheep assailed by wolves. suddenly a stranger of large size, commanding appearance, loud voice and flowing, gray hair and beard, appeared in their midst with a rallying cry and drawn sword. his strange military aspect, and authoritative manner, quickly inspired all with courage. they fought with desperate valor under his leadership, and after a bloody battle the savages were defeated and driven away. the people of hadley now turned to look for their deliverer, but he had disappeared, as suddenly as he had come, and was never seen again. they firmly believed him to have been the angel of the lord, and so it passed into the traditions of the place. years afterward it was discovered that the stranger was william goffe, one of cromwell's major-generals, and one of the judges who signed the death warrant of charles i., called by the royalists "regicides." many of these judges were executed when charles ii. became king. three of them--gen. william goffe, his father-in-law, gen. edward whalley, and col. john dixwell, fled to america on board the same ship that brought the first news of the restoration of the monarchy. they arrived in boston july, , and made their abode at cambridge. soon after this a fencing-master erected a platform on the boston common and dared any man to fight him with swords. goffe, armed with a huge cheese covered with a cloth for a shield, and a mop filled with muddy water, appeared before the champion, who immediately made a thrust at his antagonist. goffe caught and held the fencing-master's sword in the cheese and besmeared him with the mud in his mop. the enraged fencing-master caught up a broadsword, when goffe cried, "hold! i have hitherto played with you; if you attack me. i will surely kill you." the alarmed champion dropped his sword and exclaimed, "who can you be? you must be either goffe, or whalley, or the devil, for there are no other persons who could beat me." feeling insecure at cambridge, for charles ii. offered large rewards for their arrest, and sent officers to take them, the "regicides" fled to new haven, where the rev. mr. davenport and the citizens generally did what they could to protect them. learning that their pursuers were near, they hid in caves, in clefts of the rocks, in mills and other obscure places, where their friends supplied their wants. pastor davenport preached a sermon on the text, "hide the outcasts; betray not him that wandereth." the sermon had the desired effect, and the officers returned without capturing the regicides. finally, in , they went to hadley, massachusetts, where they remained in absolute seclusion, in the house of rev. mr. russell, during a period of about fifteen years. dixwell was with whalley and goffe most of the time until they died--the former in and the latter in --and were buried at new haven, where the colonel lived the latter part of his life under an assumed name. he, too, died and was buried at new haven. in the burying-ground in the rear of the central church, small stones with brief inscriptions mark the graves of the three "regicides." this in brief is the true story of the "angel of the lord, who delivered hadley." soon after this hadley became the headquarters of the colonists' army. quite a large force was assembled there, and most of the inhabitants of the adjoining towns fled to this place for protection. there were three thousand bushels of corn stored in the garrison house at deerfield, fifteen miles above hadley, on the western side of the river. on the th of september, , captain lothrop, with a force of one hundred men, soldiers and teamsters, was sent to bring this corn to hadley. nothing occurred until they had loaded their wagons and were on the return trip. not an indian had been seen; but all the time the lurking foe had been watching their movements, and plotting their destruction. all went well until they reached the banks of a beautiful little stream. it was a bright autumnal day. grape-vines festooned the gigantic forest trees, and purple clusters, ripe and luscious, hung in profusion among the boughs. captain lothrop was so unsuspicious of danger that he allowed many of his men to throw their guns into the carts and to stroll about gathering grapes. the critical moment arrived, and the english being in the midst of the ambush, a thousand indians sprang up from their concealment, as if by magic, and poured a deadly fire upon the straggling column. then, with exultant yells, they rushed from every quarter to close assault. the english were taken entirely by surprise, and being scattered in a long line of march, could only resort to the indian mode of fighting, each one from behind a tree. but they were entirely surrounded and overpowered. some, in their dismay, leaped into the branches of the trees, hoping thus to escape observation. the savages, with shouts of derision, mocked them for a time, and then killed them. but eight escaped to tell of the awful tragedy. ninety young men of the very flower of essex county were thus slaughtered. the little stream running through the south part of deerfield, on whose banks this dreadful tragedy occurred, has since been known as bloody brook, from the fact that the water was discolored as a result of this slaughter. captain mosely heard the firing at deerfield, only five miles distant, and immediately marched to their rescue, but got there too late. he and his seventy men, however, fell upon the indians with undaunted courage. keeping his men in solid phalanx he broke through the lines of the savages, again and again cutting down all in sight, but losing heavily every minute. aided by the swamp, the forest, and overwhelming numbers, the indians maintained the fight with much fierceness for six hours, and in the end mosely and his men would probably have shared the same fate as those for whom they thus imperiled their lives, had not reinforcements arrived at the critical moment, consisting of one hundred and sixty friendly mohegan indians under the command of major treat. these fresh troops fell vigorously upon the foe, and the savages fled, leaving ninety-six of their number dead. philip himself is said to have commanded in this bloody fight, and his men, though defeated in the end, were greatly encouraged and emboldened. the two captains, mosely and treat, encamped near by in an open space, and attended to the burial of the dead the following day. they were deposited in two pits, the colonists in one and the indians in the other. a slab has been placed over the mound which covers the slain, and a marble monument now marks the spot where this battle was fought. up to this time the colonists had acted independently of each other, but it dawned upon them at last that their only hope of avoiding utter destruction lay in union. accordingly commissioners were appointed from massachusetts, plymouth and connecticut, to form a confederation, and plan for a concerted effort, with not less than a thousand troops. this number was quickly raised, and being augmented by one hundred and fifty mohegan indians from connecticut, was placed under the command of col. josiah winslow, of plymouth. meantime the narragansetts annulled the treaty they had been forced to make with the colonists. their chief, canonchet, not only received philip and his wampanoags, but aided them in constructing a strong fortification in an immense swamp, near what is now south kingston, rhode island. it was on high ground near the center of the swamp, including several acres. the walls were an impenetrable hedge, with palisades and breast-works. here they constructed five hundred log houses, almost bulletproof. the only entrance was by means of a bridge, over deep water, consisting of the trunk of a large tree, along which persons were forced to walk in single file. as this bridge was also flanked by a blockhouse, the whole plan of the place was an admirable proof of philip's genius for war. three thousand warriors under the command of philip and canonchet soon assembled at this rendezvous, where they were attacked by the colonists on the morning of december , having been guided to the fallen tree by a treacherous narragansett indian. as the english rushed to cross this narrow bridge, they were instantly cut down by philip's sharpshooters. others promptly took their places only to share their fate. in a few moments six captains and a large number of their men were dead or struggling in the ditch. a few crossed the tree and reached the enclosure, only to fall pierced by the balls of the savages within. at last, captain church, the hero of this war, with thirty picked men, forced an entrance into the fort at a point in the rear, not so strongly defended. in a moment they were supported by hundreds more. once within the enclosure the real struggle was but commenced. the shrieks of the savages mingled with the roar of musketry. "it was," as augustus lynch mason says, "the great struggle of new england. on the one hand fought three thousand indian warriors, inspired by every feeling of patriotism, hatred, revenge, the sense of oppression, and love for their families. they fought for their native land. on the other were the colonists, the offspring of an age of intolerance and fanaticism, of war and revolution. exiled from their native land, these men of iron had wrought out for themselves rude homes in the wilderness. unless they could maintain their settlements in new england against the savages there was no place under the bending sky where they might live in liberty and peace. the inhospitable earth would disown her children. so they fought, nerved by the thought of wife and child, by the memory of the past, by the hopes of the future." the conflict raged for three hours without decisive results, but with great slaughter on both sides. the english could not be driven from the fort, nor could they dislodge the indians. at last the ammunition of the savages ran low, and above the tumult was heard the shout of captain church crying, "fire the wig-wams!" the order was obeyed, and to the din of battle was added the thunderous roar of flames mingled with the shrieks and wailings of old men, women and children, as they were roasted alive in the fiery furnaces. quarter was neither asked nor given, as the combatants fought like demons, contending for every foot of ground. when night came on, with a heavy snow-storm, the savages retreated to the smoky depths of the swamp, where many perished with the cold. the english were left in possession of the charred fort, but it was a dearly bought victory. since daybreak the colonists had marched sixteen miles and fought this terrible battle without food or rest. nor did they stop when the victory was won, but hastily collecting their dead and disabled, they placed them on quickly improvised litters, and wearily trudged away into the forest on the return march. as they slowly stumbled over the rough places, or plowed their way through the deep snow, bearing their slain, many a brave comrade sank by the way to rise no more. in this decisive battle a thousand warriors were killed and hundreds more were captured. besides the non-combatants, nearly all the wounded perished in the flames. the pride of the narragansetts perished in a day, but eighty english soldiers, including six captains, were killed, and one hundred and fifty others wounded. those of the indians who escaped, led by philip, again repaired to the nipmucks. with the opening of spring the war was renewed with more violence than ever. with the decline of their fortunes, the indians grew desperate, and swept the frontier with resistless fury. lancaster, medfield, groton and marlboro were laid in ashes. weymouth, within twenty miles of boston, met the same fate. on every hand were seen traces of murder and rapine. but the end was near at hand; the resources of the savages were wasted and their number daily decreasing. in april, canonchet, the great sachem of the narragansetts, and, next to philip, the master spirit of the war, was captured on the banks of the blackstone. the english offered to spare his life if he would bring about a treaty of peace. but the suggestion was scornfully rejected. it was canonchet who, when the english demanded that he should surrender some of philip's men, who were with him on a former occasion, replied, "not a wampanoag nor the paring of a wampanoag's nail shall be delivered up." when told that he must die he made this memorable answer: "i like it well; i shall die before my heart is soft, or i have said anything unworthy of myself." because he had refused to violate the laws of hospitality by surrendering his friends to certain death or slavery, his father had been murdered, his warriors slain by the hundred, his women and children burned alive in the wigwams of the fort. yet for all this he uttered not a word of reproach. scorning to save his life by the submission of his people to such conquerors, he calmly folded his arms across his kingly breast, and with head erect and eye that never quailed, received the fatal bullets in his heart. in all the lore of chivalry and war their cannot be found a more heroic soul. {illustration: philip rejecting elliot's preaching.} like his father, miantonomo, canonchet (or nannutemo, as he is sometimes called) was a friend to the heroic roger williams, who tried to dissuade him from becoming an ally to philip. mr. williams now seventy-seven years of age, told him that "massachusetts could raise ten thousand men, and even were the indians to destroy them all, old england could send over an equal number every year until the indians were conquered." to which the noble young chief proudly and generously replied: "let them come, we shall be ready for them; but as for you, brother williams, you are a good man; you have been kind to us many years; not a hair of your head shall be touched." and when the town of providence was nearly destroyed by the indians, it was canonchet who gave orders that the person and property of roger williams should be spared, and he was obeyed. and yet there are those who think the indian is devoid of gratitude. the death of canonchet, his most formidable ally, had a very depressing effect on philip, and marked the beginning of the end, for their friendship was like that of david and jonathan, strongest in adversity. other influences were also at work which were surely undermining the power of philip. having had their stores of corn and other provision destroyed by the english, and being prevented from planting more by the desolation of war, his warriors were forced to a diet almost entirely of meat. this caused many to fall a prey to disease. moreover, the allied tribes began to murmur in open discontent and rebellion, saying that philip had promised them easy victories and much plunder, but instead they had gained nothing by this war but hardship, suffering and the hatred of the english. nothing succeeds like success, but it is also true that nothing fails like failure. captain church was made commander-in-chief of all the forces, with full power to conduct the war in his own way. he abandoned the english method of warfare and fought the indians with their own methods. offers of peace were made to all who were discerning enough to see that their cause was hopeless, and various bands of indians began to lay down their arms, only to take them up again as allies to the colonists. queen awashonks, and her saconet tribe, numbering about three hundred warriors, deserted him, and fought under the command of church to the end of the war. it is said that philip never smiled again when he heard of this desertion, for he knew his doom was sealed. but wetamoo (alexander's beautiful widow, who was also the squaw sachem or queen of the pocasset tribe) and her warriors, remained faithful to his waning fortunes. at the beginning of the war, wetamoo, flushed with hope, had marched to the conflict at the head of three hundred warriors. she and her men were always in the thickest of the fight, and her forces had been reduced to a dejected and despairing band of but twenty-six followers. a deserting indian came to taunton and offered to conduct the english to a spot on the river where wetamoo and her surviving warriors were in hiding. twenty english armed themselves and followed him to a place called gardner's neck, near swanzey, where they surprised and captured every one but wetamoo herself. the heroic queen, too proud to be captured, knowing it meant slavery, instantly threw off all her clothing and seizing a broken piece of wood she plunged into the stream. but, weakened by famine and exhaustion, her nerveless arm failed her and she sank to the bottom of the stream. soon after her body, like a bronze statue of marvelous symmetry, was found washed ashore. the english immediately _cut off her head_ and set it upon a pole in one of the streets of taunton, a trophy ghastly, bloody and revolting. many of her subjects were in taunton as captives, and when they saw the features of their beloved queen, they filled the air with shrieks and lamentations. the situation of philip had now become desperate. the indefatigable captain church followed hard after him and tracked him through every covert and hiding place. on the st of august he came up with him and killed and took one hundred and thirty of his men. philip again had a narrow escape and fled so precipitately that his wampum belt, covered with beads, and silver, the ensign of his princedom, fell into the hands of the english, who also captured his wife and only son, young metacomet, both of whom were doomed to slavery and shipped to the west indies. his cup of misfortune was now filled to the brim. "my heart breaks," said he in the agony of his grief, "now i am ready to die." philip now began, like saul of old, when earth was leaving him, to look to the powers beyond it, and applied to his magicians and sorcerers, who, on consulting their oracles, assured him that no englishman should ever kill him, as indeed many had tried to do, and so far had failed. this was a vague consolation, yet it seems to have given him, for a while, a confidence in his destiny, and he took his last stand in the middle of a dense and almost inaccessible swamp just south of mount hope, his old home, where he had spent the only happy years of his eventful life. it was a fit retreat for a despairing man, being one of those waste and dismal places hid by cypress and other trees of dense foliage, that spread their gloomy shades over the treacherous shallows and pools beneath. in the few dry parts oaks and pines grew, and, between them a brushwood so thick that man or beast could hardly penetrate; on the long, rich grass of these parts wild cattle fed, unassailed by the hand of man, save when they ventured beyond the confines of the swamp. there were wolves, deer and other wild animals, and wilder men, it was said, were seen here, supposed to have been the children of some of the indians who had either been lost or left here, and had thus grown up like denizens of this wild, dismal swamp. here, on a little spot of upland, the battled chieftain gathered his little band around him, and, like a lion at bay, made his last stand. in this extremity, an indian proposed to seek peace with the english; the haughty monarch instantly laid him dead at his feet, as a punishment for his temerity and as a warning to others. but this act led to his own undoing. the brother of this murdered indian, named alderman, indignant at such severity, deserted to the english, and offered to guide them to the swamp where philip was secreted. church and his men gladly accepted the offer, and immediately followed the traitor to the place and surrounded the indians. the night before his death it is said that philip, "like him of the army of midian," had been dreaming that he was fallen into the hands of the english; he awoke in alarm and told it to his men and advised them to fly for their lives, for he believed it would come to pass. now, just as he was telling his dream, he was startled by the first shot fired by one of the english, who had surrounded his camp. seizing his gun and powder horn he fled at full speed in a direction guarded by an englishman and the traitor, alderman. the englishman took deliberate aim at him when he was only a few yards away, but the powder was damp and the gun missed fire, as if in fulfilment of the oracle. it was now the indian's turn, and a sharp report rang through the forest and _two bullets,_ for the gun was _double_ charged, passed almost directly through the heart of the heroic warrior. for an instant the majestic frame of the chieftain quivered from the shock, and then he fell heavily and stone dead in the mud and water of the swamp. the traitorous indian ran eagerly to inform captain church that he had shot king philip, and church, by a prearranged signal, called his soldiers together and informed them of the death of their formidable foe. the corpse was dragged out of the swamp, as if it had been the carcass of a wild beast, to where the ground was dry. captain church then said: "forasmuch as he has caused many an englishman's body to lie unburied and to rot above the ground, not one of his bones shall be buried." accordingly, an old indian executioner was ordered to cut off his head and quarter his body, which was immediately done. philip had a mutilated hand, caused by the bursting of a pistol; this hand was given to alderman, who shot him, as his share of the spoil. captain church informs us that alderman preserved it in rum and carried it around the country as a show, "and accordingly he got many a penny by exhibiting it." the head was sent to plymouth, where it was set up on a gibbet and exposed for twenty years, while the four quarters of the body were nailed to as many trees, a terrible exhibition of the barbarism of that age. "such," said edward everett, "was the fate of philip. he had fought a relentless war, but he fought for his native land, for the mound that covered the bones of his parents; he fought for his squaw and papoose; no--i will not defraud them of the sacred names which our hearts understand--he fought for his wife and child." philip, of mount hope, was certainly one of the most illustrious savages upon the north american continent. the interposition of providence alone seems to have prevented him from exterminating the whole english race of new england. though his character has been described only by those who were exasperated against him to the very highest degree, still it is evident that he possessed many of the noblest qualities which can embellish any character. mrs. rowlandson, who was captured by the indians at the time lancaster was destroyed, met king philip on several occasions and received only kind usage at his hands. she says in her narrative: "then i went to see king philip" (who was not present at the attack of lancaster), "and he bade me come in and sit down, and asked me whether i would smoke, a usual compliment, now-a-days, among saints and sinners, but this no ways suited me. during my abode in this place, philip spoke to me to make a shirt for his boy, for which he gave me a shilling. afterward he asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited me to dinner. i went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers; it was made of parched wheat, beaten, and fried in bear's grease, but i thought i never tasted pleasanter meat in my life." she met philip again at the rendezvous near mount wachusett. kindly, and with the courtesy of a polished gentleman, he took the hand of the unhappy captive and said "in two more weeks you shall be your own mistress again," in the last talk she had with philip, he said to her, with a smile on his face: "would you like to hear some good news? i have a pleasant word for you. you are to go home to-morrow," and she did. that magnanimity and gratitude were prominent characteristics of this great chieftain is shown by his treatment of the leonard family, who resided at taunton and erected the first forge which was established in the english colonies. though living at mount hope, philip had a favorite summer resort at fowling pond, near taunton, and thus became acquainted with the leonards, who treated him and his warriors with uniform kindness, repairing their guns, and supplying them with such tools as the indians highly prized. "philip," says abbott, "had become exceedingly attached to this family, and in gratitude, at the commencement of the war, had given the strictest orders that the indians should never molest or injure a leonard. apprehending that in a general assault upon the town his friends, the leonards, might be exposed to danger, he spread the shield of his generous protection over the whole place." thus the leonard family did for taunton what the family of lot were unable to do for sodom. the indians were often seen near, and in large numbers, but it was spared the fate of thirteen other towns, some of them larger than taunton. "his mode of making war," says francis baylies, "was secret and terrible. he seemed like a demon of destruction hurling his bolts in darkness. with cautious and noiseless steps, and shrouded by the deep shade of midnight, he glided from the gloomy depths of the woods. he stole on the villages and settlements of new england, like the pestilence, unseen and unheard. his dreadful agency was felt when the yells of his followers roused his victims from their slumbers, and when the flames of their blazing habitations glared upon their eyes. his pathway could be traced by the horrible desolation of its progress, by its crimson print upon the snows and the sands, by smoke and fire, by houses in ruins, by the shrieks of women, the wailing of infants, and the groans of the wounded and dying. well indeed might he have been called the 'terror of new england.' yet in no instance did he transcend the usages of indian warfare." though the generality of the indians were often inhuman, yet it does not appear that philip was personally vindictive. his enmity was national, not individual. nor is there any evidence that philip ever ordered a captive to be tortured, while it is undeniable that the english, in several instances, surrendered their captives to the horrid barbarities of their savage allies. as abbott well says, "we must remember that the indians have no chroniclers of their wrongs, and yet the colonial historians furnish us with abundant incidental evidence that outrages were perpetrated by individuals of the colonists, which were sufficient to drive any people mad. no one can now contemplate the doom of metacomet, the last of an illustrious line, but with emotions of sadness." "even that he lived is for his conqueror's tongue, by foes alone his death-song must be sung. no chronicles but theirs shall tell his mournful doom to future times, may these upon his virtues dwell. and his fate forget his crimes!" philip's war was not only the most serious conflict which new england ever sustained against the savages, but the most fatal to the aborigines themselves. the great tribe of the narragansetts, of old, the leading tribe of new england, was almost entirely exterminated; hardly a hundred warriors remained. the last chief of either tribe capable of leading the indians to battle had fallen. philip's son was sent to bermuda and sold as a slave. the war cost the colonies half a million of dollars, and the lives of about six hundred men, the flower of the population. thirteen towns and six hundred houses were burned, and there was hardly a family in the country that had not occasion to mourn the death of a relative. {illustration: pontiac, the red napoleon.} chapter v. pontiac, the red napoleon. head chief of the ottawas; and organizer of the first great indian confederation. it has been said that the history of the united states began with the triumph of the english on the heights of abraham, resulting in the immediate fall of quebec and the inevitable surrender of all canada. this memorable event took place september , , and from new hampshire to georgia the american colonists welcomed the news with exuberant rejoicings. but their joy was premature and of short duration, for though the french had been subdued, and were suing for peace, their indian allies, under the indomitable pontiac, had, in the language of paul jones, "just begun to fight." this remarkable sachem was principal chief of the ottawas, and the virtual head of a loose kind of confederacy, consisting of the ottawas, ojibways and pottawatomies. over those around him, his authority was almost despotic, and his power extended far beyond the limits of the three united tribes. his influence was great among all the nations of the illinois country; while from the sources of the ohio to those of the mississippi, and, indeed, to the farthest boundaries of the wide-spread algonquin race, his name was known and respected. he is said to have been the son of an ottawa chief and an ojibway mother, a circumstance which proved an advantage to him by increasing his influence over both tribes. but the mere fact that pontiac was born the son of a chief would, as parkman says, "in no degree account for the extent of his power; for, among indians, many a chief's son sinks back into insignificance, while the offspring of a common warrior may succeed to his place." among all the wild tribes of the continent, personal merit is indispensable to gaining or preserving dignity. courage, resolution, wisdom, address and eloquence are sure passports to distinction. with all these pontiac was preeminently endowed, and it was chiefly to them, urged to their highest activity by a vehement ambition, that he owed his greatness, for all authorities, and especially those who came personally in contact with him, concede the fact that he was _indeed great._ a traveler who visited his country about mentions him in the following terms: "pontiac, their present king or emperor, has certainly the largest empire and greatest authority of any indian chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it. he puts on an air of majesty and princely grandeur, and is greatly honored and revered by his subjects." pontiac is said to have commanded the ottawas at braddock's defeat, and was treated with much honor by the french officers. the venerable pierre chouteau, of st. louis, remembered to have seen pontiac a few days before the assassination of that chief, attired in the complete uniform of a french officer, which had been given him by the marquis of montcalm, a short time before the fall of quebec. an ojibway indian told parkman that some portion of his power was to be ascribed to his being a chief of the _metai,_ a magical association among the indians of the lakes, in which character he exerted an influence on the superstitions of his followers. the great chief possessed many resources. his intellect was strong and capacious, while his commanding energy and subtle craft could match the best of his wily race. but, though capable of acts of lofty magnanimity, he was a thorough savage, sharing all their passions and prejudices, their fierceness and treachery. yet his faults were those of his race; and they can not eclipse his nobler qualities, the great powers and heroic virtues of his mind. at the time of which we write, pontiac made his home at an ottawa village about five miles above detroit, on the opposite or canadian side of the river. he lived in no royal state. his cabin was a small, oven-shaped structure of bark and rushes. here he dwelt with his squaws and children; and here, doubtless, he might often have been seen, carelessly reclining his half-naked form on a rush mat, or bearskin, like any ordinary warrior. but his vigorous mind was ever active--thinking, scheming, plotting, if you will, how to most effectually unite all the scattered tribes, many of them his hereditary foes, in one great far-reaching effort to regain what the french had lost, by driving back the english invaders from _his_ land. the first time pontiac stands forth distinctly on the page of history, or rather stalks across that page, was in , about a year after the victory of the english at quebec. on september , , the famous major, robert rogers, received orders from sir jeffrey amherst to ascend the lakes with a detachment of two hundred rangers in fifteen whaleboats and take possession, in the name of his britannic majesty, of detroit, michillimackinac, and other western posts included in the late capitulation. on november they reached the mouth of a river called by rogers the chogage. weary with their long voyage they determined to rest a few days, and were preparing their encampment in the neighboring forest when a party of indian chiefs and warriors entered the camp. they proclaimed themselves an embassy from pontiac, "king and lord of that country," and informed rogers and his rangers that their great sachem, in person, proposed to visit the english; that he was then not far distant, coming peaceably, and that he desired the major to halt his detachment "till such time as _he_ could see him with his own eyes." the major drew up his troops as requested, and before long pontiac made his appearance. he wore, we are told, "an air of majesty and princely grandeur." he saluted them, but the salutation, so far from being another "welcome, englishmen!" was very frigid and formal. he at once sternly demanded of rogers his business in his territory, and how he had dared to venture upon it without his permission. rogers very prudently answered that he had no design against the indians, but, on the contrary, wished to remove from their country a nation who had been an obstacle to mutual friendship and commerce between them and the english. he also made known his commission to this effect, and concluded with a present of several belts of wampum. pontiac received them with the single observation, "i shall stand in the path you are walking till morning," and gave at the same time, a small string of wampum. "this," writes the major, "was as much as to say i must not march farther without his leave." such, undoubtedly, was the safest construction, and the sequel shows that pontiac considered it the most civil. before departing for the night he inquired of rogers whether he wanted anything which _his_ country afforded; if so, his warriors should bring it for him. the reply was discreet as the offer was generous, that whatever provisions might be brought in should be well paid for. probably they were; but the english were, at all events, supplied the next morning with several bags of parched corn, game and other necessaries. pontiac himself, at the second meeting, offered the pipe of peace, which he and rogers smoked by turns. he declared that he thereby made peace with rogers and his rangers and that they should pass through his dominions, not only unmolested by his subjects, but protected by them from all other parties who might incline to be hostile. a cold storm of rain set in, and the rangers were detained some days in their encampment. during this time rogers had several interviews with pontiac, and was constrained to admire the native vigor of his intellect, no less than the singular control he exercised over his own warriors and all the indians in the lake regions. in the course of their conversation, rogers informs us that the great chieftain "often intimated to him that he should be content to reign in his country, in subordination to the king of great britain, and was willing to pay him such annual acknowledgment as he was able in furs, and to call him uncle." england was much in his thoughts, and he several times expressed a desire to see it. he told rogers that if he would conduct him there he would give him a part of his country. he was willing to grant the english favors, and allow them to settle in his dominions, but not unless he could be viewed as a sovereign; and he gave them to understand that unless they conducted themselves agreeable to his wishes, "he would shut up the way and keep them out." "as an earnest of his friendship," continued rogers, "he sent one hundred warriors to protect and assist us in driving one hundred fat cattle, which we had brought for the use of the detachment from pittsburg, by the way of presque isle. he likewise sent to the several indian towns, on the south side and west end of lake erie, to inform them that i had his consent to come into the country. he attended me constantly after this interview till i arrived at detroit, and while i remained in the country, and was the means of preserving the detachment from the fury of the indians, who had assembled at the mouth of the strait, with an intent to cut us off. i had several conferences with him, in which he discovered great strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledge. he was especially anxious to be made acquainted with the english mode of war, to know how their arms and accoutrements were provided, and how their clothing was manufactured." up to this time pontiac had been in word and deed the fast friend and ally of the french; but it is easy to discern the motives that impelled him to renounce his old adherence. the american forest never produced a man more shrewd, politic and ambitious. ignorant as he was of what was passing in the world, he could clearly see that the french power was on the wane, and he knew his own interest too well to prop a falling cause. by making friends of the english he hoped to gain powerful allies, who would aid his ambitious projects, and give him an increased influence over the tribes; and he flattered himself that the newcomers would treat him with the same studied respect which the french had always observed. in this and all his other expectations of advantage from the english, he was doomed to disappointment. there seems no reasonable doubt of the sincerity of pontiac's friendship toward the english at this time, and we can not forbear thinking how different might have been the record of the historian, had the english authorities pursued a friendly and conciliatory policy toward the indians in general, and this mighty chieftain in particular. what massacres and devastation might the country have been spared. instead of "a work of love and reconciliation" toward the indians the _exact opposite policy_ was pursued by the english. flushed with their victory over the more formidable french, they bestowed only a passing thought on the despised savages, and greatly underrated their warlike prowess. a number of things tended to enrage the indians against the english invaders of their land, for such they regarded them from the first. it will be remembered that pontiac, in his interview with major rogers, made his overtures of friendship and alliance with the english _conditional._ his whole conversation sufficiently indicated that he was far from considering himself a conquered prince, and that he expected to be treated with the respect and honor due to a king or emperor by all who came into his country or treated with him. in short, if the english treated him in this manner they were welcome to come into his country, but if they treated him with neglect and contempt, "he should shut up the way and keep them out." the english _did_ treat him and his people with neglect and contempt, and as a consequence the mighty chief was justly indignant. from the small and widely separated forts along the lakes and in the interior, the red men had, with sorrow and anger, seen the _fleur-de-lis_ disappear and the cross of st. george take its place. toward the intruders--victors over their friends, patrons and allies--the indians maintained a stubborn resentment and hostility. the indians were ever lovers of the french, and for good reasons, for when, as parkman says, "the french had possession of the remote forts, they were accustomed, with a wise liberality, to supply the surrounding indians with guns, ammunition and clothing, until the latter had forgotten the weapons and garments of their forefathers and depended on the white men for support. the sudden withholding of these supplies was, therefore, a grievous calamity. want, suffering and death were the consequences, and this cause alone would have been enough to produce general discontent. but, unhappily, other grievances were superadded. when the indians visited the forts, after the english took possession, instead of being treated with politic attention and politeness, as formerly, they were received gruffly, subjected to indignities, and not infrequently helped out of the fort with the butt of a sentry's musket or a vigorous kick from an officer. these marks of contempt were unspeakably galling to their haughty spirits." moreover, the wilderness was overrun with brutal english traders, who plundered, swindled and cursed the warriors, besides changing them into vagabonds by the rum traffic. meanwhile the subjugated french, still smarting under their defeat, dispatched emissaries to almost every village and council house, from the lakes to the gulf, saying that the english had formed a deliberate scheme to exterminate the entire indian race, and with this design had already begun to hem them in with a chain of forts on one side and settlements on the other. king louis of france, they said, had of late years been sleeping, and that, during his slumbers, the english had seized upon canada; but that he was now awake again, and that his armies were advancing up the st. lawrence and the mississippi to drive out the intruders from the country of his red children. the french trading companies, and, it is said, the officers of the crown also, distributed with a liberal hand the more substantial encouragement of arms, ammunition, clothing and provisions. the fierce passions of the indians, excited by their wrongs and encouraged by the representations of the french, were farther wrought upon by disturbing influences of another kind. a great _prophet_ arose among the delawares, preaching the recovery of the indian's hunting grounds from the white man, and claiming to have received a revelation direct from the great spirit. vast throngs, including many from remote regions, listened spellbound by his wild eloquence. the white man was driving the indians from their country, he said, and unless the indians obeyed the great spirit, and destroyed the white man, then the latter would destroy them. this was the state of affairs among the indians in and . everywhere was discontent, sullen hatred and dark foreboding passion. pontiac saw his opportunity; he maintained close relations with the great delaware prophet, and, like philip before and tecumseh after him, he determined to unite all the tribes he could reach or influence in a gigantic conspiracy to exterminate their common enemy, with the help of france, whom, he intended, should regain her foothold on the continent. "the plan of operation," says thatcher, "adopted by pontiac evinces an extraordinary genius, as well as courage and energy of the highest order. this was a sudden and contemporaneous attack upon all the british posts on the lakes--at st. joseph, ouiatenon, green bay, michillimackinac, detroit, the maumee and the sandusky--and also upon the forts at niagara, presque isle, le boeuf, verango and fort pitt. most of the fortifications at these places were slight, being rather commercial depots than military establishments. still, against the indians they were strongholds, and the positions had been so judiciously selected by the french that to this day they command the great avenues of communication to the world of woods and waters in the remote north and west. it was manifest to pontiac, familiar as he was with the geography of this vast tract of country, and with the practical, if not the technical, maxims of war, that the possession or the destruction of these posts--saying nothing of their garrisons--would be emphatically 'shutting up the way.' if the surprise could be simultaneous, so that every english banner which waved upon a line of thousands of miles should be prostrated at the same moment, the garrisons would be unable to exchange assistance, while, on the other hand, the failure of one indian detachment would have no effect to discourage another. certainly, some might succeed. probably the war might begin and be terminated with the same single blow; and then pontiac would again be lord and king of the broad land of his ancestors." {illustration: montcalm trying to stop the massacre at quebec.} but it was necessary, first of all, to form a belligerent combination of the tribes, and the more extensive the better. to this end, toward the close of , dark mysterious messengers from this napoleon of the indians, each bearing a war belt of wampum, broad and long as the importance of the occasion demanded, threaded their ways through the forest to the farthest shores of lake superior, and the distant delta of the mississippi. on the arrival of these ambassadors to a tribe, the chief warriors would assemble in the council house. then the orator, flinging down the red-stained tomahawk before his audience, would deliver, with energetic emphasis and action the message from his lord. the keynote was _war!_ on a certain day in may, after so many moons, the indians, from lakes to gulf, were to take the war-path simultaneously, destroy the english fort nearest, and then throw themselves on the unprotected frontier. "the bugle call of such a mighty leader as pontiac," as mason says, "roused the remotest tribes. everywhere they joined the conspiracy, and sent lofty messages to pontiac of the deeds they would perform. the ordinary pursuits of life were given up. the warriors danced the war-dance for weeks at a time. squaws were set to sharpening knives, moulding bullets and mixing war paint. children caught the fever, and practiced incessantly with bows and arrows. for the one time in their history, a hundred wild and restless tribes were animated by a single inspiration and purpose. that which was incapable of union, united. conjurors practiced their arts. magicians consulted their oracles. prophets avowed revelations from the most high. warriors withdrew to caves and fastnesses, where, with fasting and self-torture, they wrought themselves into more fearful excitement and mania. young men sought to raise their courage by eating raw flesh and drinking hot blood. tall chieftains, crowned with nodding plumes, harangued their followers nightly, striking every chord of revenge, glory, avarice, pride, patriotism and love, which trembled in the savage breast. "as the orator approached his climax he would leap into the air, brandishing his hatchet as if rushing upon an enemy, yelling the war-whoop, throwing himself in a thousand postures, his eyes aflame, his muscles strained and knotted, his face a thunderstorm of passion, as if in the actual struggle. at last, with a triumphant shout, he brandishes aloft the scalp of the imaginary victim. his eloquence is irresistible. his audience is convulsed with passionate interest, and sways like trees tossed in the tempest. at last, the whole assembly, fired with uncontrollable frenzy, rush together in the ring, leaping, stamping, yelling, brandishing knives and hatchets in the firelight, hacking and stabbing the air, until the lonely midnight forest is transformed into a howling pandemonium of devils, from whose fearful uproar the startled animals, miles away, flee frightened into remote lairs." the time for the bursting of the storm drew near. yet at only one place on the frontier was there the least suspicion of indian disturbance. the garrisons of the exposed forts reposed in fancied security. the arch conspirator, pontiac, had breathed the breath of life into a vast conspiracy, whose ramifications spread their network over a region of country of which the northwestern and southeastern extremities were nearly two thousand miles apart. yet the traders, hunters, scouts and trappers who were right among the indians, and were versed in the signs of approaching trouble, suspected nothing wrong. colossal conspiracy! stupendous deceit! pontiac arranged to meet the chiefs of the allied tribes, from far and near, in a grand war council, which was held on the banks of the aux ecorces, or etorces, a little river not far from detroit, on april , . parkman has given us the best description of what occurred at this council. said he, "on the long-expected morning heralds passed from one group of lodges to another, calling the warriors in loud voice to attend the great council before pontiac. in accordance with the summons they came issuing; from their wigwams--the tall, half-naked figures of the wild ojibways, with quivers slung at their backs, and light war clubs resting in the hollow of their arms; ottawas, wrapped close in their gaudy blankets; wyandots, fluttering in their painted shirts, their heads adorned with feathers and their leggings garnished with bells. all were soon seated in a wide circle upon the grass, row within row, a grave and silent assembly. each savage countenance seemed carved in wood, and none could have detected the deep and fiery passion hidden beneath that immovable exterior. "then pontiac rose; according to tradition, not above middle height. his muscular figure was cast in a mold of remarkable symmetry and vigor. his complexion was darker than is usual with his race, and his features, though by no means regular, had a bold and stern expression, while his habitual bearing was imperious and peremptory, like that of a man accustomed to sweep away all opposition by the force of his imperious will. on occasions like this he was wont to appear as befitted his power and character, and he stood before the council plumed and painted in the full costume of war. "looking around upon his wild auditors he began to speak, with fierce gesture and loud, impassioned voice; and at every pause, deep guttural ejaculations of assent and approval responded to his words. said he: 'it is important, my brothers, that we should exterminate from our land this nation, whose only object is our death. you must be all sensible, as well as myself, that we can no longer supply our wants in the way we were accustomed to do with our fathers, the french. they sell us their goods at double the price that the french made us pay, and yet their merchandise is good for nothing; for no sooner have we bought a blanket or other thing to cover us, than it is necessary to procure others against the time of departure for our wintering ground. neither will they let us have them on credit, as our brothers, the french, used to do. when i visit the english chief and inform him of the death of any of our comrades, instead of lamenting, as our brothers, the french, used to do, they make game of us. if i ask him for anything for our sick, he refuses, and tells us he does not want us, from which it is apparent he seeks our death. we must, therefore, in return, destroy them without delay; there is nothing to prevent us; there are but few of them, and we shall easily overcome them--why should we not attack them? are we not men? have i not shown you the belts i received from our great father, the king of france? he tells us to strike--why should we not listen to his words? what do you fear? the time has arrived. do you fear that our brothers, the french, who are now among us, will hinder us? they are not acquainted with our designs, and if they did know them, could they prevent them? you know as well as myself, that when the english came upon our lands, to drive from them our father, bellestre, they took from the french all the guns that they have, so that they have now no guns to defend themselves with. therefore, now is the time; let us strike. should there be any french to take their part, let us strike them as we do the english. i have sent belts and speeches to our friends, the chippeways of saginaw, and our brothers, the ottawas of michillimacinac, and to those of the riviere �¡ la tranche (thames river), inviting them to join us, and they will not delay. in the meantime, let us strike. there is no longer any time to lose, and when the english shall be defeated, we will stop the way, so that no more shall return upon our lands." he also assured them that the indians and their french brothers would again fight side by side against the common foe, as they did in other years on the monongahela, when the banners of the english had been trampled in the bloody mire of defeat. the orator, having lashed his audience into fury, quickly soothed them with the story of the delaware prophet, already mentioned, who had a dream in which it was revealed to him that by traveling in a certain direction he would at length reach the abode of the 'great spirit,' or master of life. "after many days of journeying, full of strange incidents," continued pontiac, "he saw before him a vast mountain of dazzling whiteness, so precipitous that he was about to turn back in despair, when a beautiful woman arrayed in white appeared and thus accosted him: 'how can you hope, encumbered as you are, to succeed in your design? go down to the foot of the mountain, throw away your gun, your ammunition, your provisions and your clothing; wash yourself in the stream which flows there, and you will then be prepared to stand before the master of life.' the indian obeyed, and again began to ascend among the rocks, while the woman, seeing him still discouraged, laughed at his faintness of heart and told him that, if he wished for success, he must climb by the aid of one hand and one foot only. after great toil and suffering, he at length found himself at the summit. the woman had disappeared, and he was left alone. a rich and beautiful plain lay before him, and at a little distance he saw three great villages, far superior to any he had seen in any tribe. as he approached the largest and stood hesitating whether he should enter, a man, gorgeously attired, stepped forth, and, taking him by the hand, welcomed him to the celestial abode. he then conducted him into the presence of the great spirit, where the indian stood confounded at the unspeakable splendor which surrounded him. the great spirit bade him be seated, and thus addressed him: 'i am the maker of heaven and earth, the trees, lakes, rivers and all things else. i am the maker of mankind; and because i love you, you must do my will. the land on which you live i have made for _you,_ and not for others. why do you suffer the white man to dwell among you? my children, you have forgotten the customs and traditions of your forefathers. why do you not clothe yourselves in skins, as they did, and use the bows and arrows, and the stone-pointed lances, which they used? you have bought guns, knives, kettles, and blankets from the white man, until you can no longer do without them; and what is worse, you have drunk the poison fire-water, which turns you into fools. fling all these things away; live as your wise forefathers lived before you. and as for these english--these dogs dressed in red, who have come to rob you of your hunting grounds and drive away the game--you must lift the hatchet against them. wipe them from the face of the earth, and then you will win my favor back again, and once more be happy and prosperous. the children of your great father, the king of france, are not like the english. never forget that they are your brethren. they are very dear to me, for they love the red men, and understand the true mode of worshipping me.'" such is the tale told by pontiac to the council, quoted by parkman from statements recorded both by indians and canadians who were present. before this vast assembly dissolved, the great chieftain unfolded his wide-laid plans for a simultaneous attack on all the forts in possession of the english. the th of may, , was named as the day of destruction, and his schemes, which were constructed with the white man's skill and the red man's cunning, met the hearty approval of all the assembled chiefs and warriors, and the great council dissolved. the plan was now ripe for execution, and with the suddenness of a whirlwind, the storm of war burst forth all along the frontier. nine of the british forts, or stations, were captured. some of the garrisons were completely surprised and massacred on the spot; a few individuals, in other cases, escaped. in case of most, if not all of the nine surprisals, quite as much was effected by stratagem as by force, and that apparently by a pre-concerted system, which indicates the far-seeing superintendence of pontiac himself. in this storm of war, the most thrilling and tragic scenes were enacted at mackinaw, or michillimackinac, and detroit. the former was the scene of a bloody savage triumph; the latter, of a long and perilous siege, in which the savage besiegers were under the personal command of the great pontiac. as it is the only recorded instance of the protracted siege of a fortified civilized garrison by an army of savages, we will tell the story in detail, but will first briefly describe the successful stratagem which resulted in the capture of michillimackinac and the slaughter of the garrison. the name michillimackinac, which, in the algonquin tongue, signifies the great turtle, was first, from a fancied resemblance, applied to the neighboring island and thence to the fort. by reason of its location on the south side of the strait, between lakes huron and michigan, michillimackinac was one of the most important positions on the frontier. it was the place of deposit and point of departure between the upper and lower countries; the traders always assembled there on their voyages to and from montreal. connected with it was an area of two acres, inclosed with tall cedar-wood posts, sharpened at the top, and extending on one side so near the water's edge that a western wind always drove the waves against the foot of the stockade. the place at this time contained thirty families within the palisades of the fort, and about as many more without, with a garrison of about thirty-five men and their officers, according to parkman. warning of the tempest that impended had been clearly given; enough, had it been heeded, to have averted the fatal disaster. several of the canadians least hostile to the english had thrown out hints of approaching danger, and one of them had even told captain etherington, the commander, that the indians had formed a design to destroy, not only his garrison, but all the english on the lakes. etherington not only turned a deaf ear to what he heard, but threatened to send prisoner to detroit the next person who should disturb the fort with such tidings. only the day before the tragic th of june an indian named wawatam, an ojibway chief, who had taken a fancy to alexander henry, a trader, who was in the fort, came over and first advised, then urged, and finally begged henry on his knees, to leave the fort that night. but all in vain! the morning of june , the birthday of king george, was warm and sultry. the plain in front of the fort was covered with indians of the ojibway, chippewa and sac tribes. early in the morning, many ojibways came to the fort, inviting the officers and soldiers to come out and see a grand game of ball, or _baggattaway,_ which was to be played between their nation and the sacs, for a high wager. in consequence of this invitation, the place was soon deserted of half its tenants, and the gates of the palisade were wide open. groups of soldiers stood in the shade looking at the sport, _most of them without their arms._ sober indian chiefs stood as if intently watching the fortunes of the game. in fact, however, their thoughts were far otherwise employed. large numbers of squaws also mingled in the crowd, but gradually gathering in a group near the open gates. and, strange to say, in spite of the warm day they were _wrapped to the throat in blankets._ baggattaway has always been a favorite game with many indian tribes. at either extremity of the open ground, from half a mile to a mile apart, stood two posts, which constituted the stations or goals of the parties. except that the ball was much smaller and that a bat or racket much like those used in lawn tennis served instead of the kick, the game was identical with our well-known football, and just as brutal. the ball was started from the middle of the ground, and the game was for each side to keep it from touching their own post and drive it against that of their adversaries. hundreds of lithe and agile figures were leaping and bounding over each other, turning handsprings and somersaults, striking with the bats, tripping each other up, every way, any way, to get at the ball and foil the adversary. at one moment the whole were crowded together, a dense throng of combatants, all struggling for the ball; at the next, they are scattered again, and running over the ground like hounds in full chase. each, in his excitement, yelled and shouted at the height of his voice. suddenly the ball rose high, and descending in a wide curve, fell near the gate of the fort. this was no chance stroke, but a part of a preconcerted stratagem to insure the surprise and destruction of the garrison. the players instantly bounded toward the ball, a rushing, maddened and tumultuous throng, but just as they neared the gates, the shouts of sport changed suddenly to the ferocious war-whoop. the squaws threw open their blankets, exposing the guns, hatchets and knives, and the players instantly flung away their bats and seized the weapons, before the amazed english had time to think or act. they at once fell upon the defenseless garrison and traders, butchered fifteen on the spot, captured the rest, including the commander, while everything that had belonged to the english was carried off or destroyed, though none of the french families or their property was disturbed. it is said that these captives were afterward ransomed at montreal, at high prices. {illustration: hollow horn bear, sioux chief.} as we have seen, it was a part of pontiac's plan that each tribe should attack the fort or english settlement nearest to them. for this reason, and because it was the largest and best fortified place, he took personal command at the siege of detroit. this settlement was founded by la motte cadillac in , and contained at this time, according to major rogers, about twenty-five hundred people. the center of the settlement was the fortified town or fort, which stood on the western margin of the river, and contained about a hundred houses, compactly built, and surrounded by a palisade twenty-five feet high, with a bastion at each corner, and block-houses over the gates. the garrison of the fort consisted of one hundred and twenty english soldiers, under the command of major gladwyn. there were also forty fur traders, and the ordinary canadian inhabitants of the place, who could not be trusted in case of an indian outbreak. two small armed schooners, the beaver and the gladwyn, lay anchored in the river, while the ordnance of the fort consisted of two six-pounders, one three-pounder and three mortars; all of an indifferent quality. the settlement outside the fort, stretching about eight miles along both sides of the detroit river, consisted of the dwellings of canadians, and three indian villages, the ottawas and wyandots, on the east, and the pottawatomies on the west side of the stream. "such was detroit--a place whose defences could have opposed no resistance to a civilized enemy; and yet situated as it was at a strategic point on the bank of a broad navigable river far removed from the hope of speedy succor, it could only rely, in the terrible struggle that awaited it, upon its own slight strength and feeble resources," as parkman well says. on the afternoon of may a canadian woman, the wife of st. aubin, one of the prominent settlers, crossed the river to the ottawa village to buy some maple sugar and venison. she was surprised at finding several warriors engaged in filing off their gun-barrels, so as to reduce them, stock and all to the length of about a yard. such a weapon could easily be hid under a blanket. that night the woman mentioned the circumstance to a neighbor, the village blacksmith. "oh," said he, "that explains it." "explains what?" "the reason why so many indians have lately wanted to borrow my files and saws." it is not known whether this circumstance reached the ears of the commander; if so, it received no attention at his hands. but, in the hour of impending doom, the love of an indian maiden interposed to save the garrison from butchery. in the pottawatomie village, it is said, there lived an ojibway girl, who could boast a larger share of beauty than is common to the wigwam. she had attracted the eye of gladwyn, who had taken great interest in her, and as she was very bright, had given her some instruction. while she, on her part, had become much attached to the handsome young officer. on the afternoon of may , catharine--for so the officers called her--came to the fort and repaired to gladwyn's quarters, bringing with her a pair of elk skin moccasins, ornamented with beads and porcupine work, which he had requested her to make. but this time the girl's eyes no longer sparkled with pleasure and excitement. her face was anxious, and her look furtive. she said little and soon left the room; but the sentinel at the door saw her still lingering at the street corner, though the hour for closing the gates was nearly come. at length she attracted the attention of gladwyn himself. the major at once saw that the girl knew something which she feared yet longed to tell. calling her to him, he sought to win her secret, but it was not for a long while, and under solemn promises that she should not be betrayed, but rather _protected,_ should it become necessary, that the dusky sweetheart spoke. "to-morrow," she said, "pontiac will come to the fort with sixty of his chiefs, and demand a council. each will be armed with a gun cut short, and hidden under his blanket. when all are assembled in the council-house, and after he has delivered his speech, he will offer a peace belt of wampum, holding it in a reversed position. this will be the signal of attack. the chiefs will spring up and fire upon the officers, and the indians in the street will fall upon the garrison. every englishman will be killed, but not the scalp of a single frenchman will be touched." gladwyn believed the maid, and the words of warning spoken, she went back to her people. the guards that night were doubled. at times the watchers on the walls heard unwonted sounds, borne to them on the night wind from the distant indian villages. they were the steady beat of the indian drum and the shrill choruses of the war-dance. the next day, about ten o'clock, the great war chief, with his treacherous followers, reached the fort, and the gateway was thrown open to admit them. all were wrapped to the throat in colored blankets, their faces smeared with paint, and their heads adorned with nodding plumes. for the most part, they were tall, strong men, and all had a gait and bearing of peculiar stateliness. the leader started as he saw the soldiers drawn up in line, and heard the ominous tap of the drum. arriving at the council-house they saw gladwyn, with several of his officers, in readiness to receive them, and the observant chiefs did not fail to notice that every englishman wore a sword at his side and a pair of pistols in his belt, and the conspirators eyed each other with uneasy glances. "why," demanded pontiac, "do i see so many of my father's young men standing in the street with their guns?" gladwyn replied through his interpreter, la butte, that he had ordered the soldiers under arms for the sake of exercise and discipline. pontiac saw at once that the plot was discovered. he did not lose control of himself, however, but made the customary speech, though the signal for attack was not given. after a short and uneasy sitting he and his chiefs withdrew with marked discomfiture and apprehension. gladwyn has been censured for not detaining the chiefs as hostages for the good conduct of their followers. "perhaps," as parkman says, "the commandant feared lest should he arrest the chiefs when gathered at a public council and guiltless as yet of open violence, the act might be interpreted as cowardly and dishonorable. he was ignorant, moreover, of the true nature or extent of the plot." balked in his treachery, the great chief withdrew to his village, enraged and mortified, yet still resolved to persevere. that gladwyn had suffered him to escape, was to his mind ample proof either of cowardice or ignorance. the latter supposition seeming the more probable, he determined to visit the fort once more and convince the english, if possible, that their suspicions against him were unfounded. accordingly, on the following morning he repaired to the fort, with three of his chiefs, bearing in his hand the sacred calumet, or pipe of peace, the bowl carved in stone, and the stem adorned with feathers. offering it to gladwyn, he addressed him and his officers as follows: "my fathers, evil birds have sung lies in your ear. we that stand before you are friends of the english. we love them as our brothers, and, to prove our love, we have come this day to smoke the pipe of peace." at his departure, he gave the pipe to major campbell, second in command, as a further pledge of his sincerity. that afternoon, the better to cover his designs, pontiac called the young men of all the tribes to a game of ball, which took place in a neighboring field, with great noise and shouting. at nightfall the garrison was startled by a burst of loud, shrill yells. the drums beat to arms and the troops were ordered to their posts; but the alarm was caused only by the victors in the ball game announcing their success by these discordant outcries. meanwhile pontiac spent the afternoon consulting with his chiefs how to compass the ruin of the english. the next day, about eleven o'clock, the common behind the fort was again thronged with indians; pontiac, advancing from among the multitude, approached the gate, only to find it closed and barred against him. he shouted to the sentinels, and demanded why he was refused admittance. gladwyn himself replied that the great chief might enter, if he chose, but the crowd he had brought with him must remain outside. pontiac rejoined that he wished all his warriors to enjoy the fragrance of the friendly calumet. but gladwyn was inexorable, and replied that he would have none of his rabble in the fort. instantly the savage threw off the mask of deceit he had worn so long, and, casting one look of unspeakable rage and hate at the fort, he turned abruptly from the gate and strode toward his followers, who lay in great numbers flat on the ground beyond reach of gunshot. at his approach, they all leaped up and ran off "yelping," in the language of an eye witness, "like so many devils." they rushed to the house of an old english woman and her family, beat down the doors and tomahawked the inmates. another party jumped into their canoes, and paddled with all speed to the isle of cochon, where dwelt an englishman named fisher, formerly a sergeant of the regulars. him they also killed and scalped. that night, while the garrison watched with sleepless apprehension, the entire ottawa village was removed to the west side of the river. "we will be near them," said pontiac. the position taken by the indians was just above the mouth of parent's creek. during the night a canadian, named desnoyers, came down the river in a canoe, and landing at the water gate, informed the garrison that two english officers, sir robert davers and captain robertson, had been murdered on lake st. clair, and that pontiac had been reinforced by the whole war strength of the ojibways. if the indians had prior to this, as it is claimed, a force of from six hundred to two thousand, these accessions would make them quite formidable. every englishman in the fort, whether trader or soldier, was now ordered under arms. no man lay down to sleep, and the commander walked the ramparts all night. not till the blush of dawn tinged the eastern sky did the fierce savages, yelling with infernal power, come bounding naked to the assault. the soldiers looked from their loopholes, thinking to see their assailants gathering for a rush against the feeble barrier. but in this they were agreeably disappointed. for though their clamors filled the air, and their guns blazed thick and hot, while the bullets pelted the fort with leaden hail, yet very few were visible. some were sheltered behind barns and fences, some skulked among bushes, others lay flat in hollows of the ground while those who could find no shelter were leaping about with the agility of monkeys, to render it impossible for the marksmen at the fort to hit them. each had filled his mouth with bullets, for the convenience of loading, and each was charging and firing without suspending these swift movements for a moment. at the end of six hours the assailants grew weary and withdrew. it was found that only five men had been wounded in the fort, while the cautious enemy had sustained but trifling loss. gladwyn, believing the affair ended, dispatched la butte, a neutral interpreter, accompanied by two old canadians, chapeton and godefroy, to open negotiations. many other canadian inhabitants took this opportunity of leaving the place. pontiac received the three ambassadors politely, and heard their offers of peace with seeming acquiescence. he, however, stepped aside to talk the matter over with the other chiefs, after which pontiac declared that, out of their earnest desire for a lasting treaty, they wished to hold council with their english fathers themselves, and they were especially desirous that major campbell, the veteran officer, second in command at the fort, should visit their camp. when the word reached campbell he prepared at once to go, in spite of gladwyn's fears of treachery. he felt, he said, no fear of the indians, with whom he had always been on the most friendly terms. gladwyn, with some hesitation, gave a reluctant consent. campbell left the fort accompanied by lieutenant mcdougal, and attended by la butte and several other canadians. a canadian met them and warned the two british officers they were entering the lion's den, but the brave men refused to turn back. as they entered the indian camp a howling multitude of women and children surrounded them, armed with clubs, sticks and stones. but pontiac, with a word and a gesture, quelled the mob, and conducted them to the council-house, where they were surrounded by sinister faces. campbell made his speech. it was heard in perfect silence, and no reply was made. for a full hour the unfortunate officers saw before them the same concourse of dark faces bending an unwavering gaze upon them. at last campbell rose to go. pontiac made an imperious gesture for him to resume his seat. "my father," said he, "will sleep to-night in the lodges of his red children." the gray-haired soldier and his companion were captives. many of the indians were eager to kill the captives on the spot; but pontiac protected them from injury and insult, and conducted them to the house of m. meloche, near parent's creek, where good quarters were assigned them, and as much liberty allowed as was consistent with safe custody. the peril of their situation was diminished by the circumstance that two indians had been detained at the fort as prisoners, for some slight offense, a few days prior to this, and it is quite possible pontiac designed to effect an exchange. late the same night la butte returned with anxious face to the fort. some of the officers suspected him, no doubt unjustly, with a share in the treachery. feeling the suspicion, he spent the remainder of the night in the narrow street, gloomy and silent. thatcher informs us concerning these two prisoners that mcdougal effected his escape, "but major campbell was tomahawked by an infuriated savage named wasson, in revenge for the death of a relative. one account says 'they boiled his heart and ate it, and made a pouch of the skin of his arms!' the brutal assassin fled to saginaw, apprehensive of the vengeance of pontiac; and it is but justice to the memory of that chieftain to say that he was indignant at the atrocious act and used every possible exertion to apprehend the murderer. doubtless had he been captured the chief would have inflicted the death penalty." it is said that the wily chieftain found out in some manner that the ojibway maiden, catharine, disclosed the plot to gladwyn, and ordered four indians to take her and bring her before him. the order was promptly obeyed, according to the diary of a canadian who was contemporary, and having arrived at the pottawatomie village, they seized catharine "and obliged her to march before them, uttering cries of joy in the manner they do when they hold a victim in their clutches on whom they are going to exercise their cruelty; they made her enter the fort, and took her before the commandant (gladwyn), as if to confront her with him, and asked him if it was not from her he had learned their design; but they were no better satisfied than if they had kept themselves quiet. they obtained from that officer bread and beer for themselves and for her. they then led her to their chief (pontiac) in the village." it will be remembered that before the girl imparted her secret, which was destined to save the lives of all in the fort, gladwyn solemnly promised that she should not be betrayed, but rather protected should it become necessary. and now the exigency has arisen; catharine and her captors are in the fort. but when did a white man ever keep his sacred word to an indian? gladwyn did not betray her, it is true, for he made no answer to the questions asked him. but he afforded her only such protection in this, her hour of peril, "as the wolf shows to the lamb, or the kite to the dove." he gave beer to the four indians, who were already angry, to enrage them still more, and also supplied catharine with beer, which may have been the starting point of her ruin, as we shall see. but he did not lift a finger to save or protect the one to whom he probably owed his life, but permitted her to be dragged from the fort into the presence of the enraged pontiac, who, according to another canadian tradition, seized a bat or racket used by the indians in their ballgame, and flogged her until life was almost extinct. an old indian told henry conner, formerly united states interpreter at detroit, that catharine survived her terrible punishment and lived for many years; but having contracted intemperate habits, she fell, when intoxicated, into a kettle of boiling maple sap, and was so severely scalded that she died in consequence. {illustration: major campbell in conference with pontiac.} pontiac proceeded to redistribute his forces. one band hid in ambush along the river below the fort. others surrounded the fort on the land side. the garrison had only three weeks' provisions, and the indians determined that this scanty store should not be replenished. every house in detroit was searched for grease, tallow, or whatever would serve for food, and all the provisions were placed in a public storehouse. the indians, with their usual improvidence, had neglected to provide against the exigency of a siege, thinking to have taken detroit at a single stroke. the canadian settlers were ruthlessly despoiled of their stores, and the food thus obtained was wasted with characteristic recklessness. aggravated beyond endurance they complained to pontiac. he heard them, and made the following characteristic reply: "i do not doubt, my brothers, that this war is very troublesome to you, for our warriors are continually passing and repassing through your settlement. i am sorry for it. do not think i approve of the damage that is done by them; and as a proof of this, remember the war with the foxes and the part which i took in it. it is now seventeen years since the ojibways of michillimackinac, combined with the sacs and foxes, came down to destroy you. who then defended you? was it not i and my young men? mickinac, great chief of all these nations, said in council that he would carry to his village the head of your commandant--that he would eat his heart and drink his blood. did i not take your part? did i not go to his camp, and say to him, that if he wished to kill the french he must first kill me and my warriors? did i not assist you in routing them and driving them away? and now you think i would turn my arms against you! no, my brothers; i am the same french pontiac who assisted you seventeen years ago. i am a frenchman, and i wish to die a frenchman; and now i repeat to you that you and i are one--that it is for both our interests that i should be avenged. let me alone. i do not ask you for aid, for it is not in your power to give it. i only ask provisions for myself and men. yet, if you are inclined to assist me, i shall not refuse you. it would please me, and you yourselves would be sooner rid of your troubles; for i promise you, that as soon as the english are driven out, we will go back to our villages, and there await the arrival of our french father. you have heard what i have to say; remain at peace, and i will watch that no harm shall be done to you, either by my men or by the other indians." pontiac promptly took measures for bringing the disorders complained of to a close, while at the same time he provided sustenance for his warriors, a veritable commissary department, "and, in doing this, he displayed," as parkman says, "a policy and forecast scarcely paralleled in the history of his race." he first forbade the commission of farther outrages, on the penalty of condign punishment. he next visited in turn the families of the canadians, and, inspecting the property belonging to them, he assigned to each the share of provisions which it must furnish for the support of the indians. the contributions thus levied were all collected at the house of meloche, near parent's creek, whence they were regularly issued to the indians of the different camps. knowing that the character and habits of an indian would render him incapable of being a judicious commissary, pontiac availed himself of canadian help, employing one quilleriez and several others to discharge, under his eye, the duties of this office. but he did another thing which revealed his genius for command, and proved him to be an indian napoleon. anxious to avoid offending the canadians, yet unable to make compensation for the provisions he had levied, pontiac issued _promissory notes,_ drawn upon birch-bark, and signed with the figure of an otter, the totem to which he belonged. under this was drawn the representation of the particular article for which the bill was valid--as a gun, a bag of corn, a deer, a hog, or a beef. these bills passed current among the canadians and indians of the period, and were faithfully redeemed after the war. as goodrich says, "the 'pontiac treasury notes,' we believe, were never below par. repudiation was unknown under savage rule in michigan and canada. let the barbarian chief enjoy the full applause due to his financial honor. his modern successors might find something in his example worthy of imitation." not one of the ottawa tribe dared to infringe the command he had given, that the property of the canadians should be respected. they would not so much as cross the cultivated fields but followed the beaten paths; in such awe did they stand of his displeasure. a few young wyandots, however, still committed nightly depredations on the hog-pen of baby, an old friend of pontiac. the canadian complained of the theft to pontiac, and desired his protection. the great chief hastened to the assistance of his friend, and, arriving about nightfall at the house, walked to and fro among the barns and enclosures. at a late hour he saw the dark forms of hog thieves stealing through the gloom. "go back to your village, you wyandot dogs," he shouted; "if you tread again on this man's land, you shall die." they slunk away abashed; and from that time forward baby's property was safe. pontiac could claim no legitimate authority over the wyandots, but his powerful spirit forced respect and obedience from all who approached him. one night at an early period of the siege, pontiac entered the house of baby, and seating himself by the fire, looked for some time steadily at the embers. at length, raising his head, he said he had heard that the english had offered the canadian a bushel of silver for the scalp of his friend. baby declared that the story was false, and assured him that he would never betray him. pontiac studied his features keenly for a moment and replied: "my brother has spoken the truth, and i will show him that i believe him." so saying, he wrapped his blanket around him, and "lay like a warrior taking his rest," in peaceful slumber until morning. some time after this our old friend rogers, of rogers' rangers, arrived at detroit with a detachment of troops, and the next day sent a bottle of brandy by a friendly indian, as a present to pontiac. the other chiefs urged him not to drink it for fear of poison. pontiac heard them through, and boldly replied "it is not possible that this man, who knows my love for him, and who is also sensible of the great favors i have done him, can think of taking away my life"; then putting the cup to his lips he drank a draught without betraying the slightest apprehension. he could practice treachery himself, yet scorned to suspect it in white men. weeks rolled by with no change in the situation at detroit. the british commander-in-chief at new york, unmindful of the indian outbreak, had, as usual in the spring, sent a detachment up the lakes with food, ammunition and reenforcements for the different forts. on may some faint specks appeared on the distant watery horizon. they grew larger and blacker. the sentry in the bastion called aloud to the officers, who eagerly ran to look with spy-glasses. they recognized the banner of st. george, floating at the masthead of the leading boat of the long expected fleet. the officer at once gave command for a salute of welcome. when the sound of the booming cannon died away, every ear was strained to catch the response. it soon came, but instead of artillery, it was a faint but unmistakable _war-whoop._ the faces of the english grew pale. the approaching flotilla was watched with breathless anxiety. when it was well in view, a number of dark and savage forms rose up in the boats. _the flotilla was in the hands of the indians._ in the foremost of the eighteen barges there were four prisoners and only three indians. in the others, the indians outnumbered the white men and compelled them to row. just as the leading boat was opposite the beaver, the one small schooner which lay at anchor before the fort (the gladwyn having been sent to hasten and escort this very flotilla) one of the soldiers was seen to seize a savage by the hair and belt and throw him overboard. the indian held fast to his enemy's clothes, and drawing himself upward, stabbed him again and again with his knife and then dragged him overboard. both sank grappled in each other's arms. the two remaining indians leaped out of the boat. the prisoners turned, and pulled for the distant schooner, shouting aloud for aid. the indians on shore opened a heavy fire upon them, wounding one of their number, and the light birch canoes gave chase, gaining on them at every stroke of the oar. escape seemed hopeless, when the report of a cannon burst from the side of the schooner. the ball narrowly missed the foremost canoe, beating the water in a line of foam which almost capsized the frail craft. at this the pursuers drew back in dismay; and the indians on shore, being in turn saluted by a second shot, ceased firing and scattered among the bushes. the prisoners thus rescued were greeted as men snatched from the jaws of death. this, in brief, was their story. lieutenant cuyler had left fort niagara on may with twenty barges, ninety-six men and a plentiful supply of provisions and ammunition. coasting along the northern shore of lake erie, they had passed the armed schooner gladwyn without seeing it, and, of course, knew nothing of the indian hostilities. on the twenty-eighth of the month, the flotilla landed at point pelee, not far from the mouth of the detroit river. the boats were drawn on the beach, and the party prepared to encamp. a man and a boy went to gather firewood at a short distance from the spot, when an indian leaped out of the woods, seized the boy by the hair, and tomahawked him. the man ran into the camp shouting that the woods were full of indians. the report was true, for pontiac had stationed the wyandots at this very spot to intercept trading boats or parties of troops. cuyler quickly formed his soldiers into a semicircle before the boats, just as the indians opened fire. for an instant there was a hot blaze of musketry on both sides; then the indians broke out of the woods in a body, and rushed fiercely upon the center of the line, which gave way in every part; the men flinging down their guns, running panic-stricken to the boats and struggling with ill-directed efforts to shove them into the water. five were set afloat, and pushed off from the shore, crowded with terrified soldier's, huddled together like sheep in the shambles. never was rout more complete or soldiers more unnerved and demoralized. cuyler, seeing himself deserted by his men, as he afterward stated, waded up to his neck in the lake and climbed into one of the retreating boats. the indians, on their part, pushed two more boats afloat and went in pursuit of the fugitives, three boatloads of whom allowed themselves to be _captured without resistance._ think of it, two boatloads of indians capture _three boatloads of english,_ who seemingly made no effort to escape the fate of horrible torture which awaited all but a few, who were enslaved. the other two boats, in one of which was cuyler himself, effected their escape, and returning to niagara, he reported his loss to major wilkins, the commanding officer. between thirty and forty men, some of whom were wounded, were crowded in these two boats. these, with the three rescued at detroit, were all of the ninety-six which survived the ill-fated expedition. the little schooner gladwyn, having passed the flotilla probably in the night or during a fog, reached niagara without mishap. she was still riding at anchor in the smooth river above the falls, when cuyler and the remnant of his men returned and reported the terrible disaster that had befallen him. this officer, and the survivors of his party, with a few other troops spared from the garrison of niagara, were ordered to embark on board of her, and make the best of their way back to detroit. the force, amounting to sixty men, with such ammunition and supplies as could be spared from the fort, was soon under sail. in due time they entered the detroit river, and were almost in sight of the fort, but the critical part of the undertaking still remained. the river was in some places narrow, and more than eight hundred indians were on the alert to intercept their passage. on the afternoon of the d the schooner began to move slowly up the river, with a gentle breeze, which gradually died away, and left the vessel becalmed in the narrow channel opposite fighting island, and within gunshot of an indian ambush. of the sixty men on board all were crowded below deck except ten or twelve, in hopes that the indians, encouraged by this apparent weakness, might make an open attack. at sunset the guards on board the vessel were doubled. hours wore on, and nothing had broken the deep repose of the night. at last, the splash of muffled oars was heard. dark objects came moving swiftly down the stream toward the vessel. the men were ordered up from below and took their places in perfect silence. a blow on the mast with a hammer was to be the signal for firing. the indians, gliding stealthily over the water in their birch canoes, thought the prize was theirs. at last the hammer struck the mast. the slumbering vessel burst into a blaze of cannon and musketry, which illumined the night like a flash of lightning. grape and musket shot flew, tearing among the canoes, sinking some outright, killing fourteen indians, wounding about twenty more and driving the rest in consternation to the shore. as the enemy opened fire from their breastwork, the schooner weighed anchor, and, drifting with the river's tide, floated down out of danger. several days afterward, with a favoring wind, she again attempted to ascend. this time she was successful, for though the indians fired at her constantly from the shore, no man was hurt. as she passed the wyandot village she sent a shower of grape among its yelping inhabitants, by which several were killed; and then, furling her sails, lay peacefully at anchor by the side of her companion vessel, abreast of the fort. the schooner brought to the garrison a much-needed supply of men, ammunition and provisions. she also brought the important news that a treaty of peace was concluded between france and england. but pontiac refused to believe it, and his war went on. the two schooners in the river were regarded by the indians with mingled rage and superstition; not alone on account of the broadsides with which their camps were bombarded, but the knowledge that the vessels served to connect the isolated garrison with the rest of the world. they determined, therefore, to destroy them. the inventive genius of pontiac caused a fire raft to be constructed by lashing together a number of canoes, piled high with a vast quantity of combustibles. a torch was applied in several places, and the thing of destruction was pushed off into the current. but fortune or providence protected the schooners, the blazing raft passed within a hundred feet of them, and floating harmlessly down the stream, consumed nothing but itself. this attempt was several times repeated, but gladwyn, on his part, provided boats and floating logs, which were moored by chains at some distance above the vessels, and foiled every attempt. in the meantime, unknown to the garrison, captain dalyell was on his way to detroit with twenty-two barges, bearing two hundred and eighty men, with several small cannon, and a fresh supply of provisions and ammunition. under cover of night and fog they reached the fort in safety, but not until they sustained an attack from the indians which resulted in the loss of fifteen men. with this expedition was major rogers, commander of the famous rogers's rangers, and twenty of his men. {illustration: hollow horn, sioux (upper brule).} captain dalyell had a conference with gladwyn, and requested permission to march out on the following night and attack the indian camp. the commander, better acquainted with the position of affairs, opposed it; but dalyell urged the matter so strongly, gladwyn gave a reluctant consent. about two o'clock on the morning of july , the gates were silently opened, and two hundred and fifty men marched up the road along the river's shore. in the river, keeping abreast of the troops, two bateaux, each carrying a swivel gun, were rowed with muffled oars. as there was no moon shining, everything seemed favorable to strike a deadly blow at the camp of pontiac. but though they knew it not, that vigilant and crafty chieftain was apprised of this movement by his spies, and with several hundred indians lay in ambush at the bridge across parent's creek, a mile and a half from the fort. as the english drew near the dangerous pass they could discern the house of meloche, mentioned before, upon a rising ground to the left, while in front the bridge was dimly visible, and the ridges beyond it seemed like a wall of blackness, partly due to the fog rising from the river. the advance guard were half way over the bridge and the main body just entering upon it. suddenly there was a wild war-whoop in the darkness, and the ridges, fences, trees and anything which could afford shelter to a savage, burst into flame. half the advance guard fell at the first discharge; the terrified survivors fled to the rear, and in a moment the whole column was thrown into confusion. dalyell rushed to the front and did what he could to rally his men. his clarion voice rang out above this infernal din. but all in vain. he received several wounds, and was in the act of rescuing a disabled soldier when he was killed. it is said that pontiac ordered the head of the gallant captain to be cut off and set upon a post. the total command was demoralized by his fall. in this crisis major rogers and his twenty rangers, followed by a number of the regulars, took possession of a strong house, which commanded the road, owned by a canadian named campau. barricading the windows, they held the savages at bay and covered the retreat. captain grant hurried forward and took another strong position near the river. from here he ordered the two armed bateaux to return to a point opposite campau's house, and open a fire of swivels in order to scatter the indians and rescue rogers and his men. this was promptly done, and the gallant rogers and his handful of rangers, who, by their courage, saved the command from total destruction, were in turn rescued, just as the savage horde was about to overpower them by sheer force of numbers. the rangers made their way to the fort under cover of the cannonade. the fight at bloody run, as parent's creek has since been called, cost the garrison at detroit fifty-nine men killed and wounded, according to parkman, while thatcher, strange to say, estimates the loss of the english at _seventy men killed_ and _forty wounded._ this was the last important event attending the prosecution of the siege. not long after this, the schooner gladwyn, having been sent down to niagara with letters and dispatches, made the trip in safety. she was now returning, having on board horst, her master; jacobs, her mate, and a crew of ten men, besides six iroquois indians, supposed to be friendly to the english. she entered the detroit river on the night of september , and in the morning the six indians asked to be put ashore, and the request was foolishly granted. that they went at once to pontiac with a report of the weakness of the crew there can be no doubt. certain it is, the wind failing, the schooner anchored about nine miles below the fort. here she was attacked by three hundred and fifty indians, at night. the savages swarmed over the sides of the vessel by scores, but they were met with such desperate courage and furious resistance that in a few minutes the english had killed and wounded more than twice their own number. there were only twelve men on board and they killed and wounded twenty-seven indians; of the wounded, eight died in a few days. but resistance was useless. ten or fifteen indians surrounded each gallant defender. just as all seemed over, jacobs, the mate, shouted, "fire the magazine, boys, and blow her up!" this desperate command saved her and her crew. some wyandots understood the meaning of the words, and gave the alarm to their companions. with a wild cry of terror the indians leaped from the vessel into the water, and all were seen swimming and diving in all directions, to escape the explosion. the savages did not renew the attack. the next morning the gladwyn sailed up the river, reaching the fort safely. six of her crew escaped unhurt; of the other six, two, including horst, the master, were killed and four seriously wounded, while the indians had seven men killed outright, and about twenty wounded, of whom eight were known to have died within a few days. the whole action lasted but a few minutes, but the fierceness of the struggle is apparent from the loss on both sides. the survivors of the little crew each received a medal. the news of the disaster at bloody run, following on the heels of the ill-fated cuyler's expedition, was conveyed to niagara by the schooner gladwyn on the last voyage, just recorded. these disasters at the siege of detroit, together with the fact that nine out of the twelve forts on the frontier had been captured by pontiac's warriors, forced sir jeffrey amherst to the reluctant conclusion that the tribes had risen in a general insurrection. as commander-in-chief of these english forces, he saw the time had come for decisive action with a large force if he would regain what was lost, and force the indians into subjection. accordingly, he dispatched two armies, from different points, into the heart of the indian country. the command of the first was given to colonel boquet, with orders to advance from philadelphia to fort pitt, and thence to penetrate into the midst of the delawares and shawnees. the other army, under colonel bradstreet, was to ascend the lakes and force the tribes of detroit and the regions beyond to unconditional submission. the first expedition, that under colonel boquet, was very successful. he met the indians at bushy run, and in a two-days' battle--one of the best contested ever fought between white and red men--routed them completely. he now compelled the indians to sue for peace and surrender their captives. news of boquet's victory, and the approach of colonel bradstreet with a force of three thousand men, soon reached the indians besieging detroit, in the summer of . pontiac was too well aware of the superiority of the english arms to indulge a hope of resisting successfully so great a force in battle. many of his allies were now ready to desert him and make peace with the english. early in the summer of , a grand council was held at niagara by sir william johnson and colonel bradstreet, who stopped there on his way to detroit and the northwest. nearly two thousand indians attended, including representatives from twenty-two different tribes, eleven of them western--a fact strikingly indicating the immense train of operations managed by the influence of pontiac. before bradstreet and his army reached detroit, pontiac and his ottawas abandoned the siege, at least temporarily, and repaired to the illinois. his allies at detroit made a treaty of peace with colonel bradstreet, and thus ended the siege which had continued a year, but, as rogers says, "_he_ (pontiac) _would not be personally concerned in it,_ saying, that when he made a peace, it should be such a one as would be useful and honorable to himself and to the king of great britain. _but he has not as yet proposed his terms._" what the great chief attempted to do about this time was to rally the western tribes of indiana and illinois into a new confederation to resist the english invaders to the last. crossing over to the wabash, he passed from village to village, among the kickapoos and the three tribes of the miamis, rousing them by his eloquence and breathing into them his own fierce spirit of resistance. he next, by rapid marches, crossed to the banks of the mississippi, and summoned the four tribes of the illinois to a general council. but these degenerate savages, beaten by the surrounding tribes for several generations past, had lost their warlike spirit, and though still noisy and boastful, they had become "like women, using only tongues for weapons." they showed no zeal for fight, nor did they take any interest in the schemes of the great war chief of the ottawas. but pontiac knew how to deal with such cravens. frowning on the cowering assembly, he exclaimed: "if you hesitate, i will consume your tribes as a fire consumes the dry grass on the prairie." they did not hesitate, but professed concurrence in his views at once. it is quite probable, however, those threatening words cost pontiac his life, as will be seen. even cowards have good memories. leaving the illinois, he hastened to fort chartres, at the head of four hundred warriors, and demanded men and ammunition, which st. ange, the commander, politely refused to grant. he also sent an embassy all the way to new orleans to demand help from the french government, and to convey a war belt to the distant tribes of louisiana, urging them, in the name of the mighty pontiac, to prevent the english from ascending the mississippi, which his military genius foresaw they would attempt. in this he was right, but their attempts were completely foiled. the principal mission of the ambassadors was, however, a complete failure. the government was about to be transferred from france to spain. the governor granted an interview and explained the true situation. from france no help was to be expected. when the report of this embassy reached pontiac, he saw that all was lost. the foundation of all his ambitious schemes had been french interference. he had believed a lie and rested his hopes on a delusion. as mason says, "his solitary will, which had controlled and combined into cooperation a hundred restless tribes, had breathed life into a conspiracy continental in its proportions, and had exploded a mine ramifying to forts, isolated by hundreds of miles of unbroken wilderness, could no longer uphold the crumbling fabric. his stormy spirit had warred with destiny, and had been conquered." for the proud pontiac there remained but two alternatives destruction or submission. with a hell of hate in his heart he chose the latter. at fort quiatenon, on the wabash, near the site of lafayette, indiana, he met george croghan, the commissioner appointed by sir william johnson, and formally tendered the traditional calumet of peace. pontiac and his retinue also accompanied croghan to detroit, and in the same old council-hall where he and his sixty chiefs had attempted to destroy the garrison, the terms of peace were arranged, and ratified by representatives from ojibway and pottawatomie tribes, august , . pontiac's speech on this occasion, in reply to that of croghan, is rich in figures and symbols, and is, therefore, quoted in full: "father, we have all smoked out of this pipe of peace. it is your children's pipe; and as the war is over, and the great spirit and giver of light, who has made the earth and everything therein, has brought us all together this day for our mutual good, i declare to all nations that i have settled my peace with you before i came here, and now deliver my pipe to be sent to sir william johnson, that he may know i have made peace, and taken the king of england for my father, in the presence of all the nations now assembled; and whenever any of those nations go to visit him, they may smoke out of it with him in peace. fathers, we are obliged to you for lighting up our old council-fire for us, and desiring us to return to it; but we are now settled on the miami river, not far from hence. whenever you want us you will find us there. "our people love liquor, and if we dwelt near you in our old village of detroit, our warriors would be always drunk, and quarrels would arise between us and you." the wise chief could see that drunkenness was the bane of his whole unhappy race, and therefore chose to be remote from the white settlement. he kept his young men away from whisky. when will the white chiefs be as wise and keep whisky away from their young men? the following spring, , pontiac was as good as his word, and visited sir william johnson at his castle on the mohawk, and in behalf of the tribes lately banded in his confederation concluded a treaty of peace and amity. from this time he disappears from the page of history, only to reappear in the closing scene in the eventful drama of his life. he is believed to have lived like a common warrior, with a remnant of his tribe, in different parts of what is now the states of indiana and illinois. in april, , he went to st. louis, and made a two days' visit with his old friend, st. ange, who was then in command at that post, having offered his services to the spaniards after the cession of louisiana. st. ange, pierre chouteau and other principal inhabitants of the little settlement, entertained him and his attendant chiefs with cordial hospitality for several days. but hearing that there was a large assembly of illinois indians at cahokia, on the illinois side of the river, pontiac, against the advice of his friends, determined to go over and see what was going forward. it was at this time he was arrayed in the full uniform of a french officer, which had been presented to him by the marquis of montcalm as a token of esteem, and this fact tended to excite uneasiness, as well as to enrage the english traders at cahokia, who believed the chief did it to add insult to injury. the gathering in progress proved to be a trading and drinking bout, in which the remorseless english traders, as usual, plied the indians with whisky in order to swindle them, while intoxicated, out of their furs. the place was full of illinois indians, but pontiac held them in contempt, and accepted the hospitality of the friendly creoles of cahokia, and, at such primitive entertainment the whisky bottle would not fail to play its part. pontiac soon became intoxicated himself, and starting to the neighboring woods was shortly afterward heard singing magic songs, in the mystic influence of which he reposed the greatest confidence. an english trader, named williamson, was then in the village, who, in common with the rest of his countrymen, regarded pontiac with the greatest distrust, probably augmented by the visit of the chief to st. louis, and while the opportunity was favorable, determined to effect his destruction. approaching a strolling indian of the kaskaskia band of the illinois tribe, he bribed him with a barrel of whisky and a promise of a further reward to murder the great chief. it will be remembered that pontiac incurred the hatred of this tribe by saying to them when in council, "if you hesitate, i will consume your tribes as the fire consumes the dry grass on the prairie." no doubt those words had been rankling in the hearts of the illinois indians ever since, for an indian never forgets a friend or forgives an injury, and now the hour of revenge has come. the bargain was quickly made. the assassin glided up behind pontiac in the forest and buried a tomahawk in the mighty brain in which all ambitions were dead forever. thus basely terminated the career of the warrior whose great natural endowments made him the greatest of his race, but his memory is still cherished by the remnant of the tribes who felt the power of his influence. the body was soon found, and the village became a pandemonium of howling savages. his few friends seized their arms to wreak vengeance on the perpetrator of the murder, but the illinois, interposing in behalf of their countryman, drove them from the town. foiled in their attempt to obtain retribution they fled to the tribes over whom pontiac had held sway, to spread the tidings and call them to avenge his murder. meanwhile st. ange procured the body of his guest, and mindful of his former friendship, buried it with warlike honors near the fort under his command at st. louis. a war of extermination was declared against the abettors of this crime. swarms of ottawas, sacs, foxes, pottawatomies and other northern tribes who had been fired by the eloquence, or led to victory by the martyred chief, descended on the prairies of illinois, and whole villages and tribes were extirpated to appease his shade. it was at this time that the famous "starved rock" took its expressive but unpoetical name. it is a rocky bluff about six miles below the beautiful city of ottawa, illinois, named after the tribe of which pontiac was head chief. the great rock overhangs the sluggish illinois river on the left bank, and is about one hundred and twenty-five feet high and inaccessible except by a narrow and difficult path in the rear. its top is nearly an acre in extent. here la salle and tonty built a palisade, which they named fort st. louis, and collected at its base about twenty thousand indians, whom they formed into a defensive league against the encroachments of the dreaded iroquois. tradition states, that in the war of extermination which followed the cold-blooded and unprovoked murder of pontiac in time of peace, a remnant of the illinois indians made their last stand at this famous stronghold. here they were besieged by a vastly superior force of pottawatomies. but the besieged knew that a few warriors could defend this rock against a host, and defied their enemies for a time and kept them at bay. hunger and thirst, more formidable enemies, however, soon accomplished what the foe was unable to effect. their small quantity of provisions quickly failed, and their supply of water was stopped by the enemy severing the cords of rawhide attached to the vessels by which they elevated it from the river below. thus environed by relentless foes, they took a last lingering look at their beautiful hunting grounds, spread out like a panorama on the gently rolling river and slowly gave way to despair. {illustration: starved rock.} charles lanman says of this tragic event, "day followed day, and the last lingering hope was abandoned. their destiny was sealed, and no change for good could possibly take place, for the human bloodhounds that watched their prey were utterly without mercy. the feeble white-haired chief crept into a thicket and breathed his last. the recently strong warrior, uttering a protracted but feeble yell of exultation, hurled his tomahawk at some fiend below and then yielded himself up to the pains of his condition. the blithe form of the soft-eyed youth parted with his strength, and was compelled to totter and fall upon the earth and die. ten weary, weary days passed on, and the strongest man and the last of his tribe was numbered with the dead." years afterward their bones were seen whitening on the summit of this lofty fortress, known since as "starved rock." all this horrible torture and slaughter was because a brutal english indian trader (and most of them were brutal) bribed an indian already drunk on the whisky he had supplied, to murder probably one of the greatest warriors and rulers of all history, considering his environment. "but," as parkman, the great chieftain's biographer, strikingly says, "could his shade have revisited the scene of murder, his savage spirit would have exulted in the vengeance which overwhelmed the abettors of the crime. tradition has but faintly preserved the memory of the event and its only annalists, men who held the intestine feuds of the savage tribes in no more account than the quarrels of panthers or wildcats, have left but a meager record. yet enough remains to tell us that over the grave of pontiac more blood was poured out in atonement than flowed from the hecatombs of slaughtered heroes on the corpse of patroelus. "neither mound nor tablet marked the burial-place of pontiac. for a mausoleum, a city has risen above the forest hero, and the race whom he hated with such burning rancor tramples with unceasing footsteps over his forgotten grave. {fn} but he became a model and inspiration for subsequent chiefs." michigan, where his eventful life was largely spent, and illinois, where it ended, have each a beautiful city preserving his name. it is also embalmed in tradition and legend. and nature, kinder than man, had built for him a colossal monument which will endure for ages, and be known throughout all time as "starved rock." * * * * * {fn} f. m. crunden, librarian, public library of st. louis, wrote the author: "it is believed that pontiac was buried on the site of the present southern hotel here; and a tablet marking his burial-place is there now." chapter vi. logan, or tal-ga-yee-ta, the cayuga (mingo) chief. orator and friend of the white man. also, a brief sketch of cornstalk. this unfortunate chief is better known to the world by the eloquent and pathetic speech, which he has left as a record of his misfortunes and sorrows, than by his exploits in war. his father, shikellimus, was a cayuga chief, whose house was on the borders of cayuga lake, in new york. he was a personal friend of the benevolent james logan, the intimate friend of william penn and the founder of the logonian library, at philadelphia. the name of the second son was probably derived from this person. logan inherited his gifts and noble nature from his father, who was ever a lover of peace, and also known as the white man's friend. his wigwam was famed far and near as the abode of hospitality, friendship, and kindness. it was a wigwam, but there was something of the halo about it which invested a feudal castle in the days of english chivalry and romance. shikellimus was a good provider, and those who gathered around his comfortable fire, which was lighted for every stranger by the forest chieftain, felt the independence of the lone traveler in some old baronial hall; and he who presided at the feast to which all were welcome, was not less noble or less dignified than an english lord. had there been a pen to record his hospitality and _table talk,_ there would probably have been seen in it more wisdom than entered into the discourse of many a prince or potentate. but, alas, for forest eloquence, it was wafted only by the breeze, and its echo died away forever. so much for the environment of the home of his childhood. another thing which no doubt influenced his character was the fact that in boyhood he came under the influence of the sweet-spirited moravian missionaries, with their gentle manners and soothing words. there was about him a similar quiet and softened dignity, a refinement of sentiment and delicacy of feeling, which characterizes none but the lofty, and exhales from none but the pure. logan moved in early life to the banks of the juniata, which is a beautiful little river, flowing through a wild, romantic country, watered also by the susquehanna. in a pleasant valley he built his cabin, and married a shawnee wife. thus he became identified with the shawnees and delawares, though belonging to the six nations. logan inherited his father's talents of oratory and bid fair to be equally prosperous. he took no part in the french and indian war of , nor that of pontiac which followed, except to assume the role of peacemaker. his house, like his father's, was the indian's and the white man's home, the dwelling-place of love. alas! that the milk of human kindness in his bosom should ever have been turned to gall by cruel and inhuman wrongs. in his childhood a little cousin had been taken captive by white men, under aggravating circumstances, but for this he did not become the foe of the white race. "forgive and forget," seems to have been his motto at this time; and he lived to be an aged man, before vengeance took possession of his soul. in all the country where he dwelt he was known, and to every cottage logan was welcome; terror did not creep into the heart of woman nor fear disturb the little child, when his footsteps were heard at their doors. and this, as was afterwards proved, was not because he had not all the traits which make a brave warrior, but from a settled principle that all men were brothers and should love one another. minnie myrtle, in her interesting book, "the iroquois," says of logan: "he set forth at one time on a hunting expedition, and was alone in the forest. two white hunters were engaged in the same sport, and having killed a bear in a wild gorge, were about to rest beside a babbling spring, when they saw an indian form reflected in the water. they sprang to their feet and grasped their rifles, but the indian bent forward and struck the rifles from their hands, and spilt the powder from their flasks. then stretching forth his open palm in token of friendship, he seated himself beside them and won his way to their hearts. for a week they roamed together, hunting and fishing by day and sleeping by the same fire at night. it was logan, and henceforth their brother. at the end of their hunt, he pursued his way over the alleghenies, to his lodge, and they returned to their homes, never again to point a gun at an indian's heart. "some white men on a journey stopped at his cabin to rest. for amusement a shooting match was proposed, at which the wager was to be a dollar a shot. during the sport logan lost five shots, and when they had finished he entered his lodge and brought out five deer skins in payment of his losses, as a dollar a skin was the established price in those days and the red man's money. but his guests refused to take them, saying they had only been shooting for sport and wished no forfeit. but the honorable indian would take no denial, replying, 'if you had lost the shots i should have taken your dollars, but as i have lost, take my skins.' "another time he wished to buy grain, and took his skins to a tailor, who adulterated the wheat, thinking the indian _would not know._ but the miller informed him, and advised him to apply to a magistrate for redress. he went to a mr. brown, who kindly saw that his loss was made up, for logan came often to his house, and he knew his noble heart and grieved to see him wronged. as he was waiting the decision of the magistrate, he played with a little girl, who was just trying to walk, and the mother remarked that she needed some shoes, which she was not able to purchase for her. "the child was very fond of logan and loved to sit upon his knee, and when he went away was ready to go too. he asked the mother if he might take her to his cabin for the day, and she, knowing well the attention which would be bestowed upon her in the indian's lodge, consented. toward night there was a little anxiety about the child, but the shades of evening had scarcely begun to deepen, when logan was seen wending his way to the cottage with his precious charge; and when he placed her in her mother's arms, she saw upon her feet a tiny pair of moccasins, neatly wrought and ornamented with beads, that his own skilful hands had made. was not this a delicate way of showing gratitude and expressing friendship? was it a rude and savage nature that prompted this attention to a little child, to gladden a mother's heart? not all the refined teachings of civilization could have invented a more beautiful tribute of sympathy and grateful affection." the hunters and backwoodsmen of the period describe logan as a chief or headman, among the outlying parties of senecas and cayugas, and the fragments of broken tribes that lived along the upper ohio and its tributaries. they tell us he was a man of splendid appearance, over six feet tall, straight as a spear-shaft, with countenance as open as it was brave and manly, until the wrongs he endured stamped on it an expression of gloomy ferocity. he had always been the friend of the white man, and had been noted particularly for his kindness and gentleness to children. up to this time he had lived at peace with the borderers, for though some of his kin had been massacred by the whites, years before, he had forgiven the deed--probably because he had knowledge of the fact that others of his relatives and people had been concerned in equally bloody massacres of the whites. a skilled marksman and mighty hunter, of commanding presence, who treated all men with grave courtesy and dignity, and exacted the same treatment in return, he was a prime favorite with all the white hunters and borderers whose friendship and goodwill was worth having. they admired him for his skill and courage, and they loved him for his straightforward integrity and his noble loyalty to his friends of both races. in the "american pioneer" an old hunter is quoted as saying that he considered "logan the best specimen of humanity he ever met with, either white or red." logan was never tempted to touch a drop of "fire-water" until after his great wrongs kindled revenge in his soul. he adopted few of the customs and rejected all the vices of civilization. such was logan before the evil days came upon him and his heart was fired with the passion for revenge. and such, indeed, would have been recorded of many other indians had they received the same kind treatment they extended to the whites. but, "alas for the rarity of human charity under the sun." early in the spring the border settlers began to suffer from the deeds of straggling bands of indians. {fn} horses were stolen, one or two murders were committed, the inhabitants of the more outlying cabins fled to the forts, and the frontiersmen began to threaten fierce vengeance. * * * * * {fn} thatcher says these robberies were all charged to indians, "though perhaps, not justly, for it is well known that a large number of civilized adventurers were traversing the frontiers at this time, who sometimes disguised themselves as indians and committed many depredations and even murder." on april an indian trader by the name of butler had his store attacked and plundered by a roving band of cherokees. of the three men in charge at the time one was killed, another wounded, but the third made his escape and raised the alarm. immediately after this, connolly, who was acting as governor dunmore's lieutenant on the border, issued an open letter, commanding the frontiersmen to hold themselves in readiness to repel any attack of the indians, as the shawnees were known to be hostile. among the backwoodsmen was one michael cresap, a maryland borderer, who had moved to the banks of the ohio to establish a home for his family. roosevelt, in "the winning of the west," says of cresap: "he was of the regular pioneer type; a good woodsman, sturdy and brave, a fearless fighter, devoted to his friends and his country; but alas, when his blood was heated, and his savage instincts fairly roused, inclined to regard any red man, whether hostile or friendly as a being who should be slain on sight. nor did he condemn the brutal deeds done by others on innocent indians." cresap, who had been appointed a captain of the frontier militia, was near wheeling at the time connolly's letter was received, with a band of hunters and scouts. these were fearless men who had adopted many of the ways of the indians, including their method both of declaring war and fighting. of course, they put a very liberal interpretation upon the order given them by connolly to repel an attack and proceeded to declare war in the regular indian style. calling a council, they planted the war-post, and after marching around it many times, brandishing their hatchets, knives, swords or whatever weapon they carried, all at a signal from their leader struck the post, leaving their weapons sticking in it, and waited eagerly for a chance to attack their common enemy, the indians. unfortunately, as is often the case, the first blood shed was that of friendly indians. it seems that butler, the indian trader, hoping to recover some of the peltries of which he had been robbed by the cherokees, had sent two friendly shawnees in a canoe to the place of massacre. cresap and his men ambushed these friendly indians on the th near captina, and killed and scalped them. some of the more humane of the frontiersmen strongly protested against this outrage; but a large majority of them were excited and enraged by the rumor of indian hostilities, and threatened to kill whoever interfered with them, cursing the traders as being worse than the indians, as was often the case. cresap boasted of the murder, and never said a word against scalping. the next day he again led out his men and attacked another party of shawnees, who had been trading near pittsburg, killed one and wounded two others, one of the whites being also wounded. shortly after this cresap and his band started to logan's camp, then located at yellow creek, some fifty miles distant. after marching several miles they began to reflect on what they were about to do; calling a halt, they discussed the fact that the camp they were going to attack consisted of friendly indians, and mainly women and children; their better nature asserted itself, and they immediately returned home. {illustration: logan, or tal-ga-yee-ta, the mingo chief and orator.} "but," as roosevelt says, "logan's people did not profit by cresap's change of heart. on the last day of april a small party of men, women and children, including almost all of logan's kin, left his camp and crossed the river to visit daniel greathouse, as had been their custom; for he made a trade of selling rum to the savages, though cresap had notified him to stop. the whole party were plied with liquor, and became helplessly drunk, in which condition greathouse and his associate criminals fell on and massacred them, nine souls in all. it was an inhuman and revolting deed, which should consign the names of the perpetrators to eternal infamy." the whole family of logan perished in this and other similar massacres; in one of the last were his brother and sister. it will excite the wonder of no man that logan from this moment breathed nothing but vengeance against the treacherous and inhuman whites. a general indian war immediately followed. logan was the foremost in leading his countrymen to the slaughter of their perfidious enemies. on july , with a party of only eight warriors, he attacked a settlement on the muskingum, captured two prisoners and carried them off. when they arrived at an indian town, they delivered them to the inhabitants, who at once prepared to put them to death by torture. logan, however, in the heat of his vindictive feelings, displayed the humanity of his nature. he cut the cords of one of the prisoners, a man named robinson, who was about to be burned at the stake, and saved his life at the risk of his own. a few days afterward he suddenly appeared to this prisoner with some gunpowder, ink and a wild-goose quill, wherewith to make a pen, and dictated to him a note. this note was afterward tied to a war-club and left in the house of a settler, whose entire family had been butchered by the savages. it was brief, but written with ferocious directness to the man whom he wrongly believed to be the author of his heart-rending troubles. it read as follows: "captain cresap" "what did you kill my people on yellow creek for? the white people killed my kin at conestoga, a great while ago, and i thought nothing of that. but you killed my kin again on yellow creek, and took my cousin prisoner. then i thought i must kill too; and i have been three times to war since; but all the indians are not angry, only myself. "july , . captain john logan." the frontier was now in a blaze, and the indians made preparations for war. the mingos, shawnees, delawares, wyandots and outlying iroquois, especially the senecas, together with a party of warriors of the miamis from western ohio, all banded themselves together, under the command of cornstalk, the great shawnee chieftain, and logan. meantime governor dunmore was making ready a formidable army with which to overwhelm the hostile indians. the plan was to raise three thousand men; one half, or the northern wing, was to be under the command of lord dunmore in person, while the other, composed entirely of border men, living among the mountains west of the blue ridge, was under gen. andrew lewis. both wings were ordered to take a position at point pleasant, where the great kanawha empties into the ohio. the division led by lewis reached this place and, having camped on a jut of land between the two rivers, waited the coming of lord dunmore and his command. but the crafty cornstalk did not propose to wait for the coming of the other wing; through his runners he had full knowledge of the movements of the frontier militia. he was greatly outnumbered; but he had at his command over a thousand warriors, the very pick of the young men to be found among the tribes between the great lakes and the ohio. his foes were divided, and he determined to strike a decisive blow before they were again united. accordingly, he led his long file of warriors to the mouth of the kanawha, and attacked the division under lewis on the morning of october , , about daylight. this battle, known in history by two names--point pleasant and the great kanawha--was purely an american affair because it was fought solely by the backwoodsmen on one side, and american indians on the other. it was greek meeting greek, or, better still, white american meeting red, and was one of the most stubbornly fought and bravely contested in the annals of history. the fight was a succession of single combats, each man sheltering himself behind a stump, or rock, or tree-trunk, or whatever was at hand. the backwoodsmen were the best shots, but the indians excelled in the art of hiding and shielding themselves from harm. the two lines, though more than a mile in length, were so close together that many of the combatants grappled in hand-to-hand combat, using knife or tomahawk. the crack of the rifles was continuous, while above the noise could be heard the groans of the wounded and the shouts of the combatants, as each encouraged his own side or jeered at the enemy. the cheers of the whites mingled with the war-whoops of the indians. the chiefs continued to exhort their warriors to still greater deeds of valor. cornstalk, the commander of the savages, distinguished himself in all his maneuvers throughout the engagement by the skill as well as the bravery of a consummate general. during the whole of the day his stentorian voice was heard throughout the ranks of his enemies, vociferating, "be strong! be strong!" after an incessant fire of about twelve hours' duration darkness put an end to the conflict. the indians now made a most skilful retreat, carrying all their wounded in safety across the ohio, and the americans were too exhausted to pursue them. this battle was not only stubbornly contested but bloody. the whites, though claiming the victory, had suffered more than their foes, and indeed had won only because it was against the entire policy of indian warfare to suffer a severe loss, even if a victory could be gained thereby. some seventy-five of the whites had been killed or mortally wounded, and one hundred and forty severely or slightly wounded, so that they lost a fifth of their entire number. of the indians, the loss was not much more than half as many; only about forty were killed or mortally wounded. no chief of importance was slain among the indians, while the whites lost in succession their second, third and fourth in command, and had seventeen officers killed or wounded. the spirit of the indians had been broken by their defeat. cornstalk and logan alone were ready and eager to continue the war. but when the former saw that he could not stir the hearts of his warriors, even with his burning eloquence, to continue the war, he stuck his tomahawk into the war-post, and said that if he could not lead them in battle he would lead them in making peace. accordingly, with all his fellow-chiefs, except logan, he went to lord dunmore's camp, and there entered into a treaty. in this the indians agreed to surrender all the white prisoners and stolen horses in their possession, to renounce all claim to the lands south of the ohio, and to give hostages as an earnest of their good faith. cornstalk was their chief spokesman, and though obliged to assent to the conditions imposed, yet preserved through all the proceedings a bearing of proud defiance that showed that he at least was not conquered, and was a stranger to fear. in all his talks, he addressed the white leaders with a tone of vehement denunciation and reproach, that seemed to evince more the attitude of a conqueror than of one of the conquered. the virginians, who prized skill in oratory only less than skill in warfare, were greatly impressed by the chieftain's eloquence, marvelous voice and majestic bearing. some of them afterwards stated that his oratory fully equaled that of their great speakers, richard henry lee and patrick henry. meantime logan remained apart in the mingo village, brooding over his wrongs and the vengeance he had taken. the other indians, when asked about logan and the reason of his absence, replied that he was like an angry dog, whose bristles were still up, but that they were gradually falling, and when he was urged to attend the meeting he replied that he was a warrior, not a councillor, and would not come. since the mountain would not come to mohammed, that prophet was forced to go to the mountain; as it was deemed absolutely imperative to have an understanding with this great leader, and learn his intentions. accordingly a messenger was sent to interview logan. john gibson, a frontier veteran, who had long lived among the indians and knew thoroughly both their language and their manners and customs, was chosen for this task. to him logan was willing to talk. taking him aside, he suddenly addressed him in a speech that will always retain its place as one of the finest outbursts of indian eloquence recorded in the history of our country. john gibson was a plain, honest backwoodsman, utterly incapable of "doctoring" a speech for the better, so he took it down in writing, translating it literally, and, returning to camp, put it into dunmore's hands. the governor then read it in council before the entire frontier army, including george rogers clark and cresap, to whom logan imputed the butchery of his family. the speech, when read, proved no acknowledgment of defeat, nor expression of desire for peace, but rather a pathetic recital of the heartbreaking wrongs which had been perpetrated against him, even though innocent of harming the whites, and a fierce justification of the vengeance he had taken. the justly famous speech is as follows: "i appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered logan's cabin hungry and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked and he clothed him not? during the course of the last long and bloody war, logan remained idle in his camp, an advocate for peace. {fn} such was my love for the whites that my countrymen pointed as i passed and said, 'logan is the friend of the white man.' i had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man, colonel cresap, the last spring, in cold blood and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of logan, not even sparing my women and children. there runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. this called on me for revenge. i have sought it. i have killed many. i have fully glutted my vengeance. for my country i rejoice at the beams of peace; but do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. logan never felt fear. he will not turn on his heel to save his life. who is there to mourn for logan? not one." * * * * * {fn} logan here refers to the french and indian and pontiac wars, when he refused, positively, to join the indians, though often urged to dig up the hatchet. the backwoodsmen listened with almost breathless attention to the reading of this speech, and many of them no doubt regretted the wanton and brutal murder. they were so much impressed by it, that it was the one subject of conversation around the evening campfire, and they continually attempted to rehearse it to each other. {fn} this was especially true of the last clause; one would ask the question, "who is there to mourn for logan?" and another would answer with much feeling, "not one." but they were very well aware that daniel greathouse, and not michael cresap, was the guilty fiend who wantonly murdered this innocent family, and when the speech was read george rogers clark turned to cresap and said, "you must be a very great man, that the indians shoulder you with every mean thing that has happened." whereat cresap, much angered, swore that he had a good mind to tomahawk greathouse for this heinous murder. we can only express a regret that cresap did not carry out his threat, and a hope that some indian meted out justice to greathouse as he richly deserved. * * * * * {fn} jefferson's manuscript concerning this powerful address, thomas jefferson says: "i may challenge the whole orations of demosthenes and cicero, and of any more eminent orator--if europe has furnished more eminent--to produce a single passage superior to the speech of logan"; and clinton, in his "historical discourse," subscribes to this noble eulogium: "old logan was the white man's friend but injuries forced his love to end; of children, wife and kindred shorn, none left for him to joy or mourn, he rose in calm, vindictive ire, and bade them, by their fathers slain, no more in voiceless peace remain, but lift the brand, and battle cry. for vengeance, if not victory." {fn} * * * * * {fn} minnie myrtle. roosevelt says, of the close of his career, "proud, gloomy logan never recovered from the blow that had been dealt him; he drank deeper and deeper, and became more and more an implacable, moody and blood-thirsty savage, yet with noble qualities that came to the surface now and then. again and again he wrought havoc among the frontier settlers; yet we several times hear of his saving the lives of prisoners. once he saved simon kenton from torture and death, when girty, moved by a rare spark of compassion for his former comrade, had already tried to do so and failed. at last he perished in a drunken brawl by the hand of another indian." we notice the authorities differ in their account of logan's death. drake says of him: "the melancholy history of logan must be dismissed with no relief to its gloomy colors. he was himself a victim to the same ferocious cruelty which had already rendered him a desolate man. not long after the treaty (of wayne at greenville) a party of whites murdered him as he was returning from detroit to his own country." there were none to mourn for logan; but as jefferson well says, "his talents and misfortunes have attached to him the respect and commiseration of a world." cornstalk died a noble death, but by an act of cowardly treachery, which is one of the darkest stains on the pages of our frontier history. in the early part of the year he came into the garrison at point pleasant to explain that, while he was anxious to keep the terms of the treaty his warriors were determined to go to war; and frankly added, that if they did he would be compelled to join them. he and three others, including his son, ellinipsieo, and the chief red hawk, were retained as hostages and confined in the fort. about this time a member of a company of rangers was killed by the indians near the fort; whereupon his comrades, headed by their captain, one john hall, rushed furiously into the fort to murder the indian prisoners. cornstalk heard them rushing in and knew what to expect. never for an instant did his courage fail him. turning to ellinipsieo, the youngest of the group, he thus exhorted him: "my son, the great spirit has seen fit that we should die together, and has sent you to that end. it is his will, and let us submit." then, drawing his blanket around him, with the grace and dignity of a roman senator, he faced his assassins, and fell dead, pierced by seven or eight bullets. the other helpless and unarmed indians were butchered at the same time. mr. withers, in his "chronicles," writes thus of cornstalk and this indefensible murder: "thus perished the mighty cornstalk, a sachem of the shawnees, and king of the northern confederacy, in , a chief remarkable for many great and good qualities. he was disposed to be at all times the friend of the white men, as he ever was the advocate of honorable peace. but when his country's wrongs 'called aloud for battle,' he became the thunderbolt of war, and made her oppressors feel the weight of his uplifted arm. his noble bearing, his generous and disinterested attachment to the colonies when the thunder of british cannon was reverberating through the land, his anxiety to preserve the frontier of virginia from desolation and death, the object of his visit to point pleasant--all conspired to win for him the esteem and respect of others; while the untimely and perfidious manner of his death caused a deep and lasting regret to pervade the bosoms even of those who were enemies to his nation, and excited the just indignation of all toward his inhuman and barbarous murderers." {illustration: logan and the two hunters.} chapter vii. captain joseph brant, or thayendanegea, principal sachem of the mohawks, and head chief of the iroquois confederation. this remarkable man was born on the banks of the ohio in . his father, who bore the unpronounceable and unspellable name of tehowaghwengaraghkwin, was a subordinate chief of the wolf totem or clan of the mohawk tribe. there were two other rival clans among the mohawks, known as the tortoise or turtle, and the bear, while among the entire iroquois confederation there were eight, the other five being the crane, snipe, hawk, beaver and deer clans. the following interesting legend is told of the ancestors of our hero. the scene is laid at what is known as the little falls of the mohawk: "long ago, when the river was broader and the falls more lofty, a feud arose between two young chiefs of the respective clans of the mohawk nation, the wolf and the tortoise. a maiden of the bear totem was the cause of the feud, as maidens often are. she was loved by both the young chiefs, and for a time she so coquetted that each thought himself beloved by her in return. her father was a stern old warrior and loved his child tenderly. both chiefs had fought the mingoes and mohegans by his side, and the bravery of each entitled him to the hand of the maiden. her affections were at length stirred by the more earnest importunities of the wolf, and she promised to become his bride. this decision reached the ears of the tortoise, and the embers of jealousy, which disturbed both while unaccepted suitors, burst into a flame of ungenerous revenge in the bosom of the disappointed lover. he determined to possess the coveted treasure before the wolf should take her to his wigwam. with well-dissembled acquiescence in her choice, and expressions of warm friendship for herself and her affianced, he allayed all suspicions, and the maiden rambled with him in the moonlight upon the banks of the river when her affianced was away, unconscious of danger. the day approached for the maiden to go to the wigwam of her lord. the tortoise was with her alone in a secluded nook upon the brink of the river. his light canoe was near and he proposed a voyage to a beautiful little island in the stream, where the fire-flies sparkled and the whippoorwill chanted its evening serenade. they launched, but, instead of paddling for the island, the tortoise turned his prow toward the cataract. like an arrow they sped down the swift current, while the young chief, with vigorous arm, paddled for the western shore. skilful as with the bow and hatchet, he steered his canoe to the mouth of the cavern, then upon the water's brink, seized the affrighted maiden, and leaped ashore, at the same moment securing his canoe by a strong green withe. the cave was dry, a soft bed of the skins of beasts was spread, and abundance of provision was there stored. at the top of the cave, far above the maiden's reach, an opening revealed a passage through the fissures to the rocks above. it was known only to the tortoise; and there he kept the maiden many months, until her affianced gave her up as lost to him forever. at length, while hunting on the southern hills in flowery may, the wolf saw the canoe at the mouth of the cave. it solved the question in his mind. the evening was clear, and the full moon shone brightly. he waited until midnight, when, with an arm as strong and skill as accurate as his rival's, he steered his canoe to the mouth of the cavern, which was lighted up by the moon. by its light he saw the perfidious tortoise sleeping peacefully by the side of his unwilling bride. the wolf smote the tortoise, but the wound was slight. the awakened warrior, unable to grasp his hatchet in the dark, bounded through the opening at the top of the cavern and closed it with a heavy stone. the lovers embraced in momentary joy. it was brief, for a fearful doom seemed to await them. the tortoise would return with force, and they had to make choice of death by the hatchet of the rival chief, or the waters of the cataract. the latter was their choice, and, in affectionate embrace, they sat in their canoe and made the fearful leap. the frail vessel struck propitiously upon the boiling waters, and, unharmed, passed over the gulf below. down the broad stream they glided, and far away, upon the margin of the lower lake, they lived and loved for two generations, and saw their children's children go out to the battle and the chase. in the line of their descent tradition avers, came brant, the mohawk sachem, the _strong_ wolf of his nation." it is said that brant's indian name, thay-en-da-ne-gea, signifies a bundle of sticks, or, in other words, strength. joseph brant, in company with two older brothers, fought his first battle at lake george, under the famous chief, king hendrick. it may be interesting to recall the fact that it was from this noted chief that sir william johnson obtained a choice tract of land on the mohawk, in the following manner. the sachem, being at the baronet's house, saw a richly embroidered coat and coveted it. the next morning he said to sir william, "brother, me dream last night." "indeed," answered sir william, "what did my red brother dream?" "me dream that coat be mine." "it is yours," said the shrewd baronet. not long afterward sir william visited the sachem, and he, too, had a dream. "brother," he said, "i dreamed last night." "what did my pale-faced brother dream?" asked hendrick. "i dreamed that this tract of land was mine," describing a square bounded on the south by the mohawk, on the east by canada creek, and north and west by objects equally well known. hendrick was astonished. he saw the enormity of the request, for it embraced nearly a hundred thousand acres, but he was not to be outdone in generosity. he sat thoughtfully for a moment, and then said, "brother, the land is yours, but you must not dream again." the title was confirmed by the british government, and the tract was called the royal grant. thus did sir william johnson become, next to the penns, and lord fairfax, the largest landholder in the colonies. brant's father died in the ohio country and his mother returned to canajoharie, on the mohawk, with the two younger children--mary, or mollie, as she was usually called, and joseph. by traffic with the indians for furs, sir william johnson acquired a large fortune. he erected two splendid and spacious buildings, which he called the "castle" and "hall," respectively, occupying one in winter, the other in summer. four or five years after he built the castle, the wife of colonel johnson, as he was then called, a plain, fair-haired german girl of humble lineage, died, leaving her husband one boy, john, and two baby daughters. one day the widower attended a muster of the county militia. as an officer came riding by on a prancing steed, a bright-eyed, red-cheeked indian girl of sixteen, a real beauty, with her white teeth, long, flowing black hair, and a form of rare symmetry and grace, laughingly bantered him for a ride. the officer told her she might jump on if she could. quick as a flash the agile girl leaped up on the horse behind the gallant rider, and clinging to him, her hair and ribbons blowing wildly in the breeze, rode round and round on the flying steed before the applauding crowd. one man took more than ordinary interest in the incident. it was the susceptible and lonely widower. that night mollie brant, joseph's sister, who was the dusky beauty, went home with the baronet to johnson castle, becoming thenceforth the mistress alike of it and its proprietor. the motherless daughters were assigned apartments of their own, where they lived in complete seclusion under the care of a devoted friend of their mother, an officer's widow. their time was occupied with needlework or study. their library consisted of the bible and prayer-book, rollin's "ancient history," and a few english novels of the period. a game of chess, a walk in the park, or a drive along the river road, constituted their only amusements. at the age of sixteen they had never seen a lady other than their governess. occasionally some gentleman visitor came to johnson hall. this served to break the monotony for the lonely girls, to whom such a guest was always presented. they married early, and their father built for them two elegant stone residences a few miles from the castle. far different from this conventual life of the two daughters was that led below stairs by their father. from the first, sir william acquired great influence over the warriors of the far-famed six nations or iroquois confederation. the negotiations of the british government with these indians were all carried on through him. the castle was his storehouse, where large supplies of guns, ammunition and trinkets were kept for trade. around the castle were clusters of cabins for the accommodation of indians who came to traffic. sir william also kept a bounteous table open to every comer. the indians would visit him day and night, sleeping in the halls, on the steps or in the cabins, as suited their fancy, and faring on their host's sumptuous provision for days at a time. the natural genius of the baronet for controlling the restless red men was greatly aided by his questionable alliance with mollie brant. she was immensely popular, possessed a shrewd intelligence, and acquired great influence over her people. sir william, moreover, by this alliance, for he married her near the close of his life in order to make her children legitimate, won the hearts of the warriors. his castle, to which they were always glad to come, was considered the splendid establishment of one of their own people. the indians formally adopted the baronet into the mohawk nation; they then gave him an indian name and made him a war-chief. brant is said to have taken that name from the fact that after the death of his father, the mother married an indian who went by the name of brant among the english. thay-en-da-ne-gea would naturally be called by the surname of his stepfather. at first he was known as brant's joseph, afterward joseph brant. women are often designing, and use their influence over men for their own purposes. it is natural to find that "miss mollie brant" made use of her influence over sir william to further the interests of her brother joseph. as he was an unusually intelligent lad he soon became the recipient of sir william's bounty, and was sent by him to school at lebanon, connecticut. this school was taught by rev. eleazer wheelock. in dr. wheelock's letters to sir william johnson, joseph brant is frequently well spoken of, as "joseph and the rest of the boys are well, studious and diligent"; "joseph is indeed an excellent youth." he was employed by the baronet to assist in his duties as indian commissioner. he acted as interpreter, and was often sent on long journeys, to the wild indians of the west. in this work he early exhibited rare diplomatic ability. moreover, brant took great interest in things spiritual, and aided materially in translating portions of the bible, the prayer-book and ritual, into the mohawk tongue. at the time of sir william johnson's death. brant was a powerful mohawk sachem. john johnson, the only son of sir william, inherited the title and much of the wealth; while guy johnson, sir william's son-in-law, became indian commissioner, with joseph brant as his private secretary. meanwhile the revolution was approaching. new york constantly protested her loyalty, but still claimed her liberty. political discussion became loud and heated. the people found themselves ranged into two hostile parties. the great majority were patriots. they believed in the colonies having justice, come what would. these were the whigs. but there was also a minority party who retained their old attachment to england, who justified the home government, and abused the whigs. they were the conservatives, or tories. the one demanded a change--a reform. the other replied, "let well enough alone; peace! peace! when there was no peace." these party dissensions reached the mohawk valley, where a majority of the people were enthusiastic whigs. the johnsons, however, were tories. property and aristocracy are conservative. the johnsons were very wealthy and cared nothing for the tax on tea. what was it to them if troops were quartered in boston? it cost them nothing. so they wanted things to continue as they were. brant had now become, by the exigencies of war, by his connection with the johnsons, and by his own superior mind and gift for leadership, the most powerful and influential of the iroquois war-chiefs. before the americans were yet sure whether brant would take up the tomahawk against them, his old school-master was asked to write to him on the subject. president wheelock accordingly wrote brant a very long letter, using every argument in favor of the colonists that he thought would have weight with an indian. brant answered with indian wit that he very well remembered the happy hours he had spent under the doctor's roof, and he especially remembered the family prayers, and, above all, how his school-master used to pray "that they might be able to live as good subjects, to fear god and honor the king." meantime the american successes in canada were, for a time, very influential with the indians on the american border, many of whom took sides with the colonies. it is possible that brant, too, felt the power of success and wavered a little at this critical time, though he always denied it. in speaking of this period long afterward, brant said: "when i joined the english in the beginning of the war, it was purely on account of my forefathers' engagements with the king. i always looked on these engagements, or covenants between the king and the indian nations, as a sacred thing; therefore i was not to be frightened by the threats of rebels at the time." encouraged by the johnsons and other tories, who wished him to see the mother-country, that he might judge of her resources and population, brant sailed for england in the fall of . on his arrival in london he was conducted to a rather obscure inn, called "the swan with two necks." all haste was made, however, to provide statelier lodgings for the great "indian king," as the englishmen called him. but brant politely but firmly declined, declaring that the people at "the swan" had treated him so kindly he preferred to stay there. "in this joseph showed his innocence," as mason says. "he mistook the broad smile and hearty handshake, which forms such an important part of the landlord's stock in trade, for the genuine article. if he was taken in by the patronizing airs of the shrewd tavern-keeper, brant showed no other signs of verdancy. he dressed in european clothing of the best quality. his courtly manners and clear-cut english caused the throng of titled men and jeweled women who sought his company and pressed upon him the honors of the capital to lose sight of the fact that this lordly gentleman of foreign accent and distinguished air was, in fact, a red-fisted savage, accustomed to lead his yelling band of braves to midnight massacres. "when he appeared at court on visits of business or ceremony, he laid aside his european habit, and wore a gorgeous costume of the fashion of his own people. bands of silver encircled his sinewy arms. tall plumes adorned his head-dress, and highly colored fabrics, hung with copper pendants, formed his clothing. the sight of a glittering tomahawk with his full name, 'j. thay-en-da-ne-gea,' engraved on it must have shocked the ladies at court." brant was much lionized while in england. he was courted by that celebrated worshiper of great men, boswell; and sat for his picture twice during the visit, once at boswell's request, and once for the earl of warwick, who caused romney, the eminent painter, to make a portrait of him for his collection. he bought a gold ring during his stay, upon which he had his full name engraved, that his body might be identified in case of his death in the coming battles. {illustration: joseph brant, or thay-en-da-ne-gea, great war-chief of the mohawks.} before he left england he promised to lead three thousand indians into the field on the royal side. returning to america, by way of new york, early in the spring, he was secretly landed at some quiet spot near the city. from here he undertook the dangerous journey through the country to canada, and succeeded. on reaching canada, he at once collected a large force of indians, which he placed at the disposal of sir guy carleton, commander of the royal forces in canada. carleton ordered him with six hundred iroquois to join a company of regulars in dislodging the americans from a point of land about forty miles above montreal, known as the cedars. the american commander, bedell, when he saw the english and indians approaching, deserted, under pretense of going for reinforcements. the command was left to major butterfield, who seems to have been almost as cowardly as bedell. after a brief fight with musketry, he was intimidated by a threat that the indians would have no mercy if the americans held out any longer, and surrendered, against the wishes of his men. he had hardly surrendered when a detachment was sent to his relief by arnold, which was attacked by brant and his indians, and, after a stubborn fight, captured. the savages murdered several of the prisoners before they could be stopped. brant immediately exerted himself in every way to prevent a massacre. one of the prisoners, captain mckinistry, who was wounded, was selected by the indians to be put to death by torture. brant would not permit this, but a chief's influence is not very great in such eases, and it was with a great deal of trouble that he prevented it. to soothe the feelings of his warriors, he and some of the british officers made up a purse, with which they bought the indians an ox to roast instead of captain mckinistry, who was treated with so much kindness by the young chief that he and brant became fast friends. in after years brant never passed down the hudson without visiting the captain at his home. arnold secured the exchange of the prisoners by promising to release british prisoners in return, which promise was never fulfilled. in brant gathered a large force of indians at oquaga, on the susquehanna. the settlers on the frontier trembled, and there was reason for fear, for brant was planning an attack upon cherry valley. he approached the settlement with his indians one bright may morning, and took an observation from the distant woods. it happened at this moment that the boys of the settlement were parading in front of the rude fort with their wooden swords and guns. brant mistook the amateurs for real soldiers. he, with his party, moved to a hiding place along the roadside, hoping to intercept some one who would give them information. that morning lieutenant wormwood, a rich young man from the mohawk, who had come over to cherry valley to tell the inhabitants that reinforcements would be sent, started home. he was accompanied by one peter sitz, who bore double dispatches, one true, the other exaggerating the strength of the defense at the fort. when they reached the place where the indians were in hiding brant hailed them, but instead of answering they put spurs to their horses and tried to pass. but the savages fired at them, killing the lieutenant outright, and the horse on which sitz rode. the indians now rushed out and scalped wormwood and captured sitz, who delivered the bogus dispatches to brant. by this means he was fortunately deceived as to the strength of cherry valley, and retired. it is said that the chief regretted the death of the young man, as they had formerly been friends. brant's forces at oquaga continued to increase; all believed he was preparing for a hostile movement. the people of the frontier were in terror; general herkimer, who was an old neighbor and friend of brant, determined to visit him, hoping to influence him to remain neutral, and, failing in this, to capture the chief if possible. he sent a messenger, inviting brant to an interview with him at unadilla, and marched to this place with over three hundred militia. brant moved to meet him with some five hundred braves; he encamped within two miles of herkimer and sent a messenger to the general. "captain brant wants to know what you came here for," said the messenger. "i merely came to see and talk with my brother, captain brant," answered herkimer. "do all these men want to talk with captain brant, too?" inquired the indian. "i will carry your talk to captain brant, but you must not come any farther." through messengers a meeting was appointed to take place about midway between the two encampments. after herkimer and his party had been on the ground some time brant and his friends arrived, greeted the general and began to converse, but watched his face with a keen eye. in fact, each observed the other with ill-disguised suspicion. "may i inquire the reason of my being so honored?" said the polite chief. "i came only on a friendly visit," answered herkimer. "and all these have come on a friendly visit, too?" and brant eyed herkimer's companions. "all want to see the poor indians? it is very kind," he added, with just a little curl of the lip. general herkimer wished to go forward to his camp, but brant informed him he was quite near enough at present, and that he must not proceed further in that direction. herkimer questioned brant about his feelings and intentions with regard to the war between england and the colonies, to which the sachem replied earnestly: "the indians are in concert with the king, as their fathers were. we have yet got the wampum belt which the king gave us, and we can not break our word. you and your followers have joined the boston people against your sovereign. yet, although the bostonians are resolute, the king will humble them. general schuyler was very smart on the indians in his treaty with them, but at the same time he could not afford to give them the smallest article of clothing. the indians have made war before upon the white people when they were all united; now they are divided, and the indians are not frightened." brant peremptorily refused to surrender the tories in his party, when this was demanded, but agreed to meet herkimer on the following morning. that night herkimer laid a dark plot to massacre the chief and his few attendants at the next meeting, the following day. but brant was wary. at the appointed time he marched up to general herkimer with great dignity. "i have five hundred warriors with me, armed and ready for battle," said he. "you are in my power; but as we have been friends and neighbors i will not take advantage of you." as he said this he gave a signal to his waiting band, and with a war-whoop that made the forest resound they swept around the spot ready for any work their chief had for them to do. restraining his men, brant faced herkimer and his raw recruits, and with a haughty gesture said: "you may go." the colonists took the hint and went at the highest possible speed. joseph waggoner, one of herkimer's party, in a written statement, declared that the general appointed himself and three others to be present at this meeting, and at a signal from him to shoot brant and his three attendants upon the spot. this was not a very honorable or friendly intention, but white men in indian warfare often become as treacherous as the indians themselves, and it is a relief to know that the plan failed for the reason given. the savage war had now commenced. the tomahawk and scalping-knife were combined with british bayonets for the devastation of the frontier. burgoyne, who had superseded sir guy carleton as commander of the royal forces in canada, in invading new york, detached st. leger against fort stanwix, or schuyler, on the mohawk. brant and his indians formed a part of this force. colonel gansevoort, the commander of the fort, declared his determination to defend it to the last extremity. but the fortifications were weak, and the garrison in peril. a body of militia was raised in the valley of the mohawk for the relief of the place. our old friend general herkimer, took the command and, early in august, began his march for the fort. st. leger, hearing of his approach, dispatched a strong force of british and indians to meet them. brant, knowing from experience that the militia would advance without much order or precaution, planned an ambush, which the misconduct of the americans and their commander enabled him to carry into effect with such success as to cause them a severe loss. he placed his warriors in an ambush where there was a causeway and bridge crossing a low marsh. they were arranged in a circle with an opening at the bridge. as soon as the main body had crossed this marsh, a band of warriors rushed in to close the gap of the circle, completely inclosing the militia, with the exception of the supply train and rear guard, which had not entered the causeway. herkimer's first intimation of the vicinity of an enemy was a terrific indian yell, followed immediately by so heavy and well-aimed a volley as brought nearly every man in his advanced body to the ground. a frightful struggle ensued. from every side the savages poured in the most galling fire. every time the militia attempted to breakthrough the fatal lines which encircled them, they were beaten back with fearful slaughter. yet they bravely maintained a most stubborn resistance by posting themselves in indian fashion behind logs and trees. observing that a savage, waiting till a colonist had discharged his gun from behind a tree, would rush forward and tomahawk him before he could reload, they placed two men behind each tree, one reserving his fire for the defense of his companion. finding themselves pressed on all sides, the militiamen disposed themselves in a circle. it was a small wheel within a larger one. just as the indians charged on their foes with desperate valor, using the murderous bayonet, as well as the tomahawk, a sudden storm which had come up unnoticed by the struggling combatants broke upon them with tropical fury. unearthly bolts of lightning, followed by peal after peal of sky-splitting thunder, lent horror to the scene. the trees of the forest writhed and swayed in the fury of the tempest. in a moment a mighty flood of waters burst forth from the surcharged clouds, dampening the powder and rendering some of the guns of the combatants useless. the conflict of men became puny in comparison with the conflict of the elements. the noise of battle was but a stillness contrasted with the awful roar of the storm. the awed combatants desisted. the dark clans of thay-en-da-ne-gea withdrew in sullen rage to the sheltering distance. the storm lasted about an hour, and the americans availed themselves of this opportunity to take a more advantageous position. when the fighting was again renewed, the red men were reenforced by a detachment of johnson's greens. as the royalists advanced upon the american militia, neighbor recognized neighbor, and with the bitter hatred of civil warfare the battle was waged more fiercely. the americans fired upon the greens as they came up, and then, with uncontrollable ferocity, sprang from the sheltering trees and attacked them with their bayonets and the butts of their muskets. the contest grew even closer, and militiamen and tories, some of whom were neighbors and relatives, throttled and stabbed one another, often dying grappled together. near the commencement of the action a musket ball passed through and killed general herkimer's horse, and shattered his own leg just below the knee. with perfect composure and cool courage, he ordered the saddle to be taken from his dead horse and placed against a large beech tree near. seated there, with his men falling all around him, and the bullets of the enemy like driving sleet, the intrepid old general calmly gave his orders. when advised to take a less exposed position, his reply was, "no, i will face the enemy," and he continued to command his men; at the same time coolly taking out his tinder-box and lighting his pipe, he smoked it with the greatest composure. he did not long survive the battle, but died at his home near by. a body of two hundred and fifty men of the garrison were in the meantime advancing to the relief of herkimer's party. they fell upon the indians and tories, put them to rout, captured their provisions and baggage, with five standards, and returned in safety. brant now drew off his braves, and one of the bloodiest battles of the war ended. herkimer's disaster produced no disheartening effects upon the garrison. they repulsed every attack, and refused to listen to any mention of a surrender, although they no longer had any hope of being relieved. as it was of the utmost importance to reduce this place, in order to leave no military post in the hands of the americans which might threaten the right flank of burgoyne's army in its approach, st. leger tried the arts of intimidation. on august he sent a flag to the fort with a summons to surrender, in which he exaggerated his own strength, and represented that burgoyne had entered albany in triumph, after laying waste the whole country in his victorious march. he further stated that brant and his indians were determined, if they met with further resistance, to massacre every soul on the mohawk river; and, in case they were obliged to wait any longer for the surrender of fort schuyler, every man in the garrison would be tomahawked. gansevoort, maintaining his inflexible resolution, was not moved in the slightest degree by these threats, but determined to make one more attempt to obtain relief. two of his officers volunteered their services, and with much difficulty and many adventures, made their way through the cordon of the enemy to german flats, from which place a message was sent to general schuyler, at stillwater. measures were instantly taken to relieve the fort. general arnold offered to conduct the expedition, and a brigade was detached for this purpose. but an opportunity presented itself for directing a stratagem against the enemy. among the tory spies recently captured was a half-witted fellow named hon-yost schuyler; he was tried by court-martial and condemned to death. his mother and brother interceded with arnold on his behalf; the general at first was inexorable, but at last proposed terms on which he would grant hon-yost's pardon. he must hurry to fort schuyler and alarm st. leger's army, so that he would raise the siege. the foolish fellow immediately accepted these conditions, and his brother became a hostage in his stead. hon-yost now made arrangements with a friendly oneida indian to aid him, and, after firing several shots through his clothes, the two men started by different routes to st. leger's army. brant's indian warriors had been morose and dissatisfied since the battle of oriskany; they had been promised an easy success and much plunder, and they had found neither the one nor the other. they were now holding a great pow-wow to consult the spirits about the success of the present siege. in the midst of the ranting and drumming, and dancing, and other mysterious jugglery, hon-yost arrived in camp. hon-yost was well known to be on their side, and they crowded around him to hear the news. with the trickery of a half-witted man he did not deliver his message in plain words. he knew the effect of mystery with an indian. he shook his head ominously, and pointed to his riddled clothes to denote his narrow escape from the coming foe. "how many men--how many men are there?" asked the eager indians. hon-yost looked up and pointed to the leaves of the trees over his head. the report ran like wild-fire through the camp; it quickly reached the ear of the commander. st. leger sent for hon-yost. the wily fellow adopted a different policy in talking to the english commander. he told a straight and pitiful story; how he had been captured, tried and condemned; how, on the way to his execution, finding himself carelessly guarded, he had fled, thinking he would die any way, and he would as soon be shot as hung. his escape had been narrow, as the colonel might see by looking at his clothes. and the americans were coming in great force to raise the siege. while hon-yost was being interviewed at headquarters, the oneida messenger arrived with wampum to say that the americans were indeed coming in great force. of course, after all this, the spirits consulted in the pow-wow gave ominous warnings. st. leger saw that the indians were about to decamp; he tried to reassure them; he called a council, but neither the influence of thay-en-da-ne-gea nor that of johnson was of any avail. "the pow-wow says we must go--the pow-wow says we must go," persisted the indians. and the besieging army went--as fast as they could, strewing their baggage along the route. the simpleton, whose well-told lie was responsible for this sudden departure, went with them a few miles, and then contrived to slip away. he reported to general arnold, who promptly released his brother, and gave him a full pardon. brant was again at oquaga in , the terror of the border. women turned pale and children trembled at his very name. in the bitter animosity of the day no story of cruelty was too black to be laid upon brant, the great chief of these savage warriors. brant felt keenly the hatred with which he was regarded in afterlife among frontiersmen. the proud chief wished to be regarded as a gentleman in every respect. "he always denied," as edward eggleston says, "that he had ever committed any act of cruelty during this cruel war, and none has been proved against him, while many stories of his mercy are well authenticated. he led, indeed, a savage force, and fought in the savage way, as the english officials who managed the indian alliance desired. when indians were accused of cruelty brant would return the charge upon the whites, who sometimes, in fact, excelled the savages in their revengeful barbarity. to brant the civilized custom of imprisoning men was the worst of cruelty; a man's liberty, he held, was worth more than his life. of the indian custom of torture he did not approve, but when a man must die for a crime, he thought it better to give him some chance to make atonement in a courageous and warrior-like death than to execute him after the manner of the whites by the humiliating gallows. brant used in after-life to defend the indian mode of warfare. he said the indians had neither the artillery, the numbers, the forts, nor the prisons of the white men. in place of artillery they must use stratagem; as their forces were small, they must use every means to kill as many of the enemy with as small a loss to themselves as possible; and, as they had no prisons, their captives must, in some cases, be killed. he held it more merciful to kill a suffering person, and thus put an end to his misery." {illustration: king hendrick, mohawk chief.} during the summer of , when every borderer trembled for his life, a boy named william mckoun was one day making hay in a field alone; when, happening to turn around he saw an indian very near, and involuntarily raised his rake for defense. "don't be afraid, young man, i shan't hurt you," said the indian. "can you tell me where foster's house is?" the youth gave the directions, and then asked, "do you know mr. foster?" "i am slightly acquainted with him. i saw him once at halfway creek," answered the indian. "what is your name?" "william mckoun." "oh, you are a son of captain mckoun, who lives in the northeast part of town, i suppose. i know your father very well; he lives neighbor to mr. foster. i know mckoun very, very well, and a very fine fellow he is, too. i know several more of your neighbors and they are all fine men." "what is your name?" the boy ventured to ask. the indian hesitated a moment and then said: "my name is brant." "what! captain brant?" cried the boy, eagerly. "no; i'm a cousin of his," answered the chief, smiling, as he turned away. the first blow that brant struck in was at a small settlement about ten miles from cherry valley. the inhabitants were aroused by the terrible war-whoop in the dead of night; some escaped, the rest were taken prisoners. under brant's guidance there was no massacreing of helpless women and children. the houses and barns were fired, and their flames lighted up the country; the men were tied and carried into captivity. brant had left one large house unburned. into this he gathered the women and children, and here he left them unharmed. the alarming news that brant's forces were increasing, and that he was fortifying himself at unadilla, reached cherry valley. captain mckoun, of that place, very foolishly wrote brant a challenge to meet him either in single combat, or with an equal number of men, with the insulting addition that if brant would come to cherry valley they would change him "from a brant to a goose." this letter was put in the indian post office; in other words, it was tied to a stick and put in an indian foot-path, and was sure to reach the chief. brant received it in due time, and referred to it in this postscript to a letter written to a loyalist a few days after: "i heard that the cherry valley people are very bold and intend to make nothing of us; they call us wild geese, but i know the contrary. i mean now to fight the cruel rebels as well as i can." early in the fall of brant, with his indian army, made an attack upon german flats, the finest and richest part of mohawk valley. fortunately four scouts from the settlement were out; three of them were killed by the indians, but the fourth one escaped to warn the settlers. men, women and children took to forts dayton and herkimer, near by, for safety. brant did not know that his approach was expected. the indians swept into the settlement from different directions, that they might take it entirely by surprise. they found the houses deserted. a moment more and the settlement was in a blaze. each family could see from the forts its own home and the stored-up fruits of their year's labor fast burning up. but they might be thankful they were not in the houses. the indians dared not brave the artillery of the forts, but could be seen rushing into the pastures after the cattle, and driving away sheep and horses. they left the settlers nothing, but fortunately they had found only two men to kill. a war of retaliation was now begun. a regiment of american troops marched upon brant's headquarters. they approached unadilla with the greatest caution, thinking to surprise the indians in their homes, but indians are not often so surprised. they found that unadilla had been deserted several days. capturing a loyalist, they made him guide them to oquaga. this town had been just deserted in the greatest confusion, and much of the indians' portable property was left behind. here were a number of well-built houses which denoted brant's efforts at civilization. the colonial soldiers feasted upon poultry, fruit and vegetables of the red men; and then everything was destroyed by fire. near to this place was an indian fort. this, too, was laid in ruins. on the return two mills were burned and the village of unadilla was left in a blaze. from his ruined villages brant determined to return to niagara for winter quarters. while on the way he was met by walter n. butler, who, with a force of loyalists, was marching to attack the settlements, and he brought orders for brant to join him. the great sachem was much displeased to be put in a subordinate position under this young man, or rather young fiend, whom he disliked. he was at length persuaded to join him, however, with a force of some five hundred warriors. it was late in the fall. the scattered settlers had returned to their homes thinking it was too late in the season for further danger from the indians, as brant and his warriors had, as they supposed, gone into winter quarters at niagara. they therefore did not apprehend an attack on the settlement. the fort at cherry valley was the church, surrounded with a stockade and garrisoned by eastern soldiers, who knew little of indian fighting. they heard rumors of an approach from the indians, but did not credit them fully. they did, however, send out scouts, who went a few miles, built a fire and lay down to sleep, without appointing a guard. they awoke to find themselves prisoners. butler and brant approached the settlement on a stormy night. they fired upon a straggling settler, who escaped to give the alarm. but, strange to say, the commander did not yet believe the indians were coming in force, until they burst like a storm upon the settlement, surrounding the houses and murdering the inhabitants as they came forth. the house of mr. wells, a prominent citizen, was first surrounded, and every person in it was killed by the ferocious senecas, who were first to rush into the village. captain alden, the unwise commander, paid for his folly with his life. he and the other officers were quartered among the settlers outside the fort, and as soon as the alarm was heard he tried to reach the fort, but a savage hurled his tomahawk at his head with deadly effect. thirty-two settlers, mostly women and children, were killed, although some of them escaped to the woods and from there to the mohawk valley. brant greatly regretted the murder of the wells family, with whom he was well acquainted; although he had tried to anticipate the indians and reach the wells house before the senecas, but failed. he now asked after captain mckoun, and was informed that he had probably escaped to the mohawk with his family. "he sent me a challenge once," said brant. "i have now come to accept it. he is a fine soldier thus to retreat." "captain mckoun would not turn his back upon an enemy when there was any probability of success," answered his informer. "i know it," said brant. "he is a brave man, and i would have given more to take him than any other man in cherry valley, but i would not have hurt a hair of his head." through all that terrible struggle, here and elsewhere, in which so much blood was shed, and so many heart-sickening scenes were enacted by both parties, brant was generally found on the side of mercy; but it was his misfortune to be under the command of tories, whom he declared, "were more savage than the savages themselves." we have called walter n. butler a fiend, and an incident is recorded of the massacre at cherry valley which tends to prove it. butler ordered a little child to be killed because he was a rebel. brant interfered and saved him, remarking: "this child is not an enemy to the king, nor a friend to the colonies; long before he is old enough to bear arms the trouble will be settled." during this massacre brant entered a house where he found a woman going about her regular duties. "how does it happen you are at this kind of work while your neighbors are all murdered around you?" exclaimed the chief. "we are king's people," answered the woman. "that plea won't save you to-day," said brant. "there is one joseph brant; if he is with the indians, he will save us," said the woman. "i am joseph brant," answered the chief; "but i am not in command, and i don't know that i can save you, but i will do what i can." at this moment some senecas approached the house "get into bed and pretend you are sick," said brant. the woman hurried into bed and brant met the senecas. "there's no one here but a sick woman and her children." said he. he prevailed upon the indians to leave, after little conversation. when they were out of sight he went to the door and gave a long, shrill yell. immediately some mohawks came running across the fields. "where is your paint?" brant called out to them. "here, put my mark upon this woman and her children." the order was obeyed, and brant turned to the woman saying, "you are now probably safe, as the indians will understand and respect that sign." the loyalists and indians gained no success by an attempted assault on the fort, while the garrison dared make no sally, on account of the superior numbers of the indians. the enemy encamped for the night in the valley, and spent most of the night distributing and dividing plunder. there were thirty or forty prisoners, men, women and children, who spent a sleepless night, fearing that torture was reserved for them; but the next morning the whole force marched down cherry valley creek. on the morning of the following day, the prisoners were all gathered together, and were informed that the women were all to be sent back with the exception of mrs. moore, mrs. campbell and their children. it seems that the husbands of these two women had been active in border warfare, and it was resolved, as a punishment, to keep their families in captivity. these women and children were finally exchanged for british prisoners among the americans. among other captives the indians carried away, at this time, a man named vrooman, who was an old friend of the chief. desiring to give his friend a chance to escape. brant sent him back about two miles to get some birch-bark. he, of course, expected to see no more of him, but what was his surprise when, a few hours after, vrooman came hurrying up with the bark, which the chief did not want. brant said afterward that he had sent him back on purpose to give him a chance to escape, but he was such a big fool he did not do it and he was compelled to take him to canada. in , when sir john johnson and brant led a desolating army through the schoharie and mohawk valleys, brant's humanity was again displayed. on their way to fort hunter an infant was carried off. the frantic mother followed them as far as the fort, but could get no tidings of her child. on the morning after the departure of the invaders, and while general van rensselaer's officers were at breakfast, a young indian came bounding into the room, bearing the infant in his arms and a letter from captain brant, addressed to "the commander of the rebel army." the letter was as follows: "sir,--i send you, by one of my runners, the child, which he will deliver, that you may know that whatever others may do, i do not make war upon women and children. i am sorry to say that i have those engaged with me who are more savage than the savages themselves." he named colonel john butler, who commanded the tories at wyoming, and his son, walter n., the commander of the british and indians at cherry valley. the former occurred july , the latter, november , of the same year. these were among the most bloody massacres of indian warfare. but let it never be forgotten, that the commander and instigator of the butchery of aged non-combatants, women and children, at each place, was a _white man._ we have seen how brant restrained the fiendish barbarity of the younger butler at cherry valley. and, as to wyoming, it has been proven that the "monster brant," as campbell calls him in his "gertrude of wyoming," _was not present_ at that massacre. the indians who fought with the loyalists at wyoming were not mohawks, but senecas, under their war-chief, gi-en-gwa-tah, which signifies "he who goes in the smoke." it was at wyoming where the garrison sallied forth under colonel zebulon butler, the commander, to attack the tories and indians, under the command of john butler. the americans were ambushed and only a remnant regained the fort. a demand was sent in for the surrender of the fort, accompanied by one hundred and ninety-six bloody scalps, taken from the slain. when the best terms were asked, the infamous john butler replied, "the hatchet." it will be noticed that the hostile commanders bore the same name, as they were cousins and had been old friends. it was believed for many years that brant and his mohawk warriors were engaged in the invasion of wyoming. historians of established reputation, such as gordon, ramsey, thacher, marshall, and allen, assert that he and john butler were joint commanders on that occasion, and upon his memory rested the foul imputation of being a participant in the horrid transactions of wyoming. misled by history, or rather "historical imagination," campbell, in his "gertrude of wyoming," makes the oneida say: "this is no time to fill the joyous cup; the mammoth comes--the foe--the monster brant, with all his howling, desolating band." and again: "scorning to wield the hatchet for his tribe, 'gainst brant himself i went to battle forth; accursed brant! he left of all my tribe nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth. no! not the dog that watched my household hearth escaped that night of blood upon the plains. all perish'd. i alone am left on earth! to whom nor relative nor blood remains-- no, not a kindred drop that runs in human veins." brant always denied any participation in the invasion, but the evidence of history seemed against him, and the verdict of the world was that he was one of the chief actors in that horrible tragedy. from this aspersion mr. stone vindicated his character in his "life of brant." a reviewer, understood to be caleb cushing, of massachusetts, disputed the point, and maintained that stone had not made out a clear case for the sachem. unwilling to remain deceived, if he was so, mr. stone made a journey to the seneca country, where he found several surviving warriors who were engaged in that campaign. the celebrated seneca chief, kavundvowand, better known as captain pollard, who was a young chief in the battle, gave mr. stone a clear account of the events, and was positive in his declarations that brant and the mohawks were not engaged in that campaign. the indians were principally senecas, and were led by gi-en-gwa-tah, as before mentioned. john brant, a son of the mohawk sachem, while in england in , on a mission in behalf of his nation, opened a correspondence with mr. campbell on the subject of the injustice which the latter had done the chief in his "gertrude of wyoming." the result was a partial acknowledgment of his error by the poet in the next edition of the poem that was printed. he did not change a word of the poem, but referred to the use of brant's name there in a note, in which he says: "his son referred to documents which completely satisfied me that the common accounts of brant's cruelties at wyoming, which i had found in books of travels, and in adolphus's and other similar histories of england, were gross errors. . . . the name of brant, therefore, remains in my poem a pure and declared character of fiction." this was well enough, as far as it went; but an omission, after such a conviction of error, to blot out the name entirely from the poem, was unworthy of the character of an honest man; and the stain upon the poet's name will remain as long as the blot upon a humane warrior shall endure in the epic. {illustration: sir william johnson in treaty with the mohawks.} following is a part of the letter written by campbell to john brant: "sir,--ten days ago i was not aware that such a person existed as a son of the indian leader, brant, who is mentioned in my poem, 'gertrude of wyoming.' . . . lastly, you assert that he was not within many miles of the spot when the battle which decided the fate of wyoming took place; and from your offer of reference to living witnesses, i can not but admit the assertion." another of brant's exploits was the destruction of minisink, near the border of new jersey and pennsylvania. with a band of sixty mohawks and twenty-seven tories disguised as indians, brant stole upon the minisink people, whose first warning was the burning of houses. most of the inhabitants fled, but some were killed and others taken captive. the houses were plundered and burned, property destroyed and cattle driven away. in a massacre during this raid one man, major wood, was about to be killed, when, either by accident or design, he made a masonic signal, though he did not belong to the order. brant was an enthusiastic freemason, and at once rescued him. when the indian leader found out the deception, he boiled over with rage, but yet spared his life. the captive, on his part, it is said, felt bound to join the order immediately on his release from captivity. in the summer of , the colonies resolved on a united effort to crush the power of the six nations by an invasion of their country. the command was given to general sullivan, who went to work as one in earnest. he decided that the expedition should advance in three divisions. the left was to move from pittsburg, under col. daniel broadhead; the right from the mohawk, under gen. james clinton, while sullivan was to lead the center from wyoming. general clinton, with seventeen hundred men, reached otsego lake, the source of the susquehanna. in doing this clinton had traversed a portage of about twenty miles, conveying his baggage and two hundred and twenty boats. owing to the dry season there was not sufficient water to float any craft larger than an indian canoe. while waiting for orders clinton employed his men damming up the outlet of the lake, which raised the surface of the water several feet. when the order came, everything was in readiness; the dam was torn away, and the out rushing torrent carried with it the large boats filled with troops and supplies, where nothing but indian canoes had ever been seen before. the sight astonished the indians, who concluded that the great spirit must have made the flood to show that he was angry with them. the two armies met at tioga in the latter part of august, forming together a force of five thousand men. on august this powerful body marched into the indian country. at the indian village of newtown, where elmira now stands, sullivan found a force of twelve hundred tories and indians under the command of sir john and guy johnson, col. john and walter n. butler, and joseph brant. the battle began at once and raged all day. the americans gradually forced the enemy back. so many indians were killed that "the sides of the rocks next the river appeared as though blood had been poured on them by pailfuls." all was lost. the indian warriors fled, taking women and children with them, and leaving their fertile country, with its populous and well-laid-out villages, its vast fields of waving grain, its numerous orchards, laden with the ruddy fruit, open to the destroyers' advance. town after town was laid in ashes. of kanadaseagea, the capital of the senecas, not one house was left standing. genesee, the principal western town, containing all the winter stores of the confederacy, was completely obliterated. nor were they the ordinary wigwams and cabins, but frame houses, some of which were finely finished, painted and provided with chimneys. these invaders found themselves in a veritable garden, with a soil that needed but to be tickled with a crude implement, to make it laugh with a golden harvest. a soldier took the pains to measure an ear of corn which he plucked from the stalk and found it to be twenty-two inches long. another soldier made a rough count of the number of apple trees in a single orchard which was on the point of destruction. he estimated that there were fifteen hundred bearing trees. nor was this unusually large. of the number of orchards, the men said they were "innumerable." this, probably, included those of peach and pear trees. they were the product of the toil and care of generations of iroquois. "a wigwam can be built in two or three days," the indians sadly said; "but a tree takes many years to grow again." one can not help but contrast the indications of great abundance found here with the abject poverty of the "great and good massasoit," mentioned in another chapter. but massasoit lived in an inhospitable country and his career was near the beginning of the intercourse between the white and red races. evidently the enterprising iroquois had learned much of agriculture and horticulture from the thrifty farmers near them. general sullivan had now destroyed their homes and driven their families abroad to strange and inhospitable regions. more than forty of the villages were laid in ruins. as mason says, "the landscape was no longer variegated with fields of golden grain, with burdened orchards, staggering beneath their tinted fruitage, with verdant pastures, dotted over with sleek and peaceful herds, nor with waving forests of ancient trees, whose emerald foliage formed such a rich contrast with the sunny sky and winding river. as far as the eye could stretch, the prospect presented a single ominous color. that color was black. it was a landscape of charcoal! the american general was happy." the sorrows of the iroquois became the source of dissension. there arose a peace party. the leader of it was a young seneca chief named red jacket. he had the gift of eloquence. he spoke with thrilling earnestness of the folly of war, which was driving them forever from the lovely valley which they had inherited from their fathers; a war, too, in which they fought, not for themselves, but for the english. "what have the english done for us," he exclaimed, with flashing eye, drawing his proud form to its fullest height, and pointing with the zeal of despair toward the winding mohawk, "that we should become homeless and helpless wanderers for their sakes?" his burning words sank deep into the hearts of his passionate hearers. it was secretly resolved by his party to send a runner to the american army, and ask them to offer peace on any terms. brant heard of this plot to make peace. he kept his own counsel. the runner left the camp. two confidential warriors were summoned by him. in a few stern words he explained to them that the american flag of truce must never reach the indian camp. its bearers must be killed on the way, yet with such secrecy that their fate should not be known. the expectant peace party, waiting for the message in vain, were to believe that the americans had scornfully refused to hear their prayer for peace. the plot was carried out. the flag of truce never arrived. meantime colonel broadhead, leading the expedition from pittsburg, ascended the allegheny with six hundred men. his purpose was to create a diversion that would help the general campaign. besides doing that he destroyed many villages and cornfields, and returned after a month's absence without the loss of a man. the winter of - was one of unprecedented rigor. the shivering iroquois, at niagara, suffered severely; but the fire of hate burned in the heart of brant as hot as ever. he had long meditated a terrible revenge upon the oneidas, who had refused to follow his leadership, and persisted in neutrality. upon them he laid the blame of all his disasters. that winter he led his warriors across frozen rivers and through snowy forests, to the home of the unsuspecting oneidas. of what followed we have no detailed history. it is only known that brant fell upon them without mercy, that their villages and wigwams, their store-houses and council buildings were suddenly destroyed, that vast numbers of them were slain, and that the survivors fled to the white men for protection. the poor refugees, stricken for a fault which was not their own, were allotted rude and comfortless quarters near schenectady, where they were supported by the government till the close of the war. the tories and indians, to the number of about one thousand, under sir john johnson, brant and cornplanter, planned another invasion of the mohawk settlements. brant's appetite for vengeance was unabated. he was ambitious to surpass the work of sullivan. on the morning of october , , the occupants of the little fort at middleburg, far down the mohawk valley, looked out at sunrise on a startling sight. in every direction barns, hay-stacks, granaries and many houses were on fire. everywhere the people fled, abandoning everything in their madness of fear. their alarm was justifiable. brant's army, without a moment's warning, was upon them. at first the tories and indians mounted their little cannon and prepared to besiege the fort. but meeting with a stubborn resistance, and finding that the siege would delay them, brant, a past-master of guerrilla warfare, gave up the notion of taking the fort, and swept on down the valley. in their course the whole valley on both sides of the mohawk was laid in ruins. houses and barns were burned, the horses and cattle killed or driven off, and those of the inhabitants who were not safely within the walls of their fortifications were either killed or taken captive. the very churches were fired. but the torch of destruction was stayed wherever lived a tory. they passed by the homes of all who were loyal to england. then one of the strange sides of human nature asserted itself. the settlers, furious at their own wrongs, and aflame with passion at the sight of their tory neighbors' immunity from harm, issued from the forts and with their own hands applied the torch to all houses left standing, thus completing the work which transformed a verdant valley into a mighty cinder. the goal of the expedition was schenectady, but the invaders never reached that settlement. flying horsemen had long since carried the news of the invasion to albany. too much time had been taken up in the advance. general van rensselaer, with a strong force, was on the way to meet the enemy. brant and johnson began a retreat, but it was now too late. a heavy battle was fought. at sunset the advantage was with the americans. but van rensselaer, who was proverbially slow or incompetent, failed to push it. that night was of unusual darkness and favored the retreat of the enemy. an amusing thing happened at this time. nine tories were hurrying through the forest in full retreat. suddenly a stern voice cried out in the darkness, "lay down your arms." they obeyed promptly and were made prisoners. every tory was securely pinioned and led away. in the morning they found themselves in a little block-house. their captors were seven militiamen. the nine had surrendered to the seven. according to eggleston another curious incident happened in connection with this expedition. "the famous cornplanter, who commanded the senecas who served under brant, was a half-breed. he said of himself: 'when i was a child and began to play with the indian boys in the village, they took notice of my skin being a different color from theirs and spoke about it. i inquired of my mother the cause, and she told me that my father was a white man.' cornplanter's father was, in fact, an indian trader named o'beel, who was settled in the mohawk valley at the time of its invasion. during the progress of the army cornplanter went with a band of indians to his father's house, and taking him prisoner, marched off with him. after going some ten or twelve miles, he stopped abruptly, and, walking up in front of his father, said: 'my name is john o'beel, commonly called cornplanter. i am your son. you are my father. you are now my prisoner and subject to the customs of indian war-fare. you shall not be harmed. you need not fear. i am a warrior. many are the scalps which i have taken. many prisoners i have put to death. i am your son. i am a warrior. i was anxious to see you and greet you in friendship. i went to your cabin and took you by force, but your life shall be spared. indians love their friends and their kindred, and treat them with kindness. if now you choose to fellow the fortunes of your yellow son, i will cherish your old age with plenty of venison and you shall live easy. but if you prefer to return to the arms of your pale-face squaw and the caresses of your pale-face children, my brothers, it is well. you are free to choose.' the old man preferred to go back and cornplanter sent him with an indian escort." the last scene of the bloody drama on the mohawk took place october , . the british force of regulars, tories and indians, to the number of a thousand, were under the command of major ross and walter n. butler. the americans, under the command of colonels rowley and willett, met the invaders near johnson hall and a battle immediately ensued. the advantage was with the americans, and the enemy retreated, in a northerly course along west canada creek, pursued by willett. night came on and willett and his force encamped in a thick wood upon the "royal grant," which sir william johnson obtained from king hendrick, the indian chief, in a dreaming contest. the next day the americans overtook the enemy, commanded by walter butler, on the opposite side of the stream. a brisk fire was kept up across the creek, by both parties, until butler was shot in the head by an oneida indian, who knew him and took deliberate aim. his men now fled in confusion. the friendly oneida bounded across the stream, and found his victim not dead, but writhing in great agony. the bloody tory who had never shown mercy to others begged piteously for his life, "save me! save me!" he cried out, "give me quarter!" while the tomahawk of the warrior glittered over his head. "me give you sherry falley quarter!" shouted the indian, and buried his hatchet in the head of his enemy. he took his scalp, and, with the rest of the oneidas, continued the pursuit of the flying host. the body of butler was left to the beasts and birds, without burial, for charity toward one so inhuman and blood-stained had no dwelling place in the bosom of his foes. the place where he fell is still called butler's ford. the pursuit was kept up until evening, when willett, completely successful by entirely routing and dispersing the enemy, wheeled his victorious little army and returned to fort dayton in triumph. quite a different fate was in store for the second in command at cherry valley, the humane brant. at the close of the american revolution, when the treaty of peace was made between great britain and the united states not one word was said in it about the six nations. it was ever thus. indians have a great sense of their own dignity and importance. they were much hurt at being thus overlooked by the power they had aided so materially in the late war. brant immediately exerted himself to get a home for his people. the mohawks had left forever their own beautiful country in new york and were now encamped on the american side of niagara river. the senecas, who were very anxious for the mohawks in any future wars, offered them a home in the genesee valley. but brant said the mohawks were determined to "sink or swim" with the english. accordingly, he went to quebec, and with the aid of general haldiman, secured a grant of land on grand river, which flows into lake erie. brant and his mohawks received a title to the land on both sides of the river from its mouth to its source. this made a tract both beautiful and fertile twelve miles wide and one hundred miles long. the mohawks soon after took possession of their new home. the baroness de riedesel, a charming german lady, who was the wife of the general commanding the hessians during burgoyne's campaign, met brant at quebec. she says in her memoirs: "i saw at that time the famous indian chief, captain brant. his manners are polished; he expressed himself with fluency, and was much esteemed by general haldiman. i dined with him once at the general's. in his dress he showed off to advantage the half military and half savage costume. his countenance was manly and intelligent, and his disposition very mild." {illustration: leading hawk, sioux (upper brule).} like other ambitious warriors, since and before, brant planned at one time a confederacy of the northwestern tribes, over which he should be the head chief. he never succeeded in uniting the indians, however. in brant made a second visit to england, and was received with more splendor and ceremony than before. this was in consideration of his eminent services for the crown during the revolution. he was well acquainted with sir guy carlton, afterward lord dorchester. earl moira, afterward marquis of hastings, had formed an attachment for brant and gave him his picture set in gold. lord percy, who afterward became duke of northumberland, had been adopted by the mohawks, and on the occasion of his adoption brant had given him the name of thorighwegeri, or the evergreen brake. brant, therefore, had many friends among the nobility, and was presented at court. he refused to kiss the king's hand, but gallantly offered to kiss the hand of the queen. he became quite a favorite with the royal family. the prince of wales, afterward george iv., who was then very wild, took a good deal of pleasure in the sachem's company. he invited brant to go with him on some of his rambles, in which he visited places, as brant afterward said, "very queer for a prince to go to." he was often a guest at the prince's table, where he met many whig leaders, among them, the celebrated charles james fox. brant learned from the conversation of these whig leaders to have much less respect for the king than he had been taught in america. fox presented the chief with a silver snuff-box with his initials engraved upon it. brant met, in society, a nobleman (?) save the mark! of whom he had heard the scandalous story that his honors were purchased at the expense of the virtue of his beautiful wife. this nobleman very foolishly hectored brant rather rudely upon the wild customs and manners of the indians. "there are customs in england also which the indians think very strange," said the chief coolly. "and pray what are they?" inquired the nobleman, "why, the indians have heard," said brant, "that it is a practice in england for men who are born chiefs to sell the virtue of their squaws for place and for money to buy their venison." it is unnecessary to add that the nobleman was effectually silenced. eggleston informs us, that, "while brant was in london a great masquerade was given, to which he was invited. he needed no mask. he dressed himself for the occasion in his rich semi-savage costume, wore his handsome tomahawk in his belt, and painted one-half his face in the indian manner. there were some turks also present at the ball. one of them examined brant very closely, and at last raised his hand and pulled the chief's roman nose, supposing it to be a mask. instantly brant gave the war-whoop and swung his glistening tomahawk around the turk's head in that dangerous way in which indians handle this weapon. it was only an indian joke, but the turk cowered in abject terror and the ladies shrieked and ran as though they had been in as much danger as the settlers' wives and daughters of america, who had dreaded this same sound but a few years before." having accomplished the purpose of his visit to england, which was some reparation to the mohawks for losses sustained in the war, and money with which to build a church and school-house, brant returned to canada. he now began his labors for the improvement of his people, and hoped to induce them to devote themselves more to agriculture. the western nations still looked to the great war-chief for advice. brant thus retained his importance. he was under half-pay as a british officer, and held the commission of colonel from the king of england, though he was usually called captain. when he visited philadelphia, then the capital of the united states, the new government offered to double his salary and make him many presents if he would influence the western nations for peace. brant refused the offer, knowing that he would be accused of duplicity if he received anything from the united states. an indian chief quickly loses his influence if he is suspected of being mercenary. brant, in fact, joined the western indians, and is said to have been present with one hundred and fifty mohawks in the fierce battle which resulted in st. clair's defeat, though this fact is disputed. it is well known that little turtle commanded the indians in that battle, and it hardly seems reasonable that the great war-chief and head of the iroquois would take second place to another. he erected for himself a fine mansion on the western shore of lake ontario, where he lived in great splendor. here he held his barbaric court, "with a retinue of thirty negro servants, and surrounded by gay soldiers, cavaliers in powdered wigs and scarlet coats, and all the motley assemblage of that picturesque era." his correspondence, of which much is yet extant, reveals a rugged and powerful intellect, on which his associations with white men had exerted a marked influence. he encouraged missionaries to come among his people, and renewed his christian professions, which had, perhaps, been suspended or eclipsed while he was hurling his warriors like destroying thunderbolts on the people of the mohawk valley. his letters reveal a proud, sensitive spirit, jealous of its dignity, and which could not brook the slightest imputation of dishonor. his mind was eminently diplomatic and nothing escaped his attention, whether in the cabinets of ministers or around the council fire of distant tribes of western indians. the oft-quoted saying that, "uneasy lies the head which wears a crown," was demonstrated in his career. on one of his eastern trips, a dutchman from the mohawk valley, whose entire family had been killed by brant's warriors, swore vengeance. the man shadowed him day and night, seeking an opportunity to kill him. brant had taken a room in a new york hotel, which fronted on broadway. looking out of the window, he saw his enemy on the opposite side of the street aiming a gun at him. our old hero, colonel willet, interfered. he assured the dutchman, whose name was dygert, that the war was over, and he would be hanged if he murdered the chief. this so frightened the man that he went home without carrying his threat into execution. thus we find that the very man who refused burial to the body of walter n. butler, saved the life of brant. the chief had planned to return through the mohawk valley, but learning of a plot to assassinate him en route he changed his course and went home another way. he was most cordially abhorred, and lived and died virtually an exile from his native land. nor was his ascendancy among the iroquois maintained without some heartburning. his old enemy, red jacket, the orator, gathered a number of malcontents around his standard, and at a pretended meeting of the sachems of the confederacy, during brant's absence, he was impeached and formally deposed from the position of head chief of the six nations. when thay-en-da-ne-gea heard of it on his return, he boldly confronted his enemies in public council; he defied them, denied their calumnies and charges, and demanded a fair trial before his people. the military fame and prestige of the great war-chief overcame even the burning eloquence and invectives of red jacket, and brant triumphed over all opposition. brant proved conclusively that he had always been loyal to the british cause, and the best interest of the six nations. it is a little remarkable, therefore, that among his warmest personal friends was colonel aaron burr, who was afterward a traitor to his country, in thought and intention, if not in actual fact. colonel burr was at this time in the zenith of his popularity. he gave brant a letter of introduction to his talented daughter, theodosia, then but fourteen years old. her father said of brant in this letter: "colonel brant is a man of education--speaks and writes the english perfectly--and has seen much of europe and america. receive him with respect and hospitality. he is not one of those indians who drink, but is quite a gentleman; not one who will make you fine bows, but one who understands and practices what belongs to propriety and good breeding. he has daughters; if you could think of some little present to send to one of them-a pair of earrings, for example--it would please him." theodosia burr received brant with great hospitality, and gave him a dinner party, to which she invited some of the most eminent gentlemen in new york. several years afterward, when theodosia was married, she and her husband visited brant and his family at grand river. brant died in , at the age of sixty-four years, leaving unfinished his work for the security of the mohawks in the full possession of their lands. among his last words he said to the chief, norton: "have pity on the poor indian; if you can get any influence with the great, endeavor to do them all the good you can." a few years before the chief's death he had built a large house on a tract of land at the head of lake ontario, a gift from the king. he had a number of negro slaves whom he had captured during the war and who lived with him in contentment, it is said, satisfied with the indian customs. the great chief was buried beside the church which he had built at grand river, the first church in upper canada. there is a monument over his grave, said to have cost thirty thousand dollars, with the following inscription: "this tomb is erected to the memory of thay-en-da-ne-gea, or capt. joseph brant, principal chief and warrior of the six nations indians, by his fellow-subjects, admirers of his fidelity and attachment to the british crown." on the death of joseph brant, his youngest son, john, became chief, and head of the confederacy. he was a gentlemanly young man and distinguished himself on the british side in the war of , and was given a captain's commission. in he was elected a member of the provincial parliament for the county of haldiman. he and his youngest sister, elizabeth, lived in their father's house in civilized style, but their mother preferred to live among the indians in the mohawk village at grand river. a gentleman and his daughters who visited them in found the parlor carpeted and furnished with mahogany tables, the fashionable chairs of the day, a guitar, and a number of books. miss brant proved to be "a noble-looking indian girl." the upper part of her hair was done up in a silk net, while the long lower tresses hung down her back. she wore a short black silk petticoat, with a tunic of the same material, black silk stockings and black kid shoes. she was remarkably self-possessed and ladylike. she afterward married william johnson kerr, a grandson of sir william johnson, and they lived together happily in the brant house. chapter viii. red jacket, or sa-go-ye-wat-ha, "the keeper awake"--the indian demosthenes--chief of the senecas. the subject of this sketch was certainly the greatest orator of the six nations, and it is doubtful if his equal was ever known among all the american indians. his birth is supposed to have taken place about the year , under a great tree which formerly stood near the spring of water at canoga point on the west shore of cayuga lake, in western new york. his parents were of the seneca tribe, the most western of the iroquois confederation, and lived at can-e-de-sa-ga, a large indian village on the present site of geneva. at the time of his birth, owing to scarcity of game, his parents, with others, were hunting on the west shore of cayuga lake. the locality has been purchased by judge sackett, of seneca falls, who derived the statement here quoted from the great orator himself. when interrogated about his birthplace the sachem would answer, counting on his fingers as he spoke, "one, two, three, four above john harris," meaning four miles above where harris kept his ferry across the cayuga, before the erection of the bridge. the orator, whose eloquence was the pride of the race, and the special glory of the senecas, owed nothing to the advantages of illustrious descent, but was of humble parentage. he was a cayuga on his father's side, and the cayugas claim to have been a thoughtful and far-seeing people. the fact of his possessing wonderful eloquence was never disputed at any time. the name which red jacket received in his infancy was o-te-tiana, and signified "always ready." according to the custom of his people, when he became chief he took another--sa-go-ye-wat-ha,--which means "the keeper awake." but little is known of his history until the campaign of sullivan, when red jacket must have been about twenty-nine years of age. tradition says that he was remarkably swift in the chase and possessed a marvelous power of endurance. for these reasons, he was very successful in hunting. on account of his fleetness he was often employed as a messenger or "runner" by his people in his youth, and afterward in a like capacity by the british officers during the revolution. according to mr. stone, the learned indian biographist, sa-go-ye-wat-ha obtained the name of red jacket from the following circumstance: "during the war of the revolution he made himself very useful to the british officers as a messenger. he was doubtless the more so because of his intelligence and gift for oratory. in return for his services the officers presented the young man with a scarlet jacket, very richly embroidered." one can imagine the immense pride with which the "young prince of the wolf clan," as his admiring people were accustomed to call him, donned this brilliant garment. he took such delight in the jacket that he was kept in such garments by the british officers during the revolution. this peculiar dress became a mark of distinction and gave him the name by which he was afterward best known. even after the war, when the americans wished to find a way to his heart, they clothed his back with a red jacket. it has been almost the universal testimony of books that red jacket, the indian orator, like the two greatest of the ancient world, demosthenes and cicero, was a coward. this inference has been drawn very naturally, perhaps, from the fact that he generally, but not always, opposed war and seldom wielded the tomahawk. but the old men of his nation, who knew him best and the motives from which he acted, deny the charge. many even asserted that he was brave, though prudent, and not at all lacking in the qualities they admire in a warrior. they assign other reasons for his persistent opposition to war, and maintain that his superior sagacity led him to see its consequences to the indian. {illustration: red jacket, or sa-go-ye-wat-ha, "the keeper awake." celebrated seneca chief and orator.} in the revolutionary contest the red men generally enlisted on the side of the british, believing it to be for their interests. they could not understand anything of the real nature of the controversy of the two rival powers, and were justifiable in studying their own interest alone. in taking the british side the iroquois were strongly influenced by the johnsons, the tory leaders of new york, and their powerful ally, captain joseph brant, the great war-chief of the mohawks. but it was all done in spite of the eloquent protest of red jacket. "let them alone," said the wise man and orator. "let us remain upon our lands and take care of ourselves. what have the english done for us?" he exclaimed, drawing his proud form to its fullest height and pointing with the zeal of despair toward the winding mohawk, "that we should become homeless and helpless wanderers for their sakes?" but his motives were impugned and misunderstood. some of his own warriors called him a coward and promptly followed cornplanter and brant to battle. these two chiefs seemed to have had a contempt for red jacket because of his supposed cowardice. they nicknamed him _cow-killer,_ and often told with much gusto a story at his expense. this story was to the effect that at the commencement of the revolutionary war, the young chief, with his usual eloquence, exhorted the indians to courage, and promised to be with them in the thickest of the fight. when the battle came off, however, he was missing, having stayed at home to cut up a cow which he had captured. this story, with the speech just quoted in opposition to war, tended to convince many of the indians that the seneca sachem was a coward. but when the very things he prophesied literally happened, when in the progress of the war, as we have recorded in the life of brant, sullivan's army destroyed forty populous towns, with many orchards and fields of golden grain; when the senecas were driven further west, and the proud mohawks across the boundary into canada, the deluded indians saw that red jacket, the sage, was a true prophet. had they followed his advice all would have been well, but they refused, and the mohawks had "become homeless and helpless wanderers" for the sake of the british, who cared nothing for them when the war was over. at the close of the revolution, the influence of red jacket was restored; for the reason that even his enemies had to concede that he was right, that he opposed war not from cowardice, but because his sagacious mind could see the end from the beginning, and he knew that in any case it must end disastrously for the indian. he is to be commended for acting with wisdom and prudence. another sage of old has said: "a prudent man foreseeth the evil, and hideth himself; but the simple pass on and are punished." no one accused washington of cowardice, when he advised his countrymen to keep neutral and make no entangling alliance with a foreign power. this, in its last analysis, was about the same position taken by red jacket. why, then, should it be assumed that he was a coward? but there are other positive proofs of red jacket's courage. on one occasion the mohawks challenged the senecas to a game of ball. the challenge was accepted, and a large number of the iroquois had gathered to witness the game. many valuable articles, such as ornaments, weapons, belts and furs were bet on the result of the game. the stakes were placed under the care of a company of aged indians and the game was called. the ball was of deerskin; the bats, or rackets, were woven with deerskin thongs. a certain number of players were chosen upon each side. they were entirely nude except a breech-cloth about their loins. each party had a gate, or two poles, planted in the ground about three rods apart. the aim of the players on each side was to drive the ball through their own gate a specified number of times. it took several contests to decide the match. the players, provided with bats, were ranged in opposite lines, and between them stood two picked players, one from either side, who were expected to start the game. sometimes a pretty indian girl, very gayly dressed and decked with silver ornaments, ran between the lines until she reached the two leaders in the center, when she would drop the ball between them. the instant it touched the ground each of the two indians would make a struggle to start the ball toward his own gate. it was a rule of the game that the ball must not be touched by foot or hand. but a player might strike it with, or catch it on, his racket and run with it to the goal, if he could. but the opposite side would have men stationed to guard against such easy success. a fierce struggle for the possession of the ball was continually in progress, and players were frequently hurt, sometimes severely. it was usually taken in good part, but at this particular game a mohawk player struck a seneca a hard blow with his bat. instantly the senecas dropped their bats, took up the stakes that they had laid down in betting, and returned to their own country. three weeks after red jacket and some other chiefs sent a belligerent message to the mohawks demanding satisfaction for the insult. brant immediately called a council of his people, and it was decided to recommend a friendly council of both nations to settle the difference. the senecas consented to this, and the council met. red jacket was opposed to a reconciliation. he made a stirring speech, in which he pictured the offense in its blackest light, and was in favor of nothing less than war. but the older senecas, and among them cornplanter, who had not yet lost his influence, were opposed to a break between the two nations, and proposed that presents should be made in atonement to the young man who had been injured. the mohawks consented to this, and the pipe of peace was finally smoked in friendship. now, remember, it was red jacket who sent the belligerent message to the mohawks, demanding satisfaction for the injury to the young man, and insult to his tribe. he it was who favored _war,_ as the only way in which it could be wiped out. in the event of hostilities, he well knew that he and his tribe would be arrayed against the terrible mohawks, under the command of their great war-chief, captain brant, whose name was a terror to white and red foe alike. there was certainly no evidence of cowardice in this transaction. a treaty was made with the six nations on the part of the united states at fort stanwix, in . general lafayette was present at this council, and was struck with the eloquence of red jacket. the war-chief of the senecas, cornplanter, was in favor of peace, while red jacket, who was called a coward, used all his eloquence in favor of war. there are only two ways to account for his action at this time. either he was a courageous leader, or else he believed the war policy would be the most popular, at least with the senecas. red jacket and the senecas also took part in the war of . as early as the orator gave information to the indian agent of attempts made by tecumseh, the prophet, and others, to draw his nation into the great western combination; but the war of had scarcely commenced, when the senecas volunteered their services to their american neighbors. for some time these were rejected, and every exertion was made to induce them to remain neutral. the indians bore the restraint with an ill grace, but said nothing. at length, in the summer of , the english unadvisedly took possession of grand island, in the niagara river, a valuable territory of the senecas. this was too much for the pride of such men as red jacket and farmer's brother. a council was called immediately--the american agent was summoned to attend--and the orator arose and thus addressed him: "brother!" said he, after stating the information received, "you have told us we had nothing to do with the war between you and the british. but the war has come to our doors. our property is seized upon by the british and their indian friends. it is necessary for us, then, to take up this business. we must defend our property; we must drive the enemy from our soil. if we sit still on our lands, and take no means of redress, the british, following the customs of you white people, _will hold them by conquest;_ and you, if you conquer canada, will claim them on the same principles, as conquered _from the british._ brother, we wish to go with our warriors and drive off these bad people, and take possession of those lands." the effect of this reasonable declaration, and especially of the manner in which it was made, was such as might be expected. a grand council of the six nations came together, and a manifesto, of which the following is a literal translation, according to thatcher, was issued against the british in canada, and signed by all the grand councilors of the confederation: "we, the chiefs and councilors of the six nations of indians, residing in the state of new york, do hereby proclaim to all the war-chiefs and warriors of the six nations, that war is declared on our part against the provinces of upper and lower canada. therefore, we do hereby command and advise all the war-chiefs to call forth immediately the warriors under them, and put them in motion to protect their rights and liberties, which our brethren, the americans, are now defending." we regret that no speech of red jacket on this memorable occasion is preserved. but his eloquence, and that of his brother chiefs, must have inspired the warriors to great zeal and courage for although the declaration was made quite late in , we find quite a number of them in the battle near fort george. an official account of this action was given by general boyd, under date of august . the enemy were completely routed, and a number of british indians (mohawks) were captured by our allies. "those," continued the general in his report, "who participated in this contest, _particularly the indians,_ conducted with great bravery and activity. general porter volunteered in the affair, and major chapin evinced his accustomed zeal and courage. the regulars under major cummings, as far as they were engaged, conducted well. the principal chiefs who led the warriors this day were farmer's brother, red jacket, little billy, pollard, black snake, johnson, silver heels, captain halftown, major henry . ball (cornplanter's son) and captain cold, who was wounded. in a council which was held with them yesterday, they covenanted not to scalp or murder, and i am happy to say that they treated the prisoners with humanity, committed no wanton cruelties on the dead, but obeyed orders, and behaved in a soldier-like manner." thatcher says: "we believe all the chiefs here mentioned were senecas except captain cold." in his next bulletin, the general reports, "the bravery and humanity of the indians were equally conspicuous." another authority quoted in nile's "register" says, "they behaved with great gallantry and betrayed no disposition to violate the restrictions which boyd had imposed." "these restrictions," as thatcher says, "it should be observed in justice to red jacket and his brave comrades, had been previously agreed upon at the grand council, and the former probably felt no humiliation in departing in this particular from the usual savagery of his warriors. we have met with no authentic charges against him, either of cruelty or cowardice, and it is well known that he took part in a number of sharply contested engagements." is not all this a complete vindication of red jacket's courage? of the boyhood of this great sachem we know nothing. like many another he owed his celebrity to the troublous times in which he lived. the powers of the orator can only be exhibited on occasions of great interest; and the mighty intellect of red jacket could not have exercised itself upon theology, philosophy, or law, for the indian was a stranger to all these things. he was, however, a natural logician, and had gifts which, in a white man, would have insured success as a lawyer. one of the first forensic efforts of the young chief was in behalf of the women of his people, who, among the iroquois, were permitted to exert their influence in all public and important matters. and to this extent, the six nations of this period were more civilized than many of the _white_ nations of the _twentieth century, including our own._ in the year , when washington wished to secure the neutrality of the six nations, a deputation was sent to treat with them, but was not favorably received, as many of the young chiefs were for war and sided with the british. the women, as is usual, preferred peace, and argued that the land was theirs, for they cultivated and took care of it, and, therefore, had a right to speak concerning the use that should be made of its products. they demanded to be heard on this occasion, and addressed the deputation first themselves in the following words: "brother:--the great ruler has spared us until another day to talk together; for since you came here from general washington, you and our uncles, the sachems, have been counseling together. moreover, your sisters, the women, have taken the same into great consideration, because you and our sachems have said so much about it. now, that is the reason we have come to say something to you, and to tell you that the great ruler hath preserved you, and that you ought to hear and listen to what we women shall speak, as well as the sachems; _for we are the owners of this land,_ and it is ours! it is we that plant it for our and their use. hear us, therefore, for we speak things that concern us and our children; and you must not think hard of us while our men shall say more to you, for we have told them." they then designated red jacket as their speaker, and he took up the speech of his clients as follows: "brothers from pennsylvania: you that are sent from general washington and by the thirteen fires you have been sitting side by side with us every day, and the great ruler has appointed us another pleasant day to meet again. "now, listen, brothers; you know it has been the request of our head warriors, that we are left to answer for our women who are to conclude what ought to be done by both sachems and warriors. so hear what is their conclusion. the business you come on is very troublesome, and we have been a long time considering it; and now the elder of our women have said that our sachems and warriors must _help you,_ for the good of them and their children, and you tell us the americans are strong for peace. "now, all that has been done for you has been done by our women; the rest will be a hard task for us; for the people at the setting sun are bad people, and you have come in too much haste for such great matters of importance. and now, brothers, you must look when it is light in the morning, until the setting sun, and you must reach your neck over the land to take in all the light you can to show the danger. and these are the words of our women to you, and the sachems and warriors who shall go with you. "now, brothers from pennsylvania and from general washington, i have told you all i was directed. make your minds easy, and let us throw all care on the mercy of the great keeper, in hopes that he will assist us." "so," as minnie myrtle says, "there was peace instead of war, as there would often be if the voice of women could be heard! and though the senecas, in revising their laws and customs, have in a measure acceded to the civilized barbarism of treating the opinions of women with contempt, where their interest is equal, they still cannot sign a treaty without the consent of _two-thirds of the mothers!_" on another occasion the women sent a message, which red jacket delivered for them, saying that they fully concurred in the opinion of their sachems, that the white people had been the cause of all the indians' distresses. the white people had pressed and squeezed them together, until it gave them great pain at their hearts. one of the white women had told the indians to repent; and they now, in turn, called on the white people to repent--they having as much need of repentance as the indians. they, therefore, hoped the pale-faces would repent and wrong the indians no more, but give back the lands they had taken. at the termination of the revolution, the indians who were the allies of the english were left to take care of themselves as best they could. though they had fought desperately in their own way, and inflicted every species of suffering on our people, washington extended to them the hand of friendship and offered them protection. his kindness won him the gratitude of the indians. he undoubtedly filled a place in their affections never occupied by any other white man, save roger williams, or william penn. his influence over the indians helps to explain the fact that in all subsequent wars the senecas were either neutral or loyal to the americans; proof that the "father of his country" was also revered by his red children. {illustration: massacre at wyoming.} red jacket was one of fifty chiefs who visited president washington at philadelphia, then the seat of government, in . while there the president presented him with a silver medal, on which washington, in military uniform, was represented as handing a long peace-pipe to an indian chief with a scalp lock decorated with plumes on the top of his head, while a white man was plowing with a yoke of oxen in the background. this last figure was probably intended as a hint for the indians to abandon war and the chase, and adopt the peaceful pursuits of agriculture. on the reverse side was the eagle, and motto of our country, "_e pluribus unum._" indians prefer ornaments of silver to those of gold, for they are more becoming to their red skin. red jacket prized this medal very highly. he wore it on all state occasions. nevertheless, sad to relate, it is stated that the beloved medal was more than once in pawn for whisky. the medal in question was quite large. the exact dimensions were seven inches long, by five broad. the last heard of the medal was in , when it was in possession of brigadier-general parker, of grant's staff, who was at that time chief sachem of the six nations. while in philadelphia, each member of the deputation of chiefs received from general knox, on the part of the government, a military uniform such, as was worn by the officers, together with a cocked hat. when red jacket's suit was offered him he sent back word to general knox that he could not consistently wear such a garb, as he was not a war-chief, and requested that a different suit might be given him, more suitable to his station. but when the plain suit was brought to him, he declined giving up the regimentals, coolly remarking that though as a sachem he could not wear a military uniform in time of peace, yet in time of war the sachem joined the warriors, and he would therefore keep it till war broke out, when he could assume a military dress with propriety. on one occasion, being invited with several of his people to dine at the home of an officer, he ate very heartily of several kinds of meat; and seeing the surprise of the host, he remarked that he belonged to the wolf clan, and "wolves were always fond of meat." about the year , a council was held on the shore of lake canandaigua to negotiate a purchase of land from the indians. after two days spent in discussing the terms, a treaty was agreed upon, and only wanted the formality of a signature to make it complete, when red jacket, who had not yet been heard, arose to speak. an eye-witness thus describes the scene: "with the grace and dignity of a roman senator, he drew his blanket around him, and with a piercing eye surveyed the multitude. all was hushed; nothing interposed to break the silence, save the gentle rustle of the tree-tops, under whose shade they were gathered. after a long and solemn, but not unmeaning pause, he commenced his speech in a low voice and sententious style. rising gradually with the subject, he depicted the primitive simplicity and happiness of his nation, and the wrongs they had sustained from the usurpations of white men, with such bold but faithful eloquence that every auditor was soon roused to vengeance or melted into tears. the effect was inexpressible. but ere the emotions of admiration and sympathy had subsided, the white men became alarmed. they were in the heart of an indian country, surrounded by more than ten times their number, who were inflamed by the remembrance of their injuries and excited to indignation by the eloquence of a favorite chief. appalled and terrified, the white men cast a cheerless gaze upon the hordes around them. a nod from the chiefs might be the onset of destruction. at this portentous moment, farmer's brother interposed. he replied not to his brother chief, but with sagacity truly aboriginal, he caused a cessation of the council, introduced good cheer, commended the eloquence of red jacket, and before the meeting had reassembled, with the aid of other prudent chiefs, he had moderated the fury of his nation to a more salutary view of the question before them." the fame of his great eloquence gained red jacket a powerful influence, not only in his own tribe but among all the six nations of indians. "i am an orator; i was born an orator," was his boastful declaration; and to all future generations his name will descend enrolled on the list with demosthenes and cicero in ancient, and pitt, henry or webster in modern times; and though a pagan and belonging to a rude, uncultured race, his vices were no greater than those of men who lived all their lives under christian influences. he strenuously opposed every effort to introduce christianity among his people, for he could not understand how it could be so valuable or necessary, when he saw how little it influenced the conduct of white men and the wrongs they inflicted in the name of their god upon the red man. he could not make the distinction between those who possessed religion and those who merely _professed_ it; and as he came in contact with very few who walked uprightly, he naturally concluded that a religion which did no more for its followers was not worth adopting. he believed the great spirit had formed the red and white man distinct; that they could no more be of one creed than one color; and when the wars were over and there was nothing more for them to do, he wished his people to be separated entirely from white men, and return as much as possible to their old customs. he saw his people wasting away before the pale-faces; as he once said in a speech before a great assemblage: "we stand a small island in the bosom of the great waters. we are encircled--we are encompassed. the evil spirit rides upon the blast, and the waters are disturbed. they rise, they press upon us, and the waves once settled over us, we disappear for ever. who, then, lives to mourn us? none! what prevents our extermination? nothing! we are mingled with the common elements." from all accounts, the first missionaries sent among the senecas were not very judicious, and did not take the wisest course to make their religion acceptable to any people, and especially to a wronged and outraged race. in a young missionary by the name of cram was sent into the country of the six nations. a council was called to consider whether to receive him, and after he had made an introductory speech, red jacket made the following reply: "friend and brother: it was the will of the great spirit that we should meet together this day. he orders all things, and has given us a fine day for our council. he has taken his garment from before the sun and caused it to shine with brightness upon us. for all these things we thank the great ruler, and him _only!_ "brother, this council-fire was kindled by you. it was, at your request that we came together at this time. we have listened with joy to what you have said. you requested us to speak our minds freely. this gives us great joy, for we now consider that we stand upright before you and can speak what we think. all have heard your voice and can speak to you as one man. our minds are agreed. "brother, listen to what we say. there was a time when our forefathers owned this great island. their seats extended from the rising to the setting sun. the great spirit had made it for the use of indians. he had created the buffalo, the deer and other animals for food. he had made the bear and the beaver. their skins served us for clothing. he had scattered them over the country and taught us how to take them. he had caused the earth to produce corn for bread. all this he had done for his red children because he loved them. if we had some disputes about our hunting-ground, they were generally settled without the shedding of much blood. but an evil day came upon us. your forefathers crossed the great water and landed upon this island. their numbers were small. they found us friends and not enemies. they told us they had fled from their own country on account of wicked men, and had come here to enjoy their religion. they asked for a small seat. we took pity on them and granted their request, and they sat down amongst us. we gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison (rum) in return. "the white people, brother, had now found our country. tidings were carried back, and more came amongst us. yet we did not fear them. we took them to be friends. they called us brothers; we believed them, and gave them a larger seat. at length their numbers had greatly increased. they wanted more land; they wanted our country. our eyes were opened, and our minds became uneasy. wars took place. indians were hired to fight against indians, and many of our people were destroyed. they also brought strong liquor amongst us. it was strong and powerful and has slain thousands. "brother, our seats were once large, and yours were small. you have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets. you have got our country, but are not satisfied you want to force your religion upon us. "brother, continue to listen. you say that you are sent to instruct us how to worship the great spirit agreeable to his mind; and if we do not take hold of the religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhappy hereafter. you say that you are right, and we are lost. how do we know this to be true? we understand that your religion is written in a book. if it was intended for us as well as you, why has not the great spirit given to us--and not only to us, but to our forefathers--the knowledge of that book, with the means of understanding it rightly? we only know what you tell us about it. how shall we know when to believe, being so often deceived by the white people? "brother, you say there is but one way to worship and serve the great spirit. if there is but one religion, why do you white people differ so much about it? why not all agree, as you can all read the book? "brother, we do not understand these things. we are told that your religion was given to your forefathers, and has been handed down from father to son. we, also, have a religion which was given to our forefathers, and has been handed down to us, their children. we worship in that way. it teaches us to be thankful for all the favors we receive; to love each other, and be united. we never quarrel about religion, because it is a matter which concerns each man and the great spirit. "brother, we do not wish to destroy your religion or take it from you; we only want to enjoy our own. "brother, we have been told that you have been preaching to the white people in this place. these people are our neighbors. we are acquainted with them. we will wait a little while and see what effect your preaching has upon them. if we find it does them good, makes them honest and less disposed to cheat indians, we will consider again of what you have said. "brother, you have now heard our talk, and this is all we have to say at present. as we are going to part, we will come and take you by the hand, and hope the great spirit will protect you on your journey, and return you safely to your friends." according to the suggestion of their orator, the indians moved forward to shake hands with the missionary; but he refused, saying, "there was no fellowship between the religion of god and the devil." yet the indians smiled and retired peacefully. at another time red jacket said, referring to this same unwise missionary: "the white people were not content with the wrongs they had done his people, but wanted to cram their doctrines down their throats." the great chief could never be induced to look upon christianity with favor. but it was the _pagan white people,_ with whom he came in contact, who poisoned his mind, and prejudiced him against the missionaries and their religion. they, knowing that the missionaries were the true friends of the indian, and understood their own evil machinations, wished to banish them from the reservations. red jacket lost ten or eleven children by consumption, the grim destroyer of so many of all races. a lady once asked him whether he had any children living. "red jacket was once a great man, and in favor with the great spirit," sorrowfully answered the chief. "he was a lofty pine among the smaller trees of the forest; but after years of glory he degraded himself by drinking the fire-water of the white man. the great spirit has looked upon him in anger and his lightning has stripped the pine of its branches, and left standing only the scarred trunk dead at the top." had he hated the white men sufficiently to resist their temptations, he might have been the glory and the savior of his people. the word which in seneca is used to express strong drink very truly and emphatically describes it as "the mind destroyer." this was its office, and if the noble mind of red jacket had not been partly destroyed by its agency, he would have seen clearly through the dark plots of his enemies, and been able to counter-plot to their destruction and thus rescued his people from the grasp of their pursuers. we find no evidence that he was addicted to any other debasing vice except intemperance, while his life exemplified many ennobling virtues. he had an intuitive perception of propriety, as was observed by an incident which occurred while a white gentleman was traveling with a party of indian chiefs and their interpreter. red jacket was one of the party, but he was uniformly grave. the others were much inclined to merriment, and during an evening, when they were gathered around the fire in a log cabin, the mirth was so great and the conversation so jocular, that red jacket was afraid the stranger, who could not understand their language, would think himself treated with impoliteness, and infer that their sport was at his expense. he evidently enjoyed their happiness, though he took no part, but after a while he spoke to mr. parish, the interpreter, and requested him to repeat a few words to mr. hospres, which were as follows: "we have been made uncomfortable by the storm; we are now warm and comfortable; it has caused us to feel cheerful and merry; but i hope our friend who is traveling with us will not be hurt at this merriment, or suppose that we are taking advantage of his ignorance of our language to make him in any manner the subject of mirth." on being assured that no such suspicion could be entertained of the honorable men who were present, they resumed their mirth and red jacket his gravity. when lafayette visited buffalo in , among those who thronged to pay their respects was red jacket. when the chief was introduced to lafayette he said: "do you remember being at the treaty of peace with the six nations at fort stanwix?" "yes," answered the general, "i have not forgotten that great council. by the way, what has become of that young chief who opposed so eloquently the burying of the tomahawk?" "he is before you," said red jacket. "time has worked great changes upon us both," said lafayette, "ah," replied the chief, "time has not been so severe upon you as it has upon me. it has left you a fresh countenance and hair to cover your head; while to me--behold!" the chief pulled a handkerchief from his head and disclosed its baldness. but lafayette did not leave him to think thus harshly of time but proved to him that the ravages had been nearly the same upon both, by removing a wig and exposing a head almost as bald as the chief's; upon which he remarked, with much pleasantry, that a scalp from some bystander would renew his youth in the same manner! red jacket pretended to understand no language but his own, and entertained a great dislike for english. he would not reply to any of lafayette's questions until his interpreter had translated them into seneca. levasseur states that in his conference with lafayette, he evidently comprehended everything uttered in his presence, while he would speak only indian; and that his former high opinion of the general seemed to be much increased by a few chance-medley seneca words, which the latter had the good fortune to remember, and the courtesy to repeat. thatcher informs us that on another occasion the notorious fanatic, jemima wilkenson, while trying to make proselytes, invited the senecas to a conference. this strange woman professed to be the world's savior at his second appearance upon earth, and was then living in fine style in the western part of new york state with her dupes. red jacket attended the council with his people and listened patiently to the end of a long address. most of it he probably understood, but instead of replying to her argument in detail, he laid the axe at the root of her authority. having risen very gravely and spoken a few words in seneca, he noticed her inquire what he was talking about? "ha!" he exclaimed with an arch look--"she inspired--she jesus christ--and not know _indian?_" the solidity of her pretensions was at once decided adversely, in the minds of at least the heathen part of her audience. {illustration: corn planter, ki-on-twog-ky, seneca chief.} the gifted sachem on one occasion used the following figurative language, in speaking of the enchroachments of the white people: "we first knew you a feeble plant which wanted a little earth whereon to grow. we gave it you and afterward, when we could have trod you under our feet, we watered and protected you; and now you have grown to be a mighty tree, whose top reaches the clouds, and whose branches overspread the whole land, whilst we, who were the tall pine of the forest, have become a feeble plant and need your protection. "when you first came here, you clung around our knee and called us _father;_ we took you by the hand and called you brothers. you have grown greater than we, so that we can no longer reach up to your hand; but we wish to cling around your knee and be called your children." is not this at once beautiful and pathetic? but sa-go-ye-wat-ha could be sarcastic, as well as pathetic; in fact he ran the whole gamut, and was deficient in nothing essential to eloquence. minnie myrtle, in her book. "the iroquois," relates the following incident: "a young french nobleman visited buffalo on one occasion, and having heard much of the fame of red jacket, sent him word that he wished to see him, and invited him to come the next day. red jacket received the message, and affected great contempt, saying: 'tell the _young man_ if he wishes to visit the old chief he will find him with his nation, where other strangers pay their respects to him, and red jacket will be glad to see him.' the count sent back word that he had taken a long journey and was fatigued; that he had come all the way from france to see the great orator of the seneca nation, and hoped he would not refuse to meet him at buffalo. 'tell him,' said the sarcastic chief, 'that, having come so far to see me, it is strange he should stop within seven miles of my lodge.' so the young frenchman was obliged to seek him in his wigwam; after which he consented to dine with the count at buffalo, and was pronounced by him a greater wonder than niagara falls itself." on another occasion he was visited by a gentleman who talked incessantly and to little purpose, and who would go very near the person he was addressing and chatter about as intelligibly as a magpie. red jacket, receiving the message that a stranger wished to see him, dressed himself with great care, and came forth in all his dignity. one glance of his keen eye was sufficient for him to understand the character of his guest, and listening a few moments with contempt in all his features, he then went close to him and exclaimed, "cha! cha! cha!" as fast as he could speak, and turned on his heel to his own cabin "as straight as an indian," nor deigned to look behind him while in sight of the house occupied by the loquacious stranger, who stood for once speechless! like other great orators, he had his full share of vanity. he was fully aware of his importance, and disposed to make others aware of it. colonel pickering was often employed by the government to negotiate treaties, and would take down the speeches on the occasion in writing. at one time, when red jacket was the orator, he thought he would note the words of the interpreter whilst the chief was himself speaking. he immediately paused, and on being requested to proceed, said, "no, not whilst you hold down your head." "why can you not speak whilst i write?" "because, if you look me in the eye, you can tell whether i tell you the truth." at another time he turned his head to speak to a third person, when red jacket very haughtily rebuked him, saying, "when a seneca speaks he ought to be listened to with attention from one end of this great island to the other." when he returned from philadelphia, he was in the habit of using his oratorical powers to embellish the manner of his reception, and would collect around him the chiefs and people of his nation, and, dressed in his uniform, with the cocked hat under his arm, would personify the president, and bow to all present as if they were the company in the great saloon, imitating the manners and gestures of the original with true grace and dignity, and then entertain his audience with the compliments and attentions which had been bestowed upon him. when invited to dine or be present at any social function among white people, he conformed with wonderful tact to the customs to which he was a stranger, never manifesting any surprise or asking any questions till he could consult some friend whose ridicule he did not fear. he once told a gentleman that when he dined with president washington, a man ran off with his knife and fork every now and then and returned with others. "now," said red jacket, "what was that for?" the gentleman told him that there were a great many kinds of dishes, each cooked in a different manner, and that the plates, knives and forks were changed every time a new dish was brought on. "ah," said red jacket thoughtfully, "is that it? you must then suppose that the plates and knives and forks retain the taste of the cookery?" "yes." "have you then," demanded the chief, "any method by which you can change your palates every time you change your plate? for i think the taste would remain on the palate longer than it would on the plate." "we are in the habit of washing that away by drinking wine," answered the gentleman. "ah," said red jacket, "now i understand it. i was persuaded that so general a custom among you must be founded in reason, and i only regret that when i was in philadelphia i did not understand it. the moment the man went off with my plate i would have drunk wine until he brought me another; for although i am fond of eating, i am more so of drinking." red jacket was extremely fond of sugar. he was once at the table of captain jones, the interpreter. mrs. jones handed him his coffee without sugar, for a joke. "my son," said the chief, looking at the captain severely, "do you allow your squaw thus to trifle with your father?" the children giggled. "and do you allow your children to make sport of their chief?" added red jacket. apologies were made and the sugar-bowl was handed to the offended chief. he filled his cup to the brim with sugar and ate it out by the spoonful with the utmost gravity. eggleston informs us that, "red jacket could see no justice in the white man's court of law. an indian who had broken in to a house and stolen some small article of value was indicted for burglary. red jacket made a long speech in court in his defense. but the indian was sentenced to imprisonment for life, much to the orator's disgust. after the proceedings were over red jacket left the courthouse in company with the lawyers. across the street was the sign of a printing-office with the arms of the state, representing liberty and justice. red jacket stopped and pointed to the sign. "what him call?" demanded the chief. "liberty," answered the bystanders. "ugh!" said the sachem. "what him call?" pointing to the other figure upon the sign. "justice," was the answer. "where him live now?" inquired the chief. red jacket was one day met going the opposite direction from an execution to which everybody was crowding. he was asked why he, too, did not go. "fools enough there already. battle is the place to see men die," he answered. although fond of good things, red jacket had a great contempt for a sensualist. when asked his opinion of a chief appropriately named hot bread, who was known to be indolent and gluttonous, he exclaimed, "waugh! big man here (laying his hand upon his abdomen), but very small man here," bringing the palm of his hand with significant emphasis across his forehead. for a long time the great chief refused to sit for his portrait, though often importuned. "when red jacket dies," he would say, "all that belongs to him shall die too." but at length an appeal to his vanity availed, and on being assured that his picture was wanted to hang with those of washington and jefferson, and other great men in the national galleries, he consented; and having once broken his resolution, no longer resisted, and was painted by several artists. the one by weir is considered best, and was taken during a visit of the chief to new york, in , at the request of dr. francis. he dressed himself with great care in the costume he thought most becoming and appropriate, decorated with his brilliant war-dress, his tomahawk, and washington medal. he then seated himself in a large arm-chair, while around him groups of indians were reclining upon the floor. he was more than seventy years of age at the time, but tall, erect and firm, though with many of the traces of time and dissipation upon his form and countenance. he manifested great pleasure as the outlines of the picture were filled up, and especially when his favorite medal came out in full relief; and when the picture was finished, started to his feet and clasped the hand of the artist, exclaiming, "good! good!" one who knew him remarks, "that his characteristics are preserved to admiration, and his majestic front exhibits an attitude surpassing every other i have ever seen of the human skull." mr. stone, in his "life of red jacket," gives an account of an interview between that chief and rev. dr. breckenridge, which took place at the residence of general porter, black rock, new york, in . general porter's wife was a sister to dr. breckenridge, and he was visiting them at the time. several chiefs, including red jacket, were invited to dine with the general and meet his kinsmen. "on the appointed day," wrote dr. breckenridge, "they made their appearance in due form, headed by red jacket, to the number of eight or ten besides himself. he wore a blue dress, the upper garment cut after the fashion of a hunting shirt, with blue leggings, a red jacket and a girdle of red about his waist. i have seldom seen a more dignified or noble looking body of men than the entire group. "after the introduction was over, and the object of their invitation stated, red jacket turned to me familiarly and asked: 'what are you? you say you are not a government agent; are you a gambler (meaning a land speculator), or a black-coat (clergyman), or what are you?' "i answered, 'i am yet too young a man to engage in any profession; but i hope some of these days to be a black-coat.' "he lifted up his hands, accompanied by his eyes, in a most expressive way; and though not a word was uttered, every one fully understood that he very distinctly expressed the sentiment, 'what a fool!' i commanded my countenance and seeming not to have observed him, proceeded to tell him something of our colleges and other institutions." it was during this interview that the objects of speculators were so explained to him that he understood their evil designs; and the true nature of the missionary enterprise was made clear to his comprehension, so that his enmity was never afterward so bitter. when assured that by the course he was pursuing, he was doing more than any one else to break up and drive away his people, and that the effect of the teachings of the missionaries was to preserve them, he grasped the hand of the speaker and said: "if this is so it is new to me, and i will lay it up in my mind," pointing to his noble forehead, "and talk of it to the chiefs and the people." dr. breckenridge continues: "red jacket was about sixty years old at this time, and had a weather-beaten look, which age, and more than all, intemperance, had produced; but his general appearance was striking, and his face noble. his lofty and capacious forehead, his piercing black eye, his gently curved lips, fine cheek and slightly aquiline nose--all marked a great man; and as sustained and expressed by his dignified air, made a deep impression on all who saw him. all these features became doubly expressive, when his mind and body were set in motion by the effort of speaking--if effort that may be called which flowed like a stream from his lips. i saw him in the wane of life, and heard him only in private, and through a stupid and careless interpreter. yet, notwithstanding these disadvantages, he was one of the greatest and most eloquent orators i ever knew. his cadence was measured, and yet very musical; and when excited he would spring to his feet, elevate his head, expand his arms and utter with indescribable effect of manner and tone, some of his noblest thoughts." general porter speaks of him as a man endowed with great intellectual powers, and who, as an orator, was not only unsurpassed, but unequaled by any of his contemporaries. although those who were ignorant of his language could not fully appreciate the force and beauty of his speeches, when received through the medium of an interpreter--generally coarse and clumsy--yet such was the peculiar gracefulness of his person, attitudes and action, and the mellow tones of his seneca dialect, and such the astonishing effects produced on that part of the auditory who did fully understand him, and whose souls appeared to be engrossed and borne away by the orator, that he was listened to by all with perfect delight. his figures were frequently so sublime, so apposite and so beautiful that the interpreter often said the english language was not rich enough to allow of doing him justice. another gentleman says: "it is evident that the best translations of indian speeches must fail to express the beauty and sublimity of the originals--especially of such an original as red jacket. it has been my good fortune to hear him a few times, but only in late years, when his powers were enfeebled by age and intemperance; but i shall never forget the impression made on me the first time i saw him in council. the english language has no figures to convey the true meaning of the original, but though coming through the medium of an illiterate interpreter, i saw the dismembered parts of a splendid oration." through the machinations of his great rival, cornplanter, red jacket was once accused of being a wizard, and actually tried for witchcraft. very likely he was accused of spitting fire at night or some other wizard's performance. at any rate red jacket arose and made his own defense. eggleston says: "for three hours he spoke with the most wonderful eloquence, moving the indians in spite of themselves. they were divided. a bare majority was in favor of red jacket and his life was saved." we question whether his life was actually in any danger, even had the decision gone against him, for the reason that red jacket had a great many white friends, and they would certainly have interfered in his behalf, as they did in the case of other indians of less prominence accused of witchcraft at the same time. near the close of his life red jacket was formally deposed by twenty-six chiefs of his tribe. this was due partly to the jealousy of rival chiefs, but mainly because of his opposition to the christian party, and on account of his intemperate habits. but red jacket was not yet prepared to submit patiently to such degradation, especially when he knew so well the true motives of those who effected it. nor was he by any means so much under the control of his bad habits as not to feel occasionally, perhaps generally, both the consciousness of his power and the sting of shame. "it shall not be said of me" thought the old orator, with a gleam of a fiery soul in his eye--"it shall not be said that sa-go-ye-wat-ha lived in insignificance and died in dishonor. am i too feeble to avenge myself of my enemies? am i not as i have been?" in fine, he roused himself to a great effort. representations were made to the neighboring tribes--for he knew too well the hopelessness of a movement confined to his own--and only a month had elapsed since his deposition, when a grand council of the chiefs of the six nations assembled together at the upper council-house of the seneca village reservation. the document of the christian party was read, and then half-town rose, and, in behalf of the seneca indians, said there was but one voice in his nation, among the common people, and that was of general indignation at contumely cast on so great a man as red jacket. several other chiefs addressed the council to the same, effect. the condemned orator rose slowly, as if grieved and humiliated, but yet with his ancient air of command. {illustration: adolph knock and family, sioux.} "my brothers," he said after a solemn pause, "you have this day been correctly informed of an attempt to make me sit down and throw off the authority of a chief, by twenty-six misguided chiefs of my nation. you have heard the statements of my associates in council, and their explanations of the foolish charges brought against me. i have taken the legal and proper way to meet these charges. it is the only way in which i could notice them. charges which i despise, and which nothing would induce me to notice but the concern which many respected chiefs of my nation feel in the character of their aged comrade. were it otherwise, i should not be before you. i would fold my arms and sit quietly under these ridiculous slanders. "the christian party have not even proceeded legally, according to our usages, to put me down. ah! it grieves my heart, when i look around me and see the situation of my people--in old-time united and powerful, now divided and feeble. i feel sorry for my nation. when i am gone to the other world--when the great spirit calls me away--who among my people can take my place? many years have i guided the nation." here he introduced some artful observations on the origin of the attack upon him. he then alluded to the course taken by the christians, as ruinous and disgraceful, especially in their abandonment of the religion of their fathers, and their sacrifices, for paltry considerations, of the land given them by the great spirit. as for the "black-coats," mr. calhoun had told him at washington, four years before, that the indians must treat with them as they thought proper; the government would not interfere. "i will not consent," he concluded, sagaciously identifying his disgrace with his opposition to the christians, "i will not consent silently to be trampled under foot. as long as i can raise my voice, i will oppose such measures. as long as i can stand in my moccasins, i will do all that i can for my nation." it is scarcely necessary to add that the result of the conference was the triumphant restoration of the orator to his former rank. in a council which was held with the senecas by general tompkins, of new york, a discussion arose concerning some point in a treaty made several years before. the agent stated one thing and red jacket another, insisting that he was correct. he was answered that it was written on paper, in the record of that treaty, and must be so. "the paper then tells a lie," said the orator, "for i have it written here (placing his hand upon his brow). you yankees are born with a feather between your fingers, but your paper does not speak the truth. the indian keeps his knowledge here this is the book the great spirit has given him and it does not lie." on consulting the documents more particularly, it was found that the indian record was, _indeed, the most correct!_ red jacket's early youth was spent in the beautiful valley of the genesee; there were his favorite hunting grounds, and there his memory loved to linger. during the strife of wars and the more bitter strife of treaties, he had indulged very little in his favorite pastime; and when a day of comparative quiet came, he, in company with a friend, took his gun and went forth to enjoy one more hunt in this favored region. they had gone but a short distance, however, when a clearing opened before them. with a contemptuous sneer, the old man turned aside and wandered in another direction. in a little while he came to another, and looking over a fence, he saw a white man holding a plow, which was turning up the earth in dark furrows over a large field. again he turned sadly away, and plunged deeper in the forest, but soon another open field presented itself and though he had been all his life oppressed with the woes of his people, he now for the first time sat down and wept. there was no longer any hope--they had wasted away. a gentleman who knew red jacket intimately for half a century, says: "he was the most graceful public speaker i ever heard. his stature was above the middle size; his eyes fine, and expressive of the intellect which gave them fire; he was fluent without being too rapid; and dignified and stately, without rigidity. when he arose, he would turn toward the indians and ask their attention to what he was about to say in behalf of the commissioner of the united states. he would then turn toward the commissioner, and with a slight but dignified inclination of the head, proceed." red jacket visited the atlantic cities repeatedly, and for the last time as late as the spring of . he was, on these occasions, and especially on the latter, the object of no little curiosity and attention. he enjoyed both, and was particularly careful to demean himself in a manner suited to the dignity of his rank and reputation. one of the boston papers contained the following mention of his visit to that city: "red jacket.--this celebrated indian chief, who has recently attracted so much attention at new york and the southern cities, has arrived in this city, and has accepted an invitation of the superintendent to visit the new england museum this evening, march , in his full indian costume, attended by captain johnson, his interpreter, by whom those who wish it can be introduced and hold conversation with him." boston, then as now, was nothing if not literary, and a poetical friend does him but justice in thus alluding to his washington medal, his forest costume and the stately carriage which the chieftain still gallantly sustained: "thy garb--though austria's bosom-star would frighten that medal pale, as diamonds, the dark mine, and george the fourth wore, in the dance at brighton, a more becoming evening dress than thine. "yet 'tis a brave one, scorning wind and weather. and fitted for thy couch on field and flood. as rob roy's tartans for the highland heather. or forest green for england's robin hood. "is strength a monarch's merit?--like a whaler's-- thou art as tall, as sinewy, and as strong as earth's first kings--the argo's gallant sailors-- heroes in history, and gods in song. "who will believe that, with a smile whose blessing would, like the patriarch's, soothe a dying hour; with voice as low, as gentle, and caressing, as e'er won maiden's lip in moonlight bower "with look like patient job's eschewing evil with motions graceful as a bird's in air thou art in truth, the veriest devil that e'er clenched fingers in a captive's hair! "that in thy veins there springs a poison fountain, deadlier than that which bathes the upas tree; and in thy wrath a nursing cat o' mountain is calm as her babe's sleep compared to thee! "and underneath that face, like summer's oceans-- its lip as moveless, and its cheek as clear-- slumbers a whirlwind of the heart's emotions, love, hatred, pride, hope, sorrow--all, save fear. "love--for thy land, as if she were thy daughter; her pipes in peace, her tomahawk in wars; hatred of missionaries and cold water; pride--in thy rifle-trophies and thy scars; "hope--that thy wrongs will be by the great spirit remembered and revenged when thou art gone; sorrow--that none are left thee to inherit thy name, thy fame, thy passions and thy throne." this poet is not the only civilized authority who noticed that red jacket possessed personal attractions which greatly aided his forensic success, for one of the most distinguished public men of the state of new york was wont to say that the chieftain reminded him strongly of the celebrated john randolph, of roanoke, in his best estate, and that these two were the only orators of nature he had ever heard or seen. in the last stanza quoted is an allusion to the melancholy domestic circumstances of the subject of them. he had been--according to thatcher--the father of thirteen children, during his lifetime, and had buried them all. some time after this visit to the atlantic cities, he was invited to the launching of a schooner which was named after him. he christened the vessel with a short speech. "you have a great name given to you," said he, addressing the ship, "strive to deserve it. be brave and daring. go boldly into the great lakes and fear neither the swift wind nor the strong waves. be not frightened nor overcome by them, for it is in resisting storms and tempest that i, whose name you bear, obtained my renown. let my great example inspire you to courage and lead you to glory." of the domestic character and habits of the great indian orator we know, of course, very little. it has not been the custom of civilized or christian people to relate much concerning the home life of eminent indians. we know, however, that red jacket separated from his first wife after she had become the mother of several children, and that her infidelity was the alleged cause. the repugnance which he ever afterward manifested toward her is in accordance with his known moral purity of character. red jacket married a second wife. she was the widow of a chief named two guns, and a woman of fine face and bearing. she became interested in christianity, and thought of joining the church; whereupon red jacket was enraged. he said that they had lived happily together, but that now if she joined the party to which her husband was opposed, he would leave her. his wife, however, joined the church, and red jacket immediately left her and went to the other reservation. but he was not happy separated from those he loved, and those he left were not happy without him. he missed the caresses of the children, and especially the youngest daughter, of whom he was very fond. through the agency of this little girl a reconciliation was effected. he even promised that he would never again interfere with his wife's religious privileges, and to his credit be it said, he kept the promise. the great orator was suddenly taken ill of cholera morbus in the council house, where he had gone that day dressed with more than ordinary care, with all his gay apparel and ornaments. when he returned he said to his wife, "i am sick; i could not stay till the council had finished. i shall never recover." he then took off all his rich costume and laid it carefully away; reclined himself upon his couch and did not rise again till morning, or speak except to answer some slight question. his wife prepared him medicine which he patiently took, but said, "it will do no good. i shall die." the next day he called her to him, and requested her and the little girl he loved so much, to sit beside him, and listen to his parting words. "i am going to die," he said. "i shall never leave the house again alive. i wish to thank you for your kindness to me. you have loved me. you have always prepared my food and taken care of my clothes, and been patient with me. i am sorry i ever treated you unkindly. i am sorry i left you, because of your new religion, and i am convinced that it is a good religion and has made you a better woman, and wish you to persevere in it. i should like to have lived a little longer for your sake. i meant to build you a new house and make you more comfortable, but it is now too late. but i hope my daughter will remember what i have often told her--not to go in the streets with strangers or improper persons. she must stay with her mother, and grow up a respectable woman. "when i am dead it will be noised abroad through all the world--they will hear of it across the great waters, and say, 'red jacket, the great orator, is dead.' and white men will come and ask you for my body. they will wish to bury me. but do not let them take me. clothe me in my simplest dress put on my leggings and my moccasins, and hang the cross which i have worn so long, around my neck, and let it lie upon my bosom. then bury me among my people. neither do i wish to be buried with pagan rites. i wish the ceremonies to be as you like, according to the customs of your new religion if you choose. your minister says the dead will rise. perhaps they will. if they do, i wish to rise with my old comrades. i do not wish to rise among _pale-faces._ i wish to be surrounded by red men. do not make a feast according to the customs of the indians. whenever my friends chose, they could come and feast with me when i was well, and i do not wish those who have never eaten with me in my cabin to surfeit at my funeral feast." when he had finished, he laid himself again upon the couch and did not rise again. he lived several days, but was most of the time in a stupor, or else delirious. he often asked for mr. harris, the missionary, and afterward would unconsciously mutter--"i do not hate him--he thinks i hate him, but i do not. i would not hurt him." the missionary was sent for repeatedly, but he did not return till the chieftain was dead. when the messenger told him mr. harris had not come, he replied, "very well. the great spirit will order it as he sees best, whether i have an opportunity to speak with him." again he would murmur, "he accused me of being a snake, and trying to bite somebody. this was very true, and i wish to repent and make satisfaction." whether it was mr. harris that he referred to all the time he was talking in this way could not be ascertained, as he did not seem to comprehend if any direct question was put to him, but from his remarks, and his known enmity to him, this was the natural supposition. the cross which he wore was a very rich one, of stones set in gold, and very large; it was given to him, but by whom his friends never knew. this was all the ornament which he requested should be buried with him. it certainly was very remarkable that red jacket, after a life of sworn enmity to christianity, should be so influenced by the unobtrusive example of his christian wife, as to abjure pagan rites and request christian burial. but such was undoubtedly the case, as we are informed by minnie myrtle, who spent much time among the iroquois, especially the senecas, and got her information concerning "the closing scene" from the sachem's favorite stepdaughter. the wife and daughter were the only ones to whom he spoke parting words or gave a parting blessing; but as his last hour drew nigh, his family all gathered around him, and mournful it was to think that the children were not his own--his were all sleeping in the little churchyard where he was soon to be laid--they were his stepchildren--the children of his favorite wife. it has been somewhere stated that his first wife died before him, but this is a mistake; she was living at the time of his death. his last words were still, "where is the missionary?" he then clasped the little girl, whom he loved so devotedly, to his bosom; while she sobbed in anguish her ears caught his hurried breathing--his arms relaxed their hold--she looked up, and he was gone. there was mourning in the household, and there was mourning among the people. the orator, the great man of whom they were still proud, while they lamented his degeneracy, was gone. he had been a true though mistaken friend, and who would take his place? all his requests were complied with strictly. the funeral took place in the little mission church, with appropriate but most simple ceremonies. in these the pagans took but little interest. wrapped in profound and solemn thought, they, however, waited patiently their termination. some of them then arose, and successively addressed their countrymen in their own language. they recounted the exploits and the virtues of him whose remains they were now about to bear to his last home. they remembered his own prophetic appeal--"who shall take my place among my people?" they thought of the ancient glory of their nation, and they looked around them on its miserable remnant. the contrast made their hearts sick, and tears trickled down their cheeks. well might they weep! the strong warrior's arm was mouldering into dust, and the eye of the gifted orator was cold and motionless forever. the last council he attended he recommended to both parties among his people, the christian and pagan, that they should resolve to quarrel no more, but each man believe according, to his own way. in his last public speech to his people he said: "i am about to leave you, and when i am gone, and my warning shall no longer be heard or regarded, the craft and avarice of the white man will prevail. many winters have i breasted the storm, but i am an aged tree and can stand no longer. my leaves are fallen, my branches are withered, and i am shaken by every breeze. soon my aged trunk will be prostrate, and the foot of the exulting foe of the indian may be placed upon it in safety; for i have none who will be able to avenge such an indignity. think not i mourn for myself. i go to join the spirits of my fathers, where age can not come; but my heart fails me when i think of my people, who are so soon to be scattered and forgotten." {illustration: red jacket presents a buck to the delegation from philadelphia.} in less than nine years after his death "the craft and avarice of the white man" had prevailed, as he predicted, and "every foot of the ancient inheritance of the senecas was ceded to the white man, in exchange for a tract west of the mississippi." through the intervention of the friends, however, this calamity was averted, and for the first and only time, the indians recovered their land after it had been fraudulently obtained. red jacket was buried in the little mission burying ground, at the gateway of what was once an old fort. a simple stone was erected to mark his grave, and the spot became a resort for travelers from far and near. the following inscription was cut on his tombstone: sa-go-ye-wat-ha, the keeper awake. red jacket, chief of the wolf tribe of the senecas. died, jan. , . aged, years. his headstone was desecrated by relic-hunting vandals, until his name disappeared from the marble. some among those who knew and honored him, wished to remove his remains to the new cemetery at buffalo. they even caused him to be disinterred and placed in a leaden coffin, preparatory to a second burial. but ere their desire was accomplished, his family had heard of what they considered the terrible sacrilege, and immediately demanded that he should be given up. they had removed from the buffalo to the cattaraugus reservation, and therefore did not wish to bury him again in the mission churchyard, so they brought his precious dust to their own dwelling, where for many years it remained unburied. they almost felt as if he would rise up to curse them, if they allowed him to lie side by side with those he so cordially hated. he did not wish to rise with pale-faces, whom he considered the despoilers of his people, nor to mingle his red dust with that of his white foes. recently a splendid monument, surmounted by a statue of the great seneca orator, has been erected in the beautiful city of buffalo. chapter ix. little turtle, or michikiniqua. war-chief of the miamis, and conqueror of harmar and st. clair. judged from his success on the field of battle and his sagacity in council, little turtle deserves to rank among the four greatest american indians, the other three being pontiac, tecumseh and chief joseph. indeed, when it is remembered that "nothing succeeds like success," and that he alone of all the indian commanders had three victories to his credit (for the defeat of the whites at blue lick, in kentucky, is also conceded to him), he might be regarded as in some respects the greatest american indian. little turtle was thought to have been born on the banks of the miami river, in ohio, about the year . he was the son of a miami chief, but his mother was a mohegan woman, probably captured in war and adopted into the tribe. as the indian maxim in relation to descents is generally the same with that of our obsolete civil law in relation to slaves, that the condition of the offspring follows the condition of the mother. {fn} little turtle had no advantage whatever from his father's rank. he, however, became a chief at an early age, for his extraordinary talents attracted the notice of his countrymen in boyhood. * * * * * {fn} "partus sequitur ventrum." his first services worthy of mention were those of a young warrior in the ranks of his tribe. here the soundness of his judgment and his skill and bravery in battle soon made him chief, and finally bore him on to a commanding influence, not only in his own nation, but among all the neighboring tribes. notwithstanding his name, little turtle was at this time at least six feet tall; strong, muscular and remarkably dignified in his manner, though of a somewhat morose countenance and apparently very crafty and subtle. as a warrior he was fearless, but not rash; shrewd to plan, bold and energetic to execute--no peril could daunt and no emergency could surprise him. politically he was the first follower of pontiac, and the latest model of tecumseh. he indulged in much the same gloomy apprehension that the whites would over top and finally uproot his race; and he sought much the same combination of the indian nations to prevent it. long after the conclusion of the peace of , the british retained possession of several posts within our ceded limits on the north, which were rallying-points for the indians hostile to the american cause, and where they were supplied and subsisted to a considerable extent, while they continued to wage that war with us, which their civilized ally no longer maintained. the infant government made strenuous exertions to pacify all these tribes. with some they succeeded, but the indians of the miami and wabash would consent to no terms. they were strong in domestic combination, besides receiving encouragement from across the canadian border. little turtle, ably assisted by blue jacket, head chief of the shawnees of this period, and buckongahelas, who led the delawares, formed a confederation of the wyandots, pottawatomies, chippewas, ottawas, shawnees, delawares and miamis, and parts of several other tribes. these were substantially the same tribes who had thirty years before been united under pontiac, and formed an exact precedent for the combination of tecumseh and his brother at tippecanoe some years after, as will be seen. on september , --all attempts to conciliate the hostile tribes, who were now ravaging the frontiers, having been abandoned--general harmar, under the direction of the federal government, marched against them from fort washington, where cincinnati now stands, with three hundred and twenty regulars, who were soon after joined by a body of militia, making the whole force about fifteen hundred men. when they reached the miami villages they were found deserted by the indians. the army burned them, destroyed the standing corn, and then encamped on the ground. an indian trail being discovered soon after, hardin, with one hundred and fifty militia, properly officered, and thirty regulars, commanded by captain armstrong, was sent in pursuit. in a prairie at the distance of six miles, the indians had formed an ambush on each side of their own trail, where they were concealed among the bushes and long grass. all unsuspicious of danger the troops followed the trail, but were no sooner involved within the snare laid for them than the enemy poured in a heavy fire from both sides. greatly to the mortification of their colonel, the militia broke ranks at once and fled, deserting the regulars, who stood firm till nearly all of them were killed. the indians remained on the field, and during the night held a dance of victory over their dead and dying enemies. to this ceremony captain armstrong was a constrained and unwilling witness, being sunk to his neck in mud and water, within a hundred yards of the scene. the life of ensign hartshorn was also saved by his having accidentally fallen over a log hidden among the weeds and grass. during the night both these officers eluded the notice of their enemies, and reached camp before sunrise. apparently disheartened by the result of this skirmish, harmar broke up his camp in a day or two afterward and retreated nearer the settlements. on the second day of the march, when about ten miles from the ruined villages, the general ordered a halt, and sent colonel hardin back to the main town with some sixty regulars and three hundred militia. hardin had no sooner reached the point to which he had been ordered, than a small body of indians appeared on the ground. after receiving the fire of the militia, the savages broke into separate parties, and by seeming to fly, as if panic-stricken, encouraged the militia to follow in pursuit. the stratagem was successful. the militia had no sooner disappeared in chase of the fugitives, than the regulars, thus left alone, were suddenly assaulted by large numbers of the foe, who had hitherto remained in concealment. the indians precipitated themselves upon the sixty regulars under major willis, but were received with the most inflexible determination. the indian war-whoop, so appalling even to the bravest hearts, was heard in cool, inflexible silence. the whirling of the tomahawk was met by the thrust of the bayonet. nothing could exceed the intrepidity of the savages on this occasion. the militia they appeared to despise, and with all the undauntedness conceivable threw down their guns and rushed upon the bayonets of the regular soldiers. quite a few of them fell, but being far superior in numbers the regulars were soon overpowered; for, while the poor soldier had his bayonet in one indian two more would sink their tomahawks in his head. the defeat of the troops was complete, the dead and wounded were left on the field of action in possession of the savages. in the meantime, the militia came straggling in from their vain and hopeless pursuit, and the struggle was renewed for a time, but when they realized that the regulars had been almost annihilated during their absence, they lost heart and retreated. of the regulars engaged in this most sanguinary battle only ten escaped back to the camp, while the militia, under hardin, lost ninety-eight in killed and ten others wounded. after this unfortunate repulse, harmar retired without attempting anything further. the conduct of harmar and hardin did not escape severe criticism and censure, not, it would seem, without cause. of the eleven hundred or more men under the command of harmar in this expedition, there were three hundred and twenty regulars and seven hundred and eighty militia. but he sent only thirty regulars and one hundred and fifty militia to the first engagement, and only sixty regulars and three hundred militia to the second. why was it he always sent the raw recruits to find and attack the indians and kept the best soldiers idle in the camp? was it to insure his own safety, by having a strong guard always present? again, it is noticed that, in both cases, instead of advancing himself with the main body, he sent colonel hardin to lead the forlorn hope. he was always ready to give the command, "go!" but in his lexicon there was no such word as "come!" consequently the word "fail" was written so plain that "he who runs might read." colonel hardin, for his part, displayed great courage, and but little skill as an indian fighter, as he was ambushed and out-generaled on both occasions. in fact, the only generalship shown in this campaign was that evinced by the indian commander, who was none other than the hero of this sketch, little turtle. general harmar, deeply chagrined, returned to fort washington. he and hardin both demanded a court-martial; the latter was unanimously and honorably acquitted. harmar was also acquitted, but immediately afterward resigned his commission. elated by their success, the indians continued their depredations with greater audacity than ever, and the situation of the frontiers became truly alarming. the early movements of the newly organized federal government were difficult and embarrassing. with a view, however, to the defense of the northern and western frontiers, an act was passed by congress for increasing the army; st. clair, the governor of the northwestern territories, received a commission as major-general, and steps were taken for raising the new regiment and the levies, the command of which was to be given to general butler. washington, who was president at this time, had been deeply chagrined by the mortifying disasters of general harmar's expedition against the miamis, resulting from indian ambushes. in taking leave, therefore, of his old military comrade, st. clair, he wished him success and honor, and added this solemn warning: "you have your instructions from the secretary of war. i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word--beware of a surprise! you know how the indians fight. i repeat it--_beware of a surprise!"_ with these warning words sounding in his ear, fresh with washington's awful emphasis, st. clair started to the front to assume command. "old men for council, young men for war," is a good maxim which was not regarded at this time. st. clair was not only old and infirm, but weak and sick with an attack of gout, and at times almost helpless. moreover, he had been very unfortunate in his military career in the revolutionary war. neither he nor the second in command, maj.-gen. richard butler, possessed any of the qualities of leadership save courage. the whole burden fell on the adjutant-general, colonel winthrop sargent, an old revolutionary veteran, without whom the expedition would probably have failed in ignominy even before the indians were reached, and he showed courage and ability of a high order; yet in planning for battle he was unable to remedy to the blunders of his superiors. napoleon is quoted as saying. "better an army of deer led on by a lion than an army of lions led on by a deer," in the light of subsequent events, this was much like an army of deer led on by a deer. the troops were, for the most part, of wretched stuff. st. clair was particularly unpopular in kentucky, and no volunteers could be found to serve under him. the militia of kentucky had been called on, and about one thousand reluctantly furnished by draft; but as they were all unfavorable to the commander-in-chief, many desertions took place daily. they seemed to think that the only possible outcome of this expedition was defeat. st. clair made his headquarters at fort hamilton, now hamilton, ohio, about twenty-five miles northward of fort washington, or cincinnati. {illustration: little turtle, or mich-i-kin-i-qua, miami war-chief, conqueror of harmar and st. clair.} the season was already advanced before st. clair took the field. the whole force of regulars and levies able to march from fort washington did not much exceed two thousand men. desertion reduced the number to about fourteen hundred before they had advanced far into the hostile territory. continuing the march, however, on the d of november he encamped on a piece of commanding ground, within fifteen miles of the miami villages. an interval of only seventy paces was left between the two wings of the army. the right was in some degree protected by a creek with a steep bank; the left by cavalry and pickets. colonel oldham, who commanded the remains of the kentucky levies, was sent across the creek and took a position on the first rising ground beyond it, about a quarter of a mile distant. indians were seen during the afternoon and evening, skulking about the camp, and were fired at by the sentinels, yet neither st. clair nor butler took any adequate measures to ward off the impending blow, or prevent a surprise. indeed, they did not expect to be attacked. meantime the indians were holding a grand war council. the plan of attack was decided, and the order and rank of the various tribes settled, and positions assigned them. the wyandots stretched to the west; the delawares were stationed next to them; the senecas third in order, while the other tribes and bands took similar positions on the other side. the turtle, acting as commander-in-chief, superintended and stimulated the whole, but headed no particular detachment; the arm of the warrior was to do much, but the eye and voice of the chieftain much more. nothing happened during the night to alarm the americans, and the noise and stir of the outskirts in the early part of the evening gradually subsided. all at length was silent, and it might well be supposed, as it probably was, that the enemy had taken advantage of the darkness of the night to make good a precipitate retreat, or that their whole force as yet consisted only of a few scouting and scalping parties. but they were soon undeceived. on the morning of november , the militia were violently attacked between dawn and sunrise by a large body of indians, who, with terrific yells, poured in a volley of musketry along the entire length of the picket line. never was surprise more complete. the ranks of the militia were thrown into confusion at once by the fury of the onset, the heavy firing, and the appalling whoops and yells of the throngs of painted savages. after a brief resistance they broke and fled in wild panic to the camp of the regulars, among whom they rushed like frightened sheep, spreading confusion and demoralization. the troops sprang to arms as soon as they heard the firing at the picket line, and their volleys checked the onrush of the savages but only for a moment. the plumed warriors divided and filed off to either side, as if at the command of their leader, completely surrounding the camp, killing the pickets and advancing close to the main lines. the battle was now fiercely contested on both sides, but it was almost a hopeless struggle for the americans from the beginning, as it was impossible for the gunners to hit an enemy they could not see, as they crept from tree to tree, and log to log. the soldiers stood in close order in the center, where their ranks were steadily thinned by the rapid fire or hurtling tomahawk of the indians. the indians fought with great courage and ferocity, and slaughtered the bewildered soldiers like sheep, as they vainly fired through the dense smoke into the surrounding woods. the best description of this battle we have seen is given in roosevelt's "winning of the west," volume iv, chapter , in which he says: "the officers behaved very well, cheering and encouraging their men: but they were the special targets of the indians, and fell rapidly. st. clair and butler, by their cool fearlessness in the hour of extreme peril, made some amends for their shortcomings as commanders. they walked up and down the lines from flank to flank, passing and repassing each other; for the two lines of battle were facing outward, and each general was busy trying to keep his wing from falling back. st. clair's clothes were pierced by eight bullets, but he was himself untouched. he wore a blanket coat with a hood; he had a long queue, and his thick gray hair flowed from under his three-cornered hat; a lock of his hair was carried off by a bullet. several times he headed the charges, sword in hand. general butler had his arm broken early in the fight, but he continued to walk to and fro along the line, his coat off and the wounded arm in a sling. another bullet struck him in the side, inflicting a mortal wound; and he was carried to the middle of the camp, where he sat propped up by knapsacks. men and horses were falling around him at every moment. st. clair sent an aide, lieut. ebenezer denny, to ask how he was; he displayed no anxiety, and answered that he felt well. while speaking, a young cadet, who stood near by, was hit on the knee-cap by a spent ball, and at the shock cried aloud; whereat the general laughed so that his wounded side shook. the aide left him and there is no further certain record of his fate except that he was slain; but it is said that in one of the indian rushes a warrior bounded toward him and sunk the tomahawk in his brain before any one could interfere. "instead of being awed by the bellowing artillery, the indians made the gunners a special object of attack. man after man was picked off, until every officer was killed but one, who was wounded; and most of the privates were slain or disabled. the artillery was thus almost silenced, and the indians, emboldened by success, swarmed forward and seized the guns, while at the same time a part of the left wing of the army began to shrink back. but the indians were now on comparatively open ground, where the regulars could see them and get at them; and under st. clair's own leadership the troops rushed fiercely at the savages, with fixed bayonets, and drove them back to cover. by this time the confusion and disorder were great; while from every hollow and grass patch, from behind every stump and tree and fallen log, the indians continued their fire. again and again the officers led forward the troops in bayonet charges; and at first the men followed them with a will. each charge seemed for a moment to be successful, the indians rising in swarms and running in headlong flight from the bayonets. in one of these charges colonel darke's battalion drove the indians several hundred yards, across the branch of the wabash; but when the colonel halted and rallied his men, he found the savages had closed in behind him, and he had to fight his way back, while the foe he had been chasing at once turned and harrassed his rear. he was himself wounded, and lost most of his command. on reentering camp he found the indians again in possession of the artillery and baggage, from which they were again driven; they had already scalped the slain, who lay about the guns. major thomas butler had his thigh broken by a bullet; but continued on horseback in command of his battalion until the end of the fight. the only regular regiment present lost every officer killed or wounded. the commander of the kentucky militia, colonel oldham, was killed early in the action, while trying to rally his men and berating them for cowards. "the charging troops could accomplish nothing permanent. the men were too clumsy and ill-trained in forest warfare to overtake their fleet, half-naked antagonists. the latter never received the shock; but though they fled they were nothing daunted, for they turned the instant the battalion did and followed firing, and, indeed, were only visible when raised by a charge. "the indian attack was relentless, and could neither be avoided, parried nor met by counter assault. for two hours the soldiers kept up a slowly lessening resistance; but by degrees their hearts failed. in vain the officers tried, by encouragement, by jeers, and even blows, to drive them back to the fight. they were unnerved. "there was but one thing to do. if possible the remnant of the army must be saved, and it could only be done by instant flight, even at the cost of abandoning the wounded. the broad road by which the army had advanced was the only line of retreat. the artillery had already been spiked and abandoned. most of the horses had been killed, but a few were still left, and on one of these st. clair mounted. he gathered together those fragments of the different battalions which contained the few men who still kept heart and head, and ordered them to charge and regain the road from which the savages had cut them off. repeated orders were necessary before some of the men could be roused from their stupor sufficiently to follow the charging party; and they were only induced to move when told that it was a retreat. "colonel darke and a few officers placed themselves at the head of the column, the coolest and boldest men drew up behind them, and they fell on the indians with such fury as to force them back well beyond the road. this made an opening through which the rest of the troops pressed 'like a drove of bullocks.'" {fn} * * * * * {fn} van cleve's journal. "the indians were surprised by the vigor of the charge and puzzled as to its object. they opened out on both sides and half the soldiers had gone through before they tired more than a chance shot or two. they then fell on the rear and began a hot pursuit. st. clair sent his aide, denny, to the front to try to keep order, but neither he nor any one else could check the flight. major clark tried to rally his battalion to cover the retreat, but he was killed and the effort abandoned." as soon as the men realized that in flight there lay some hope of safety they broke into a stampede which soon became uncontrollable. even st. clair admitted in his dispatches that this retreat "was a precipitate one, in fact, a flight." most of the militia threw away their arms and accoutrements, and in their headlong flight the weak and wounded, and even some of the women who were with the army, were knocked down and ruthlessly trampled by the terrified men. the pursuit continued about four miles, when the indian commander, little turtle, restrained his dusky warriors, saying they had killed enough and should now divide the spoils. the natural greediness of the savage appetite for plunder made the red men willing to obey this command, otherwise hardly a man would have escaped. general st. clair tried to stay behind and stem the torrent of fugitives, but failed utterly, being swept along in the mad stampede. he now attempted to ride to the front to rally the troops, but the clumsy pack-horse which he rode could not be pricked out of a walk. the flight continued from half-past nine until after sunset, when the routed troops reached fort jefferson, some thirty miles distant, completely exhausted. one day's hurried flight had carried them over a space which covered a fortnight's advance. here they met the detached regiment, three hundred strong, which had been sent by st. clair after the deserters. leaving their wounded at fort jefferson, the retreat was continued until the half-armed rabble reached fort washington and the log huts of the infant city of cincinnati. {fn} * * * * * {fn} washington was called "the cincinnati of the west." hence it was an easy and natural change from fort washington to cincinnati. the loss in this disastrous expedition amounted to upward of nine hundred men, including fifty-nine officers. of these six hundred and thirty were killed, and two hundred and eighty wounded. only one or two were taken prisoners, as the savages killed every one who fell into their hands. it is said that the influence of little turtle prevented any captives being tortured, but he could not prevent one case of cannibalism. in brickell's narrative it is stated that the savage chippewas from the far-off north devoured one of the slain soldiers, {fn} probably in a spirit of ferocious bravado; the other tribes expressed horror at the deed. * * * * * {fn} in our investigations we have found several cases of cannibalism, but they have always been canadian indians, especially the tribes living near lakes huron and superior. we believe it was not common. st. clair's defeat, with the possible exception of that of braddock, was the most complete and overwhelming in the annals of indian warfare. he and his apologists always claimed that he was overpowered by numbers; but as no english historian makes the indians more numerous than the americans, some credit must be given to them upon other grounds than the pretext of numerical superiority. indeed, their attack was conducted with astonishing intrepidity. after the first volley of firearms, they fought every inch of the field hand to hand, with their tomahawks. the indians were rich in spoil. they got horses, cattle, tents, guns, axes, powder, bullets, clothing, blankets and a supply of provisions--in short, everything they needed. thatcher is responsible for the statement that "an american officer, who encountered a party of thirty indians near the battle-ground, a day or two after the defeat, and was detained by them till they were made to believe him a friend to their cause, from canada, was informed that the number of the indians engaged in the battle was twelve hundred, of whom the larger portion were miamis, besides half-breeds and renegades, including among the latter the notorious simon girty." this officer was also informed that the number killed on the indian side was fifty-six. these savages were returning home with their share of the plunder. one of them had a hundred and twenty-seven american scalps, strung on a pole, and the rest were laden with various other articles of different values. they had also three pack-horses, carrying as many kegs of wine and spirits as could be piled on their backs. {fn} * * * * * {fn} perhaps this last statement tends to explain the easy victory of the indians. when the remnant of the shattered army reached fort washington, st. clair dispatched his aide, the ever ready lieut. ebenezer denny, to carry the news to philadelphia, the national capital. the manner in which the news of this disaster affected washington is thus described by mr. rush. said he, "mr. lear (the president's private secretary) saw a storm was gathering. in the agony of his emotion he (washington) struck his clenched hands with fearful force against his forehead, and in a paroxysm of anguish exclaimed: 'it's all over! st. clair's defeated--routed; the officers nearly all killed--the men by wholesale--that brave army cut to pieces--the rout complete! too shocking to think of--and a _surprise_ in the bargain!' he uttered all this with great vehemence. then he paused and walked about the room several times, agitated, but saying nothing. near the door he stopped short and stood still a few seconds; then turning to the secretary, who stood amazed at the spectacle of washington in all his wrath, he again broke forth: "'_yes, sir. here, in this very room, on this very spot,_ i took leave of him: i wished him success and honor. 'you have your instructions,' i said, 'from the secretary of war: i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word--beware of a _surprise!_ i repeat it--beware of a _surprise!_ you know how the indians fight us. he went off with that as my last solemn warning thrown into his ears. and yet to suffer that army to be cut to pieces, hacked by a surprise--the very thing i guarded him against! . god! . god! he's worse than a murderer! how can he answer it to his country? the blood of the slain is upon him--the curse of widows and orphans--the curse of heaven!'" this torrent came out in tone appalling. his very frame shook. "it was awful!" said mr. lear. "more than once he threw his hands up as he hurled imprecations upon st. clair." mr. lear remained speechless--awed into breathless silence. presently the roused chief sat down on the sofa once more. he seemed conscious of his passion, and uncomfortable. he was silent; his wrath began to subside. he at length said, in an altered voice: "this must not go beyond this room." another pause followed--a longer one--when he said in a tone quite low, "general st. clair shall have justice. i looked hastily through the dispatches--saw the whole disaster, but not all the particulars. i will hear him without prejudice; he shall have full justice; yes, long, faithful and meritorious services have their claims." washington was now perfectly calm. half an hour had gone by; the storm of indignation and passion was over, and no sign of it was afterward seen in his conduct or heard in his conversation. his wrath on this occasion was perhaps never before aroused to so great a degree, except when he confronted lee, when the latter was retreating at the battle of monmouth. {illustration: little turtle's warriors chasing st. clair's scout.} the effect of this terrible disaster was at once encouraging to little turtle and his formidable confederation, and correspondingly depressing to the youthful government and the settlers of the northwest territory, where indian depredations increased alarmingly. congress soon took the necessary steps to raise and equip another army, and tendered the command to gen. anthony wayne, commonly called "mad anthony" because of his intrepid courage and energy. general wayne accepted the command on condition that sufficient time be allotted him to thoroughly drill his raw recruits. wayne proved to be the right man for the place and fully sustained the reputation he had won at stony point and other battles of the revolution. he soon had his militia under such perfect discipline that they were ready and anxious to meet the enemy. perhaps no man in the country was better qualified to meet the emergencies of an indian warfare in the woods. thatcher says, "the indians were themselves, indeed, sensible of this fact, and the mere intelligence of his approach had its effect on their spirits. they universally called him the 'black snake,' from the superior cunning which they ascribed to him; and even allowed him the credit of being a fair match for buckongahelas, blue jacket or the turtle himself." wayne prosecuted the decisive campaign of with a spirit which justified the estimate of his enemy, although, owing to the difficulties of transporting stores and provisions through a wilderness, which at that time could not be traversed by wagons, he was unable to commence operations until near midsummer. he had already in the fall of the previous season erected fort recovery, on the site of st. clair's defeat; and early in august, he raised a fortification at the confluence of the au-glaize and miami, which he named fort defiance. his whole force was now nearly two thousand regulars, exclusive of eleven hundred mounted kentucky militia, under general scott. here he had expected to surprise the neighboring villages of the enemy; and the more effectually to insure the success of his _coup-de-main,_ he had not only advanced thus far by an obscure and very difficult route, but taken pains to clear out two roads from greenville in that direction, in order to attract and divert the attention of the indians, while he marched by neither. but his generalship proved of no avail. the turtle and his warriors kept too vigilant an eye on the foe they were now awaiting, to be easily surprised, even had not their movements been quickened, as they were, by the information of an american deserter. on the th of the month the general learned from some of the indians taken prisoners, that their main body occupied a camp near the british fort at the rapids of the miami. but he now resolved before approaching them much nearer to try the effect of one more proposal of peace. he had in his army a man named miller, who had long been a captive with some of the tribes, and spoke their language, and he selected him for the hazardous undertaking. miller did not want to go; he believed the indians were determined on war, and that they would not respect a flag of truce, but would probably kill him. general wayne, however, assured miller that he would hold the eight prisoners then in his custody as pledges for his safety, and that he might take with him any escort he desired. thus encouraged, the soldier consented to go with the message; and to attend him, he selected from the prisoners one of the men and a squaw. with these he left camp at p. m. on the th, and at daybreak next morning arrived at the tents of the hostile chiefs, which were near together, and known by his attendants, without being discovered. he immediately displayed his white flag and proclaimed himself "a messenger with a peace talk." instantly he was assailed on all sides, with a hideous yell, while some of the indians shouted, "kill the runner! kill the spy!" but when he addressed them in their own language and explained to them his real character, they suspended the blow, and took him into custody. he showed and explained the general's letter, not omitting the positive assurance that if they did not send the bearer back to him by the th of the month, he would at sunset on that day cause every indian in his camp to be put to death. miller was closely confined and a council called by the chiefs. on the th he was liberated, and furnished with an answer to general wayne, which was "that if he waited where he was for ten days, and then sent miller for them, they would treat with him; but that if he advanced, they would give him battle." the general's impatience had prevented his waiting the return of his minister. miller came up with the army on the th, however, and delivered the answer; to which he added, that "from the manner in which the indians were dressed and painted, and the constant arrival of parties, it was his opinion they had determined on war and only wanted time to muster their whole force." {fn} * * * * * {fn} marshall. this intelligence caused wayne to rapidly continue his march down the maumee. meantime the red men, through their runners, had full knowledge of his movements. during the night preceding the battle of fallen timbers, the chiefs of the different tribes of the confederation held a council, and it was proposed by some to go up and attack general wayne in his encampment. the proposition was opposed, and it was determined to wait until the next day and fight the battle on ground of their own selection, in front of the british fort. little turtle, more wise than the other chiefs, disapproved of this plan, while blue jacket was warmly in favor of it. the former disliked the idea of fighting wayne under present circumstances, and was even inclined to make peace. schoolcraft informs us that, in his speech in the council, he said, "we have beaten the enemy twice, under separate commanders. we can not expect the same good fortune to always attend us. the americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. the night and the day are alike to him; and during all the time that he has been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise him. think well of it. there is something whispers me, it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." on this he was reproached by one of the chiefs with cowardice, and that ended the conference. stung to the quick by a reproach which he felt he never merited; he would have laid the reviler dead at his feet; but his was not the bravery of an assassin. he took his post at the head of the miamis when the battle was fought, determined to do his duty; and that event proved that he had formed a very correct estimate of the ability of general wayne. having been reinforced by sixteen hundred kentuckians, under the brave general, charles scott, wayne's army now numbered about four thousand men, and he was ready for battle. he used every caution while in the indian's country, and invariably went into camp about the middle of the afternoon, in a hollow square, which was inclosed by a rampart of logs. he was well aware that hundreds of eyes were watching his every movement from tree and bush, and he was determined never to be surprised. the battle of fallen timbers, so called because at this place a large number of forest trees had been blown down by a tornado, was fought august , . the indians took this position because it would give them favorable, covert for their mode of warfare, and prevent the successful use of cavalry. moreover, it was practically under the guns of the british fort, on the maumee, from whence the indians doubtless expected aid. the savages were formed in three lines, within supporting distance of each other, and extending for nearly two miles at right angles with the river. a selected battalion of mounted volunteers moved in front of the legion, commanded by major price, who was ordered to keep sufficiently in advance so as to give timely warning for the troops to form for action. after advancing about five miles, major price's corps received the fire of the enemy, who were secreted in the high grass and behind bushes, and fell back to the main army. the legion was immediately formed into two lines and ordered to charge with trailed arms and rouse the indians from their coverts with point of bayonet, and when up to deliver a close and well directed fire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge, so as not to give them time to reload. the cavalry was ordered to make a wide circuit and attack the indians after they were driven from their position. but so impetuous was the charge of the well-trained infantry, they had the red men routed and in full retreat before the cavalry could head them off. the indians were driven in the course of an hour several miles through the thick woods by less than half their numbers. the panic-stricken savages were chased with great slaughter to the very walls of the british fort of maumee, the commander of which had promised, in case of defeat, to open the gates and give them protection. but he probably had no real intention of doing so; certain it is, the gates remained closed while scores of indians were cut down without mercy by the "long knives," {fn} even while huddled about the gates clamoring for admission. thus it was that this fort, instead of being a place of refuge, became a delusion and a snare, and a veritable death trap to the routed indians. * * * * * {fn} the name "long knives" had been given by the indians to the american soldiers before this battle, but it was now revived as the kentucky cavalry, who did much of the slaughter, were all armed with long swords. general wayne, in his official report, gave his killed as thirty-eight, and his wounded, one hundred and one. the loss of the indians' could not be definitely ascertained, but, inasmuch as they had two thousand warriors engaged, it must have been great. the formidable confederation of tribes was so completely crushed, they did not recover from the effects of it for twenty years. after destroying all the cornfields of the indians for miles around, and laying waste all their towns, wayne gave the savages to understand that their alternative was peace or destruction. seeing only starvation confronting them, and knowing, from sad experience, the folly of expecting aid from the british or canadians, the indians determined to make a treaty with wayne in the summer of . this was ratified at greenville, ohio, august . red men were present to the number of eleven hundred and thirty, including a full delegation from every hostile tribe. by the conditions of this treaty the indians solemnly covenanted to keep the peace, and agreed to cede to our government a vast tract of land lying in the present states of ohio, indiana and michigan. the government in its turn agreed to pay the tribes annuities aggregating nine thousand five hundred dollars, and acknowledge the indian title to the remaining territories, probably with the usual mental reservation, until such time as the white men wanted to settle on it. in addition to this, all prisoners on both sides were to be restored. dawson, in his memoirs of general harrison (who was educated in general wayne's family), has given some interesting reminiscences respecting the conclusion of this peace. he states that little turtle took a decided part against the giving up of the large tract of country which general wayne required on the part of the united states. this circumstance, however, was not unfavorable to the attainment of the object, as it was evident there was a violent jealousy of the turtle among most of the ottawas, chippewas and pottawatomies, so that they invariably opposed everything which he advocated. and as they and their friends constituted the majority of the council the turtle was always in the minority. the superiority of his mind was conspicuous not only in their company, but in his deportment in the society of white people. all the chiefs were invited, in their turns, to the general's table, and on these occasions the most of them showed themselves still savages. but the turtle seemed to readily adopt the ways of civilization, and, in comparison with his brother chiefs, was quite a gentleman. after the peace was concluded, the turtle settled upon eel river, about twenty miles from fort wayne, where the americans erected for him a comfortable house. he frequently visited the seat of government, both at philadelphia and washington. his taste for civilized life being observed, the indian agents were desired by the government to furnish him with every reasonable accommodation for his comfortable subsistence, hoping that the example might prove beneficial in their exertions to civilize the other indians. thatcher informs us that, "these indulgences, however, entirely destroyed, for a time at least, the turtle's influence among the savages; for some envied his good fortune and others suspected his honesty. being perfectly sensible of this, and not a little chagrined by it, we may fairly presume that he made various attempts to recover his popularity. this was probably the secret of his opposition to the interests of the united states, on more occasions than one, where it was not altogether indispensable. but we certainly need not deny him on that account the credit of real patriotism, which he manifested at all times. the truth is that in some indifferent cases, when he might have yielded to the demands of the american authorities without disgrace, he opposed them chiefly for the sake of retaining or regaining his influence with his countrymen." schoolcraft, who speaks of little turtle in very complimentary terms, gives him the credit of doing at least as much as any other indian in america "to abolish the rites of human sacrifice." by this he means the torture of prisoners, especially burning them at the stake. in this he is undoubtedly right, for the turtle uniformly enjoyed the reputation of being as humane as he was brave. no prisoner was ever reserved for torture by his warriors. nor was this the only case in which he acted the part of a reformer, so much needed among his countrymen. he was the first chief to originate an efficient system of measures for the suppression of intemperance among his people. and never was a similar system so loudly called for, for the condition of his people was truly deplorable. the turtle was no less mortified than incensed by these abuses. he saw his countrymen destroyed, and destroying each other, every day in peace, and no tribe was more besotted than the eel river miamis; and he saw hundreds of them in war, at one time, surprised and massacred in their cups without resistance, like sheep assailed by wolves, on the very ground still red and wet with his victories. possibly chagrin was as strong a motive with him as philanthropy. but, however that might be, he devoted himself with his usual energy to the correction of the evil. in , or , he went before the legislature of kentucky, attended by his friend and interpreter, captain wells, {fn} and made his appeal to them in person. a committee was appointed to consider the subject, and we believe a law was passed to prevent the sale of whisky to the indians, as he desired. he also visited the legislature of ohio, and made a highly animated address. his description of the indian traders was drawn from life, when he said, "they stripped the poor indian of skins, gun, blanket, everything--while his squaw and the children dependent on him lay starving and shivering in his wigwam." thatcher informs us that nothing came of this eloquent speech except the empty honor of addressing that august body. * * * * * {fn} this captain william wells, when a lad, was captured with four others while hunting near louisville, kentucky. the indians conveyed them to indiana. afterward wells was taken to a village of the miamis in ohio, and, on being adopted into the tribe became a brother-in-law to little turtle. he afterward left the indians to become one of wayne's scouts, and was killed at the fort dearborn massacre in . he left a family of half breed children, and for him wells street, chicago, is named. little turtle seems to have been an all-round reformer. he it was who first introduced the practice of inoculation for the prevention of smallpox among the indians--a scourge second only to whisky, as we learn from the european (london) magazine, of april, . the article was compiled from american papers, and made this statement: "last winter, there was a grand embassy of indians to the president and congress at washington. little turtle was the head warrior. the president had supplied them with plows, spinning-wheels, etc., and to crown all he explained to them how the great spirit had made a donation to the white men--first to one in england (dr. jenner), and then to one in america (dr. waterhouse, of boston)--of a means of preventing the smallpox. such a confidence had the copper-colored king in the words of his 'father,' that he submitted to be inoculated, together with the rest of the warriors. it further appears that he took a quantity of the vaccine matter home with him, which he probably administered in person not long afterward fifteen more of his tribe visited the seat of government in pursuit of the same remedy." {illustration: ouray, late principal chief of he utes.} we shall conclude our sketch of this eminent chief with a few anecdotes preserved by mr. dawson: "what distinguished him most," says that writer, "was his ardent desire to be informed of all that relates to our institutions; and he seemed to possess a mind capable of understanding and valuing the advantages of civilized life, in a degree far superior to any other indian of his time. during the frequent visits which he made to the seat of government, he examined everything he saw with an inquisitive eye, and never failed to embrace every opportunity to acquire information by inquiring of those with whom he could take that liberty. "upon his return from philadelphia, in , he visited governor harrison, at that time a captain in the army, and commander at fort washington. he told the captain he had seen many things, which he wished to have explained, but said he was afraid of giving offense by asking too many questions. 'my friend here,' said he, meaning captain wells, the interpreter, 'being about as ignorant as myself, could give me but little satisfaction.' he then desired the captain to inform him how our government was formed, and what particular powers and duties were exercised by the two houses of congress, by the president, the secretaries, etc. being satisfied on this subject, he told the captain he had become acquainted with a great warrior while in philadelphia, in whose fate he was much interested and whose history he wished to learn. this was no other than the immortal kosciusko; he had arrived at philadelphia a short time before, and hearing that a celebrated indian chief was in the city, he sent for him. they were mutually pleased with each other, and the turtle's visits were often repeated. when he went to take his final leave of the wounded patriot, the latter presented little turtle with an elegant pair of pistols, and a splendid robe, made of sea otter's skin, worth several hundred dollars. "the turtle now told his host that he wished very much to know in what wars his friend had received those grievous wounds which had rendered him so crippled and infirm. the captain showed him, upon a map of europe, the situation of poland, and explained to him the usurpations of its territory by the neighboring powers--the exertions of kosciusko to free his country from this foreign yoke--his first victories, and his final defeat and captivity. while he was describing the last unsuccessful battle of kosciusko, the turtle seemed scarcely able to contain himself. at the conclusion he traversed the room with great agitation, violently flourished the pipe tomahawk which he had been smoking, and exclaimed, 'let that woman take care of herself'--meaning the empress catharine--'this may yet be a dangerous man!' "the captain explained to the turtle some anecdotes respecting the empress and her favorites, one of whom--the king of poland--had at first been by her elevated to the throne and afterward driven from it. he was much astonished to find that men, and particularly warriors, would submit to a woman. he said that perhaps if his friend kosciusko had been a portly, handsome man, he might have had better success with her majesty of all the russias, and might by means of a love-intrigue have obtained that independence for his country, to which his skill and valor in the field had been found unequal. "the turtle was fond of joking, and was possessed of considerable talent for repartee. in the year he lodged in a house in philadelphia, in which was an irish gentleman of considerable wit, who became much attached to the indian and frequently amused himself in drawing out his wit by good-humored jests. the turtle and this gentleman were at that time both sitting for their portraits--the former by order of the president of the united states, the picture to be hung up in the war-office--to the celebrated stewart. the two meeting one morning in the painter's studio, the turtle appeared to be rather more thoughtful than usual. the irishman rallied him upon it, and affected to construe it into an acknowledgment of his superiority in the jocular contest. 'he mistakes,' said the turtle to the interpreter, 'i was just thinking of proposing to this man, to paint us both on one board, and here i would stand face to face with him, and berate him to all eternity.'" little turtle opposed the designs of tecumseh and the prophet, from the time of their first appearance on the political stage, and it was owing to his influence that very little was effected by them among the miamis, as well as other tribes, for a long time. had he lived through the war of , he would undoubtedly have exerted himself more energetically for the american interest than ever before. the following communication indicates the part he was prepared to take, subsequent to the battle of tippecanoe. the "witness" probably acted as amanuensis: "fort wayne, th jan., . governor harrison: "my friend,--i have been requested by my nation to speak to you, and obey their request with pleasure, because i believe their situation requires all the aid i can afford them. "when your speech by mr. dubois was received by the miamis, they answered it, and i made known to you their opinion at that time. "your letter to william wells, of the d november last, has been explained to the miamis and eel river tribes of indians. "my friend, although neither of these tribes have had anything to do with the late unfortunate affair which happened on the wabash, still they all rejoice to hear you say, that if those foolish indians which were engaged in that action would return to their several homes and remain quiet, that they would be pardoned, and again received by the president as his children. we believe there is none of them that will be so foolish as not to accept of this friendly offer; whilst, at the same time, i assure you, that nothing shall be wanting on my part to prevail on them to accept it. "all the prophet's followers have left him (with the exception of two camps of his own tribe); tecumseh has just joined him with eight men only. no danger can be apprehended from them at present. our eyes will be constantly kept on them, and should they attempt to gather strength again, we will do all in our power to prevent it, and at the same time give you immediate information of their intentions. "we are sorry that the peace and friendship which has so long existed between the red and white people, could not be preserved, without the loss of so many good men as fell on both sides in the late action on the wabash; but we are satisfied that it will be the means of making that peace which ought to exist between us more respected, both by the red and the white people. "we have been lately told by different indians from that quarter, that you wished the indians from this country to visit you; this they will do with pleasure when you give them information of it in writing. "my friend, the clouds appear to be rising in a different quarter, which threatens to turn our light into darkness. to prevent this, it may require the united efforts of us all. we hope that none of us will be found to shrink from the storm that threatens to burst upon our nations. "your friend. "(x) mischecanocquah, {fn} or little turtle, for the miami and eel river tribes of indians. witness, wm. turner, surgeon's mate, u. s. army. i certify that the above is a true translation. wm. wells." * * * * * {fn} written also michikiniqua we thus find that the turtle's sympathies were with the americans in the war of , which was about to burst forth in all its fury. but he was not destined to be an active participant in the stirring scenes that succeeded. he died while on a visit to the commandant at fort wayne, july , , deeply deplored by the whites as well as his own people. his last disease, according to the report of the army surgeon, was gout, and from it he was a great sufferer, but he endured it "with the characteristic composure of his race." he died on the turf of his open camp and was buried by his friend, the commandant, with honors of war. he was said to be sixty-five years of age by those who had the opportunity of learning the fact from himself. that account would make him forty-five at the time of his great victory over st. clair; and about thirty at the breaking out of the american revolution, during which he no doubt laid the foundation of his fame. it is known that the miamis gave as much trouble during that period as any other tribe on the continent ever did in as few years, and the turtle was then their rising young chief. there is one other story of little turtle which is too good to omit. when the celebrated french traveler, volney, made the acquaintance of the turtle he asked what prevented him from living among the whites, and if he were not more comfortable in philadelphia than upon the banks of the wabash? to which he replied, "taking all things together, you have the advantage over us; but here i am deaf and dumb. i do not talk your language; i can neither hear nor make myself heard. when i walk through the streets, i see every person in his shop employed about something, one makes shoes, and another hats, a third sells cloth, and every one lives by his labor. i say to myself, 'which of all these things can you do?' not one. i can make a bow or an arrow, catch fish, kill game and go to war; but none of these are of any use here. to learn what is done here would require a long time. old age comes on. i should be a piece of furniture, useless to my nation, useless to the whites and useless to myself. i must return to my own country." savage and heathen as he was, because of his environment, he always had an intense longing for better conditions for himself and people; which goes to prove that little turtle was one of nature's noblemen. chapter x. tecumseh, or "the shooting star." famous shawnee war-chief--organizer of second great indian confederation and general in the british army in the war of . judged from whatever standpoint you will, the subject of this sketch was certainly one of the greatest, if not the very greatest american indian. the name tecumseh means "the shooting star," and it was very appropriate, and seems to have been prophetical of his meteoric career and brilliant genius, to say nothing of his numerous journeys to distant tribes, which were accomplished with incredible speed. this great chief was born at the old indian town of piqua, ohio, on the mad river, in . his father, a shawnee chief named puckeshinwan, was killed in the battle of kanawha, in . his mother was thought to have been a creek or cherokee. her name was methoataske, and she is said to have been a comely, intelligent and very respectable woman. there is a story that he and his brother, elskwatawa, the prophet, were twins, and even that a third brother, kumshaka, were the offspring of the same mother at the same birth, though, according to one account, the prophet and a twin brother were some years younger than tecumseh. eggleston is of the opinion that the prophet and a twin brother were born in . we hear little or nothing of kumshaka, and the presumption is that he died young. there were seven children in this interesting family, two others--cheeseekau, the oldest brother, and menewaula-koosee, or tecumapease, the name given to her later in life, according to the indian usage, to signify her relationship to the great tecumseh--were also famous. his father's death occurring when tecumseh was but six years old, he was placed under the charge of his oldest brother, cheeseekau. the latter was a brave man, of noble character. his chief occupation and care was the proper training of the young tecumseh, who was early recognized as the hope of the family, and coming leader of his people. it was cheeseekau who instructed the fatherless boy thoroughly, until he was "skilled in all the games of hunters, learned in all the lore of old men in all youthful sports and pastimes. in all manly arts and labors." it was this same older brother who, by constant and zealous labor, imbued his mind with a love for truth, a ready generosity, a manly courage in battle, and a dignified fortitude in suffering. he also drilled him in the art of eloquence, and wrought into his mind the idea which afterward became the inspiration of the great chieftain--that of the salvation of his people from the white man. tecumseh always cherished the warmest affection for his only sister, tecumapease. she is described as being "sensible, kind-hearted and uniformly exemplary in her conduct," and must have been an attractive person, with a commanding character, for she is known to have exercised a remarkable influence over the females of her tribe. she was married to a brave called wasegoboah, or stand firm. the mutual affection between the brother and sister continued through life. she was always his favorite. the first fruits of the chase belonged to tecumapease. the choicest presents of the white man to tecumseh, or the best of his share of the spoils of war. became trophies for his sister. educated by the care of his elder brother, and cherished by the affection of a noble sister, tecumseh grew to manhood. {illustration: tecumseh, or the shooting star, famous shawnee war-chief and general in the british army in war of .} war was his ruling passion even in his earlier years. he soon became a recognized leader of his companions. mimic combats and sham battles were his favorite sports. while his brother, the prophet, remained at home engaged in idle and disreputable intrigues, tecumseh followed the hunters in their chase and the war parties on their way to battle. the indian warfare which raged during his earlier years made a great impression on his mind. he must have heard, around the camp-fires, the stories of the indian conflicts of the revolution, the genius of brant, the murder of cornstalk, the massacre of the moravian indians, as well as stories of the great pontiac and his far-reaching confederacy. these were the things upon which his youthful imagination was nourished. tecumseh was only sixteen years of age when he took part in his first battle, near where the city of dayton, ohio, now stands. it is said that the boy took fright and fled. a similar story is told of the great seneca chief, red jacket, and of frederick the great. but, if true, it is the only time he was ever guilty of such weakness. shortly after this he participated in an attack on a flatboat descending the ohio river. at this time he fought like a young lion, completely wiping out the stain of cowardice. all the boatmen were killed but one, who was reserved for torture. strange to say, since it could not have been an unusual occurrence, the young warrior had never before witnessed such a scene. filled with horror, he remonstrated against the practice with such eloquence that all agreed that they would never burn another prisoner. from that time forth no prisoners were burned by any war party of which tecumseh was a member. when he was nineteen years of age, tecumseh and cheeseekau took a long journey to the south. this, the older brother believed, would tend to enlarge the understanding of his pupil with general ideas. they traveled as far as the country of the creeks and cherokees, and found the latter engaged in a war with the whites. the two brothers and their band of warriors at once enlisted in the struggle. in an attack on a certain fort cheeseekau led the charge. just before the attack he told his followers that in the conflict he would be shot in the forehead and killed. the premonition was verified literally, for he fell, pierced by a bullet midway between the eyes. as he fell mortally wounded upon the battlefield he exclaimed with his expiring breath, "happy am i to thus fall in battle, and not die in a wigwam like an old squaw." the indians, panic-stricken at the fall of their leader, as well as the fulfillment of the prophecy, fled in all directions. after the fall of cheeseekau the band of warriors chose tecumseh, though the youngest of the party, as their leader. to show himself worthy of this honor tecumseh took ten men, and going to the nearest white settlement attacked and killed all the men and took the women and children prisoners. no expedition was thought complete without tecumseh, and his military genius won him great renown. one night tecumseh, with a dozen warriors, was encamped on the alabama river. all of the men had lain down for the night except the young chief, who was dressing some meat by the fire. suddenly the camp was attacked by thirty white men. with a shrill cry tecumseh roused every warrior to his feet. their leader at their head, the indians rushed furiously toward a certain point in the circle formed by their foes. two white men were killed outright, and the others, giving way before the impetuous charge, suffered tecumseh and his band to break through and make their way to their boats. after an absence from ohio of three years, during which tecumseh had many adventures, and visited all the southern tribes, he returned to his people in the fall of . during his absence general harmar had been defeated and his army cut to pieces by the indians under the famous miami chief, little turtle, and the shawnee sachem, blue jacket. he was in time, however, to take part in the defeat of general st. clair by the indians under little turtle, which was the most decisive victory ever gained by the american indians. tecumseh was also present at the battle of fallen timbers, so called because the battlefield was covered with fallen forest trees, wrecked by some tornado. it was in this battle that mad anthony wayne crushed the indian power of the ohio valley. he did not attend the council of greenville, when the treaty was made with the indians, but remained at home in his wigwam, sullen and angry. he was at this time still quite young but a man of influence and importance in his nation, for blue jacket, the principal chief of the shawnees, made haste to visit him on deer creek and explain the terms on which peace had been made. he now gathered about him a band of warriors, of whom he became chief. these roving shawnees, after moving several times, accepted an invitation from the delawares and settled on the white river, in indiana, in . here tecumseh remained several years, peacefully occupied in hunting. during this time he was extending his influence among the different tribes, and adding to his band of followers. many incidents are related of him during his sojourn on the white river. he was a great hunter, partly as a matter of sport, and partly because it enabled him to give the highly prized venison to the sick and poor of his tribe. one day a number of young shawnee warriors wagered him that each of them could kill as many deer in a three days' hunt as he. tecumseh quietly accepted the challenge, and the hunters made their preparations that evening for a start before daylight the next morning. at the end of the three days the crowd of boasters once more assembled around the camp-fire of their village. the largest number of deerskins brought in by any one of the party was twelve. tecumseh brought with him thirty. a characteristic anecdote is told of him while he and a party of indians were on a visit to ohio in . it seems that a corpulent and cowardly kentuckian was in the territory at the time for the purpose of exploring lands on the mad river. he lodged one night at the house of capt. abner barrett, residing on the head waters of buck creek. in the course of the evening he learned, with apparent alarm, that there were some indians encamped within a short distance of the house. while the conversation was going on the door opened and tecumseh stalked in with his dignified manner. he saluted captain barrett, and then, observing the agitated visitor, contemplated him scornfully for a minute or two, and turning to the host, and pointing to the agitated kentuckian, he exclaimed: "a big baby!" "a big baby!" he stepped across the room and, patting the kentuckian on the shoulder, repeated the contemptuous remark, "a big baby! won't hurt you!" the stout kentuckian was greatly alarmed, and all present amused. in the year a portion of the shawnee nation residing on the headwaters of the auglaize river, wishing to reassemble their scattered people, sent a deputation to tecumseh and his party (then living on white river), and also to a body of the same tribe upon the mississiniway, another tributary of the wabash, inviting them to remove and join their brethren on the auglaize river. to this proposition both parties assented; and the two bands met at greenville, on their way thither. there, through the influence of laulewasikaw, or the loud voice, tecumseh's brother, they concluded to establish themselves; and accordingly the project of going to the auglaize was abandoned. this is the first incident recorded of laulewasikaw. the name "loud voice" is thought to refer to his self-assertion and boastfulness, as much as to his really stentorian voice. it is thought that tecumseh was behind his brother in influencing the two parties to unite together at greenville, as it increased the number of his immediate followers. it happened about this time that an old shawnee indian, by the name of penagashega, or the-change-of-feathers, "who had for some years been engaged in the respectable calling of a prophet," fell sick and died. as soon as the news of the old prophet's death reached laulewasikaw he rolled his eye (he had but one) piously toward heaven and fell on his face in a trance, and continued a long time motionless and apparently without any signs of life. he was supposed to be dead and preparations were made for his burial. all the principal men of the tribe were assembled, and they were in the act of bearing him away to his grave, when he suddenly revived and uttered these words: _"be not alarmed--i have seen heaven. call the tribe together, that i may reveal to them the whole of my vision."_ the tribe was accordingly collected together, and he proceeded to inform them that two beautiful young men had been sent from heaven by the great spirit, who addressed him in the following language: "the great spirit is angry with you, and will destroy all the red men, unless you abandon drunkenness, lying and stealing. if you will not do this and turn yourselves to him, you shall never enter the beautiful place which we will now show you." he was then conducted to the gates of heaven, where he was indulged with a sight of all its glories, but not permitted to enter. after being tantalized in this manner for several hours he was ordered to return to the earth, to inform the indians of what he had seen and urge them to repent of their vices, and they would visit him again. it was in consequence of this _vision (?)_ that elskwatawa assumed the name and functions of a prophet, and soon acquired an extraordinary celebrity. he established headquarters at greenville and proclaimed himself a prophet and reformer in place of the departed change-of-feathers. prophet wise, he now assumed a new name, that of tenskwatawa, which signifies "the open door." this name pointed him out as a means of deliverance to his people. he soon gathered around him a large band of adherents from the shawnees, delawares, wyandots, pottawatomies, ottawas, chippewas and kickapoos. to these he boldly announced that the great spirit, who had made the red men, was not the same who had made the white men; and that all their misfortunes was due to the fact that they had forsaken the mode of life designed for them, and imitated the manners of the whites. in this address he harangued against witchcraft, a thing much believed in by the indians, and said that those who practiced it or remained bewitched could not enter heaven. he next denounced drunkenness, and stated on his journey to heaven the first place he came to was the dwelling of the devil. here he saw all who had died drunkards, with flames of fire issuing from their mouths. he admitted that previous to this he had himself been a drunkard, but his vision had frightened him so that he drank no more. such was the effect of his preaching against this pernicious vice that many of his followers became alarmed and ceased to drink the "firewater," or "crazywater," as whisky was appropriately called by the indians. he also preached earnestly against the intermarriage of whites and indians, saying that this was one of the chief causes of their unhappiness. and yet he often boasted that his own grandparents were a noble creek warrior, and the daughter of one of the governors of south carolina. but as there is not a scintilla of corroborative evidence we are forced to conclude that however truly the prophet foretold the future, he lied about the past. the prophet advocated a community of goods, an adjustment of things which would have well suited that indolent reformer. he also preached, what tecumseh constantly practiced, the duty of the young to support and cherish the aged and infirm. he denounced innovations in the dress and habits of the red men, and appealed to their national pride, by boasting of the superiority of the shawnees over other nations. he promised to his faithful adherents who would obey his injunctions all the comfort and happiness enjoyed by their ancestors, before the advent of the whites. finally he announced that the great spirit had given him power to confound his enemies, to cure all diseases, and to prevent death, either from sickness or on the battlefield. there can be no doubt that the prophet succeeded in deceiving himself, and was a firm believer in the methods and measures he advocated. neither is there any doubt that tecumseh's gradually developing schemes inspired and shaped the prophet's plans. his was the master mind which controlled the tribes through the machinations of the prophet. elskwatawa shared to some extent the great talents of his brother, but it might have been said of him: "his virtues another's, his faults were his own." he was neither courageous nor truthful, but cunning, shrewd and boastful. he equaled his famous brother in eloquence, and surpassed him in graceful manners. opposition was naturally made to the innovations of the new prophet by the neighboring chiefs, who felt that he sought to undermine their power. a course of fanatical persecution for witchcraft was begun, shocking in its cruelty and injustice, but only too much resembling something which occurred at salem, among people of our own enlightened race. the superstition of the indians was so great that if the prophet denounced some chief who opposed him as a wizard, a loss of reputation and perhaps of life ensued. several delawares were among the first victims. an old woman was denounced as a witch, and was called upon repeatedly to give up her charm and medicine-bag. she was put to the stake and burned. as she was dying, she exclaimed that her grandson, who was out hunting, had it. he was pursued and arrested. he confessed that he had borrowed the charm, and by means of it had flown through the air over kentucky to the banks of the mississippi and back again between twilight and bedtime. he insisted, however, that he had returned the charm to his grandmother, and was finally released. on the following day an old chief named teteboxti was accused of being a wizard. knowing that his doom was fixed, the old man arrayed himself in his finest clothes and confronted the grim circle of inquisitors in the council-house. the trial was speedy. the sentence was passed. the old chief calmly assisted in the construction of his own funeral pile. touched by his white hairs, the council became merciful. they voted to tomahawk him and burn his body afterward. this was done. a council was held over the wife of teteboxti and his nephew, billy paterson. the latter died like a christian, singing and praying. preparations were then made for the burning of teteboxti's wife when her brother, a young man of twenty, suddenly started up and bravely led her by the hand out of the house. he returned to the amazed council and said "the devil" (alluding to the prophet), "has come among us, and we are killing each other." he then reseated himself. this seemed to break the spell and to awaken the indians to a realization of what they were doing, and put a stop for a time to further persecution among the delawares. but with other tribes the witchcraft delusion continued, until governor harrison was justly alarmed. he knew that although the indians had been quiet for ten years, and no ordinary leader could rouse them, yet deceived by a mask of religion, they might once more plunge the frontiers into bloody war. moreover, his sympathies were touched by the stories of the poor wretches doomed to a horrible death by this strange delusion. accordingly he sent the indians an earnest letter, urging them in the name of the seventeen fires (states) to drive out the prophet, and boldly asserted that the latter was a fraud. he told the indians that the pretender could work no miracles. "ask of him to cause the sun to stand still, the moon to alter its course, the rivers to cease to flow, or the dead to rise from their graves." but this letter did not accomplish the end desired. for a time, it is true, the persecutions entirely ceased, but the influence of the prophet was increased by his accepting governor harrison's challenge to work miracles. hearing by chance from an educated white man that an eclipse of the sun would occur on a certain day, he boldly announced that on such a day he would cause darkness to cover the sun. the reports of this prophecy, and the fact that he had accepted the governor's challenge, spread abroad, and on the appointed day there was a large body of indians, from all the neighboring tribes, assembled. an hour before noon the prophet, dressed with dazzling splendor, came out of his wigwam, and strode with slow and stately steps toward the center of the large circle. extending his right arm and turning his face toward the heavens, he pronounced an unintelligible incantation. as he proceeded a disc of darkness was observed to be slowly appearing upon the edge of the sun. the eyes of the vast assemblage were turned from the prophet toward the phenomenon. as the moments progressed the dark spot enlarged. it grew darker and darker. the multitude was thrilled with awe. not a few believed the end of the world was at hand. the deep shadows, the darkened air, the increasing obscurity, which at sunset would have attracted no attention, occurring in the middle of the day, with the sun in high heaven, seemed portentous and awful. the prophet alone remained calm. at the moment of total eclipse he cried out in a loud voice, "behold! did i not prophesy truly? darkness has come over the sun as i told you." {illustration: tecumseh rebuking proctor.} the reports of this miracle (?) gave a wonderful impulse to the fame of the prophet. tecumseh now appeared on the scene. he took care to lend the aid of his powerful name and influence to the prophet by an ostentatious reverence. the latter returned the compliment by pointing out tecumseh as the leader chosen by the great spirit to save the indians. the brothers were thus a mutual benefit. the indians were fired with fanaticism and eager for a fight under such heaven-appointed leaders. the whites were alarmed. the ever increasing throng of savages about tecumseh and his brother seemed ready to break out into violence. at a council in ohio, tecumseh made a three hours' speech. he reviewed all the treaties with the white men, and undertook to prove that all had been broken by the enemies of his people. the indians were roused to a perfect frenzy by his fiery eloquence. in the spring of the pottawatomies and kickapoos granted the two brothers and their band a tract of land on the tippecanoe, one of the tributaries of the wabash river in western indiana. here they established a village, which came to be known as the prophet's town. they drew around them a large body of indians from a number of tribes. the prophet's followers now for the first time began to combine warlike sports with their religious exercises, showing that tecumseh's genius for war was gradually predominating over the prophet's religious fanaticism. the great plan to which tecumseh now devoted all his genius and energies was nothing less than a mighty confederation of all the indian tribes, to drive the white men beyond the alleghenies. as the great scheme took shape in his mind it became less and less that of a mere temporary alliance, such as pontiac had sought; and more and more that of a "great and permanent confederation, an empire of red men, of which tecumseh should be the leader and emperor." for about four years he traveled incessantly in the propagation of his enterprise. now he visited the farthest extremity of lake superior. at another time he passed through the unknown regions beyond the mississippi. again he labored with the creeks of the south, securing red eagle, or weatherford, as his most illustrious convert. in it was reported that tecumseh controlled more than sixteen hundred warriors. the national government became alarmed, for it was evident that the exposed settlements of indiana were in danger. in september, , a treaty was concluded at fort wayne, between the delawares, miamis and pottawatomies, and general harrison, governor of the territory and commissioner on the part of the united states. by this treaty the indians ceded to the government a tract of land extending sixty miles along the wabash above vincennes. this was done without the advice or knowledge of tecumseh, and neither the prophet nor any of his followers were present during the transaction. they had no claim on the land in question, it having been in the legal possession of the miamis time out of mind, while the shawnees were only sojourners. the chiefs of the other tribes attended the council, and advised the cession, and the transaction was in every respect regular and equitable from the white man's stand-point. yet tecumseh, who had been absent during the negotiations on a mission of intrigue among the different tribes, was inflamed with anger when he returned and heard what had been done. he openly threatened to kill the chiefs who had signed the treaty, and declared his determination to prevent the land from being surveyed and occupied by the americans. harrison being informed of this sent mr. dubois to prophet's town to discover more fully, if possible, the designs of the brothers. the messenger was kindly received, but nothing was accomplished. to the suggestion that he should go to vincennes and present his complaints to the governor, the prophet replied, "the great spirit has fixed the spot for the indian to kindle his camp-fire, and he dare not go to any other. elskwatawa's and his brother tecumseh's must be on the banks of the tippecanoe, or the great spirit will be angry with them. evil birds have carried false news to my father, the governor. let him not believe that elskwatawa, the prophet, wishes to make war upon him and his people." this ended the interview. shortly after this governor harrison sent mr. baron, with a letter to tippecanoe. when this messenger reached the prophet's town he was received in a very dramatic fashion. he was first conducted ceremoniously to the place where the prophet, surrounded by a number of indians, was seated. "the prophet looked at me," said mr. baron, "for several minutes, without speaking or making any sign of recognition, although he knew me well. at last, in a tone expressive of anger and scorn, he said: 'for what purpose do you come here? bronilette was here; he was a spy. dubois was here; _he_ was a spy. now _you_ have come; _you,_ too, are a spy. there is your grave! look on it!' the prophet then pointed to the ground near the spot where i stood!" from a lodge near by issued the majestic form of tecumseh, who said in a cold and haughty tone: "your life is in no danger. say why you have come among us." the messenger, in reply, read the letter from governor harrison urging them to submit to the government. "i know your warriors are brave," the governor wrote, "but ours are not less so. what can a few brave warriors do against the innumerable warriors of the seventeen fires? our blue-coats are more numerous than you can count; our hunters are like the leaves of the forest, or the grains of sand on the wabash. do not think that the red-coats can protect you; they are not able to protect themselves. they do not think of going to war with us. if they did, you would in a few moons see our flag wave over all the forts of canada. what reason have you to complain of the seventeen fires? have they taken anything from you? have they ever violated the treaties made with the red men? you say they have purchased lands from those who had no right to sell them. show that this is so and the land will be instantly restored. show us the rightful owners. i have full power to arrange this business; but if you would rather carry your complaints before your great father at washington, you shall be indulged." pleased with this letter, tecumseh said that he would now go to vincennes and show the governor that he had been listening to bad men when he was told that the indians wished to make war. he had never been to see the governor, but remembered him as a very young man riding beside general wayne. thirty of his principal men, he said, would attend him, but the party would probably be larger, as many of the young men would wish to go. notwithstanding the request which the governor made, on hearing this, that but few should come, four hundred descended the wabash on the th of august. painted in the most terrific manner, and armed with tomahawks, they were well prepared for war in case of an attack. governor harrison had made arrangements for holding the council on the portico of his own house, {fn} and here, attended by civil and military officers, a small guard of soldiers and many citizens of vincennes, he awaited the arrival of tecumseh. it was the th of august, . at the appointed hour, tecumseh, attended by about forty warriors, made his appearance, with much dancing and various curious incantations by the prophet. advancing within thirty or forty yards of the house, the chief suddenly halted, as if awaiting some movement on the part of the governor. an interpreter was sent to invite him and his followers to the portico, but tecumseh declined this invitation, saying that he thought a grove near by, to which he pointed as he spoke, was a more suitable place. the governor yielded the point, chairs and benches were removed to the grove, but the indians, according to their habit, sat upon the grass. * * * * * {fn} the old harrison mansion is still standing at vincennes, and was seen by the author a few years ago. the council was opened by tecumseh, who stated his position on the irritating question between the whites and his race. referring to the treaty made by the governor at fort wayne the previous year, he boldly declared that he was determined to fight against the cession of lands by the indians unless assented to by _all_ the tribes acting in concert. he admitted that he had threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the fort wayne treaty, and furthermore, he did not intend to let the village chiefs manage their affairs longer, but would place the power heretofore vested in them in the hands of the war-chiefs. the americans had driven the indians from the seacoast, and would soon drive them into the lakes; and while he disowned any intention of making war upon the united states, he asserted in the most emphatic language, that he would oppose any further intrusion of the whites upon their lands. he made a summary of the wrongs his people had suffered from the close of the revolution to that day. it was plain that this appeal "struck fire" in the hearts of his own people, who would have followed his commands to the death. having finished his speech, tecumseh turned to seat himself, when he observed that no chair had been provided for him. governor harrison immediately ordered one, and, as the interpreter handed it to him, he said, "your father requests you to be seated." "my father?" said tecumseh; "the sun is my father and the earth is my mother, on her bosom will i repose;" and drawing his blanket about him with as much dignity as a roman senator would his toga, he seated himself among his warriors on the ground. we challenge the world to produce a more eloquent sentence than this. replying to this address, governor harrison declared that the indians were not one nation, having a common property in the land. the miamis were the real owners of the tract on the wabash, ceded by the late treaty, and the shawnees had no business to interfere, since, on the arrival of the whites in this country, they had found the miamis in possession of the land, the shawnees at that time being residents of georgia. it was absurd to contend that the indians constituted one nation, for had such been the will of the great spirit, he would not have given them different languages. the interpretation of this speech to tecumseh threw him into a terrible rage. he sprang to his feet and began speaking in a loud and angry manner. the governor did not understand his language, but general gibson, who was present, did, and he remarked to the governor: "those fellows intend mischief you had better bring up the guard." at the same instant the whole forty warriors grasped their tomahawks, leaped to their feet and glared at the governor. harrison leaped to his feet and drew his sword. capt. g. r. floyd, of the army, who stood near him, drew a dirk, and the chief, winnemac, a friendly indian, cocked his pistol. the citizens present who were unarmed, seized clubs and brick-bats, while rev. mr. winans, of the methodist church, ran to the governor's house, got a gun, and posted himself at the door to defend the family. during this scene, no one spoke, until the guard came running up, and appearing to be in the act of firing, the governor ordered them not to do so. he then demanded of the interpreter an explanation of what had happened, who replied that tecumseh had interrupted him, declaring that all the governor had said was false; and that he and the seventeen fires (states) had cheated and imposed on the indians. the governor then told tecumseh that he was a bad man, and that he would hold no further communication with him, that as he had come to vincennes under the protection of a council-fire, he might return in safety, but that he must immediately leave the village. here the council terminated. that night two companies of militia were brought into the town, and the one belonging there was made ready for the expected attack. next morning tecumseh sent an apology to the governor for his hasty action. he begged another interview and declared that he did not intend to attack him, and said that certain white men were the instigators of the whole thing. in the light of subsequent events, the last statement was true, and those white men were british officers. governor harrison consented to meet him again the next day, and this time tecumseh comported himself with dignity and courtesy. in the course of the talk, the governor asked the sachem whether he would oppose the survey of the lands. to which he replied that nothing could shake the determination of himself and followers to insist on the old boundary. when he sat down, his leading chiefs followed with the declaration that the wyandots, kickapoos, pottawatomies, ottawas and winnebagos had entered the shawnee league and would stand by tecumseh to the end. harrison said he would make known this decision to the president, but he was certain that the claim of tecumseh would never be acknowledged, as the land in question was bought from the miamis, the original owners, who alone had the right to sell. on the following day the governor visited tecumseh in his camp, attended only by the interpreter, and was very politely received. a long conversation followed, in the course of which the chieftain repeated his sentiments expressed in the council. he viewed the policy of the united states, in purchasing the lands from the indians, as a mighty flood, which, unless checked, would drown all his people. the confederacy which he had formed to prevent such sales without the consent of all the tribes was the dam he was building to resist the flood. he added that he should be reluctant to take part in a war with the seventeen fires, and if the governor would induce the president to give up the lands lately purchased, and agree never to make another treaty for land without the consent of all the tribes, he would be their faithful ally, and assist them in the war, which he knew was about to take place with england; but if this was not done, he would be compelled to unite with the british, who were very anxious to enlist his warriors for allies. the governor replied that he would make known his views to the president, but there was no hope of their being agreed to. "well," said tecumseh, "as the great chief is to settle the matter, i hope the great spirit will put enough sense into his head to cause him to give up the land; it is true, he is so far off he will not be injured by the war; he may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and i will have to fight it out." this prophecy, it will be seen, was literally fulfilled, and the great chieftain attested that fulfillment with his blood. the governor, as he was about to leave, proposed to tecumseh that in the event of war between the indians and the united states, he would use his influence to put an end to the cruel mode of warfare which the indians were accustomed to wage upon prisoners or helpless women and children. to this he cheerfully consented; and, to his everlasting credit, it is recorded that he faithfully kept the pledge. tecumseh must have known that his demands would never be acceded to by the united states, for from this time forward the attitude of himself and brother became distinctively hostile. the great war-belt was sent around to the neighboring tribes, who were invited to join in a confederacy to "confine the great water" and prevent it from overflowing them. the matchless eloquence and sagacity of tecumseh brought most of the tribes into the alliance. in the spring of governor harrison sent a boat up the wabash loaded with salt for the indians, that article constituting a part of their annuity. five barrels were to be left with the prophet, for the kickapoos and shawnees. upon the arrival of the boat at tippecanoe, the prophet called a council, by which it was decided to seize all the salt. this was accordingly done; though the year previous the prophet had refused to take any. when governor harrison referred to the seizure of this salt, at the next council held with the indians, tecumseh hissed back to him, that the governor was hard to please; he was angry at one time when the indians took no salt and another year because they did take it. {illustration: the prophet, brother of tecumseh.} the last council with tecumseh was held at vincennes july , , but nothing was accomplished. the chasm could not be bridged, since neither of the parties concerned would yield a point. war must come. two days after the council adjourned the great chieftain set off on a journey to the south. in a letter to the war department, just after this council, governor harrison speaks of "the implicit obedience and respect which the followers of tecumseh pay to him," as wonderful. he says: "if it were not for the vicinity of the united states, he would perhaps be the founder of an empire that would rival in glory mexico or peru. no difficulties deter him. for four years he has been in constant motion. you see him to-day on the wabash, and in a short time hear of him on the shores of lake erie or michigan, or on the banks of the mississippi; and wherever he goes he makes an impression favorable to his purpose. he is now upon the last round to put a finishing stroke to his work. i hope, however, before his return, that that part of the work which he considered complete will be demolished, and even its foundation rooted up." tecumseh visited the choctaws, creeks or muskogees, seminoles and other tribes. his success was marvelous. there seemed no resisting his persuasive eloquence. in most instances the determination was unanimous to dig up the hatchet whenever he was ready for them. like other great generals, tecumseh gave close attention to details. he invented a calendar showing the exact day on which they were to strike the white settlements. this he did by making little bundles of sticks painted red. each bundle contained sticks equal to the number of days that would pass before the one arrived which he had indicated to them. every morning they were to throw away a stick. thus it was that the seminoles, in the war which followed, became widely known under the name of "red sticks." tecumseh also directed the indians, that should the question be asked, why he had come so far? to answer, that he had advised them to till the soil, to abstain from the use of "firewater," and to live peacefully with the white people. at tuckabatchee, alabama, tecumseh addressed the council of the creek nation, but met a silent opponent in the principal chief, big warrior. he at once divined the feelings of this chief. angrily stamping his foot on the ground, he looked into the eyes of big warrior and said: "your blood is white. you have taken my talk and the sticks, and the wampum, and the hatchet, but you do not mean to fight. i know the reason. you do not believe the great spirit has sent me. you shall know. i leave tuckabatchee directly and shall go straight to detroit; when i arrive there, i will stamp on the ground with my foot and shake down every house in tuckabatchee." this was a wild threat, and big warrior was dumbfounded. he and his people were superstitious and began to dread tecumseh's arrival at detroit. they often met, talked over the strange affair, and actually tried to compute the time it would take the great chieftain to reach that town. when the morning of the day fixed upon arrived, an awful rumbling of the ground was heard; the earth began to shake and down came the flimsy lodges. the frantic indians ran to and fro shouting: "tecumseh has got to detroit!" the threat had been fulfilled and the warriors no longer hesitated to go to war with the great leader. all this was produced by the historical earthquake of new madrid, on the mississippi. strange as it may seem, it is said to have taken place the very day tecumseh reached detroit, and in exact fulfillment of his threat. during the absence of tecumseh in the south, the indians at prophet's town were so warlike and aggressive that governor harrison determined to march to that place and settle the difficulties with the indians, or break up their rendezvous. accordingly, on september , , at the head of nine hundred troops, he started on this expedition. six days afterward the army encamped on the eastern bank of the wabash, two miles above the present bustling city of terre haute. here a log fort was constructed, and named by the soldiers fort harrison. leaving a small guard at the new fort, the troops advanced along the east bank of the wabash, until they passed big raccoon creek. here it was determined to cross to the other side of the river, to avoid a dense woody shore, where there was danger of ambush. this was effected at a point near the town of montezuma, indiana. advancing still further, at the mouth of the vermilion river he built a block-house to protect his boats and heavy baggage, and proceeded thence to the immediate vicinity of the prophet's town. he was desirous of attacking this as soon as possible, because he knew that tecumseh might return any day. the army encamped for the night about three-quarters of a mile from the prophet's town on the now famous tippecanoe battleground, seven miles northeast of the city of lafayette. the place was a beautiful spot of timber-land, about ten feet higher than the marshy prairie in front, which stretched away toward the prophet's town, and nearly twice that height above a similar prairie, on the other side, across which sluggishly flowed a small stream, its course marked by willows and brushwood. at this point he was met by ambassadors, who asked that the white men refrain from hostilities until the following day, when a peace talk could be had. harrison, however, was too prudent to be deluded into a belief that no danger threatened. the army settled itself for the night in order of battle, the men sleeping on their arms. notwithstanding the truce those of the soldiers experienced in indian warfare fully expected an attack before morning light. meanwhile the indians were by no means idle. all night long the chiefs sat in council. a dozen different plans for the attack were proposed. at one time it was decided to meet the whites in council on the next day, agree to their proposals, and withdraw, leaving behind two winnebagos, who were to rush forward and assassinate the governor. this was to be the signal for battle. later in the night, which was dark and rainy, the plan was changed. the prophet, mixing some mysterious concoction of "hell-broth," pretended to read in it the fact that one-half of harrison's army was dead and the other half crazy. encouraged by this assurance, the whole body of warriors, at four o'clock in the morning, began to creep across the miry prairie toward the american camp. a little after four in the morning, a sentinel who was gazing on the wide prairie before him, had his attention roused by a strange movement on its surface. not a breath of wind was stirring, yet the tall grass was waving as if under the influence of a strong breeze. rapidly the noiseless waves approached nearer till they broke against the rising ground at his feet. "who goes there?" he shouted, but no voice answered. suddenly, with the quick thought of a backwoodsman, he stooped down, and looking _through and under_ the grass, beheld an indian stealthily creeping toward him! he fired; in an instant a tremendous war-whoop, the nightmare of all who slept in a hostile indian country, was heard on all sides, and the force of savage warriors rushed upon the american lines. the indians were commanded by white loon, stone eater and winnemac, the pottawatomie chief who had professed so much friendship for the governor, at the time of the first council at vincennes. the guard gave way at the point of attack, but the men who had been sleeping on their arms were immediately prepared to receive the indians bravely. the suddenness of the attack might have created a panic even among veterans, yet the men stood their ground, though only one in twenty had ever been under fire before. but many of them were kentuckians, and "the bravest of the brave." the camp-fires were quickly extinguished, that their light might not assist the indians, and the battle raged in the darkness on all sides. elskwatawa had prophesied that the american bullets would rebound from the bodies of the indians, and that they would be provided with light, while all would be "thick darkness" to their enemies. he had evidently heard of moses and pharaoh. for some reason, however, he did not personally try the truth of his prophecies by engaging in the fight; unwilling "to attest at once the rival powers of a sham prophecy and a real american bullet." stationing himself on a small hill near at hand, he chanted a war-song, and presided like an evil genius over this battle. though invisible in the darkness, his shrill and piercing voice could be distinctly heard above the noise. to the messengers that came to tell him that, despite his assurances, his followers were falling, he said: "tell them to keep on fighting and it will be as the prophet has said." in the confusion of the sudden attack the large white horse of governor harrison could not be found, and he mounted a borrowed plug of a different color instead. this circumstance doubtless saved his life. one of his aides, who also rode a white horse, fell in the very beginning of the attack, pierced by a dozen balls. there can be no doubt he was mistaken for his chief, whom the indians determined to kill at all hazards. during the battle general harrison rode from one side of the camp to the other, disposing his men to the best advantage, and inspiring them by his personal courage. a ball passed through his hat and another his hair, but he escaped unhurt. at one time he stopped to reprove a cowardly french ensign, who sheltered himself behind a tree, and told him he ought to be ashamed to be under shelter when his men were exposed. the frenchman, when the battle was over, complained bitterly. "i vas not behind de tree," he said; "de tree vas before me. dere vas de tree, and here vas my position; how can i help? i can not move de tree; i can not leaf my position." the indians made use of deer hoofs instead of drums to signal an advance or retreat; making with them certain rattling sounds. never were savages known to battle more desperately. for once they quite abandoned their practice of fighting from behind shelter, and rushed right up to the bayonets of their foes. the conflict lasted until shortly after daylight, when with a last charge the troops routed the savages and put them to flight. when the indians fled the whites found thirty-seven of their own number killed and one hundred and fifty-one wounded. twenty-five of the latter died of their wounds. the loss of the indians was thought to be equally great. the prophet's influence was gone forever, "you are a liar," said a winnebago warrior to him whom they had lately revered as a messenger from the great spirit, "for you told us that the white people were dead or crazy, when they were all in their senses and fought like the devil." the prophet replied, in a tone strangely different from that which he was accustomed to use, that there had been some mistake in the compounding of his "medicine." the enraged indians bound him and threatened him with death, but finally released him. the second day after the battle the americans advanced to the prophet's town. no defiant war-whoop greeted them. the place was deserted, having been abandoned in a panic. the indians, more civilized than most tribes, had left behind all their household furniture, many firearms (supplied by the british), great quantities of corn, numbers of hogs and chickens. the only inhabitant was an aged chief with a broken leg, who had been left by his people. having dressed the wound of the chief and provided sufficient food to last him several days, they told him to say to the indians that those who should leave the prophet and return to their own tribes should be forgiven. then taking the provisions for their own use the entire village was destroyed. tecumseh was already on his way home, after a very successful trip. red eagle and the creeks were preparing for war. the cherokees, the osages, the seminoles, were all ready to take up the hatchet. the great confederacy seemed almost an accomplished fact. confident and exultant, tecumseh hurried back to the prophet's town. he was ignorant of what had happened. as he and his party approached they gave the salute-yell. instead of a wild chorus in answer from the direction of the village, all was as silent as the tomb. anxious and alarmed, he hurried forward. he soon saw the spot where the village had stood, but not a cabin was to be seen. he rubbed his eyes and looked again, to see if it was not a dream, a nightmare. not so. the village had disappeared. only heaps of ashes marked its sight; "simply this and nothing more." all its fortifications, all the stores of ammunition, arms and provision, the result of years of weary toil, were gone. tecumseh knew at once what had happened. he was overwhelmed with sorrow. just at the moment of apparent triumph he found the very foundation of the structure dissolved in thin air. guided by some stragglers, tecumseh hurried to the camp, where the disgraced prophet awaited, with fear and trembling, his brother's return. great and terrible was tecumseh's anger. he bitterly reproached his brother, and was so enraged that he seized the unfortunate impostor by the hair and shook him until life was well nigh extinct. the battle had been fought in direct opposition to his orders. the prophet was an object of contempt ever afterward. the very boys yelled and jeered at him as he sneaked through a village. yet, because he was tecumseh's brother, he was saved from further punishment. tecumseh wrote to general harrison that he desired to go to washington and see the great father. the request was granted, but he was required to go alone. this wounded the spirit of the disappointed man. the would-be emperor refused to go without a retinue. filled with unutterable fury, he joined the english army in canada. when invited to take part in a peace council, he said: "no! i have taken sides with my father, the king, and i will suffer my bones to bleach on this shore before i will recross that stream to take part in any council of neutrality." tecumseh took an active part in the war and before long found himself at the head of seven hundred warrior's. nearly all the war-chiefs followed his lead and went over to the british side. shortly after this, because of bravery in what is known as the battle of brownstown, and in recognition of his eminent ability, tecumseh was made a brigadier-general in the british army. he is thought to have been the only american indian who ever held so high a position, except gen. ely s. parker, of the rebellion. major-general brock, a brave and generous gentleman, was now in command of the british army. he was as much honored and respected by his indian ally as general proctor, his successor, was afterward despised. general brock and tecumseh, with their combined force, took a position at sandwich, a place opposite detroit. here the commander-in-chief asked his ally what sort of a country he would have to pass through in order to get to detroit. tecumseh, taking a roll of elm bark, and extending it on the ground and securing it in place by four stones, drew his scalping-knife, and, with the point, etched upon the bark a plan of the country, showing its hills, rivers, woods, morasses and roads. pleased with this unexpected talent in tecumseh, as well as by the fact that he induced the indians not of his immediate party to cross the river first. general brock took off his splendid sash and, in the presence of the army, placed it around the body of the chief. tecumseh received the honor with evident gratification; but was next day seen without his sash. general brock, fearing something had displeased the chief, sent his interpreter for an explanation. the latter soon returned with the report that tecumseh, not wishing to wear such a mark of distinction, when an older, and as he said, abler warrior than himself was present, had transferred the sash to roundhead, the wyandot chief. in this the great chief showed his shrewdness, knowing the indian's love of display and the tendency in human nature to jealousy. moreover, he would not be so conspicuous in battle. as is well known, the american general, hull, made a cowardly surrender of detroit. he was court-martialed and sentenced to be shot, but was pardoned because of his age and his services during the revolution. at the time of the surrender, general brock asked tecumseh not to allow the indians to abuse the prisoners. "have no fear," he replied; "i despise them too much to meddle with them." the surrender of detroit exposed the whole northwestern frontier to the ravages of the enemy. general brock was killed at the battle of queenstown and the command of the british army devolved upon general proctor. he had under him in the spring of fourteen hundred british and eighteen hundred indian allies, commanded by tecumseh. the americans to meet this force had only twelve hundred troops and a small force of indians, under the command of general harrison; but they were _americans,_ and many of them from _kentucky._ {illustration: red cloud, noted sioux chief.} one of the most disastrous affairs of the war was in connection with the attack upon fort meigs. it seems that colonel dudley and his force had been sent to the opposite side of the river to seize a battery erected by the enemy and spike the cannon. they gained possession of the battery, but before they could complete their work the enemy rallied in overwhelming numbers. nearly every one who escaped the rifle and tomahawk was captured, dudley being one of those who was tomahawked and scalped. the prisoners were taken to proctor's headquarters, where the indians tomahawked such as they pleased. more than twenty were murdered in this horrible manner. general proctor made no attempt to restrain them, but was looking calmly upon the fiendish work, when he heard a voice in the indian tongue shouting something at the rear. turning his head he saw tecumseh dashing forward, his horse at full speed. the instant he reached the spot he leaped off, and seeing two indians in the act of killing an american, seized one by the throat and the other by the breast and hurled them to the ground. drawing his tomahawk and scalping-knife he sprang between the indians and their victims, and, brandishing the weapons with the fury of a madman dared any one of the blood thirsty savages to attempt to injure another prisoner. his consuming wrath cowed all, and they slunk away from him. turning to proctor, he sternly demanded why he had not stopped the massacre. "sir," replied the british general, "your indians can not be restrained." "begone!" thundered tecumseh; "you are not fit to command! go home and put on the petticoat of a squaw!" call him barbarian, if you will, but remember, that of the two commanders the fiend who looked on complacently during this cruel butchery of defenseless white prisoners, was _white;_ while he who risked his life to prevent it, was a _red man._ another instance in the career of this truly great man is given by drake. shortly after he had stopped the slaughter of the captives he noticed a small group of indians interested in something. colonel elliott said to him: "yonder are four of your people who have been taken prisoners you may do what you please with them." tecumseh walked over to the group and found four shawnees, who, while fighting on the side of the americans, had been captured. "friends," said tecumseh, "colonel elliott has placed you under my charge and i will send you back to your nation, with a talk to your people." accordingly, he took them with the army as far as raisin, from which point their return home would be less dangerous, and then sent two of his warriors to accompany them with a friendly message to their chiefs. they were thus discharged, under their parole not to fight against the british during the war. tecumseh was an unruly ally, because he despised proctor. one day, provisions being scarce, salt beef was given the english soldiers, while the indians received only horse-flesh. angered at the outrage, tecumseh strode to proctor's tent and demanded an explanation. seeing the english general about to treat the complaint with indifference, tecumseh significantly struck the hilt of the commander's sword, touching at the same time the handle of his tomahawk, and said: "you are proctor. i am tecumseh." this hint at a mode of settling the difficulty brought proctor to terms at once. after an unsuccessful attempt to reduce fort stephenson, then garrisoned by one hundred and sixty men commanded by major croghan, proctor and his forces retreated to malden. about this time, an american citizen, captain le croix, was arrested by order of the british commander and confined on board a ship, to be sent to montreal. tecumseh had an especial friendship for le croix, and it may have been because of his influence with the chief that he was seized. tecumseh, suspecting that le croix had been imprisoned, called on general proctor, and asked if he knew anything of his friend. he even ordered the british general to tell him the truth, adding, "if i ever detect you in a falsehood, i, with my indians, will immediately abandon you." the general was obliged to acknowledge that le croix was a prisoner. tecumseh then demanded that his friend should be instantly liberated. general proctor wrote a line stating that the "king of the woods" desired the release of captain le croix, and that it must be done at once. the order was obeyed. tecumseh treated the american commander with equal contempt. a recent writer gives a challenge which that great chief sent to general harrison at the first siege of fort meigs. it was as follows: "general harrison: i have with me eight hundred braves. you have an equal number in your hiding place. come out with them and give me battle. you talked like a brave when we met at vincennes, and i respected you, but now you hide behind logs and in the earth, like a ground-hog. give me answer. "tecumseh." the americans always had great confidence in tecumseh, though he was an enemy. once when the english and indians were encamped near the river raisin, some sauks and winnebagos entered the house of a mrs. ruland and began to plunder it. she immediately sent her little daughter to ask tecumseh to come to her assistance. the chief was in council and was making a speech when the child entered the building and pulled the skirts of tecumseh's hunting-shirt, saying, "come to our house, there are bad indians there." tecumseh did not wait to finish his speech, but walked rapidly to the house. at the entrance he met some indians dragging a trunk away. he knocked down the first one with a blow from his tomahawk. the others prepared to resist. "dogs!" cried the chief, "i am tecumseh!" the indians immediately fled and tecumseh turned upon some english officers who were standing near: "you," said he, "are worse, than dogs, to break your faith with prisoners." the officers immediately apologized to mrs. ruland, and offered to put a guard around her house. she declined this offer, however, saying that she was not afraid so long as that man, pointing to tecumseh, was near. the ill success which attended the efforts of the british caused tecumseh not only to lose heart, but dissipated what little faith he had felt in proctor. he seriously meditated a withdrawal from the contest. assembling the shawnees, wyandots and ottawas, who were under his command, he declared his intention to them. he told them that when they had taken up the tomahawk and joined their father, the king, they were promised plenty of white men to fight with them; "but the number is not now greater," said he, "than at the commencement of the war; and we are treated by them like the dogs of snipe hunters; we are always sent ahead to start the game. it is better that we should return to our own country, and let the americans come on and fight the british." to this proposition his followers agreed; but the sioux and chippewas discovering his intention, went to him, and insisted that inasmuch as he had first united with the british, and had been instrumental in bringing their tribes into the alliance, he ought not to leave them; and through their influence he was finally induced to remain. tecumseh's last grudge against proctor was on account of the retreat of the english from malden, after commodore perry's victory on lake erie. the indians did not understand the movements of a naval battle, and general proctor, who doubtless dreaded the influence of a defeat upon them, said to tecumseh, "my fleet has whipped the americans, but the vessels being much injured have gone to put-in-bay to refit, and will be here in a few days." the suspicions of tecumseh were soon aroused, however, when he thought he perceived indications of a plan to retreat from maiden. when he spoke to proctor on the subject, that cringing coward told him that he was only going to send all his valuables up the thames, where they would be met by a reinforcement and be safe. tecumseh, however, felt sure that the commander was meditating a retreat. he demanded, in the name of his indians, that he be heard by general proctor. audience was granted him on september , and the indian orator delivered his last speech, a copy of which was afterward found in proctor's baggage when it was captured. we can only quote two paragraphs from it here: "you always told us," said he, "you would never draw your foot off british ground; but now, father, we see that you are drawing back, and we are sorry to see our father doing so without seeing the enemy. we must compare our father's conduct to a fat dog that carries its tail on its back, but when affrighted drops it between its legs and runs off. father, listen! the americans have not yet defeated us by land; neither are we sure they have done so by water; we, therefore wish to remain here and fight our enemy, should they make their appearance. if they defeat us, we will then retreat with our father. "father, you have got the arms and ammunition which our great father sent to his red children. if you have an idea of going away, give them to us and you may go, and welcome. for us, our lives are in the hands of the great spirit. we are determined to defend our lands, and if it be his will, we wish to leave our bones upon them." in spite of tecumseh's protest, proctor burned malden and began a retreat. he pretended from time to time that he would halt and give battle. when the retreat commenced, tecumseh said, "we are now going to follow the british, and i am sure that we shall never return." at last, on october , proctor was forced to halt and oppose the pursuing americans in the battle of the thames. just before the engagement tecumseh said to the group of chiefs around him: "brother warriors, we are about to enter into an engagement, from which i shall never come out--my body will remain on the field of battle." unbuckling his sword and handing it to a chief, he said, "when my son becomes a noted warrior and able to wield a sword, give this to him." the battle which followed was for a time fiercely contested, and the position selected was well adapted for defense. the indians, under their indomitable leader, stood their ground longer than the british regulars. proctor fled, like the coward he was, leaving the great chief and his warriors to receive the brunt of the battle. the flight of the british commander was too rapid for him to be overtaken, though they captured his baggage. with one arm bleeding and almost useless, tecumseh, too proud to fly, stood his ground, dealing prodigious blows right and left, and inspiring his warriors with his loud commanding war-whoop, which was heard above the din of the battle. col. richard m. johnson and his kentucky cavalry were ordered to charge the indians. this they did with such fury that the savage warriors fled; but not until their intrepid leader had received a bullet through his head, which stilled his clarion voice in death. the discussion as to who killed tecumseh became a singularly heated one in subsequent political campaigns, the chief recommendation for office in that day being skill as an indian fighter. the friends of col. richard m. johnson, of kentucky, claimed that _honor_ for their hero when he was a candidate for the vice-presidency. this, indeed, constituted one of his chief claims to the suffrage of his party, just as harrison's victories at tippecanoe and the thames elevated him to the presidency. johnson himself never made the claim, saying that his assailant was so close upon him that he did not stop to ask him his name before shooting him. it may be doubted whether anybody ever did know who fired the shot that killed the great chief. those who saw him shot, from the american side, did not know him from any other indian, for there was nothing in his dress to distinguish him from his warriors, and the indians who saw him fall did not know his slayer. many mistook the body of a gayly dressed and painted warrior for that of tecumseh. james, the english historian, and eggleston, both assert that from the body of this indian much of the skin was actually flayed and converted into razor-strops by some of the pioneer kentuckians, who had become almost as barbarous as the savages against whom they fought. the truth of this statement is confirmed by the testimony of several american officers and privates who were in the battle of the thames. they state, however, that it was the work of a few brutish individuals, and that the great mass of the army were shocked at its perpetration. {fn} * * * * * {fn} the author when a youth was told by dr. william a. moore, of milford, kentucky, a member of the legislature and an old-school gentleman of the highest integrity, that he (the doctor) had seen a razor-strop made from the skin that covered tecumseh's backbone. it has been demonstrated that tecumseh's body was not harmed, but another indian mistaken for him was both scalped and flayed. a short distance from where tecumseh fell, the body of his friend, wasegoboah, the husband of tecumapease, was found. they had often fought side by side, and now, in front of their men, bravely battling the enemy, they side by side closed their mortal careers. the british historian, james, in his account of the battle of the thames, makes the following remarks upon the character and personal appearance of the subject of this sketch. "thus fell the indian warrior, tecumseh, in the forty-fourth year of his age. he was of the shawnee tribe, five feet ten inches high, and with more than the usual stoutness, possessed all the agility and perseverance of the indian character. his carriage was dignified, his eye penetrating, his countenance, which even in death betrayed the indications of a lofty spirit, rather of the sterner cast. "had he not possessed a certain austerity of manners, he could not have controlled the wayward passions of those who followed him to battle. he was of a silent habit; but when his eloquence became roused into action by the reiterated encroachments of the americans, his strong intellect could supply him with a flow of oratory that enabled him, as he governed in the field, so to prescribe in the council. "such a man was the unlettered savage, tecumseh. he has left a son, who, when his father fell, was about seventeen years old, and fought by his side. the prince regent in , out of respect to the memory of the old, sent out as a present to the young tecumseh, a handsome sword. unfortunately, however, for the indian cause and country, faint are the prospects that tecumseh, the son, will ever equal, in wisdom or prowess, tecumseh, the father." the name of tecumseh's son was pugeshashenwa. the prince regent also settled upon him an annual pension, in consideration of his father's services. he was treated with much respect, because he was the son of his father, and removed to indian territory with the remnant of the shawnee nation. tecumseh is described as a perfect apollo in form, his face oval, his nose straight and handsome, and his mouth regular and beautiful. his eyes, singularly enough, were "hazel, clear and pleasant in conversation, but like balls of fire when excited by anger or enthusiasm." his bearing was that of a lofty and noble spirit, a true "king of the woods," as the english called him. he was temperate in his habits, loving truth and honor better than life. he was an ideal indian, and both in body and mind the finest flower of the aboriginal american race. possessing a genius which must have made him eminent in any age or country, like brant, pontiac and king philip, his illustrious predecessors, he had failed yet like them he was great in defeat. he was the first great chieftain to prohibit the massacre of prisoners. trumbull, in his "indian wars," thus refers to this renowned leader: "he was the most extraordinary indian that has ever appeared in history. his acute understanding very early in life informed him that his countrymen had lost their importance that they were gradually yielding to the whites, who were acquiring an imposing influence over them. instigated by these considerations, and perhaps by his natural ferocity and attachment to war, he became a decided enemy to the whites, with an invincible determination to regain for his country the proud independence she had lost. "aware, at length, of the extent, number and power of the united states, he became fully convinced of the futility of any single nation of red men attempting to cope with them." {illustration: death of tecumseh at the battle of the thames.} "he formed, therefore, the grand scheme of uniting all the tribes east of the mississippi into hostility against the united states. this was a field worthy of his great and commanding genius." besides several towns in different states christened in his honor, his name was also borne by one of the greatest of american generals. at the meeting of the republican national committee in washington, november , , to select a city in which to hold a presidential convention, president palmer, of the world's fair commission, gave in an eloquent plea for the selection of detroit, the promise to take the visitors thirty miles over into canada to view the spot where tecumseh, "the greatest indian the american continent ever knew, was slain." paradoxical as it may seem, he was a savage, yet one of nature's noblemen. the words of hamlet apply to this "king of the woods" in a striking manner: "see, what a grace was seated on this brow hyperion's locks; the front of jove himself; an eye like mars, to threaten and command a station like the herald mercury, new-lighted on a heaven-kissing hill a combination, and a form, indeed, where every god did seem to set his seal, to give the world assurance of a man." chapter xi. black hawk, or ma-ka-tai-me she-kia-kiak, and his war. great warriors among the indians, like those of the favored white race, learned from those who preceded them. we have seen that king philip united the tribes of new england against their common enemy, the whites, in the first great indian war, and his example was copied in turn by pontiac and tecumseh. black hawk led a band of his own warriors and fought under tecumseh in the war of , and must have gained much inspiration as well as a knowledge of the most effectual methods of fighting the americans, from that great chieftain. certain it is black hawk also sought to form a confederation of the neighboring tribes, including the pottawatomies, winnebagos, chippewas, menomonees and ottawas. but they had not forgotten the lessons of the preceding half-century or more, and remained neutral. he also visited the commander of the british forces at malden, opposite detroit, hoping to gain encouragement and munitions of war, but in this he was disappointed. the commander, knowing the power of the americans and the feeble resources of the indians, strongly advised against a hopeless war. this was not the kind of advice the enraged chief wanted, and, of course, it was declined. what was the cause of the black hawk war? there are several answers to this question, but we think the explanation of black hawk himself in his autobiography is authentic and the real _"casus belli."_ this autobiography was dictated to an amanuensis, by means of an interpreter. in it the chief said: "in one of our people killed an american and was captured and confined in the prison at st. louis for the offense. we held a council at our village to see what could be done for him, and determined that quashquame, pashepaho, onchequaka and hashequarhiqua should go down to st. louis, see our american father and do all they could to have our friend released, by paying for the person killed, thus covering the blood and satisfying the relations of the murdered man; this being the only means with us for saving a person who had killed another, and we then thought it was the same way with the whites. "the party started with the good wishes of the whole nation, who had high hopes that the emissaries would accomplish the object of their mission. "the relations of the prisoner blacked their faces and fasted, hoping the great spirit would take pity on them and return husband and father to his sorrowing wife and weeping children. "quashquame and party remained a long time, but finally returned and encamped a short distance below the village. they did not come up that day, nor did any one approach their camp. they appeared to be dressed in fine coats and had medals. from these circumstances we were in hopes that they had brought good news. "early the next morning the council lodge was crowded. quashquame and party came up and gave us the following account of their mission: "'on our arrival at st. louis we met our american father and explained to him our business, urging the release of our friend. the american chief told us he wanted land. we agreed to give him some on the west side of the mississippi, likewise more on the illinois side opposite jefferson. when the business was all arranged we expected to have our friend released to come home with us. about the time we were ready to start our brother was let out of prison. he started and ran a short distance, when he was _shot dead!'_ "this was all they could remember of what had been said and done. it subsequently appeared that they had been drunk the greater part of the time while at st. louis. "this was all myself and nation knew of the so-called treaty of . it has since been explained to me. i found by that treaty, that all of the country east of the mississippi and south of jefferson was ceded to the united states for one thousand dollars a year. i will leave it to the people of the united states to say whether our nation was properly represented in this treaty? or whether we received a fair compensation for the extent of country ceded by those four individuals? "i could say much more respecting this treaty, but i will not at this time. it has been the origin of all our serious difficulties with the whites." on june , , black hawk made a treaty with general gaines, and gave a reluctant consent to abandon his village and cornfields on the rock river in illinois and join keokuk's band on their reservation in iowa. general gaines believed the trouble was ended, and so it probably would have been had the whites observed the provisions of the treaty. the indians had been promised corn to supply the wants of their families in lieu of that which was left in their fields, but the amount was so meager that they began to suffer. in this emergency, a party of sacs, to quote the language of black hawk, crossed the river "to steal corn from their own fields." moving with his band up rock river, he was overtaken by a messenger from general atkinson ordering him to return and recross the mississippi. black hawk said he was not on the warpath, but going on a friendly visit to the village of white cloud, the winnebago prophet, and continued his journey. general atkinson now sent imperative orders for him to return at once, or he would pursue him with his entire army and drive him back. in reply black hawk said the general had no right to make the order so long as his band was peaceable, and that he intended to go on to the prophet's village. when black hawk reached a point about forty miles above dixon's ferry he was met in council by some pottawatomie and winnebago chiefs. they assured black hawk that their people would not join him in making war upon the united states, contrary to his expectations. black hawk now saw that the prophet and others had misrepresented the plans and intentions of these tribes, and resolved to send a flag of truce to general atkinson and ask permission to descend rock river, recross the mississippi and return to their reservation. about this time general whitesides had concentrated a large force of militia at dixon's ferry, and, at the solicitation of major stillman, permitted him to take out a scouting party of mounted men. they ascended rock river to the mouth of sycamore creek and encamped within a few miles of black hawk's band, but ignorant of that fact. indian scouts soon reported to black hawk that a large company of mounted militia were coming toward his camp, and the chief at once dispatched three warriors with a white flag of truce, and an invitation for the officers to visit his camp. the whites paid no attention to this flag, but captured the messengers, killing the flag-bearer instantly. black hawk also sent five others to look after the flag-bearers. they were pursued and one killed, but the remainder, together with the two flag-bearers, made their escape in the confusion incident to making preparation to charge the indian camp. when the old chief heard that his flag of truce was disregarded and two of his warriors killed, he gave the war-whoop and prepared to meet the whites. he had only about forty mounted warriors, the others being absent on a hunting trip. having taken a position in a copse of timber and underbrush near sycamore creek, he waited the approach of the whites. the soldiers advanced in disorderly fashion, and, having crossed the creek, were surprised by a terrific war-whoop from the indians who were concealed in the bushes and with deadly aim commenced firing into their ranks. judging from the yelling of the indians their number was variously estimated at from one to two thousand. the entire party was thrown into such confusion that major stillman had no control of them and ordered a retreat. _the forty indians put the two hundred and forty to flight, killing a dozen and losing only two or three._ with one exception the entire company continued their flight to dixon's ferry, a distance of thirty miles; some never stopped until they _were safe at home._ black hawk and fifteen warriors soon gave up the chase, and returned to his camp. but the remainder pursued the fugitives several miles, overtaking and killing a few whose horses were too slow to keep out of their way. among the slow mounted of the retreating party was a methodist preacher, who adopted a novel plan to save himself and horse. on coming to a ravine he left the main track and followed down the ravine until he found a place where the banks were deep enough to shelter himself and horse from view, and remained there for two hours in safety. he had the precaution to keep a strict count of the indians as they crossed the ravine. when they had returned and continued on their way to their camp, he left his hiding-place and trotted leisurely along to dixon's ferry, which he reached about sunrise the next morning. when he reported the stratagem by which he was saved, and was asked the number of the pursuing indians, he promptly replied _"twenty-five by actual count."_ great indignation was manifested by some of the brave volunteers, who reached camp several hours before him and reported the number of the indians at _fifteen hundred to two thousand._ but the minister was well known by many of the volunteers as a high-toned christian gentleman whose veracity had never been questioned, and they stood by him, and no violence was attempted. the news of stillman's defeat "by two thousand blood thirsty indian warriors" spread fast, far and wide, and governor reynolds, of illinois, called for more volunteers. when the news reached washington general scott was ordered to take a thousand soldiers and proceed to the seat of war and take the command. while en route this army was attacked by cholera, which swept off a large number and rendered the remainder unfit for service. it is now generally conceded that the violation of a flag of truce, which is respected in all civilized wars, the wanton murder of its bearers, and the attack upon a mere remnant of black hawk's band when suing for peace, precipitated a war which could have been and should have been avoided. as positive proof that the volunteers were guilty of precipitating the war by killing the bearer of the white flag of truce, we quote the narrative of elijah kilbourn, one of the scouts connected with stillman's command. it seems that kilbourn was captured by black hawk during the war of , and adopted into his tribe. he finally escaped, and was again captured by three of black hawk's braves at the battle of sycamore creek. the story also shows the noble character of black hawk, and will be told in kilbourn's own language. said he: "we had been scouting through the country that lay about fort stephenson, when early one morning one of our number came in with the intelligence that the fort was besieged by a combined force of british and indians. we were soon in the saddle and riding with all speed in the direction of the fort, hoping to join in the fight. but in this we were disappointed, as we learned that the brave little garrison, under the command of major crogan, had repulsed the enemy with great slaughter. we learned, however, that black hawk, the leader of the savages, at the termination of the battle, had gone back with twenty of his warriors, to his village on rock river, and we determined at once to follow him. "at sunrise the next morning we were on his trail and followed it with great care to the banks of a stream. here we ascertained that the savages had separated into nearly equal parties--the one keeping straight down the bank of the stream, while the other had crossed to the other side and continued toward rock river. our leader now detailed four of us to follow the trail across the stream, while he with the rest, some seven or eight in number, immediately took the one down the bank." {illustration: black hawk, or ma-ka-tai-me she-kia-kiak, sac and fox war-chief.} "during the course of the following morning we came across a great many different trails, and by these we were so perplexed that we resolved to return to the main body, but from the signs we had already seen we knew that such a step would be attended with the greatest danger. it was at last decided that it would be far more safe for all hands to separate, and each man look out for himself. this resolve was immediately put into execution, and a few minutes later found me alone in the great wilderness. i had often been so before, but never had i been placed in a situation as dangerous as the present one, for now on all sides i was surrounded by hostile indians. "i encountered nothing very formidable till some two hours before sunset, when, just as i emerged from a tangled thicket, i saw an indian on his knees at a clear, sparkling spring, slaking his thirst. instinctively i placed my rifle to my shoulder, drew a bead upon the savage and pulled the trigger. imagine, if you can, my feelings as the flint came down and was shivered to pieces without igniting the priming. "the next moment the savage was up on his feet, his piece leveled directly at me and his finger pressing the trigger. there was no escape. i had left my horse in the woods some time before. the thicket behind me was too dense to permit me to enter it again quickly, and there was no tree within reach of sufficient size to protect me from the aim of my foe, who, now finding me at his mercy, advanced, his gun still in its threatening rest and ordered me to surrender. resistance and escape were alike out of the question, and i accordingly delivered myself up his prisoner, hoping by some means to escape at some future period. he now told me, in good english, to proceed in a certain direction. i obeyed him and had not gone a stone's throw before, just as i turned a thick clump of trees, i came suddenly upon an indian camp, the one to which my captor undoubtedly belonged. "as we came up all the savages, some six or eight in number, rose quickly and appeared much surprised at my sudden appearance amongst them; but they offered me no harm, and they behaved with most marked respect to my captor, whom, upon a close inspection i recognized to be black hawk himself. the tall chief, with his keen eye, looked every inch a warrior. "'the white mole digs deep, but makataimeshe kiakiak (black hawk) flies high and can see far off,' said the chieftain in a deep guttural tone, addressing me. he then related to his followers the occasion of my capture, and as he did so they glared at me fiercely and handled their weapons in a threatening manner, but at the conclusion of his remarks they appeared better pleased, although i was the recipient of many a passing frown. he now informed me that he had told his young men that they were to consider me a brother, as he was going to adopt me into the tribe. "this was to me little better than death itself, but there was no alternative, and so i was obliged to submit, with the hope of making my escape at some future time. the communication of black hawk, moreover, caused me great astonishment, and after pondering the matter i was finally forced to set down as its cause one of those unaccountable whims to which the savage temperament is often subject. "the next morning my captors forced me to go with them to their village on rock river, where, after going through a tedious ceremony, i was dressed and painted, and thus turned from a white man into an indian. "for nearly three years ensuing it was my constant study to give my adopted brothers the slip, but during the whole of that time i was so carefully watched and guarded that i never found an opportunity to escape. "however, it is a long lane that has no turning, and so it proved in my case. pretending to be well satisfied with my new mode of life, i at last gained upon the confidence of the savages, and one day when their vigilance was relaxed, i made my escape and returned in safety to my friends, who had mourned for me as dead. "many years after this i was a participant in the battle at sycamore creek, which is a tributary of rock river. i was employed by the government as a scout, in which capacity it was acknowledged i had no superior, but i felt no pride in hearing myself praised, for i knew i was working against black hawk, who, although he was an indian, had once spared my life, and i was one never to forget a kindness. and, besides this, i had taken a great liking to him, for there was something noble and generous in his nature. however, my first duty was to my country, and i did my duty at all hazards. "now you must know that black hawk, after moving west of the mississippi, had recrossed, contrary to his agreement; not, however, from any hostile motive, but to raise a crop of corn and beans with the pottawatomies and winnebagos, of which his own people stood in the utmost need. with this intention he had gone some distance up rock river, when an express from general atkinson ordered him peremptorily to return. this order the old chief refused to obey, saying that the general had no right to issue it. a second express from atkinson threatened black hawk that if he did not return peaceably force would be resorted to. the aged warrior became incensed at this and utterly refused to obey the mandate, but, at the same time, sent word to the general that he would not be the first to commence hostilities. "the movement of the renowned warrior was immediately trumpeted abroad as an invasion of the state, and with more rashness than wisdom, governor reynolds ordered the illinois militia to take the field, and these were joined by the regulars under general atkinson, at rock island. major stillman, having under his command two hundred and seventy-five mounted men, the chief part of whom were volunteers, while a few, like myself, were regular scouts, obtained leave of general whitesides--then stationed at dixon's ferry--to go on a scouting expedition. i knew well what would follow; but still, as i was under orders, i was obliged to obey, and together with the rest proceeded some thirty miles up rock river to where sycamore creek empties into it. this brought us to within six or eight miles of the camp of black hawk, who, on that day, may , was engaged in preparing a dog feast for the purpose of fitly celebrating a contemplated visit of some pottawatomie chiefs. "soon after preparing to camp we saw three indians approach us, bearing a white flag; and these, upon coming up, were made prisoners. a second deputation of five were pursued by some twenty of our mounted militia and two of them killed, while the other three escaped. one of the party that bore the white flag was, out of the most cowardly vindictiveness, _shot down while standing a prisoner in camp._ the whole detachment, after these atrocities, now bore down upon the camp of black hawk, whose braves, with the exception of some forty or fifty, were away at a distance, hunting. "as we rode up a galling and destructive fire was poured in upon us by the savages, who, after discharging their guns, sprang from their coverts on either side, with their usual horrible yells, and continued the attack with their tomahawks and knives. my comrades fell around me like leaves; and happening to cast my eyes behind me i beheld the whole detachment of militia flying from the field. some four or five of us were left unsupported in the very midst of the foe, who, renewing their yells, rushed down upon us in a body. gideon munson and myself were taken prisoners, while others were instantly tomahawked and scalped, munson, during the afternoon, seeing, as he supposed, a good opportunity to escape, recklessly attempted it, but was immediately shot down by his captor. and i now began to wish they would serve me in the same manner, for i knew that if recognized by the savages, i should be put to death by the most horrible tortures. nothing occurred, however, to give me any real uneasiness upon this point till the following morning, when black hawk, passing by me, turned and eyed me keenly for a moment or so. then, stepping close to me, he said, in a low tone: _'does the mole think that black hawk forgets?'_ "walking away with a dignified air, he left me, as you may suppose, bordering on despair, for i knew too well the indian character to imagine for a single instant that my life would be spared under the circumstances, i had been adopted into the tribe by black hawk, had lived nearly three years among them, and by escaping had incurred their displeasure, which could only be appeased with my blood. added to this, i was now taken prisoner at the very time that the passions of the savages were most highly wrought upon by the mean and cowardly conduct of the whites. i therefore gave up all hope, and doggedly determined to meet stoically my fate. "although the indians passed and repassed me many times during the day, often bestowing on me a buffet or a kick, yet not one of them seemed to remember me as having formerly been one of the tribe. at times this infused me with a faint hope, which was always immediately after extinguished, as i recalled to mind my recognition by black hawk himself. "some two hours before sunset black hawk again came to where i was bound, and having loosened the cords with which i was fastened to a tree, my arms still remaining confined, bade me follow him. i immediately obeyed him, not knowing what was to be my doom, though i expected nothing short of death by torture. in silence we left the camp, not one of the savages interfering with us or offering me the slightest harm or indignity. for nearly an hour we strode on through the gloomy forest, now and then starting from its retreat some wild animal that fled upon our approach. arriving at a bend of the river, my guide halted, and turning towards the sun, which was rapidly setting, he said, after a short pause: "'i am going to send you back to your chief, though i ought to kill you for running away a longtime ago, after i had adopted you as a son, but black hawk can forgive as well as fight. when you return to your chief i want you to tell him all my words. tell him that black hawk's eyes have looked upon many suns but they shall not see many more, and that his back is no longer straight, as in his youth, but is beginning to bend with age. the great spirit has whispered among the tree-tops in the morning and evening, and says that black hawk's days are few, and that he is wanted in the spirit land. he is half dead, his arm shakes and is no longer strong, and his feet are slow on the warpath. tell him all this, and tell him, too,' continued the untutored hero of the forest, with trembling emotion and marked emphasis, 'that black hawk would have been a friend to the whites, but they would not let him, and that the hatchet was dug up by themselves and not by the indians. tell your chief that black hawk meant no harm to the palefaces when he came across the mississippi, but came peaceably to raise corn for his starving women and children, and that even then he would have gone back; but when he sent this white flag the braves who carried it were treated like squaws and one of them inhumanly shot. tell him, too,' he concluded with terrible force, while his eyes fairly flashed fire, '_that black hawk will have revenge,_ and that he will never stop until the great spirit shall say to him, come away.' "thus saying, he loosened the cord that bound my arms, and after giving me particular directions as to the best course to pursue to my own camp, bade me farewell and struck off into the trackless forest, to commence that final struggle which was decided against the indians." although the winnebagos and the pottawatomies had resolved to take no part in the war, yet a few young warriors from each of these tribes, emboldened by black hawk's easy victory over stillman's raw recruits, decided to join his band. these committed many depredations among the settlements along the fox and illinois rivers. when the warriors returned from their hunting expedition, black hawk concentrated his entire force, consisting of about five hundred warriors, according to his own statement, at a point between the rock and wisconsin rivers. general atkinson, with a force of nearly two thousand men, pressed on to meet him. but the wily chief declined to risk a battle with such odds and withdrew into the wilderness. general atkinson followed, incurring the danger of an ambuscade, but black hawk could not be brought to a stand. when black hawk reached the mississippi river, he let most of his women and children descend it in canoes, but a majority were captured by the whites and quite a number drowned. with the main body of his warriors he approached the river, intending to cross, but was met at this point by the steamboat warrior. the chief was so touched by the suffering of the women and children, the starving condition of his men, and the utter hopelessness of continuing the unequal struggle, that he decided to surrender. accordingly, he sent a hundred and fifty warriors to the edge of the stream with a flag of truce. an effort was also made to communicate with the winnebago interpreter on board the boat. but either the interpreter failed to understand what was shouted to him by the indians on shore or he was treacherous and failed to report the message correctly to captain throckmorton, of the warrior, or lieutenant kingsburg, who commanded the troops, for certain it is those on the boat paid no attention to the white flag of truce or the expressed desire on the part of black hawk to surrender. orders were given to shell the indians on the shore with musketry and a six-pounder loaded with canister. it resulted in killing twenty-three indians outright and wounding a large number. the savages were trying to surrender, and were so astonished at this unexpected attack, that they fired only a few random shots, one of which passed through a man's leg on the warrior. as the wood began to fail, and night was approaching, the warrior went on to prairie du chien. the final battle of the war occurred the next day, august . this is known as the battle of bad axe and was fought where the little stream by that name joins the mississippi. the account we give of it is quoted from black hawk's autobiography, in which the chief said: "early in the morning a party of whites, being in advance of the army, came upon our people, who were attempting to cross the mississippi. they tried to give themselves up; the whites paid no attention to their entreaties, but commenced slaughtering them. in a little while the whole army arrived. our braves, but few in number, finding that the enemy paid no regard to age or sex, and seeing that they were murdering helpless women and little children, determined to fight until they were killed. as many women as could commenced swimming the mississippi, with their children on their backs. a number of them were drowned, and some shot before they could reach the opposite shore. "this massacre, which terminated the war, lasted about two hours. our loss in killed was about sixty, besides a number that was drowned. the loss of the enemy could not be ascertained by my braves exactly; but they think that they killed about sixteen during the action." it was afterward estimated that the loss of the americans in killed and wounded was twenty-seven--that of the indians nearly two hundred. in reviewing the black hawk war the student of history is forced to the conclusion that it was caused by the white man's avarice and determination to swindle the indian out of his birthright, the finest lands of wisconsin, missouri and illinois, for the usual mess of pottage. it began by the deliberate murder of the bearer of a white flag of truce (which is respected by every civilized nation on earth), and it ended in an indiscriminate massacre of men, women and helpless children, while the chief and warriors were suing for peace, and actually trying to surrender. having escaped through the lines of the american army, black hawk, with a small party, fled to the winnebago village at la crosse. on his arrival here he entered the lodge of their chief and told him he intended giving himself up to the american war-chief and die if it pleased the great spirit. black hawk still retained his medicine bag, which he now presented to the chief, and informed him that it was "the soul of the sac nation--that it never had been dishonored in any battle; take it, it is my life--dearer than life--and give it to the american chief!" the winnebago chief received it, promised to take special care of it, and said if black hawk's life was spared he would send it to him, but for some unknown cause this promise was never fulfilled. {illustration: buffalo hunt.} during his stay at this village the squaws made him a suit of white deerskin, which he wore when he went with several winnebagos to prairie du chien and gave himself up. on august , , about noon, black hawk and his companion, called the prophet, surrendered to general street at prairie du chien. on september , black hawk, now a prisoner of war, together with the prophet and others, were taken on board the steamer winnebago and sent to jefferson barracks, in charge of lieut. jefferson davis, of whom the chief said: "he is a good and brave young chief, with whose conduct i was much pleased, and treated us with great kindness." we are here reminded that at least four men who took part in the black hawk war were heard of again. col. zachariah taylor and capt. abraham lincoln each became president; lieut. jefferson davis, taylor's son-in-law, president of the southern confederacy, while gen. winfield scott, "the hero of four wars," escaped the cholera, which almost destroyed his army, to become a strong presidential probability, and the standard-bearer of the whig party. while black hawk was not equal to pontiac, brant or tecumseh as a warrior and leader of men, yet his skill in oratory placed him in the class with red jacket, logan, or even the gifted tecumseh. fortunately many of his speeches were made under circumstances which have permitted them to be preserved and though they were probably "revised," in some instances, by admiring friends, yet he undoubtedly possessed a peculiar poetical eloquence all his own. when the fallen chieftain entered the presence of general street as a prisoner he thus addressed him: "you have taken me prisoner with all my warriors. i am much grieved, for i expected if i did not defeat you to hold out much longer and give you more trouble before i surrendered. i tried hard to bring you into ambush, but your last general understands indian fighting. the first one was not so wise. when i saw i could not beat you by indian fighting, i determined to rush on you and fight you face to face. i fought hard, but your guns were well aimed. the bullets flew like birds in the air, and whizzed by our ears like wind through the trees in winter. my warriors fell around me; it began to look dismal. i saw my evil day at hand. the sun rose dim on us in the morning and at night it sank in a dark cloud, and looked like a ball of fire. that was the last sun that shone on black hawk. his heart is dead and no longer beats quick in his bosom. he is now a prisoner to the white man; they will do with him as they wish. but he can stand torture and is not afraid of death. he is no coward. black hawk is an indian. "he has done nothing for which an indian ought to be ashamed. he has fought for his countrymen, the squaws and pappooses, against white men, who came year after year to cheat him and take away their lands. you know the cause of our making war. it is known to all white men. they ought to be ashamed of it. the white men despise the indians and drive them from their homes. but the indians are not deceitful. the white men speak bad of the indian and look at him spitefully. but the indian does not tell lies; indians do not steal. "an indian who is as bad as the white men could not live in our nation; he would be put to death and eaten up by the wolves. the white men are bad schoolmasters; they carry false looks and deal in false actions; they smile in the face of the poor indian to cheat him; they shake them by the hand to gain their confidence, to make them drunk, to deceive them. we told them to let us alone and keep away from us; but they followed on, and beset our path as they coiled themselves among us, like a snake. they poisoned us by their touch. we were not safe. we lived in danger. we were becoming like them, hypocrites and liars, adulterers, lazy drones--all talkers and no workers. "we looked up to the great spirit. we went to our great father. we were encouraged. his great council gave us fair words and big promises; but we got no satisfaction. things were growing worse. there were no deer in the forest. the opossum and beaver were fled; the springs were drying up and our squaws and pappooses without victuals to keep them from starving; we called a great council and built a large fire. the spirit of our fathers arose and spoke to us to avenge our wrongs or die. we all spoke before the council-fire. it was warm and pleasant. we setup the war-whoop, and dug up the tomahawk; our knives were ready, and the heart of black hawk swelled high in his bosom when he led his warriors to battle. he is satisfied. he will go to the world of spirits contented. he has done his duty. his father will meet him there and commend him. "black hawk is a true indian and disdains to cry like a woman. he feels for his wife, his children and his friends. but he does not care for himself. he cares for his nation and the indians. they will suffer. he laments their fate. the white men do not scalp the head; but they do worse--they poison the heart; it is not pure with them. his countrymen will not be scalped, but they will, in a few years, become like the white men, so that you can't trust them, and there must be, as in the white settlements, nearly as many officers as men, to take care of them and keep them in order. "farewell, my nation! black hawk tried to save you and avenge your wrongs. he drank the blood of some of the whites. he has been taken prisoner and his plans are stopped. he can do no more. he is near his end. his sun is setting and will rise no more. farewell to black hawk." black hawk at the time of his imprisonment was sixty-six years of age. some time during the month of september the united states made a treaty with the sacs and foxes by which six million acres of choice land were ceded, containing the rich lead mine near galena. in payment for this cession the united states agreed "to pay an annuity of $ , for thirty years; to support a blacksmith and gunsmith in addition to those then employed; to pay the debts of the tribes; to supply provisions; and, as a reward for the fidelity of keokuk and the friendly band, to allow a reservation to be made for them of forty square miles, on the iowa river, to include keokuk's principal village." this treaty also required that black hawk, his two sons, the prophet, neopope (the second chief) and five others of the hostile band were to remain in the hands of the whites as hostages during the pleasure of the president of the united states. the captive indians were sent to washington by order of president jackson, and arrived at their destination april , . the day following black hawk had a long interview with the president; it is said that his first greeting on meeting president was, "i am a man, and you are another." "old hickory" had had a wide experience with indians, and at once made them feel at ease by greeting them kindly, and after having the articles of dress provided for them exhibited he told black hawk they would be delivered to him for distribution. he then said they would have to leave shortly for fortress monroe and remain until he gave them permission to return to their country. that date depended upon the conduct of the indians, but he hoped they would soon evince good feeling and thereby shorten the time. during this interview black hawk gave a brief history of the cause of the war, saying: "we did not expect to conquer the whites; no. they had too many houses, too many men. i took up the hatchet, for my part, to revenge injuries which my people could no longer endure. had i borne them longer without striking, my people would have said, 'black hawk is a woman, he is too old to be a chief; he is no sac.' these reflections caused me to raise the war-whoop. i say no more of it, it is known to you. keokuk once was here; you took him by the hand, and, when he wished to return to his home, you were willing. black hawk expects that, like keokuk, we shall be permitted to return too." the president assured him that he was acquainted with the essential facts of the war, and that the chief need feel no uneasiness about the women and children whom they had left behind. they would be looked after and protected from their indian foes. on april the captives arrived at fortress monroe. here they received much kindness, and though confined were not shackled, and their imprisonment made as easy as possible. but they pined for the free air of the prairies, for their rude wigwams and the companionship of their families. time passed slowly, with little to occupy their minds, but their own sad thoughts. we can not help but wonder if the mind of black hawk at this time reverted to the young war-chief (jefferson davis) who treated him so kindly while on board the steamer winnebago en route for jefferson barracks; who was destined at the downfall of the confederacy to be a united states prisoner and confined in fortress monroe, the same grim bastille in which he was now incarcerated. fortunately their behavior was satisfactory to the president and by special order the prisoners were released the th of june. it was thought wise by the government to impress the indians by a contrast of their own feeble resources with the vast wealth and great population of the americans, by giving them a view of several large cities on their journey home. so the day following their release from prison the indians and their escort took a steamer for baltimore, by way of norfolk. when black hawk and his party arrived in baltimore they found that the great father, president jackson, was also in that city. in an interview with the chief, the president said "when i saw you in washington, i told you that you had behaved very badly in going to war against the whites. your conduct then compelled me to send my warriors against you, and your people were defeated with great loss, and several of you surrendered, to be kept until i should be satisfied that you would not try to do any more injury. i told you, too, that i would inquire whether your people wished you to return, and whether if you did return there would be any danger to the frontier. general clark and general atkinson, whom you know, have informed me that your principal chief and your people are anxious you should return, and keokuk has asked me to send you back. your chiefs have pledged themselves for your good conduct, and that you will never again take up the hatchet against the whites, and i have given directions that you should be taken to your own country. "major garland, who is with you, will conduct you through some of our towns. you will see the strength of the white people. you will see that our young men are as numerous as the leaves in the woods. what can you do against us? you may kill a few women and children, but such a force would soon be sent against you as would destroy your whole tribe. let the red men hunt and take care of their families. i hope they will not again raise the tomahawk against their white brethren. we do not wish to injure you. we desire your prosperity and improvement. but if you again make war against our people i shall send a force which will severely punish you. when you go back, listen to the councils of keokuk and the other friendly chiefs; bury the tomahawk and live in peace with the people on the frontier. and i pray the great spirit to give you a smooth path and a fair sky to return." from baltimore the party, conducted by major garland, went to philadelphia. here the indians visited the mint and each received a number of new coins, of which they were very proud. new york was the next city visited. here the indians were amazed at the size of the "village" and the vast throngs of people which greeted them at every turn. indeed, all along the route they were dined and wined and well nigh killed with kindness. black hawk also received a large number of valuable presents. one of the most interesting incidents of what might be called their triumphal tour, was a brief visit to the senecas, at their council-house on their reservation in new york. the seneca chieftain, captain pollard (karlundawana), an aged and respected man, expressed his pleasure at meeting them, urging them to go to their homes in a peaceable frame of mind, to cultivate the soil, and never more to fight against the white men. to which black hawk replied: "our aged brother of the senecas, who has spoken to us, has spoken the words of a wise and good man. we are strangers to each other, though we have the same color, and the same great spirit made us all and gave us this country together. brothers, we have seen how great a people the whites are. they are very rich and very strong. it is folly for us to fight against them. we shall go home with much knowledge. for myself, i shall advise my people to be quiet, and live like good men. the advice which you gave us, brother, is very good, and we tell you now we mean to walk the straight path in the future, and to content ourselves with what we have and with the cultivation of our lands." from buffalo the indians traveled by water to detroit. after leaving this city no incident of importance occurred until they reached fort armstrong, rock island, about the st of august. fort armstrong had been selected as the most appropriate place for the dismissal of the indians. keokuk was away on a buffalo hunt when black hawk arrived, but hurried to the place, attended by a large party, as soon as he heard the news. a large room in the garrison was prepared for the reception of the two parties. about ten o'clock keokuk appeared at the head of a hundred warriors. profound silence prevailed until the arrival of black hawk and his party. as they came in keokuk and the chiefs of his band arose and shook hands with him and the rest. black hawk and party moved around and seated themselves opposite keokuk; but he and his son showed in their looks their dejection and humiliation, for they knew that after years of rivalry the time of triumph for keokuk, the younger chieftain, had arrived. major garland broke the silence by saying that he was glad to find so much good feeling in the tribe toward black hawk and his party. he was confident, from what he had seen and heard, that they would have no more trouble among themselves. he had but little to say as the president's speech to black hawk said all, and this would now be read and interpreted to the indians. this was accordingly done, when keokuk arose and said impressively: "i have listened to the talk of our great father. it is true; we pledged our honors with those of our young braves, for their liberation. we thought much of it; our councils were long; their wives and children were in our thoughts. when we talked of them our hearts were full. their wives and children came to us, which made us feel like women; but we were men. the word which we sent to our great father was one word, the word of all. the heart of our great father was good; he spoke like the father of children. the great spirit made his heart big in council. we received our brothers in friendship our hearts are good toward them. they once listened to bad counsel; now their ears are closed. i give my hand to them; when they shake it they shake the hand of all. i will shake hands with them and then i am done." major garland now delivered the most humiliating insult and the unkindest cut black hawk had ever received. he said he wished all present clearly to understand that the president considered keokuk the principal chief of the tribe, and in the future he should be acknowledged as the only one entitled to that distinction. he wished black hawk to listen and conform to his counsels. the two bands that had heretofore existed in the tribe must be broken up. when this cutting speech was translated to black hawk a bad matter was made worse by a blunder of the interpreter, who represented major garland as declaring that black hawk _must conform_ to the counsels of keokuk. the chief was infuriated, and rising to his feet, his eyes flashing fire, he replied: "i am an old man; i will not conform to the counsel of any one. i will act for myself; no one shall govern me. i am old; my hair is gray. i once gave counsels to my young men; am i to conform to others? i shall soon go to the great spirit, where i shall rest. what i said to our great father in washington, i say again: i will always listen to him. i am done." {illustration: keokuk, head chief of sac and fox tribe.} it was the last flickering spark of grandeur and greatness. his words caused a stir among the listeners. the interpreter hastened to explain that he was only requested to listen to the counsels of keokuk. black hawk made no reply, but seemed absorbed in his own gloomy thoughts, until keokuk said to him in an undertone: "why do you speak thus before the white men? i will speak for you, you trembled and did not mean what you said." black hawk nodded assent and keokuk said: "our brother, who has again come among us, has spoken, but he spoke in wrath, his tongue was forked; he spoke not like a man, a sac. he knew his words were bad; he trembled like the oak, whose roots have been washed by many rains. he is old what he said let us forget. he says he did not mean it; he wishes it were forgotten. i have spoken for him. what i have said is his own words, not mine. let us say he spoke in council to-day and that his words were good; i have spoken." major garland that evening invited the principal chiefs, including black hawk, to meet him at his quarters. after several speeches had been made by the other chiefs, black hawk arose, and in a calm but somewhat subdued manner, said: "i feel that i am an old man. once i could speak, but now i have little to say. to-day we meet many of our brothers. we are glad to see them. i have listened to what my brothers said; their hearts are good; they have been like sacs since i left them; they have taken care of my wife and children, who had no wigwam. i thank them for it; the great spirit knows i thank them. before the sun sets behind the hills to-morrow i shall see them. i want to see them. when i left them i expected to return. i told our great father, when in washington, i would listen to his counsels; i say so to you. i will listen to the counsel of keokuk. i shall soon be far away. i shall have no village, no band; i shall live alone. what i said in council to-day i wish forgotten. if it has been put upon paper, i wish a mark to be drawn over it. i did not mean it. now we are alone; let us say we will forget it. say to our great father and governor cass that i will listen to them. many years ago i met governor cass in councils, far across the prairies to the rising sun. his counsels were good. my ears were closed. i listened to the great father across the waters. my father listened to him, whose band was large. my band was once large, but now i have no band. i and my son and all our party thank our great father for what he has done. he is old; i am old; we shall soon go to the great spirit, where we shall rest. he sent us through his great villages. we saw many white men, who treated us with kindness. we thank them. we thank you and mr. sprague for coming with us. your road was long and crooked. we never saw so many white men before. when you were with us we felt as though we had some friends among them. we felt safe. you knew them all. when you come upon the mississippi again, you shall come to my wigwam. i have none now. on your road home, you pass where my village once was. no one lives there now; all are gone. i give you my hand; we may never meet again. i shall long remember you. the great spirit will be with you and your wives and children. before the sun rises i shall start to my family. my son will be here to see you before you go, i will shake hands with my brothers now, and then i am done." in september, , a delegation of sacs and foxes, and another of sioux and iowas visited washington, and at the suggestion of the president, extended their tour through the principal cities of the east. the idea of impressing the untutored mind of poor lo {?} with our wealth, numbers and importance as a nation, seems to have been a favorite one with many of our presidents. we presume this delegation, which included both black hawk and keokuk, was suitably impressed, as have been many others since. this tour extended to boston, where the delegation was addressed by edward everett, then governor of massachusetts, in one of the best speeches ever delivered to indians, at the conclusion of which keokuk and black hawk each made eloquent addresses. presents were then distributed to the indians by the governor. keokuk received a splendid sword and brace of pistols, his little son a nice little rifle, the other chiefs long swords, and black hawk a sword and brace of pistols. at the close of the ceremonies in the capital, the indians entertained thirty thousand cultured bostonians with a war-dance. soon after his return from boston black hawk moved further west to the des moines river, near the storehouse of an indian trader, where he had previously built a good house for his future home. his family included his wife, two sons, nashashuk and gamesett, and an only daughter and her husband. as he had given up the chase entirely, having sufficient means from his annuities, he now turned his attention to the improvement of his grounds, and soon had everything comfortable around him. here he had frequent visits from the whites, who came through curiosity to see the great war-chief, but all were made welcome and treated with great hospitality. on the fourth of july, , black hawk was at a celebration in fort madison, by special invitation. among the toasts called forth by the occasion was the following: "our illustrious guest, black hawk. may his declining years be as calm and serene as his previous life has been boisterous and full of warlike incidents. his attachment and present friendship to his white brethren fully entitle him to a seat at our festive board." as soon as this sentiment was drunk. black hawk arose and delivered the following speech, which was taken down at the time by two interpreters, and by them furnished for publication: "it has pleased the great spirit that i am here to-day--have eaten with my white friends. the earth is our mother--we are now on it--with the great spirit above us--it is good. i hope we are all friends here. a few summers ago i was fighting against you--i did wrong, perhaps; but that is past--it is buried--let it be forgotten. "rock river was a beautiful country--i liked my towns, my cornfields, and the home of my people. i fought for it. it is now yours--keep it as we did--it will produce you good crops. "i thank the great spirit that i am now friendly with my white brethren. we are here together--we have eaten together--we are friends--it is your wish and mine. i thank you for your friendship. "i was once a great warrior--i am now poor. keokuk has been the cause of my present situation--but do not attach blame to him. i am now old. i have looked upon the mississippi river since i was a child. i love the great river. i have dwelt near its banks from the time i was an infant. i look upon it now. i shake hands with you, and as it is my wish, i hope you are all my friends." black hawk always felt an unrelenting hatred for keokuk, whom he averred excelled him in nothing but drinking whisky. keokuk was, however, beyond his influence, as he was recognized as the principal chief of the tribe by the united states government. he was undoubtedly a man of great talents, excelled as an orator and diplomat. seeing how utterly hopeless it was to go to war with the united states, he advocated peace at any price, even the sale of , , acres of the finest land in missouri, wisconsin and illinois, at three cents an acre. according to his autobiography black hawk was born at the sac village on the rock river in the year . his father's name was pyesa. he was also a chief of the rock river band of the sac tribe, but not very prominent, it would seem. the subject of this sketch was full six feet in height, and well proportioned. it will be remembered that there is a tone of melancholy in all his speeches, as if he considered his life's career ended, and expected his troubles to end in a speedy death. his proud heart was broken by the cruelty of the government in deposing him and recognizing his rival, keokuk, as the principal chief. after this was done he seemed to have lost interest in life and to actually desire the rest of the grave. nor had he long to wait, but passed away october , , at the age of seventy-one years. but he failed to find the much desired repose in the grave, for some of that same race which kept him moving on while living turned ghoul and dug up his bones. this fact is learned from the following letter written to the _burlington hawk eye_ by capt. james h. jordan, a trader among the sacs and foxes before black hawk's death, who was present at the funeral, in which he says: "black hawk was buried on the northeast quarter of section , township , range , davis county, iowa, near the northeast corner of the county, on the des moines river bottom, about ninety rods from where he lived when he died, on the north side of the river. i have the ground on which he lived for a door-yard, it being between my house and the river. the only mound over the grave was some puncheons split out and set over his grave and then sodded over with bluegrass, making a ridge about four feet high. a flagstaff some twenty feet high was planted at the head, on which was a silk flag, which hung there until the wind wore it out. my house and his were only about four rods apart when he died. he was sick only about fourteen days. he was buried right where he sat the year before, when in council with the iowa indians, and was buried in a suit of military clothes, made to order and given to him when in washington city by general jackson, with hat, sword, gold epaulets, etc.. "the annals of iowa of and state that the old chief was buried by laying his body on a board, his feet fifteen inches below the surface of the ground, and his head raised three feet above the ground. on his left side was a sword presented him by general jackson; on his right side a cane presented him by henry clay, and one given him by a british officer, and other trophies. three medals hung about his neck, from president jackson, ex-president john quincy adams, and the city of boston, respectively. the body was covered with boards on each side, six feet long, which formed a ridge; the gables being closed by boards the whole was covered with bluegrass sod. near the flagstaff was the usual hewn post inscribed with indian characters representing his warlike exploits, etc. enclosing all was a strong circular picket fence twelve feet high, his body remained here until july, , when it was carried off by a certain dr. turner, then living at lexington, van buren county, iowa. captain horn says the bones were carried to alton, illinois, to be mounted with wire. mr. barrows says they were taken to warsaw, illinois. black hawk's sons, when they heard of this desecration of their father's grave, were very indignant, and complained of it to governor lucas, of iowa, and his excellency caused the bones to be brought back to burlington in the fall of , or spring of . when the sons came to take possession of them, finding them safely stored 'in a good dry place,' they left them there. the bones were subsequently placed in the collection of the burlington geological and historical society, and it is thought that they perished in the fire, which destroyed the building and all the society's collections in ; though the editor of the annals (april, , p. ) says there is good reason to believe that the bones were not destroyed by the fire, and he is credibly informed that they are now at the residence of a former officer of said society, and thus escaped that catastrophe." in closing this narrative of the life of this noble old chief it may be just to speak briefly of his personal traits. he was an indian, and from that standpoint we must judge him. the make-up of his character comprised those elements in a marked degree which constitutes a noble nature. in all the social relations of life he was kind and affable. in his home he was the affectionate husband and father. he was free from many vices that others of his race had contracted from their association with the white people, never using intoxicating beverages to excess. as a warrior he knew no fear, and on the field of battle his feats of personal prowess stamped him as the "bravest of the brave." but he excelled as an orator and counsellor of his people rather than a military hero. his love of his country, his home, his lands, and the rights of his people to their broad domain, moved his great soul to take up arms. revenge or conquest formed no part of his purpose. right was all he demanded, and for that alone he waged the unequal contest with the superior race to the bitter and inevitable termination. the black hawk watch tower, as it is called, is situated on the rock river a short distance from the mississippi. it had been selected by black hawk's father as a lookout, at the first building up of the sac village. from this point they had an unobstructed view up and down both rivers for many miles, and across the prairies as far as the vision could penetrate. the "tower" is now a summer resort for the people of rock island. in his autobiography black hawk says: "in , a young sioux indian got lost on the prairie in a snowstorm, and found his way into our village. although he was an enemy, he was safe while accepting the hospitality of the sacs. he remained there for some time on account of the severity of the storm. becoming well acquainted, he fell in love with the daughter of one of the head men of the village where he had been entertained, and before leaving for his own country, promised to come back for her at a certain time during the next summer. "in july he made his way to the rock river village, where he secreted himself in the woods until he could meet the maiden he loved, who came out to the field with her mother to assist her in hoeing corn. late in the afternoon her mother left her and went to the village. no sooner had she got out of hearing, than he gave a loud whistle, which assured the maiden that he had returned. she continued hoeing leisurely to the end of the row, when her lover came to meet her, and she promised to come to him as soon as she could go to the lodge and get her blanket, and together they would flee to his country. but, unfortunately for the lovers, the girl's two brothers had seen the meeting, and after procuring their guns started in pursuit of them. a heavy thunderstorm was coming on at the time. the lovers hastened to and took shelter under a cliff of rocks, at black hawk's watch tower. soon after a loud peal of thunder was heard, the cliff of rocks was shattered in a thousand pieces, and the lovers buried beneath, while in full view of her pursuing brothers. this, their unexpected tomb, still remains undisturbed. "this tower, to which my name has been applied, was a favorite resort, and was frequently visited by me alone, when i could sit and smoke my pipe and look with wonder and pleasure at the grand scenes that were presented by the sun's rays even across the mighty water. on one occasion a french-man, who had been making his home in our village, brought his violin with him to the tower, to play and dance for the amusement of a number of our people, who had assembled there, and, while dancing with his back to the cliff, accidentally fell over it and was killed by the fall. the indians say that always at the same time of the year soft strains of the violin can be heard near that spot." the following beautiful word painting by a recent visitor to the tower we take from the rock island union: black hawk's watch tower. by jennie m. fowler. "beautiful tower! famous in history, rich in legend, in old-time mystery, graced with tales of indian lore, crowned with beauty from summit to shore. "below, winds the river, silent and still, nestling so calmly 'mid island and hill. above, like warriors, proudly and grand, tower the forest trees, monarchs of land. "a landmark for all to admire and wonder. with thy history ancient, for nations to ponder, boldly thou liftest thy head to the breeze. crowned with thy plumes, the nodding trees. "years now are gone--forever more fled. since the indian crept with catlike tread. with moccasined foot, with eagle eye the red men our foes in ambush lie. "the owl still his nightly vigil keeps. while the river, below him, peacefully sleeps, the whippoorwill utters his plaintive cry. the trees still whisper, and gently sigh. "the pale moon still creeps from her daily rest, throwing her rays o'er the river's dark breast, the katydid and cricket, i trow, in days gone by, chirruped, even as now. "indian! thy camp-fires no longer are smoldering, thy bones 'neath the forest moss long have been moldering, the 'great spirit' claims thee. he leadeth thy tribe. to new hunting-grounds not won with a bribe. "on thy watch tow'r the paleface his home now makes. his dwelling, the site of the forest tree takes. gone are thy wigwams, the wild deer long fled, black hawk, with his tribe, lie silent and dead." {illustration: shabbona, or "built like a bear," pottwatomie chief. "the white man's friend."} chapter xii. shabbona, the white man's friend--the celebrated pottawatomie chief. "is saul also among the prophets?" is shabbona classed among the _famous_ indian chiefs? he who was only chief of a small band or village? yes, and for the best of reasons. "howe'er it be, it seems to me, 'tis only noble to be good; kind hearts are more than coronets, and simple faith than norman blood." however, we will tell the story of his life, and let the reader judge whether he is rightly classified. according to his own statement he was born in an ottawa village about the beginning of the revolutionary war, in the year or . we have before us, as we write, three different sketches of his life, and though they all agree as to the date, they mention three distinct birth places, widely separated. thus we find that matson, his principal biographer, says "he was born at an indian village on the kankakee river, in what is now will county, illinois." caroline m. mcilvane, librarian of the chicago historical society, in her interesting sketch of shabbona, says, "he was born at an indian village on the maumee river"; while one of the speakers at the dedication of the shabbona monument, which occurred at morris, illinois, october , , said "shabbona was born at the principal village of the ottawas in canada." who shall decide when the doctors disagree? his father, a nephew of the illustrious pontiac, was a war-chief of the ottawas, and was undoubtedly a man of ability, as he was one of the commissioners representing his tribe in wayne's treaty at greenville, in , and made a speech on that occasion. when shabbona was an infant his parents moved to canada, where the boy grew up and was instructed in all the indian lore of his day. in youth he excelled all competitors in the many feats of strength, speed and endurance. his name is usually interpreted to mean "built like a bear," and it was certainly appropriate, as he was five feet nine inches in height, well proportioned, though with very broad, deep chest, heavy shoulders, large neck and a head of extraordinary size. mr. gurdon s. hubbard, agent of the american fur company, at chicago, said of shabbona: "from my first acquaintance with him, which began in , to his death, i was impressed with the nobility of his character. physically he was as fine a specimen of a man as i ever saw--tall, well proportioned, strong and active, with a face expressing great strength of mind, and goodness of heart." fur traders who knew him in the prime of his life, speak of him as a very handsome indian, excelling in horsemanship, dancing and athletics of all kinds. the name of the subject of this sketch was spelled many different ways, but was usually pronounced as though spelled shab-o-nay. hon. george m. hollenback, of aurora, illinois, says: "i have heard 'the old settler' pronounce his own name many times and it was always as though it was spelled shab-o-neh." matson, in "memories of shaubena," says, "in four treaties where his signature appears, the orthography varies, and each of his educated descendants and connections spell the name different. i have in my possession, either written or printed, seventeen different ways of spelling the name. some of these are so unlike that it is hard to believe they were intended for the same person." the french form of the name was chamblee, and this spelling was used by his old friend sauganash, or billy caldwell, in the following document, the original of which reposes in the archives of the chicago historical society: "this is to certify that the bearer of this name, chamblee, was a faithful companion to me during the late war with the united states. the bearer joined the late celebrated warrior, tecumseh, of the shawnee nation, in the year , on the wabash river, and remained with the above warrior from the commencement of hostilities with the united states until our defeat at moravian town, on the thames, october , . i have been witness to his intrepidity and courageous warrior conduct on many occasions, and he showed a great deal of humanity to those unfortunate sons of mars who fell into his hands. "amhurstburg, august , . b. caldwell, captain i. d." we have decided to adopt the style used in spelling the town in illinois named for the chief, as also on the monument over his grave. about the year , according to a letter from frances r. howe, of porter station, indiana, a grandniece of shabbona, "an extended hunting excursion brought him from the ottawa country into the pottawatomie hunting grounds, where he was kindly received by a chief and his family. the young hunter made such a fine impression on spotka and his wife that they gave him their daughter in marriage." this pottawatomie wife of shabbona was wiomex okono, whose home, according to miss mcilvane, was located where the city of chicago now stands. {fn} on the death of spotka, and before he was forty years old, our hero was made chief of his adopted nation. he soon afterward moved his band to what has since been called shabbona's grove, in the southern part of de kalb county. here he resided until . * * * * * {fn} matson locates this pottawatomie band, into which shabbona married, on the illinois river, a short distance above the mouth of the fox. in the summer of , when shabbona was on the wabash, he spent some time at the shawnee village with tecumseh. this was probably his first acquaintance with the great chief. on a warm day in early indian summer, in , while shabbona and his young men were playing ball, tecumseh, accompanied by three chiefs, mounted on spirited black ponies, rode into the village. on the next day a favorite fat dog was killed and a feast made for the distinguished visitors. on their departure their host accompanied them, stirred by tecumseh's eloquence on behalf of his pet scheme of uniting all the western tribes in a confederation, to wage war against the whites. the five chiefs now visited the winnebagos and menomonees. passing through green bay they crossed the southern part of wisconsin to prairie du chien. from here they descended the mississippi to rock island, and visited the sac and fox villages of wapello and black hawk. shabbona now returned to his village, but tecumseh and party continued down the river to st. louis. the following summer shabbona was present at the second council at vincennes, which ended as the former one, without any concessions on either side, and consequently without effecting a reconciliation. the next day after the council shabbona started on a journey south, with tecumseh and two other shawnee chiefs. they spent several months among the creeks, cherokees and choctaws. returning to the wabash late in the fall, about two weeks after the battle of tippecanoe, they saw the remains of soldiers which had been dug up by the indians and scattered over the battlefield. in the summer of messengers from tecumseh visited many villages in northern illinois, informing the tribes that war had been declared between the united states and england, and offering the warriors large sums of money to fight for the latter. these emissaries wished to capture fort dearborn before the garrison knew that war existed. shabbona intended at first to remain at home and take no part in the war, but hearing that a number of warriors from other villages and a few from his own had left for chicago, he mounted his pony and followed them. shabbona and a few warriors arrived at chicago on the afternoon of the fatal day of the fort dearborn massacre. this was august , , the same day of the cowardly surrender of general hull at detroit. the chieftain and his young warriors were horrified at the sight of blood and carnage. the sand along the beach where the massacre had occurred was dyed and soaked with the blood of forty-two dead bodies of soldiers, women and children, all of whom were scalped and mutilated. the body of capt. william wells, for whom wells street, chicago, is named, lay in one place, his head in another, while his arms and legs were scattered about in different places. the captain had been very friendly with black partridge, and that chief now gathered up his remains and gave them decent burial near where they were found, but the remains of the other victims of the massacre lay where they had fallen until the rebuilding of fort dearborn, in , when they were collected and interred by order of captain bradley. the prisoners who had been spared were taken to the indian camp, which was near the present crossing of jackson and state streets, and closely guarded. john kinzie, whose residence stood on the north bank of the river opposite the fort, had been the indian trader at this place for eight years, and, of course, he had many friends among the savages. as a special favor he was permitted to return to his own house, accompanied by his family, including a step-daughter (the wife of lieutenant helm) now badly wounded. the evening after the massacre the chiefs present held a council to decide the fate of the prisoners, and it was agreed to deliver them to the british commander at detroit, according to the terms of surrender. this would have been done, but unfortunately many warriors from a distance came into camp after dark, who were thirsting for blood, and seemed determined to murder the prisoners, in spite of the decision of the chiefs in council and the stipulated terms of surrender. black partridge and shabbona, with a few of their warriors, determined to make an effort to protect the inmates of kinzie's house from the tomahawks of the blood thirsty savages; accordingly they took a position on the porch with their rifles crossing the doorway. but the guard was overpowered by sheer numbers, as a large party of hostile savages, with their faces painted, rushed by them, forcing their way into the house. the parlor and sitting-room were quickly filled with indians, who stood with scalping-knives and tomahawks in hand, waiting the signal from their leader to commence the bloody work. mrs. kinzie, with her children, and mrs. helm, sat in a back room weeping at the thought of the horrible death which awaited them in a moment. even black partridge was in utter despair, and said to mrs. kinzie, "we have done everything in our power to save you, but now all is lost you and your friends, together with the prisoners at the camp, will be slain." but there was a chief in the camp who had more influence than either black partridge or shabbona. at the instant black partridge spoke a loud whoop was heard at the river. he immediately ran to see what it meant, and in the darkness saw a canoe approaching, and shouted to its occupant, "who are you, friend or foe?" the new comer leaped ashore exclaiming in reply, "i am sauganash," his voice rang out like a trumpet on the still night air, reaching the ears of mrs. kinzie and her friends in the back room of her house, and a faint hope sprung up in her heart. she knew sauganash, or billy caldwell, the halfbreed, could save them if he only reached the house in time. black partridge now shouted, "hasten to the house, for our friends are in danger and you alone can save them!" the tall, manly-looking chief, with his head adorned with eagle feathers and rifle in hand, ran to the house, rushed into the parlor, which was still full of scowling savages with weapons drawn, and by entreaties, and threats of the dire vengeance of his friend and kinsman, the great tecumseh, who never, when present, allowed a massacre of prisoners, he prevailed on them to abandon their murderous designs. through his influence kinzie's family and the prisoners at the camp were saved a horrible death. it was afterward found that a young half-breed girl, who had been in kinzie's family for some time, where she had received kind treatment, seeing the hostile savages approaching, ran to billy caldwell's wigwam, and informed him of their danger, when he hastened to the rescue just in time. this young half-breed girl afterward married a frenchman named joseph pathier. sauganash, or billy caldwell, one of the heroes of the fort dearborn massacre, was a son of colonel caldwell, of the british army, who for many years was stationed at detroit. his mother was a squaw of great beauty and intelligence, a connection (possibly a sister) of the renowned tecumseh. he was known by the name of sauganash, which in the pottawatomie language means an englishman. billy caldwell had a good education for that time, was a very popular chief, the idol of his band, and possessed a remarkable influence over the entire tribe. he lived at chicago twenty-six years in a cabin located on the north side of the river, near where north water crosses la salle street. he went west with his tribe in june, , and died in kansas some years after this. late in the autumn after the chicago massacre, just as shabbona and his band were about to start on their winter hunt, two messengers from tecumseh arrived at his village. they brought a good-sized package of presents, consisting of beads, rings and various kinds of ornaments, intended mainly for the squaws. tecumseh had sent the wampum to shabbona, asking him to bring his warriors and join his forces, and for their services they were promised a large amount of british gold. tecumseh's emissaries said, moreover, that all the pottawatomies along the illinois and its tributaries, including the bands of black partridge, como, schwinger and comas, had dug up the hatchet and pledged their support; and that thomas forsyth, a trader at peoria, had raised a company of french and half-breeds and gone to the war. these statements all proved to be false. not one of the bands mentioned had agreed to go to war, and shabbona afterward said had he known the true facts he would have remained at home, and continued the hunt, which would have been more profitable. but believing the report, the winter hunt was indefinitely postponed, and the following day shabbona started for the seat of war at the head of twenty-two warriors. when they reached the st. joseph river they fell in with colonel dixon's recruits, consisting of a large number of warriors led by black hawk, who had followed around the lake from green bay. shabbona became an aide to general tecumseh, served until the end of the war, and stood by his side when he fell in the battle of the thames. he always revered the memory of tecumseh and loved to talk about him. in giving his account of the death of tecumseh to the early settlers around him, shabbona said that on the morning of the battle of the thames, tecumseh, billy caldwell and himself were sitting on a log near the camp-fire, smoking their pipes, when a messenger came to tecumseh, saying general proctor wished to see him immediately. the chief arose and went hastily to the general's headquarters, but soon returned, looking quite melancholy, without saying a word, when billy caldwell said to him, "father, what are we to do? shall we fight the americans?" to which he replied, "yes, my son; before sunset we will be in their smoke, as they are now marching on to us. but the general wants you. go, my son, i shall never see you again." tecumseh appeared, he said, to have a presentiment that the impending battle would be his last. tecumseh posted his warriors in the thick timber flanking the british line, with himself at their head, and here awaited the approach of the americans. soon the battle commenced, and the indian rifles were fast thinning the ranks of the americans, when a large body of horsemen were seen approaching on a gallop. these troopers came bravely on until they approached the line of battle, when tecumseh and his warriors sprang forward with the shawnee war-whoop to meet the charge. for a moment all was confusion, being a hand-to-hand fight, and many were slain on both sides. tecumseh, after discharging his rifle, was about to tomahawk the man on a white horse (col. r. m. johnson), when the latter shot him with a pistol. the tomahawk, missing its deadly aim, took effect on the withers of the horse, while tecumseh, with a shrill whoop, fell to the ground. shabbona said he was standing by the side of tecumseh when he received the fatal shot, and sprang forward, to tomahawk the slayer of the great chief, but at that instant the horse reared and fell, being pierced by many bullets, and the rider, badly wounded, was thrown to the ground but rescued by his comrades. the warriors, no longer hearing the voice of tecumseh, fled from the field, when the battle ended. {illustration: fort dearborn massacre.} that night, after the battle, shabbona accompanied a party of warriors to the fatal field and found tecumseh's remains, where he fell. a bullet had pierced his heart and his skull was broken, probably by the breech of a gun; otherwise the body was untouched. near tecumseh's remains lay the body of a large, fine-looking warrior, decorated with plumes and paint, whom the soldiers, no doubt, mistook for the great chief, as it was scalped and large portions of skins tripped from the body. on the day of the battle tecumseh was dressed in plain buckskin, wearing no ornaments except a british medal suspended from the neck by a cord. the fact that tecumseh was very modest and never wore anything to distinguish him from his warriors, though a british general as well as head chief of the indian confederation, was one cause of his great popularity. he was one with his men, and ruled by force of character and actual ability. this habit probably saved his life in other battles, and his body from being mutilated by the kentucky soldiers, many of whom were backwoodsmen who fought the indians in their own way. shabbona's narrative is the most interesting, and probably the most authentic account of the death of tecumseh we have found in history. many years after, when col. richard m. johnson was vice-president of the united states, shabbona visited washington, and the two got together and had a long conversation about the battle of the thames and the death of tecumseh. before leaving washington colonel johnson presented the chief a heavy solid gold ring, in token of friendship, which he wore until the day of his death, and by his request it was buried with him. at the time of the winnebago war, in the summer of , the settlers along the frontier were very much alarmed, as it was thought that the pottawatomies were about to take part in it. it was now that shabbona first earned his title of "the white man's friend," by mounting his pony and visiting almost every pottawatomie village in the state, explaining to the chiefs the folly of going to war with the united states, and in most cases his arguments were successful. big thunder, who had a village on the kishwaukee, near where belvidere now stands, had agreed to go to war; but when shabbona visited him, and pointed out the impossibility of conquering the whites, he changed his mind, and, returning the wampum which the winnebagos had sent him, decided to remain at peace. shabbona also visited big foot's village, but here his mission was a failure. big foot was in favor of uniting all the western tribes to make war on the frontier and drive the whites from the country. he had promised red bird, the noted winnebago chief, to become his ally, and should take up the tomahawk when the war began. soon after shabbona's visit big foot and his band came to chicago to draw their annual payment from the government, and while there they deported themselves in a way to alarm the people. the night after drawing their pay some of the indians painted their faces, danced around the agency-house singing war songs, and occasionally yelling at the top of their voices. on the following night fort dearborn was struck by lightning and set on fire, when several buildings were burned. big foot and his warriors refused to render any aid in extinguishing the flames, but stood by as idle spectators. the indians were encamped in a grove north of the river and appeared sulky and unfriendly, constantly avoiding conversation with the whites, but frequently engaged in earnest conversation with each other. it was also noticed that they would stop talking as soon as other indians or whites approached. in a few day's the band left at night for their village, and their strange conduct caused the people to believe they intended evil. the next day after big foot's departure the citizens called a meeting to discuss the situation and plan for their safety. this meeting was attended by whites, half-breeds and indians. it was decided at this meeting to send shabbona and billy caldwell as messengers to big foot's village to get an explanation of their strange conduct and learn, if possible, what they intended to do. the two chiefs started on their mission the following morning. big foot was a large, raw-boned, big-footed, dark-visaged indian. his countenance was bloated by intemperance. he is said to have ruled over his band with despotic sway, and usually his will was law. his village was on the banks of the lake, which formerly bore his own name, but is now called lake geneva. when shabbona and billy caldwell reached their destination they thought it prudent for one to hide in the cedar timber on the ridge overlooking the village, to watch proceedings, while the other had the interview with big foot and his band. it was shabbona who rode boldly into the village, but the meeting between the two chiefs was far from friendly. big foot at once accused shabbona of being a friend of the whites and a traitor to his tribe, saying had it not been for him, billy caldwell and robinson, all of the pottawatomies would unite with the winnebagos in making war on the americans; to which shabbona replied that he could not assist the winnebagos against the united states, as the whites were so strong they must eventually conquer, and the war could only result in the ruin of that tribe. a large number of warriors had collected around the two chiefs, listening to their conversation, when big foot became so enraged that he seized his tomahawk and would have killed shabbona had not the warriors interfered and prevented it. shabbona was now disarmed, bound and thrown into an unoccupied wigwam and guarded by two warriors to prevent his escape. billy caldwell, from his hiding place, was watching closely, and when he saw his friend stripped of his arms, bound and led away, probably to be put to death, he became alarmed, fearing he might meet the same fate if caught; consequently he mounted his pony and hastened back to chicago and reported shabbona either killed or a prisoner in big foot's village. the citizens were greatly alarmed, as their worst fears were confirmed. shabbona had been known by the people of chicago a long time. he was held in high estimation by both whites and indians, and all were grieved at his loss. but while grief and excitement was at its height, shabbona returned, his pony covered with foam, and the grief was turned into rejoicing. it seems that a council was called the night after he was taken captive, to consider what to do with him. it was decided in council that it was unsafe to keep shabbona a prisoner, as his band and other bands, as well as the whites at chicago, whose messenger he was, would certainly come to his rescue, and if executed his death would be avenged. so, against the protest of big foot, who was still enraged at him, the warriors decided to set him free the next morning. this was accordingly done, and when his belongings, including his pony, were returned to him, a friend whispered in his ear to ride for his life, as big foot would surely pursue and he would be killed if overtaken. this accounted for the foam on the pony. it was, indeed, a race for life, as big foot and four warriors were hot on his trail for many miles, but shabbona's pony proved to be the best. during the period from to october , , fort dearborn was not permanently occupied by troops. consequently for five years the citizens of chicago were without protection. the inhabitants of chicago consisted principally of french, half-breeds and a few yankee adventurers engaged in the fur trade. the people had been on good terms with the indians, and often exchanged friendly visits with them; but now war existed between the whites and winnebagos, and it was known that big foot's band, and perhaps other of the pottawatomies, were ready to join them. with the exception of the bands controlled by shabbona, billy caldwell and robinson, the country for two hundred miles around was full of discontented indians, who were liable to dig up the tomahawk at any time. so the citizens almost imagined they were in danger of a second massacre. but shabbona quieted their fears by offering to bring his warriors to chicago and guard it, if it became necessary, and his proposition the people hailed with much rejoicing. happily this was not found necessary, as shortly after this an express came from galena with the good news that the winnebago war was over and red bird a prisoner. in the summer of , a connecticut yankee, by the name of george whitney, came to shabbona's village for the purpose of trading with the indians. whitney's outfit consisted of a covered wagon drawn by two mules, and loaded with a miscellaneous stock of articles of indian traffic, including a barrel of whisky. the indian trader had with him a jolly young half-breed named spike, who performed the duties of teamster, cook and interpreter. after pitching his tent in the edge of shabbona's grove near the village, whitney enjoyed an excellent trade with the indians, especially in whisky. many indians got drunk and became noisy and abusive to their families, seeing which, shabbona went to whitney and requested him not to sell any more whisky to his people; but regardless of this request, whitney continued to sell his distilled damnation to all who had the price. at this shabbona became justly indignant, and going to his tent one morning he told the trader that if he did not leave the grove that day he would be at the trouble of moving him. as soon as shabbona had gone, whitney asked spike what the angry chief had said. "he said," answered spike, "that if you are found here at sunset your scalp will be seen to-morrow morning hanging on the top of that pole," pointing to a high, straight pole used by the indians in their crane dances. on hearing this whitney turned pale and trembled; he began at once to take down his tent and pack his goods; at the same time he ordered spike to catch the mules and hitch them to the wagon as soon as possible. when everything had been hastily tumbled into the wagon, whitney seized the reins, and whipping his mules into a gallop, quickly disappeared in the direction of chicago, and was never heard of again in that part of the country. what a pity white men have not pluck enough to try the same experiment when they see a saloon is about to be forced onto them against their wills, to debauch their sons. the sacs and foxes, winnebagos and pottawatomies held a council in february, , at indian town. black hawk, neopope, little bear and many other chiefs of their tribe were present. white cloud, or the prophet, represented the winnebagos, while shabbona, waba, shick shack, meommuse, waseaw, sheatee, kelto, autuckee and waubonsie were the pottawatomie chiefs in attendance. the object of this council was to unite the different tribes in a war against the frontier settlements, hoping to check or drive back the tide of emigration, and save their villages and hunting grounds from the encroachments of the whites. during the council, which lasted a number of days, many speeches were made for and against such a union. the winnebago chief, white cloud, called the prophet, was the leading spirit of the council. his zeal and oratory gave him great influence. he said, in one of his speeches, "if all the tribes are united, their warriors will be like the trees of the forest"; to which shabbona replied, "yes, but the soldiers of the whites will outnumber the leaves on the trees." shabbona, while not a great orator, possessed honesty and good judgment, and this in a measure atoned for his lack of eloquence. after the death of black partridge and senachwine no chief among the pottawatomies had as much influence as shabbona. while black hawk was a prisoner at jefferson barracks, in the fall of , he told thomas forsyth, the former agent of the sacs and foxes, that, had it not been for shabbona the whole pottawatomie nation would have joined his standard, and then he could have continued the war for years, dictated his own terms of peace, and his people would not have been so crushed and humiliated. as evidence of the influence of shabbona it is said that, at the indiantown council, he induced all the pottawatomie chiefs except waubonsie to oppose the union of the tribes against the whites. black hawk now regarded his scheme as a failure, and mounting his pony left for home with a sad heart. however, the prophet, neopope and wisshick were not so easily discouraged, and started on a mission to the villages on the upper rock river, and in wisconsin. a few of the chiefs accepted the wampum, and promised support in case of war, but most of the winnebagos, remembering the disastrous war of a few years ago under red bird, remained neutral and advised against another encounter with the whites. but neopope and wisshick reported that _all_ the pottawatomies at the north and most of the winnebagos would join him in a war if he would come up in their country. deceived by these false statements, black hawk determined to prosecute his original plans and started up the rock river with his entire band. when black hawk ascended to the present site of byron without meeting the expected reinforcements, he became discouraged. after fixing his camp on a stream, since appropriately called stillman's run, he dispatched a runner for his old friends in arms, shabbona and waubonsie, who immediately started to his camp. after dinner black hawk took his two friends a short distance, and seating themselves on a fallen tree, he told them the story of his wrongs. said he, "i was born at the sac village, and here i spent my childhood, youth and manhood. i like to look upon this place, with its surroundings of big rivers, shady groves and green prairies. here is the grave of my father and some of my children; here i expected to live and die and lay my bones by the side of those near and dear unto me; but now, in my old age, i have been driven from my home, and dare not look again upon this loved spot." here the old chief broke down and wept, a rare thing for an indian. after wiping his tears away he continued, almost heartbroken, "before many moons you, too, will be compelled to leave your homes, the haunts of your youth your villages, cornfields and hunting grounds will be in possession of the whites, and by them the graves of your fathers will be plowed over, while your people will be driven westward toward the setting sun to find a new home beyond the father of waters." this prediction was fulfilled in both cases. continuing, the aged chief said, "we have always been as brothers; have fought side by side in the british war; have hunted together and slept under the same blanket; we have met in council at religious feasts; our people are alike and our interests the same. "i am now on the warpath. runners have been sent to different villages bearing wampum and asking the chiefs to meet my band in council. once united we would be so strong the whites would not attack us, but would treat on favorable terms, and return to me my village and the graves of my people." shabbona, in reply, said he could not join him in a war against the whites; that governor clark, general cass and his friends at chicago had made him many presents, some of which he still kept as tokens of friendship, and while in possession of these gifts he could not think of raising the tomahawk against their people. shabbona also declined to attend the proposed council, and advised black hawk to return west of the mississippi as the only means of saving his people; the two chiefs parted, to meet no more in this life. waubonsie, seeing the decided stand taken by shabbona, also refused to take part in the approaching war. however, waubonsie agreed to attend the council of chiefs. the next day after this interview shabbona mounted his pony and went to dixon's ferry to offer the service of himself and warriors to general reynolds. {illustration: annie red shirt, an indian beauty.} there was among the volunteers a worthless vagabond named george mckabe, who was employed as cook in one of the companies. mckabe was married to an indian squaw belonging to black hawk's band, but was too lazy to hunt or work and spent his time loafing around the village drinking whisky and stealing from the settlers. he joined the volunteers at black hawk's suggestion who thought it well to have a spy among the whites to inform him of their plans, and warn the indians when an attack was intended. this wretch, who was equal to any villainy, whether it concerned friend or foe, while strolling through stillman's camp at dixon's ferry, saw shabbona when he arrived, and told some of the rangers that he was a sac indian belonging to black hawk's band, and there as a spy. the rangers, believing mckabe's story, dragged shabbona from his pony, disarmed him, and abused him in a shameful manner. in vain he exclaimed in his broken english, "me shabbona; me pottawatomie; neconche moka man" (a friend of the white man). the drunken ruffians paid no attention to him and would have murdered him outright had not mr. dixon, the keeper of the ferry, heard of it and hurried to his rescue. this gentleman had known shabbona a number of years, and claiming him for his friend and guest he was permitted to take the chief to his home, and afterward introduced him to governor reynolds, general atkinson, colonel taylor and others, and he became a prime favorite with officers and men. black hawk's grand council was interrupted by the arrival of a messenger with his pony in a gallop, bringing tidings of the approach of stillman's army. some of the chiefs were on the way but had not yet arrived, and those who were present, including waubonsie, mounted their ponies and rode back to their villages with all speed. so the council never met, and black hawk failed to obtain the aid of the friendly chiefs; some even became allies of the whites. there were, however, certain disaffected pottawatomies, belonging to different bands, who joined black hawk. these, with a few sac and fox warriors and winnebagos committed many outrages and murders on the defenseless settlers along the illinois, fox and rock rivers, and their tributaries. many others would have been butchered had they not received warning from their friend in need and friend indeed, shabbona. the night after stillman's retreat, as shabbona was sleeping at his home he was awakened by a messenger, who reported that a battle had been fought and black hawk's band had been victorious. the chief knew only too well that war parties would be immediately sent out to murder the nearest settlers. so he made a hasty preparation to warn them of danger. having dispatched his son, pypegee, to holderman's grove settlements and his nephew, pyps, to those on fox river, he mounted his fleetest pony and started for bureau and indian creek. we can not help but think that the words of the hymn writer would apply as well to this heathen, hurrying to save the lives of those nominal christians, as it would to the christian missionary hastening to save the heathen: "take your life in your hand, go quick while you may; speed away, speed away, speed away!" the first house shabbona reached was that of squire dimmick, who lived near the present site of la moille. when informed of his danger, dimmick replied that "he would stay until his corn was planted," adding that "he had left the year before, and it proved a false alarm, and he believed it would be so this time." shabbona's reply to this was, "if you will stay at home, send off your squaw and pappooses, or they will be murdered before the rising of to-morrow's sun!" shabbona had now mounted his pony again, and as he turned to go he raised his hand above his head, and in a loud impressive voice exclaimed "auhaw puckegee" (you must leave) and started off in a gallop to warn others. this last remark caused dimmick to change his mind, and hastily putting his family and a few things into a wagon he left his claim, never to return. shabbona continued to ride until he had warned all the settlers on bureau and indian creeks, and they at once fled to hennepin, peoria and springfield, where they remained until the war was over, while a few never returned to their claims. it was not a false alarm the settlers received, for during the night of the same day that shabbona notified them, girty, a notorious half-breed, led a band of about seventy warriors to bureau. during the night this band of cut-throats visited almost every house in the settlement, in some of which they found the fire still burning, but were surprised to find their intended victims had fled. girty's band encamped in the edge of the timber west of the present site of princeton. when shabbona's nephew, pyps, had warned the settlers on fox river of the commencement of hostilities, he went on a visit to a young squaw, of whom he was enamoured, at rochell's village, south of the illinois. after remaining a few days, he was returning home by way of indian creek when he noticed a large body of indians entering the timber within six miles of the settlement. hurrying home, he immediately informed shabbona about the indians and also of having noticed some of the settlers still in their cabins. knowing that these settlers would be almost certain to fall victims to these savages, shabbona determined to go and warn them a _second time._ accordingly, about midnight, after giving some directions to his family and friends, in case he should be killed, which he knew would be his fate if seen by the hostiles, shabbona started for the indian creek settlement. he thus deliberately periled his life to save his white friends. it was certainly one of the most courageous deeds recorded in history, for-- "the noblest place a man can die is where man dies for _man._" but he seems to have been protected by providence, for the sac bullet was never moulded that was destined to lay our hero low. shabbona arrived at his destination about sunrise, before the people were out of bed, with his pony in a foam of sweat. he quickly informed the settlers that a large band of hostile indians were seen in the timber about six miles above on the evening before, and unless they left immediately they would almost certainly be killed. on hearing this, hall, one of the leading citizens, was in favor of starting for ottawa at once. but another man with greater influence, by the name of davis, opposed it, saying he did not fear the indians, and no redskin could drive him from his home. unfortunately the counsel of davis prevailed, and the settlers refused to heed the warning of shabbona, and, strange to say, made no preparation for defense. on the fatal day of the indian creek massacre, about four o'clock in the afternoon of may , , the red fiends made their attack under the leadership of girty, the infamous half-breed. most of the men were at work in the blacksmith shop, and the women busy with their household affairs. the whites were completely surprised and shot down before they could make an effectual resistance. in less time than it takes to record it, fifteen people were butchered, including hall and davis; the entire community was wiped out of existence, except a few who were in the field, and the two sisters, sylvia and rachel hall, carried off into captivity. the next day after the massacre, a company of rangers from chicago and vicinity, under captain naper, and also a party from putnam county, visited the scene of horror and buried the dead. a fine monument was afterward erected over the remains of the victims by their surviving friends, containing the names and ages of those massacred. the hall sisters were conveyed on horseback to black hawk's camp, near the present site of madison, wisconsin. meantime their brother, john w. hall, marched with his regiment as far north as the lead mines of galena. here he informed col. h. gratiot, agent of the winnebagos, of his sisters' captivity, and the gallant colonel employed two chiefs, white crow and whirling thunder, to ransom the captives, and they started at once to black hawk's camp. a council was now called and it was agreed to ransom the prisoners for two thousand dollars and forty horses, besides a quantity of blankets, beads, etc. but the matter was not yet ended; a young chief claimed rachel as his prize, intending to make her his wife, and was unwilling to give her up. he even threatened to tomahawk her rather than let her go. after some delay a compromise was effected by giving him ten horses; but before parting with her he cut off two of her locks of hair as a trophy. the girls were now taken to galena, where they were rejoiced to meet their brother, john w., whom they supposed was killed in the massacre. an account of the capture of these sisters having been published throughout the country, the people everywhere were much rejoiced at their deliverance. the people of galena also vied with each other in honoring them and bestowing presents, including several handsome dresses, made in the latest fashion. after about a week's stay at galena they started to st. louis, accompanied by their brother, on board the steamer winnebago--the same boat, by the way, on which black hawk himself was afterward conveyed to jefferson barracks. at st. louis the sisters were entertained by governor clark. during their stay with the governor's family money amounting to $ was collected for them, besides many valuable presents. it was here they were met by rev. erastus horn, an old friend of their father, who conveyed them to his home in cass county, illinois. when their brother, john w. hall, married and settled in bureau county, the two girls made their home with him. the state legislature presented them with a quarter section of canal land near joliet, and congress afterward made an appropriation of money for their benefit. sylvia, the older, married rev. william horn, and established a home at lincoln, nebraska. rachel married william munson and settled at freedom, la salle county, near the scene of her captivity. here she remained until her untimely death a few years afterward. when pyps, shabbona's nephew, notified the settlers on fox river he came to a family by the name of harris. it seems that mr. harris and his two sons were away at the time hunting their horses, which had strayed off the day before, so the family had no means of escape except on foot. this would not have been so bad, but for the fact that old mr. combs, mrs. harris' father, made his home with her, and being confined to his bed with inflammatory rheumatism, could not go with the family in their flight. mrs. harris regretted to leave him to almost certain death. but the old hero exclaimed, "flee for your lives, and leave me to my fate; i am an old man and can live but a short time at any rate." mrs. harris and the grandchildren left him with sore hearts, never expecting to see him again. traveling slowly on foot they were overtaken by the aments and clarks, and later by mr. harris and his two sons. in due time they arrived at plainfield. soon after the departure of the harris family, the house was entered by a party of indians, who, finding supper on the table sat down and ate. during the meal they talked about the escape of their intended victims, and one remarked to the rest, "shabbona did this." verily, "the way to a man's heart is through his stomach." others besides "civilized man can not live without cooks," or at least it is here demonstrated that even savages appreciate good cooking. mrs. harris was a famous cook of that day, and this fact probably saved her father's life. it is more than probable that had the indians discovered "grandpa combs" before they had eaten that good supper, while they were hungry and savage, the old gentleman would have been tomahawked and scalped. but after supper the indians were in a better humor, and instead of killing the helpless old man, they actually _administered to his wants,_ and tried to make him comfortable. not only so, but for nearly a week they _visited him daily,_ supplying him with food and drink. thus matters continued until harris's house was visited by a company of rangers commanded by captain naper, who found old mr. combs so much improved in health that he was able to go with them to plainfield, and afterward to chicago with his friends. he survived the war several years, and often spoke of his kind treatment from the indians when he expected to be killed. while the regular army, under the command of general atkinson, camped at dixon's ferry waiting for reinforcements to enable them to pursue black hawk, a number of pottawatomie warriors joined it and were mustered into service. the warriors were led by shabbona, waubonsie and billy caldwell. general atkinson, after consulting with his officers and other parties about the merits of the three chiefs, gave the command of the warriors to shabbona. this gave offense to the other chiefs, each of whom expected the honor, and they shortly left the service, taking with them some of the warriors. shabbona and his band remained with the army during the campaign, doing good service as scouts, and keeping general atkinson posted on the movements of black hawk. general atkinson and his army came up with black hawk's band near four lakes, where they were secreted in the thick timber, surrounded by water and swampy land. an attempt was made to construct rafts to cross the water, but, night coming on, it was abandoned. in the darkness of the night some of black hawk's warriors came within hailing distance of the army and shouted across the narrow lake and swamp that black hawk's braves could whip atkinson's army, and their squaws could whip shabbona's warriors. at these taunting words shabbona became very indignant and asked permission of the general to take his warriors around the head of the lake and attack black hawk's men during the darkness of the night, but the request was not granted. next day the army went around the lake to attack the enemy. shabbona, at the head of his warriors, was ordered to charge the enemy. the order was obeyed. the indians, yelling their war-whoop, charged through the timber, but met with no resistance, as black hawk and his warriors had fled during the night. in the winter of and , governor clark, of st. louis, who had been appointed general indian agent of the west, hearing that shabbona had prevented the pottawatomies from becoming allies of black hawk, sent him a number of presents, among which was a handsome fur hat with a wide silver band. war and carnage were represented on one side of this silver band, on the other friendship, pipe of peace, etc. for safe keeping shabbona carried this hat to his friend, john m. gay, who lived a few miles north of what is now wyanet. mr. gay put it for safekeeping in the garret, but the following spring, during the black hawk war, he and his family fled from home, leaving the hat, with many other things, in his house. on returning at the close of the war he found that the indians had carried off most of his things, including shabbona's hat. after the war the chief called for his hat, and was much grieved to find it gone. the indians who stole the hat took it to black hawk's camp and presented it to that chief, and it was worn by him at the great feast and council near four lakes. it was afterward picked up on the battlefield of wisconsin river by one of general dodge's rangers, who carried it to galena, where it was kept some time as one of the trophies of the war. some years after the close of the war this hat was recognized by an indian as the one stolen from gay's house and worn by black hawk at the council of four lakes. the prediction made by black hawk that shabbona would soon be compelled to abandon his beloved village and go west to a reservation was fulfilled in the summer of . at that time the indian agent, capt. j. b. russell, notified the chief that his band must remove to the lands assigned them by the government, in accordance with the treaty, as no one but himself and family could remain at the grove. in imagination i hear some one say, "but this government order applied only to shabbona's band. of course, the government would not be so ungrateful to 'the white man's friend' as to force him to leave his happy home, where he had spent the most of his life, and go to a new reservation in a distant state." granting that this was the intention of the government, it was still a cruel deed to force the chief in his declining years to make a choice between his village and his band. let it not be forgotten that not only shabbona, but practically his entire band of warriors, fought on the side of the whites during the black hawk war, besides saving the lives of many settlers by warning them of danger. common justice, to say nothing of gratitude, should have impelled the government to make an exception in the case of shabbona and his band. a reservation should have been given them around and including shabbona's grove, and the title should have been secured to them, "while the grass grows and the water flows." {illustration: waubonsie, pottawatomie chief, whose village stood near aurora, ill.} "consistency is a jewel," but our government never displayed any of it in its dealings with the indians. black hawk's warriors, who arrayed themselves against the government, were sent across the mississippi to a reservation in the rich land of southeastern iowa, while shabbona's warriors, who fought bravely as allies of the government, are banished to a reservation in distant western kansas, a somewhat arid and inhospitable region. friend and foe are treated exactly alike, when a few greedy white men covet the indian's village and cornfields. the ways of our government in its dealings with the indians are past finding out. when notified by the agent, shabbona said he did not like to leave his happy home, but could not think of being separated from his people, therefore he would go with them. the agent offered to move them at the expense of the government, but shabbona said he did not require it, as they had plenty of ponies to carry all their tents, and the hunters could supply them with food while making the journey. shabbona's band left their grove in september, but stopped on bureau creek about six weeks, engaged in hunting and fishing. here he received the visits from a number of settlers, some of whom were the people he had warned during the black hawk war. these now expressed their gratitude by bringing into his camp green corn, melons, squashes and fruit of all kinds, and in return he sent them turkeys and venison. shabbona was afflicted with ague at this time and seemed very grateful to his white friends for their visits and presents. he told them he had hunted on bureau thirty years in succession, but this was probably his last hunt, as he was going to his reservation in the far west in a few days, where he expected to leave his bones. he was very sad at the thought of being compelled to leave the country where he had spent his infancy, youth and manhood, and be forced in his old age to seek a new home in a distant land. at the time of his departure for kansas his band consisted of one hundred and forty-two persons, old and young, and they had one hundred and sixty ponies. the journey was resumed late in october. soon after shabbona and his band settled on the reservation in western kansas, the black hawk band of sacs and foxes were moved from iowa to the same locality. this band, under the leadership of neopope, who was second in command during the war, settled on a reservation only about fifty miles from shabbona's, neopope had often declared he would kill shabbona, pypegee and pyps for notifying the settlers of danger and fighting against them during the late war. shabbona had been warned of these threats, but did not believe he would ever be harmed. in the fall of , shabbona, pypegee, pyps and five others went on a buffalo hunt about one hundred miles from home. neopope heard of it, and thinking this a good time to take his revenge, raised a war party and followed them. about midnight, when all were asleep, this party of sacs and foxes attacked the camp, killing pypegee and pyps and wounding another hunter, who was overtaken and slain. shabbona, his son, smoke, and four others escaped from the camp, but neopope and his warriors were hot on their trail and pursued them almost to their village. the fugitives reached home the third day, more dead than alive, having traveled more than one hundred miles on foot, without rest or food. knowing that he would be killed if he remained in kansas, the aged chief left immediately for his farm in de kalb county, illinois, accompanied by his family, consisting of two squaws, children and grandchildren, about twenty-five people in all. he arrived at his destination the latter part of november, . some time during the spring of , some of shabbona's family discovered an old decrepit squaw hid in the thick timber near the village. her face was partly covered with a buckskin headdress, and highly colored with different kinds of paint. strange to say, she was armed with rifle, knife and tomahawk, and a jaded pony hitched near by showed evidence of a long journey. the aged squaw would give no account of herself, nor could they get her to tell whence she came or her destination. she seemed sullen and morose, and having been furnished with food, mounted her pony and left the grove. it was afterward learned that this old squaw was not a squaw at all, but neopope, the war-chief of black hawk's band, who had assumed that disguise and was there to assassinate shabbona. having been discovered and fearing detection caused him to leave without accomplishing his object. shabbona did not know the true character of the old squaw until he visited kansas, after the death of neopope, and the incident was told by some of his friends. in the spring of shabbona, with his family, went to visit his band in kansas and remained there over two years. as soon as he was gone certain parties made affidavits that he had sold and abandoned his reservation and gone west to live. these papers were sent to the general land office at washington, and the commissioner decided that by abandoning his land shabbona had forfeited his right to the reservation. when he returned in the fall of with his family, he was amazed to find the whites in possession of his village, cornfields and grove. when he found himself deprived of all that he held dear, he broke down and cried like a child. many days he gave himself up to sadness and refused to be comforted, and each night he went to a lonely place in the grove and prayed to the great spirit. to add insult to injury, the white ruffian who now had possession of the grove cursed the aged chief for cutting a few camp poles, and burning a few dry limbs for cooking, and ordered him to leave "his" grove, which had been shabbona's home for fifty years. he was now old--past three score and ten--no longer capable of getting a living by hunting, as formerly, and with a number of small grandchildren depending on him for support. with a sad heart shabbona looked for the last time upon the graves of departed loved ones, and then left the grove forever. shabbona never could understand why the government should dispossess him of his reservation in his old age, just when he needed it most. can you understand it, gentle reader? the aged chief and his family now camped in a grove of timber on big rock creek, where he remained some time undecided what to do. here his white friends of other days came to see him and brought many presents. it was during his stay at this place that the citizens of ottawa, at the solicitation of ex-sheriff george e. walker, raised money to buy and improve a small tract of land on the south bank of the illinois river, two miles above seneca, in grundy county. here his friends built a comfortable frame dwelling, with fencing and other improvements, and presented it to shabbona for a home. the house was pleasantly situated and commanded a splendid view of the river, but shabbona preferred to live in a wigwam and the residence was used only as a storehouse. the government gave him an annuity of two hundred dollars, as a black hawk war veteran; this fund, supplemented by gifts from his friends, kept him above want. while living at this place, shabbona received a call from williamson durley, of putnam county, who gave him a special invitation to visit at his house. mr. durley had been a merchant at hennepin a number of years, and shabbona often traded with him for goods for his band, paying for them in furs. their business relations were pleasant and shabbona regarded mr. durley as one of his best friends. while on this visit shabbona was accompanied by three daughters and his grandson, a lad of twelve years of age, named smoke. at the suggestion of mr. durley the whole party dressed themselves in full indian costume, with feathers, paint, rings, beads, etc., and mounted on horseback they visited hennepin, where they attracted much attention. all the citizens turned out to honor them with a hearty reception. at different times shabbona was selected by the pottawatomie tribe to represent their interest at the national capital. on one of these visits to washington, general cass introduced him to the president, some of the members of congress, heads of departments and others. a large crowd had collected in the rotunda of the capitol to see shabbona, when general cass introduced him to the audience, saying, "shabbona is the greatest red man of the west; he has always been a friend to the whites and saved many of their lives during the black hawk war." at the conclusion of this speech people came forward to shake hands with the chief, and many of the ladies _met him with a kiss._ on another of the trips to washington, while shabbona, with other chiefs, was standing on the east portico of the capitol engaged in conversation an elegantly dressed gentleman approached the group, and, looking earnestly at shabbona, exclaimed, "were you not in the battle of frenchtown in ?" on receiving an affirmative answer, he continued, "do you remember saving the life of a wounded lieutenant from kentucky by the name of shelby?" the chief remembered the incident, when the gentleman exclaimed, "well, i am that same lieutenant shelby!" mr. shelby showed his gratitude by the presentation of several gifts. hon. perry a. armstrong, of morris, illinois, for many years an intimate friend of shabbona, says: "we were in joliet one chilly night in november, , and put up at the exchange hotel. arising a little after daylight, we opened the window-blind of our bedroom, when we noticed an indian slowly walking up and down the sidewalk opposite the hotel, beating his arms around his body to keep up a circulation of blood. a high, tight-board fence stood on the west of the sidewalk, close up to which we beheld three persons lying, well wrapped in blankets. on reaching the street we were greeted with 'boozhu coozhu nicon' (how do you do, my friend), in the familiar voice of shabbona. his wife, daughter and grandchild were sleeping sweetly and comfortably under the shelter of the board fence, wrapped in their own blankets, to which the old chief had added his while he kept watch and ward during the long cold night over his sleeping loved ones, although he was over fourscore years of age. always considerate of the rights and comforts of others, shabbona was diffident and cautious in approaching the home of a white man. he had reached joliet late the night previous, and was too diffident to wake anybody to ask for shelter. finding this high fence would ward off the fierce western wind, he arranged his wife and daughter and little grandchild so they could be comfortable, and gave them his own blanket, while he kept himself from chilling by constant exercise." on one occasion shabbona was on a hunting trip in the big woods of the kankakee river, hoping to find a deer, accompanied by his family and some friends from kansas. while the old chief and his friends were off hunting the man who owned the grove where they were encamped came and abused the squaws by calling them hard names, and ordered them to leave. he even tore down one of the tents in his anger. of course shabbona was indignant when he returned and heard of it, and determined to move his camp the next morning. that evening about sunset the owner of the timber, accompanied by two of his neighbors, returned to the indian camp, when the old chief offered his hand, at the same time exclaiming, "me shabbona." this introduction usually acted as a talisman among settlers, by giving him a hearty welcome wherever his camp was pitched, but with this ruffian it failed of its magical effect. his answer was to inform the chief, with an oath, that if he did not immediately leave he would destroy his tents. shabbona took out some pieces of silver and offered them to him in payment for a few tent poles and firewood. but this did not satisfy the enraged man. being in a terrible rage, his voice raised to a high pitch, he told the chief that if he did not leave his timber at once he would move him, and, in carrying out his threats, upset a kettle containing the indian's supper. this was too much for the old chief. it was now his turn to get angry, because forbearance had ceased to be a virtue; therefore, he took his tomahawk and knife out of his belt, laying them on the ground by the side of his rifle, and then going up to the man, said to him in broken english, his eyes flashing fire, that if he did not shut his mouth he would knock every tooth down his throat. the owner of the timber was completely cowed, he turned pale, and without saying another word made a hasty retreat, leaving shabbona to move his encampment when it suited him. one fourth of july the people of ottawa, illinois, determined to celebrate in grand style, and at the same time raise a fund for the benefit of shabbona. mounted on his favorite pony, with all his indian costume, the aged chief led the procession. that evening they gave a splendid ball in a large hall; and as the price of the tickets was high and the attendance large, quite a sum of money was realized. one of the belles of that city proposed that shabbona should be asked to select the prettiest lady at the ball, thinking, of course, she would be the favored one. the proposition was accepted with hilarious approval, because there were many others who had claims to beauty. when all the ladies were seated around the hall and the old chief was informed by his friend, george e. walker, of what they wished him to do, he accepted the task, and with a broad smile on his face and a merry twinkle in his eye, which meant fun, he started at the lower end of the hall, and by a sign made them understand that he wished them to rise _seriatim,_ as he came to each, and required them to walk up the length of the hall and back again and be seated before he examined the next. this he did to every lady in the hall, examining their dress, form and gait as critically as a horse jockey would a horse before purchase. none escaped the examination, old or young, from the girl in her teens to the aged matron, even including okono, his four-hundred-pound squaw. when all had been examined in this way he approached his wife, slapped her on the shoulder, and remarked, "much big, heap prettiest squaw." there was a loud shout of approval--not of his judgment of beauty, but of his good sense and knowledge of human nature. had he selected one of the many really beautiful young ladies, by that selection he would have offended the rest, but by choosing his own squaw, he turned the whole affair into a huge joke. matson informs us that a few years before his death, the aged chief gave all his family christian names, in addition to their indian names, assuming the name of benjamin himself. our tawny hero passed away at his residence on the illinois river, july , , aged eighty-four years, and was buried with much ceremony in morris cemetery. for many years no stone marked the grave. but at the twenty-ninth annual reunion of the old settlers of la salle county, illinois, held at ottawa on august , , with several thousand people present, hon. charles f. gunther, of chicago, offered a motion for the appointment of a committee of old settlers to devise ways and means for the erection of a suitable monument to the memory of shabbona, to be placed where he was buried, which motion was unanimously carried. after the committee was appointed, it organized by electing p. a. armstrong, president; c. f. gunther, r. c. jordan and g. m. hollenbeck, vice-presidents; l. a. williams, secretary, and e. y. griggs, treasurer. they now became incorporated under the statute as "the shabbona memorial association." all this resulted in raising funds and erecting a monument, which was unveiled and dedicated october , . the president of the association, hon. perry a. armstrong, of morris, in dedicating the monument, used corn, beans, pumpkins and tobacco, instead of corn, wine and oil, stating that "they were native products of north america, and used by the indians. corn and beans were their staff of life, pumpkins and squashes their relishes, and tobacco their solace. they used it in their pipes but never chewed it." short addresses were also made by ex-congressman henderson, of princeton; hon. m. n. armstrong, of ottawa, and hon. r. c. jordan. the latter began by saying, "character speaks louder than words. a great man never dies. and great are the people who are great enough to know what is great. man has shown an innate goodness by his disposition in all ages to laud the good deeds of his fellows. and that he has ever cherished ideals higher than self is proven by the tributes offered to the memory of his dead." by the side of shabbona slumber his wife, canoka; mary, his daughter; his granddaughter, mary okonto, and his nieces, metwetch, chicksaw, and soco. the monument is a huge bowlder of granite, fit symbol of the rugged, imperishable character of him who sleeps beneath, and contains the simple inscription: "shabbona, - ." {illustration: plan of sitting bull's tepee, as drawn by scout allison.} {illustration: sitting bull, or tatanka yotanka, renowned sioux chief and medicine man.} chapter xiii. sitting bull, or tatanka yotanka, the great sioux chief and medicine man. the sioux or dakota indians were first seen by the french explorers in , near the head waters of the mississippi river. the algonquins called them nadowessioux, whence the name gradually became shortened into sioux. this was the largest family or confederation in the northwest and was divided into a number of tribes, known as the santee, sisseton, wahpeton, yankton, yanktonnais, teton, brule, ogalalla and unepapa. these are all sioux proper, and still number nearly thirty thousand tall, well-built indians, with large features and heavy, massive faces. they are perhaps the finest type of plains indians, who, until recent years, lived by hunting the buffalo. at one time their territory extended east of the mississippi and from the source of the "father of waters" to the upper missouri, but they live at present chiefly in the states of north and south dakota. undoubtedly the most famous leader of the sioux was the subject of this sketch. he was great in spite of the fact that he was a medicine man, rather than chief proper, and that his tongue was mightier than his tomahawk. sitting bull was born on willow creek, dakota, in . he is said to have been an unepapa, though he signed the treaty in as an oglala. he is described as a heavy built indian, with a large, massive head, and, strange to say, _brown hair,_ which is very rare among indians. his complexion was also light and his face badly marked with smallpox. he was about five feet ten inches tall, possessed a fine physique and striking appearance, with his prominent hooked nose, and fierce half-bloodshot eyes gleaming from under brows which indicate large perceptive organs. judging from his photograph, taken in a standing position, he was slightly bow-legged, and wore his hair in two heavy braids hanging on either side in front of his shoulders. sitting bull's reputation was more of the agitator and schemer than of the warrior. as cyrus townsend bradley, in his "indian fights and fighters," well says, "the indians said he had a big head but a little heart, and they esteemed him something of a coward; in spite of this his influence over the chiefs and the indians was paramount, and remained so until his death. "perhaps he lacked the physical courage which is necessary in fighting, but he must have had abundant moral courage, for he was the most implacable enemy and the most dangerous--because of his ability, which was so great as to overcome the indian's contempt for his lack of personal courage--that the united states had ever had among the indians. he was a strategist, a tactician--everything but a fighter. however, his lack of fighting qualities was not serious, for he gathered around him a dauntless array of war-chiefs, the first among them being crazy horse, an ogalalla, a skilful and indomitable, as well as a brave and ferocious leader." there was probably, no other sioux who could make so proud a showing of the combined essentials of leadership as this prophet, priest, medicine man and chief. the leading events of the early part of his career were recorded by himself and fell into the hands of the whites by an accident soon after the phil. kearney massacre. it seems that a yanktonnais indian brought to fort buford an old roster-book of the thirty-first infantry, which had on the blank sides of the leaves a series of portraitures of the doings of a mighty warrior. they were rather skilfully executed in brown and black inks, with coloring added for the horses and clothing. the totem in the corner of each pictograph, a buffalo bull on its haunches, connected with the hero by a line, revealed the fact that it was a history of sitting bull, who with a band of warriors had been committing depredations in that part of the country for several years. the yanktonnais indian finally admitted that he had stolen it from sitting bull and sold it for a dollar and a half's worth of supplies. almost every picture of the first twenty-five represents the slaughter of enemies of all sorts--indians and white men, women and children, frontiersmen, railroad hands, teamsters and soldiers. he was as impartial as death itself, and all was grist that came to his mill. the next lot of about a dozen show his exploits as a collector of horses, a pursuit at which he was a brilliant success. the last few pictures represent him as leader of the strong hearts--a sioux fraternity of warriors noted for their bravery and fortitude--charging two crow villages. in one of these encounters thirty scalps were taken. these picture diaries are usually correct in detail. ordinarily they are made on buffalo robes, or buckskin, and are kept by the hero to display among his own people who are acquainted with the facts of which he boasts. in this case there were soldiers at the fort who could vouch for the truth of some of the picture records. while, therefore, sitting bull was not a chief of any great prominence during "the piping times of peace," he had a record as a fighter and a reputation as a skilful commander, which made him a powerful loadstone of attraction to the discontented sioux of the agencies. these always thought of him, and flocked to his camp at the first outbreak of hostility. it was stated at one time that sitting bull, while hating the white americans, and disdaining to speak their language, was yet very fond of the french canadians, that he talked french and that he had been converted to christianity by a french jesuit, named father de smet. it is uncertain how much truth there is in the statement, but there is probably some foundation for it. certain it is, the french jesuits have always been noted for their wonderful success in gaining the affections of the indians, as well as for the transitory nature of their conversions. it is quite possible that father de smet may not only have baptized sitting bull some time, but induced him and his braves to attend mass, as performed by himself in the wilderness. there was never any real evidence of a change of heart, and the benefits of the conversion were only skin deep, as far as preventing cruelty in war was concerned. it can not be denied that sitting bull was an indian of unusual powers of mind, and a warrior whose talent amounted to genius. he must have been a general of the highest order, to have set the united states at defiance, as he did, for ten long years. that he was able to do this so long was owing to his skilful use of two advantages: a central position surrounded by "bad-lands," and the quarter circle of agencies from which he and his band drew supplies as wards of the government, and allies, every campaign. these so-called "bad-lands" are large sections of clay soil, baked into chasms, four or five feet wide and perhaps twenty feet deep, by the long and intense droughts of that climate. this rough country, impassable for wagons, surrounded the hostiles at the time of which we write. in the face of these advantages and of sitting bull's talents as a warrior, the government decided to pacify them by giving the indians all they asked, in the treaty of . thus matters stood from to , when sitting bull, accompanied by red cloud and spotted tail, visited the national capital. the three distinguished sioux chiefs attracted marked attention, and were feasted and entertained by some of the leading men of the nation. general grant was then president and the great father granted an audience with the three chiefs. the president and his advisers tried to induce the sioux leaders to sign a new treaty, because--well gold had been discovered in the black hills, most of which by treaty belonged to the sioux, but the three chiefs stubbornly refused to sign any treaty whatever, even at the request of the great father. "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." she also has her defeats, and this was one of them. finding nothing could be accomplished in the way of a new treaty, or peaceable settlement of the vexatious question, it was determined in to try one more campaign against sitting bull and his hostiles. when gold was discovered in the black hills, there was the usual rush of miners and turbulent frontier population. notwithstanding the fact that our authorities warned the emigrants to keep away, thousands of desperate men were soon engaged in the scramble for the precious metal. by way of retaliation, the sioux left their reservation and began burning houses, stealing horses and killing settlers in montana and wyoming. a strong force of regulars under generals crook and terry marched against them in the mountainous country of the upper yellowstone, and several thousand warriors under sitting bull were driven back toward the big horn mountains and river. gen. george a. custer and major reno were sent forward with the seventh cavalry to locate the hostiles. custer started on june d, and early in the morning of the th, , discovered the camp of sitting bull. the village extended three and a half miles up the little big horn and is estimated to have contained at least five thousand people. any one else but custer would have waited for reinforcements, or retired without risking a battle with such tremendous odds against him, but this was not custer's way. it is quite probable he did not realize what a fearful hornet's nest he was about to stir up. certain it is, custer, as had always been his custom, divided his command into three parts--one division under major reno, one under captain benteen, the third commanded by himself. reno was ordered to charge the lower end of the village, benteen to charge the center on the opposite side, and he intended to strike the enemy on the upper end of the valley. the particulars of what followed can never be known, since custer and every one of his immediate command were killed. as in the case of the fall of the alamo, in , none of the soldiers survived to tell the story. there were, however, two survivors who were not soldiers in the strictest sense of the term. they were curley, the crow scout, who escaped by letting down his hair and donning a blanket, and thus disguising himself as a sioux. he claims to have found an unguarded pass through which he escaped and to have informed general custer of it. he even urged custer to mount his fleet horse and ride for his life. but that gallant hero preferred to die by his men, rather than attempt to escape in this selfish manner. the other survivor was comanche, the famous horse of captain keogh, a relative of general custer. he was found about a day's journey from the battlefield, and as he had seven bad wounds, and was very weak from loss of blood, the soldiers never expected to get him back to camp, but by constructing a strong litter of poles and army blankets this was accomplished. with the best of treatment the equine hero fully recovered, and was given an honorable discharge. special provision was made for the care and support of comanche at fort riley. once in a while, when the cavalry troops were on inspection, comanche was led out, saddled and bridled, but no one ever sat in his saddle after the battle of the little big horn. custer's command used the dead bodies of their horses killed by the indians for a barricade. as the soldiers began the attack with a charge, every horse had been saddled. when, however, comanche was found he was stripped of his saddle, bridle and accoutrements. it is therefore supposed that the indians stripped and left him, believing he could not recover. he is known to be the sole survivor of the cavalry horses, as the body of every other horse was found among the heaps of slain. comanche was one of the original mounts of the seventh cavalry, which was organized in , and had been in almost every battle with the indian service of that thrilling period. he was now taken in charge by captain rowlan and sent to fort riley, where for fourteen years he roamed the pasture at will, and was the pet of the seventh cavalry. he received the kindest of treatment until he died of old age, november , . at the time of his death it was estimated that he was forty-five years old. this is the more remarkable when it is remembered that few horses reach the age of thirty-five years. comanche's skin was stuffed and mounted and placed in the museum of the kansas state university. it was afterward on exhibition at the columbian exposition in chicago, where it was seen by the author. as there were no white survivors of the custer fight on little big horn, the historian is compelled to get his information from the indian leaders. sitting bull, gall and rain-in-the-face, itiomagaju, have each been induced to give their versions of it. we have not thought it best to quote sitting bull's statement. he was absent at the time of the battle "making medicine," took no active part in it, and we consider the whole story as either drawn on his imagination, or that of the reporter who interviewed him. we quote the account of rain-in-the-face, because he at least was present at the battle, and is the accredited slayer of capt. tom custer. it seems that rain-in-the-face had waylaid and murdered dr. houzinger, a veterinary surgeon, and mr. baliran, a sutler, who were stragglers in the rear, at the time of the yellowstone expedition under general stanley. not long after this rain-in-the-face, with other young sioux, took part in the sun dance, a ceremonial performance of great torture in which the aspirants give final proof of endurance and courage which entitles them to the _toga virilis_ of a full-fledged, warrior. one feature of it was the suspension in air of the candidate by a rawhide rope passed through slits cut in the breast, or elsewhere, until the flesh tears and he falls to the ground. if he faints, falters or fails, or even gives way momentarily to his anguish during the period of suspension, he is called and treated as a squaw for the rest of his miserable life. edward esmond says, "rain-in-the-face was lucky when he was so tied up; the tendons gave way easily, and he was released after so short a suspension that it was felt he had not fairly won his spurs. sitting bull, the chief medicine man, decided that the test was unsatisfactory. rain-in-the-face thereupon defied sitting bull to do his worst, declaring there was no test could wring a murmur of pain from his lips. "sitting bull was equal to the occasion. he cut deep slits in the back over the kidneys, the hollows remaining were big enough almost to take in a closed fist years after, and passed the rawhide rope through them. for two days the young indian hung suspended, taunting his torturers, jeering at them, defying them to do their worst, while singing his war songs and boasting of his deeds. the tough flesh, muscles and tendons would not tear loose although he kicked and struggled violently to get free. finally, sitting bull, satisfied that rain-in-the-face's courage and endurance were above proof, ordered buffalo skulls to be tied to his legs, and the added weight, with some more vigorous kicking, enabled the indian stoic to break free. it was one of the most wonderful exhibitions of stoicism, endurance and courage ever witnessed among the sioux, where these qualities were not infrequent." rain-in-the-face had passed the test. no one thereafter questioned his courage. he was an approved warrior, indeed. it was while suspended thus that he boasted of the murder of dr. houzinger and mr. baliran, and was overheard by charley reynolds, the scout, who told custer and the regiment. rain-in-the-face was arrested at standing rock agency by a squad of soldiers under the command of capt. tom custer, whom the indians called little hair, to distinguish him from his brother, the general, whom they called long hair. he was put in the guard-house and condemned to execution, but, with the aid of white prisoners, made his escape. before doing so, however, he told tom custer, in the event of his escape, he would cut his heart out and eat it. {illustration: sitting bull's two wives and daughters.} from now on we will let the noted warrior tell his own story as found in _outdoor life,_ of march, : "i rejoined sitting bull and gall. they were afraid to come and get me there. i sent little hair a picture, on a piece of buffalo skin, of a bloody-heart. he knew i didn't forget my vow. the next time i saw little hair, ugh! i got his heart. i have said all." and, indian-like, he stopped. but we wanted to hear how he took tom custer's heart. mcfadden, who is quite an artist as well as an actor of note, had made an imaginary sketch of "custer's last charge." he got it and handed it to rain, saying: "does that look anything like the fight?" rain studied it for a long time, and then burst out laughing. "no," he said, "this picture is a lie. those long swords, have swords--they never fought us with swords, but with guns and revolvers. these men are on ponies--they fought us on foot, and every fourth man held the others' horses. that's always their way of fighting. we tie ourselves onto our ponies and fight in a circle. these people are not dressed as we dress in a fight. they look like agency indians--we strip naked and have ourselves and our ponies painted. this picture gives us bows and arrows. we were better armed than the long swords. their guns wouldn't shoot but once--the thing would not throw out the empty cartridge shells. (in this he was historically correct, as dozens of guns were picked up on the battlefield by general gibbon's command, two days after, with the shells still sticking in them, showing that the ejector wouldn't work.) when we found they could not shoot we saved our bullets by knocking the long swords over with our war-clubs--it was just like killing sheep. some of them got on their knees and begged; we spared none--ugh! this picture is like all the white man's pictures of indians, a lie. i will show you how it looked." then turning it over he pulled out a stump of a lead pencil from his pouch and drew a large shape of a letter s turned sidewise. "here," said he, "is the little big horn river; we had our-lodges along the banks in the shape of a bent bow." "how many lodges did you have?" asked harry. "oh, many, many times ten. we were like blades of grass." [it is estimated that there were between four and six thousand indians, hence there must have been at least a thousand lodges.] "sitting bull had made big medicine way off on a hill. he came in with it; he had it in a bag on a coup-stick. he made a big speech and said that waukontonka (the great spirit) had come to him riding on an eagle. waukontonka had told him that the long swords were coming, but the indians would wipe them off the face of the earth. his speech made our hearts glad. next day our runners came in and told us the long swords were coming. sitting bull had the squaws put up empty death lodges along the bend of the river to fool the ree scouts when they came up and looked down over the bluffs. the brush and bend hid our lodges. then sitting bull went away to make more medicine and didn't come back till the fight was over. "gall was head chief. crazy horse led the cheyennes; goose, the bannocks. i was not a head chief--my brother, iron horn was--but i had a band of the worst uncpapas; all of them had killed more enemies than they had fingers and toes. when the long swords came we knew their ponies were tired out. we knew they were fooled by the death lodges. they thought we were but a handful. "we knew they made a mistake when they separated. gall took most of the indians up the river to come in between them and cut them off. we saw the ree scouts had stayed back with long yellow hair, and we were glad. we saw them trotting along, and let them come in over the bluffs. some of our young men went up the gully which they had crossed and cut them off from behind. "then we showed our line in front, and the long swords charged. they reeled under our fire and started to fall back. our young men behind them opened fire. then we saw some officers talking and pointing. don't know who they were, for they all looked alike. i didn't see long hair then or afterward. we heard the rees singing their death song--they knew we had them. all dismounted and every fourth man held the others' ponies. then we closed all around them. we rushed like a wave does at the sand out there (this interview occurred at coney island) and shot the pony holders and stampeded the ponies by waving our blankets in their faces. our squaws caught them, for they were tired out. "i had sung the war-song--i had smelt the powder smoke--my heart was bad--i was like one that had no mind. i rushed in and took their flag; my pony fell dead as i took it. i cut the thong that bound me. i jumped up and brained the long-sword flagman with my war-club and ran back to our line with the flag. "the long sword's blood and brains splashed in my face. it felt hot and blood ran in my mouth. i could taste it. i was mad. i got a fresh pony and rushed back, shooting, cutting and slashing. this pony was shot and i got another. "this time i saw little hair. i remembered my vow. i was crazy. i feared nothing. i knew nothing would hurt me, for i had my white-weasel-tail-charm on. {fn} [he was wearing the charm at the time he told this.] i don't know how many i killed trying to get at him. he knew me. i laughed at him and yelled at him. i saw his mouth move, but there was so much noise i couldn't hear his voice. he was afraid. when i got near enough i shot him with my revolver. my gun was gone, i don't know where. i leaped from my pony and cut out his heart and bit a piece out of it and spit it in his face. i got back on my pony and rode off shaking it. i was satisfied and sick of fighting; i didn't scalp him." * * * * * {fn} notwithstanding his white-weasel-tail charm rain-in-the-face was wounded in this battle. a bullet pierced his right leg just above the knee. with a razor the wounded man attempted some surgery. first he cut deeply into the front of his leg, but failed to reach the bullet. then he reached around to the back of his leg and cut into the flesh from that quarter. he got the bullet, also several tendons, and narrowly missed cutting the artery and bleeding to death. he was lame and had to walk on crutches all his life thereafter. [statement of mr. esmond.] "i didn't go back on the field after that. the squaws came up afterward and killed the wounded, cut their bootlegs off for moccasin soles and took their money, watches and rings. they cut their fingers off to get them quicker. they hunted for long yellow hair to scalp him, but could not find him. he didn't wear his fort clothes (uniform), his hair had been cut off, and the indians didn't know him. [this corroborates what mrs. custer says about her husband having his long yellow curls cut at st. paul some weeks before he was killed.] "that night we had a big feast and the scalp dance. then sitting bull came up and made another speech. he said, 'i told you how it would be. i made great medicine. my medicine warmed your hearts and made you brave.' "he talked a long time. all the indians gave him the credit of winning the fight because his medicine won it. but he wasn't in the fight. gall got mad at sitting bull that night. gall said: 'we did the fighting, you only made medicine. it would have been the same anyway.' their hearts were bad towards each other after that always. "after that fight we could have killed all the others on the hill (reno's command) but for the quarrel between gall and sitting bull. both wanted to be head chief. some of the indians said gall was right and went with him. some said sitting bull was. i didn't care, i was my own chief and had my bad young men; we would not obey either of them unless we wanted to, and they feared us. "i was sick of fighting--i had had enough. i wanted to dance. we heard more long swords were coming with wheel guns (artillery, gatlings). we moved camp north. they followed many days till we crossed the line into canada. i stayed over there till sitting bull came back, and i came back with him. that is all there is to tell. i never told it to white men before." when he had finished, i said to him: "rain, if you didn't kill long yellow hair, who did?" "_i don't know. no one knows._ it was like running in the dark." "well," asked mae, "why was it long yellow hair wasn't scalped, when every one else was? did you consider him too brave to be scalped?" "no one is too brave to be scalped; that wouldn't make any difference. the squaws wondered afterward why they couldn't find him. he must have lain under some other dead bodies. i didn't know, till i heard it long afterward from the whites, that he wasn't scalped." rain-in-the-face was about sixty-two years of age at the time of his death, which occurred at standing rock agency, north dakota, september , , and was the last chief to survive and tell the tale of the custer fight, gall and sitting bull have both gone to hunt the white buffalo long since. rain could write his name in english. he was taught to do it at the world's fair in order to sell longfellow's poem entitled, "the revenge of rain-in-the-face." he didn't know the significance of it after he had written it. his knowledge of english was confined to about thirty words, but he could not say them so any one could understand him, though he could understand almost anything that was said in english. the author recalls seeing him at the world's fair while hunting indian data. he looked then very much like his picture and walked with crutches. like many other indians, his gratitude was for favors to come and not for favors already shown. you could depend upon any promise he made, but it took a world of patience to get him to promise anything. even at the age of sixty he was still a hercules. in form and face he was the most pronounced type of the ideal fenimore cooper dime novel indian in america. upon the arrival of news of the custer fight at fort leavenworth, kansas, general miles and the fifth infantry were ordered to proceed to the scene of hostilities and form part of the large command already there. the order was at once obeyed. on october lieut.-col. e. s. otis, commanding a battalion of four companies of the twenty-third infantry, was escorting a wagon train of supplies from glendive, montana, to the cantonment, when he was attacked by a large force of indians. the soldiers had a hard fight to keep the animals from being stampeded, and the train from capture. they finally beat off the indians, and during a temporary cessation of hostilities, a messenger rode out from the indian lines, waving a paper, which was left on a hill in sight. when it was picked up colonel otis found it to be an imperious message, probably written by some half-breed, but dictated by the subject of this sketch. it ran as follows: "yellowstone. "i want to know what you are doing traveling on this road. you scare all the buffalo away. i want to hunt in this place. i want you to turn back from here. if you don't i will fight you again. i want you to leave what you have got here and turn back from here. "i am your friend. sitting bull." "i mean all the rations you have got and some powder. wish you would write as soon as you can." this document was certainly unique in indian warfare, as it illustrates both the spirit and naivete of the noted chief. colonel otis dispatched a scout to sitting bull with the information that he intended to take his wagon train through to headquarters in spite of all the indians on earth, and if sitting bull wanted to have a fight, he (otis) would be glad to accommodate him at any time and on any terms. the train soon started and the indians as promptly resumed the attack. but the engagement was soon terminated by a flag of truce. a messenger from the indians stated that they were tired and hungry and wanted to treat for peace. otis invited sitting bull to come into his lines, but that wily chief refused, although he sent three chiefs to represent him. otis had no authority to treat for peace, but he gave the indians a small quantity of hard bread and two sides of bacon. he also advised them to go to tongue river and communicate with his superior officer, general miles. the train now moved on, and after following a short distance with threatening movements the indians withdrew. the same night otis met general miles with his entire force, who sent the train on to the cantonment, and started after sitting bull. miles's little army at this time numbered three hundred and ninety-eight men, with one gatling gun. with sitting bull were gall and other noted chiefs, and one thousand warriors of the miniconjous, san ares, brules and uncpapas, together with their women and children, in all over three thousand indians. miles overtook sitting bull on october , at cedar creek, when that chief asked for an interview, which was arranged. sitting bull was attended by a sub-chief and six warriors, miles by an aide and six troopers. the meeting took place at a halfway point between the two lines, all parties being mounted. in his "indian fights and fighters," cyrus townsend brady says of this interview: "sitting bull wanted peace on the old basis. the indians demanded permission to retain their arms, with liberty to hunt and roam at will over the plains and through the mountains, with no responsibility to any one, while the government required them to surrender their arms and come into the agencies. the demands were irreconcilable, therefore. the interview was an interesting one, and though it began calmly enough, it grew exciting toward the end. "sitting bull, whom miles describes as a fine, powerful, intelligent, determined looking man, was evidently full of bitter and persistent animosity toward the white race. he said, 'no indian that ever lived loved the white man, and no white man that ever lived loved the indian; that god almighty had made him an indian, but he didn't make him an agency indian, and he didn't intend to be one.' the manner of the famous chief had been cold, but dignified and courteous. as the conversation progressed, he became angry--so enraged, in fact, that in miles's words, 'he finally gave an exhibition of wild frenzy. his whole manner seemed more like that of a wild beast than a human being. his face assumed a furious expression. his jaws were lightly closed, his lips were compressed and you could see his eyes glisten with the fire of savage hatred.' "one can not help admiring the picture presented by the splendid, though ferocious, savage. i have no doubt general miles himself admired him. "at the height of the conference, a young warrior stole out from the indian lines and slipped a carbine under sitting bull's blanket. he was followed by several other indians, to the number of a dozen, who joined the band, evidently meditating treachery. miles, who with his aide, was armed with revolvers only, promptly required these new auxiliaries to retire, else the conference would be terminated immediately. his demand was reluctantly obeyed. after some further talk a second meeting was appointed for the morrow, and the conference broke up. "during the night miles moved his command in position to be able to intercept the movement of the indians the next day. there was another interview with the picturesque and imperious savage, whose conditions of peace were found to be absolutely impossible, since they involved the abandonment of all military posts, the withdrawal of all settlers, garrisons, etc., from the country. he wanted everything and would give nothing. he spoke like a conqueror, and looked like one, although his subsequent actions were not in keeping with the part. miles, seeing the futility of further discussion, peremptorily broke up the conference. he told sitting bull that he would take no advantage of the flag of truce, but that he would give him just fifteen minutes to get back to his people to prepare for fighting. shouting defiance, the chiefs rode back to the indian lines. "there was 'mounting in hot haste' and hurried preparations made for immediate battle on both sides. watch in hand, miles checked off the minutes, and exactly at the time appointed he ordered an advance. the indians set fire to the dry grass, which was not yet covered with snow, and the battle was joined amid clouds of flame and smoke. although outnumbered nearly three to one, the attack of the soldiers was pressed home so relentlessly that the indians were driven back from their camp, which fell into the possession of miles. "the sioux were not beaten, however, for the discomfited warriors rallied a force to protect their flying women and children, under the leadership of gall and others. sitting bull not being as much of a fighter as a talker. they were led to the fight again and again by their intrepid chiefs. on one occasion, so impetuous was their gallantry that the troops were forced to form a square to repel their wild charges. before the battle was over--and it continued into the next day--the indians had been driven headlong for over forty miles." {illustration: chief gall, war chief of the sioux.} "they had suffered a serious loss in warriors, but a greater in the destruction of their camp equipage and winter supplies and other property. two thousand of them came in on the third day and surrendered under promises of good treatment. several hundred broke into small parties and scattered. miles's little force was too small to be divided to form a guard for the indians; he had other things to do, so he detained a number of the principal chiefs as hostages, and exacted promises from the rest that they would surrender at the spotted tail or red cloud agency--a promise which, by the way, the great majority of them kept. sitting bull, gall and about four hundred others refused to surrender, and made for the boundary line, escaping pursuit for the time being." here they were joined by the brothers iron horn and rain-in-the-face, each leading a band. sitting bull now determined to make his home in british america, and seemed to be on friendly terms with his cousin john of the same surname. his following was augmented by discontented indians from the reservations, who were continually crossing the boundary to join the famous chief. canada thus became the sanctuary of refuge for the indian, as it had formerly been for the negro slave, but the two races were impelled by entirely different motives. that of the negro was to escape cruel servitude, often with the accompaniment of the overseer's lash or the bloodhound's fangs; while the incentive of the indian in fleeing from our reservations was the hope of escaping _impending starvation._ one of the military commanders, in his official report, says, "the hostile body was largely reenforced by accessions from the various agencies, where the malcontents were, doubtless in many cases, driven to desperation by starvation and the heartless frauds perpetrated on them"; and that the interior department is obliged to confess that, "such desertions were largely due to the uneasiness which the indians had long felt on account of the infraction of treaty stipulations by the white invasion of the black hills, seriously aggravated at the most critical period by irregular and insufficient issues of rations necessitated by inadequate and delayed appropriations." indeed, it seemed in those dark days the "apparent purpose of the government to abandon them (the reservation indians) to starvation." as if to add insult to injury, about this time a commission consisting of brig.-gen. a. h. terry, hon. a. g. lawrence and colonel (now general) corbin, secretary, was sent to canada to treat with sitting bull, and the malcontents then at fort walsh. general terry recapitulated to them the advantages of being at peace with the united states, the kindly (?) treatment that all surrendered prisoners had received, and said: "the president invites you to come to the boundary of his and your country, and there give up your arms and ammunition, and thence go to the agencies to which he will assign you, and there give up your horses, excepting those which are required for peace purposes. your arms and horses will then be sold, and with all the money obtained for them cows will be bought and sent to you." the reference to the kindly treatment received by the surrendered prisoners would have been amusing if it had not been pitiful. at that moment there were indians in the council who had left our reservations solely to escape starvation, and the indian chiefs knew all about this. the indians must have been totally without sense of humor if they could have listened to the commissioners without laughing. sitting bull's reply, which we can only quote in part, is worthy of being put on record among the notable protests of indian chiefs against the oppressions of their race. said he "for sixty-four years you have kept me and my people and treated us bad. what have we done that you should want us to stop? we have done nothing. it is all the people on your side that have started us to do all these depredations. we could not go anywhere else and we took refuge in this country. . . . i would like to know why you came here? in the first place i did not give you the country; but you followed me from one place to another, so i had to leave and come over to this country. . . . you have got ears to hear, and eyes to see, and you see how i live with these people. you see me. here i am. if you think i am a fool, you are a bigger fool than i am. this house is a medicine-house. you come here to tell us lies, but we don't want to hear them. i don't wish any such language used to me that is to tell me lies in my great mother's (queen victoria's) house. this country is mine, and i intend to stay here and to raise this country full of grown people. see these people here. we were raised with them [shaking hands with the british officers]. that is enough, so no more. . . . the part of the country you gave me you ran me out of. . . . i wish you to go back and take it easy going back." after several others had spoken, and the indians seemed about to leave the room, the interpreter was directed to ask the following questions: "shall i say to the president that you refuse the offers that he has made to you? are we to understand that you refuse those offers?" sitting bull answered: "i could tell you more, but that is all i have to tell. if we told you more, you would not pay any attention to it. this part of the country does not belong to your people. you belong to the other side, this side belongs to us." thus the conference closed. the indians positively refused to give up all their weapons, to exchange their horses for cows and the priceless privilege of being shut up upon reservations, off which they could not go without being pursued, arrested and brought back by troops. sitting bull did not believe the cows would materialize if his people gave up their horses. he had long since lost faith in the government which, as he expressed it, "had made fifty-two treaties with the sioux and kept none of them." it was also in this connection that the great indian leader made his famous reply: "tell them at washington if they have one man who speaks the truth to send him to me, and i will listen to what he has to say." the country originally owned and occupied by the sioux extended many miles beyond the canadian boundary line. hence they had claims to territory in both countries, but their lot at this period was indeed sad. those bands on our side were for the most part confined to reservations where, by reason of crop failure and the other causes already given, they were threatened with starvation. those malcontent indians under sitting bull, on the canadian side, enjoyed liberty, but they had little else. the canadian government would give them protection but no supplies. and now the buffalo, on which they depended mainly for subsistence, was being gradually exterminated or driven off. besides the commission appointed by the government at least two enterprising chicago papers sent reporters all the way to canada to interview the indian sphinx of the northwest. these interviews took place at fort walsh, in the presence of major walsh, who seems to have been a prime favorite with sitting bull and all his followers. in the first one, it is stated: "at the appointed time, half-past eight, the lamps were lighted and the most mysterious indian chieftain who ever flourished in north america was ushered in. there he stood, his blanket rolled back, his head upreared, his right moccasin put forward, his right hand thrown across his chest. i arose and approached him, holding out both hands. he grasped them cordially. 'how!' said he, 'how!' at this time he was clad in a black and white calico shirt, black cloth leggins and moccasins, magnificently embroidered with beads and porcupine quills. he held in his left hand a foxskin cap, its brush drooping to his feet; with the dignity and grace of a natural gentleman he had removed it from his head at the threshold. his eyes gleamed like black diamonds. his visage, devoid of paint, was noble and commanding; nay, it was something more. besides the indian character given to it by high cheek-bones, a broad, retreating forehead, a prominent, aquiline nose and a jaw like a bull-dog's, there was about the mouth something of beauty, but more an expression of exquisite irony. such a mouth and such eyes as this indian's, if seen in the countenance of a white man would appear to denote qualities similar to those which animated the career of mazarin. yet there was something wondrously sweet in his smile as he extended to me his hands. "such hands! they felt as small and soft as a maiden's, but when i pressed them i could feel the sinews beneath the flesh quivering hard like a wild animal's. i led him to a seat, a lounge set against the wall, on which he sat with indolent grace. major walsh, brilliant in red uniform, sat beside him, and a portable table was brought near. two interpreters brought chairs and seated themselves, and at a neighboring desk the stenographer took his place. i afterward learned that two sioux chiefs stood on guard outside the door, and that all the indians in the fort had their arms ready to spring in case of a suspected treachery. on the previous night two of the indians had been taken suddenly ill, and their sickness had been ascribed by some warriors to poison. so restless and anxious were all the savages that nothing but the influence and tact of major walsh could have procured for me and for your readers the following valuable, indeed, historical, colloquy with this justly famous indian. "i turned to the interpreter and said, 'explain again to sitting bull that he is with a friend.' the interpreter explained. 'banee!' said the chief, holding out his hand again and pressing mine. "major walsh here said: 'sitting bull is in the best mood now that you could possibly wish. proceed with your questions and make them as logical as you can. i will assist you and trip you up occasionally if you are likely to irritate him.' "then the dialogue went on. i give it literally:" "'you are a great chief,' said i to sitting bull, 'but you live behind a cloud. your face is dark, my people do not see it. tell me, do you hate the americans very much?" "a gleam as of fire shot across his face. "'i am no chief.' "this was precisely what i expected. it will dissipate at once the erroneous idea which has prevailed that sitting bull is either a chief or a warrior. "'what are you?' "'i am.' said he, crossing both hands upon his chest, slightly nodding, and smiling satirically, 'a man.' "'what does he mean?' i inquired, turning to major walsh. 'he means,' responded the major, 'to keep you in ignorance of his secret if he can. his position among his bands is anomalous. his own tribe, the uncpapas, are not all in fealty to him. parts of nearly twenty different tribes of sioux, besides a remnant of the uncpapas, abide with him. so far as i have learned, he rules over these fragments of tribes, which compose his camp of twenty-five hundred, including between eight hundred and nine hundred warriors, by sheer compelling force of intellect and will. i believe that he understands nothing particularly of war or military tactics, at least not enough to give him the skill or the right to command warriors in battle. he is supposed to have guided the fortunes of several battles, including the fight in which custer fell. that supposition, as you will presently find, is partially erroneous. his word was always potent in the camp or in the field, but he has usually left to the war-chiefs the duties appertaining to engagements. when the crisis came he gave his opinion, which was accepted as law.' "'what was he then?' i inquired, continuing this momentary dialogue with major walsh. 'was he, is he, a mere medicine man?' "'don't for the world,' replied the major, 'intimate to him, in the questions you are about to ask him, that you have derived the idea from me, or from any one, that he is a mere medicine man. he would deem that a profound insult. in point of fact he is a medicine man, but a far greater, more influential medicine man than any savage i have ever known. he has constituted himself a ruler. he is a unique power among the indians. to the warriors, his people, he speaks with the authority of a robert peel, to their chiefs with that of a richelieu. this does not really express the extent of his influence, for behind peel and richelieu there were traitors and in front of them were factions. sitting bull has no traitors in his camp; there are none to be jealous of him. he does not assert himself over strongly. he does not interfere with the rights or duties of others. his power consists in the universal confidence which is given to his judgment, which he seldom denotes until he is asked for an expression of it. it has been, so far, so accurate, it has guided his people so well, he has been caught in so few mistakes and he has saved even his ablest and oldest chiefs from so many evil consequences of their own misjudgment, that to-day his word among them all is worth more than the united voices of the rest of the camp. he speaks; they listen and they obey. now let us hear what his explanation will be? "'you say you are no chief?' 'no!' with considerable hauteur. "'are you a head soldier?' 'i am nothing--neither a chief nor a soldier.' 'what, nothing?' 'nothing.' "'what, then, makes the warriors of your camp, the great chiefs who are here along with you, look up to you so? why do they think so much of you?' sitting bull's lips curled with a proud smile. 'oh, i used to be a kind of a chief; but the americans made me go away from my father's hunting ground.' "'you do not love the americans?' you should have seen this savage's lips. 'i saw to-day that all the warriors around you clapped their hands and cried out when you spoke. what you said appeared to please them. they liked you. they seemed to think that what you said was right for them to say. if you are not a great chief, why do these men think so much of you?' "at this, sitting bull, who had in the meantime been leaning back against the wall, assumed a posture of mingled toleration and disdain. "'your people lookup to men because they are rich; because they have much land, many lodges, many squaws.' 'yes.' "'well, i suppose my people look up to me because i am poor. that is the difference.' in this answer was concentrated all the evasiveness natural to an indian. "'what is your feeling toward the americans now?' he did not even deign an answer. he touched his hip, where his knife was. "i asked the interpreter to insist on an answer. "'listen,' said sitting bull, not changing his posture, but putting his right hand out upon my knee. i told them to-day what my notions were--that i did not want to go back there. every time that i had any difficulty with them they struck me first. i want to live in peace.' "'have you an implacable enmity to the americans? would you live with them in peace if they allowed you to do so or do you think you can only obtain peace here?' 'the white mother is good.' "'better than the great father?' 'hough!' and then, after a pause, sitting bull continued: 'they [the commissioners] asked me to-day to give them my horses. i bought my horses and they are mine. i bought them from men who came up the missouri in mackinaws. they do not belong to the government, neither do the rifles. the rifles are also mine. i bought them i paid for them. why i should give them up, i do not know. i will not give them up.' "'do you really think, do your people believe that it is wise to reject the proffers that have been made to you by the united states commissioners? do not some of you feel as if you were destined to lose your old hunting grounds? don't you see that you will probably have the same difficulty in canada that you have had in the united states?' 'the white mother does not lie.' "'do you expect to live here by hunting? are there buffaloes enough? can your people subsist on the game here?' 'i don't know. i hope so.' "'if not, are any part of your people disposed to take up agriculture? would any of them raise steers and go to farming? 'i don't know.' "'what will they do, then?' 'as long as there are buffaloes that is the way we will live.' "'but the time will come when there will be no more buffaloes.' 'those are the words of an american.' "'how long do you think the buffaloes will last?' sitting bull arose. 'we know,' said he, extending his right hand with an impressive gesture, 'that on the other side the buffaloes will not last very long. why? because the country over there is poisoned with blood--a poison that kills all the buffaloes or drives them away. it is strange,' he continued, with his peculiar smile, 'that the americans should complain that the indians kill buffaloes. we kill buffaloes, as we kill other animals, for food and clothing, and to make our lodges warm. they kill buffaloes for what? go through your country. see the thousands of carcasses rotting on the plains. your young men shoot for pleasure. all they take from a dead buffalo is his tail or his head, or his horns, perhaps, to show they have killed a buffalo. what is this? is it robbery? you call us savages. what are they? the buffaloes have come north. we have come north to find them, and to get away from a place where the people tell lies.'" {illustration: chief one bull and family.} "to gain time, and not to dwell importunately on a single point, i asked sitting bull to tell me something of his early life. in the first place, where he was born? 'i was born on the missouri river; at least i recollect that somebody told me so--i don't know who told me or where i was told of it.' "'of what tribe are you?' 'i am an uncpapa.' "'of the sioux?' 'yes; of the great sioux nation.' "'who was your father?' 'my father is dead.' "'is your mother living?' 'my mother lives with me in my lodge.' "'great lies are told about you. white men say that you lived among them when you were young; that you went to school; that you learned to write and read from books; that you speak english; that you know how to talk french?' 'it is a lie.' "'you are an indian?' (proudly) 'i am a sioux.' "then suddenly relaxing from his hauteur. sitting bull began to laugh. 'i have heard,' he said, 'of some of these stories. they are all strange lies. what i am i am,' and here he leaned back and resumed his attitude and expression of barbaric grandeur. 'i am a man. i see, i know; i began to see when i was not yet born--when i was not in my mother's arms. it was then i began to study about my people. i studied about many things. i studied about the smallpox, that was killing my people--the great sickness that was killing the women and children. i was so interested that i turned over on my side. the great spirit must have told me at that time (and here he unconsciously revealed his secret), that i would be the man to be the judge of all the other indians--a big man, to decide for them in all their ways.' "'and you have since decided for them?' 'i speak. it is enough.' "'could not your people, whom you love so well, get on with the americans?' 'no!' "'why?' 'i never taught my people to trust americans. i have told them the truth--that the americans are great liars. i never dealt with the americans. why should i? the land belonged to my people. i say i never dealt with them--i mean i never treated with them in a way to surrender my people's rights. i traded with them, but i always gave full value for what i got. i never asked the united states government to make me presents of blankets or cloth, or anything of that kind. the most i did was to ask them to send me an honest trader that i could trade with, and i proposed to give him buffalo robes and elk skins, and other hides in exchange for what we wanted. i told every trader who came to our camps that i did not want any favors from him--that i wanted to trade with him fairly and equally, giving him full value for what i got, but the traders wanted me to trade with them on no such terms. they wanted to give little and get much. they told me if i did not accept what they gave me in trade they would get the government to fight me. i told them i did not want to fight.' "'but you fought?' 'at last, yes; but not until i had tried hard to prevent a fight. at first my young men, when they began to talk bad, stole five american horses. i did not like this and was afraid something bad would come of it. i took the horses away from them and gave them back to the americans. it did no good. by and by we had to fight.'" the reporter now drew from the great leader his version of the little big horn fight, and the death of custer. but, as neither party to the dialogue were in the battle, this part of the interview must of necessity be the work of imagination and will not be quoted. it is impossible for any one to give an authentic description of a battle fought in his absence. john f. finnerty, the war correspondent for the chicago _times,_ also visited sitting bull, while he and his band were encamped on mushroom creek, woody mountain, in the summer of . his experience with the "sphinx" was somewhat different from that of the other reporter. the invitation to make this visit also came from major walsh, of the mounted police, who called at general miles's camp, on rocky creek, a few days previous. we can only quote a few paragraphs bearing directly on the famous chief: "so," thought i, "i am going to see the elephant. i have followed sitting bull around long enough, and now i shall behold 'the lion in his den,' in earnest. presently the tramping and shouting of the scalp-dance ceased, and the chiefs, their many colored blankets folded around them, after the fashion of the ancient toga, came filing down to the council, seating themselves according to their tribes in a big semicircle. "major walsh had chairs placed for himself and me under the shade of his garden fence. the chiefs seated themselves on the ground, after the turkish fashion. behind them, rank after rank, were the mounted warriors, and still further back, the squaws and children. the chiefs were all assembled, and i inquired which was sitting bull. 'he is not among them,' said major walsh. 'he will not speak in council where americans are present, because he stubbornly declares he will have nothing to do with them. you will see him, however, before very long.' "soon afterward, an indian mounted on a cream-colored pony, and holding in his hand an eagle's wing, which did duty for a fan, spurred in back of the chiefs and stared stolidly for a minute or two at me. his hair, parted in the ordinary sioux fashion, was without a plume. his broad face and wide jaws were destitute of paint, and as he sat there on his horse, regarding me with a look which seemed blended of curiosity and insolence, i did not need to be told that he was sitting bull. "'that is old bull himself,' said the major. 'he will hear everything, but will say nothing until he feels called upon to agitate something with the tribe? "after a little, the noted savage dismounted, and led his horse partly into the shade. i noticed he was an inch or two over the medium height, broadly built, rather bow-legged, i thought, and he limped slightly, as though from an old wound. he sat upon the ground, and was soon engirdled by a crowd of young warriors, with whom he was an especial favorite, as representing the unquenchable hostility of the aboriginal savage to the hated palefaces. "i amused myself on july by accompanying the major to a bluff immediately overlooking the sioux camp, and from which a complete view of the numbers and surroundings of that great horde of savages could be obtained. i thought there were, at the lowest calculation, from one thousand to eleven hundred lodges in that encampment. there must have been twenty-five hundred fighting men, at the least, in the confederated tribes. arms and ammunition were plentiful, but food of any kind was scarce. the indians did not seem to trouble themselves about concealing their strength; on the contrary, they seemed to glory in it, and the young warriors wore an air of haughty hostility whenever i came near them. their leaders, however, treated me respectfully. sitting bull only stared at me occasionally, but was not rude, as was often his habit when brought in contact with people he supposed to be americans, whom he hated with inconceivable rancor. he said to larrabee, the interpreter: 'that man (meaning me) is from the other side. i want nothing to do with the americans. they do not treat me well. they cheat me when i trade. they have my country now. let them keep it. i never seek anybody. least of all do i seek any americans." "this rather nettled me, for i had made not the slightest attempt to speak to mr. bull, and, in fact, did not care much to interview him, as he had been long ago pumped dry about his hatred of our people, and that was about his chief stock-in-trade, although i am not going to deny that he had some great mysterious power over the sioux, and especially over his own tribe of uncpapas. he was, in fact, their beau-ideal of implacable hostility to the paleface, and he shouted at the united states, from the safe recesses of the queen's dominions, 'no surrender!' "'tell sitting bull,' i said to larrabee, 'that if he does not seek me, neither do i him. i am not going to beg him to speak to me.' "the interpreter laughed and said: 'it is just as well not to take any notice. he may be in better humor by-and-by.' "many of the high-minded and most of the vicious men among the indians of the northwest found their leader in sitting bull, who, although often unpopular with his fellow-chiefs, was always potent for evil with the wild and restless spirits who believed that war against the whites was, or ought to be, the chief object of their existence. this was about the true status of the indian agitator in those days. he had strong personal magnetism. his judgment was said to be superior to his courage, and his cunning superior to both. he had not, like crazy horse, the reputation of being recklessly brave, but neither was he reputed a dastard. sitting bull was simply prudent and would not throw away his life, so long as he had any chance of doing injury to the americans. "it is true that the wily savage was to all intents and purposes, a british subject, but his influence crossed the line, and no settlers would venture on milk river until the implacable savage was thoroughly whipped and humbled. i don't care what any one says about sitting bull not having been a warrior. if he had not the sword, he had at least the magic sway of a mohammed over the rude war tribes that engirdled him. everybody talks of sitting bull, and, whether he be a figure-head or an idea or an incomprehensible mystery, his old-time influence was undoubted. his very name was potent. he was the rhoderick dhu of his wild and warlike race, and when he fell the sioux confederation fell with him. the agitator was then verging on fifty, but hardly looked it. "mrs. allen, wife of the post trader, said sitting bull was the nicest indian around the trading-post, always treating her with the most marked consideration, and never intruding upon the privacy of the household, by hanging around at meal time, as some of the others did. in the hostile camp i had several opportunities of studying his face, and i can say honestly that 'old sit' has a fine aboriginal countenance, and, once seen, he can never be forgotten. i heard his voice many times--deep guttural, but, at the same time, melodious. he called my friend, walsh, 'meejure,' his nearest approach to the pronunciation of 'major.' in manner he was dignified but not stiff, and when in good humor, which occurred pretty often, he laughed with the ease of a schoolboy. the traditional idea of white people that indians never laugh, is but a time-honored absurdity. among themselves they are often gayly boisterous, and i know of no people who can enjoy what they consider a good joke better. "the indians appeared to be pretty short on meat supply during my stay in their camp, but the poor creatures had no more idea of the imminence of the famine which subsequently compelled their surrender, than so many children. the faithful squaws went out on the wooded bluffs and gathered all kinds of berries to make up for the lack of animal food. yet it was the intense humanity of major walsh that absolutely kept the wretched people from eating their horses. i knew then that the reign of sitting bull would not be long in the land." in the fall of , e. h. allison, the army scout, who was master of the sioux language, was ordered by gen. a. h. terry to visit the camp of sitting bull and induce that leader and his band to surrender. accordingly, the scout made preparation to start, by filling an army wagon with provisions and presents for the indians. he now selected the four best mules in the camp to draw the wagon, and private day, a soldier, volunteered as teamster, dressed in citizen's clothes. the scout and his companion started from port buford october , and reached the camp of sitting bull in due time. they found the indians on the west bank of frenchman's creek, just where it joins milk river, which is in the northern part of montana. "we reached the camp," said the scout, "about p. m., when i was rather agreeably surprised and somewhat puzzled by receiving a pressing invitation, which could easily be construed into a command, to make my home at sitting bull's lodge, as long as i stayed in the camp. i accepted the invitation, but stipulated that chief gall should superintend the distribution of the provisions which i had brought them. [he thus satisfied both chiefs and their followers.] to this sitting bull readily acceded, and i was soon comfortably housed, together with the soldier, in the tepee of the great indian priest and prophet. after an early supper, i sought and obtained a private interview with chief gall, who, knowing the object of my visit, informed me that he had resolved to effect the surrender of the entire band. sitting bull and all, but to accomplish this more time would be required than he had first anticipated. he must first go back to canada, to enable sitting bull to keep an engagement to meet major walsh, of the dominion forces, in a council, at the woody mountain trading post. and to insure success, and expedite matters, he advised that i should meet him again at woody mountain, as soon as possible, after reporting to major brotherton, at fort buford. considering the circumstances, i deemed it best to acquiesce in his plans. yet i was anxious to make some kind of a showing on this trip that would encourage major brotherton, and reward him for the confidence he had placed in me. i explained this to chief gail, who told me to remain in the camp two days, to rest my mules, and by that time he would have twenty families ready to send in with me; but he cautioned me not to let silting bull know their real purpose, but to lead him to suppose they were only going in to the agency on a visit to their friends. "perfectly satisfied with these arrangements, i returned a little after dark to sitting bull's lodge, where the soldier, who could not speak a word of the indian language, was having a lonesome time, and growing somewhat anxious for my safety. we were both very tired and soon lay down to rest, while i engaged the old chief in conversation. sitting bull's family at that time consisted of his two wives (sisters), two daughters and three sons, the eldest being a daughter of seventeen, the other daughter being next, about fourteen, the eldest son, crow foot (since dead), seven years old, and the two youngest boys were twins, born about three weeks before the battle of the little big horn, and were, therefore, not more than four and a half years old; one of the twins was named ih-pe-ya-na-pa-pi, from the fact that his mother 'fled and abandoned him in the tepee,' at the time of the battle. the accompanying cut shows the arrangement of beds, etc., in the lodge, while we were there. "i continued in conversation with the chief until about midnight, when i fell asleep. i must have been asleep less than an hour, when i was awakened by the sharp crack of a rifle ringing out on the still night air, and the simultaneous war-whoop of contending savages. the camp was instantly in a state of the wildest confusion. indian women, seizing their babies, fled, screaming, they knew not whither, for safety; warriors suddenly awakened from their slumbers, seized their arms and flew with the speed of the wind to the aid of their comrades, who were already engaged in conflict with an enemy, whose presence could only be determined by the sharp report and flashes of fire from their guns, as they fired in the darkness upon the sioux camp. here was an opportunity for the soldier and myself to prove our friendship, by aiding the sioux warriors in their defense of the camp, which we proceeded to do, by seizing our rifles and hastily joining the warriors, who, by this time, had turned the enemy, whose firing soon ceased altogether, and we all returned to the camp, where comparative quiet was restored; but no one slept any more that night. our muscles were strained and our nervous systems were unstrung." {illustration: rain-in-the face, accredited slayer of tom custer.} "the fact that myself and companion took part in the defense of the camp was favorably commented on by all, and in all probability saved our lives, for the indians are very superstitious, and their blood was up; something was wrong; in fact, things had been going wrong for several days. there must be a 'jonah' in the camp, and how easy it would be to find a pair of 'jonahs' in the persons of two white men in camp; but our prompt action had made a most favorable impression, and diverted their thoughts from the subject of 'jonahs,' and i improved the opportunity by comparing their uncertain, hunted existence with the happy life of their friends at the agencies in dakota, whose wives and little ones were even then sleeping peacefully in their beds, without fear of being disturbed by prowling bands of indian foes. "a number of warriors followed cautiously after the retreating blackfeet, but failed to come up with them. they returned to camp about ten in the morning, and reported finding blood-stained bandages on the trail, so there must have been some of the enemy wounded. among the sioux, no one was hurt, nor did they lose any horses on this occasion. but danger was yet lurking near. about two in the afternoon, a warrior came into camp and reported the discovery of a small herd of buffalo, about four miles from camp. about thirty warriors mounted their horses and went out to kill them; among the number was scarlet plume, a popular young brave, who was a favorite with every one. the warriors approached the buffalo under cover, till they were within easy rifle range, when they opened fire and killed all but one, which struck on across the plain, seemingly unhurt. young scarlet plume alone gave chase, following the animal and finally killing it near the head of a ravine, running up from the milk river, which at that point was densely studded with timber. he had killed his last buffalo. he was alone and more than a mile from his companions. a party of blackfeet braves, concealed in the timber, had been watching his movements, and now, while he was busily engaged skinning the buffalo, they approached, under cover of the ravine, shot him, took his scalp and made good their escape. his body was found by his father. old scarlet thunder, and was brought by him into camp, a little before sunset that evening. then indeed there was weeping and wailing in that camp. language utterly fails me when i try to describe the scene that followed. his old mother, his five sisters, and scores of friends and relatives, tore their hair, slashed their limbs with knives, till the ground where they stood was wet with hot human gore; they rent their garments, calling in a loud wailing voice upon the name of the lost son and brother. "it was no time for negotiations. not a time for anything, in fact, but silence and obscurity on my part; so, with my companion, i sought the seclusion of sitting bull's tepee, where we spent the night in fitful and unrefreshing slumber. early in the morning, at the first faint dawn of day, i was awakened by a call from chief gall, whom i joined in a walk about the camp. he informed me that the twenty lodges he had promised me had silently taken their departure during the night, and that i would find them in the evening encamped about twenty miles down the milk river. he said that five women and nine children belonging to the party, but who had no horses, had remained behind, and desired to ride in my wagon. he also informed me that strong hand would return with me to poplar creek. accordingly, as soon as breakfast was over, we hitched up the mules, and were only too glad to get away from a place, where, to say the least, our experience had been very unpleasant. strong hand was returning afoot, and at his suggestion, i loaned him my horse, to enable him to traverse the river bottoms in quest of deer. the women and children climbed in the wagon with their meager effects, and we began moving out of the camp. strong hand riding just in advance of the mules, while i occupied a seat with the driver. "it was nearly dark when we came up with the twenty lodges sent on ahead by chief gall. strong hand was there with plenty of good venison and we soon had a hot supper. we returned in safety to fort buford, where, i hope, with a pardonable degree of pride i turned over to major brotherton the first fruits of my labor, twenty lodges of the hostile sioux, and submitted an official report to be forwarded to general terry, of this, my visit to the camp of sitting bull." a short time after this scout allison heard from an indian who arrived from sitting bull's camp that an open rupture had occurred between chief gall and sitting bull. this was occasioned by the discovery of some of the adherents of sitting bull that chief gall had instigated the desertion of the twenty lodges who had come with allison to buford. concealment being no longer possible, chief gall, characteristically prompt in action, had leaped into the midst of the camp, and publicly called upon all who acknowledged him as chief to separate themselves from the followers of sitting bull, and prepare immediately to follow him to fort buford. it was a bold thing to do, and the first time in the history of the reign of sitting bull that his authority had been set at defiance. it was clearly a test of supremacy, and chief gall came off victorious, taking away from sitting bull fully two-thirds of the entire band. on july , , sitting bull, with the remainder of his band, surrendered at fort buford. two days later all the captive hostiles, numbering , , were turned over to the agent at standing rock, north dakota. ellis, in his "indian wars," informs us that "for a time the old chief acted like a good indian. he exhibited himself for weeks in new york and other cities, where he naturally aroused much interest and curiosity. a striking scene was that observed in , when, at one of the railway stations of the west, sitting bull sat on a windy eminence selling his autographs for a dollar and a half apiece. in the smiling group of purchasers gathered around him were generals u. s. grant and p. h. sheridan, carl schurz, w. m. evarts, a number of united states senators and congressmen, several british noblemen, besides berlin bankers, german professors, railway presidents, financiers and journalists. the old chief did a thriving trade disposing of his signature, of which this is a facsimile:" {illustration: facsimile of sitting bull's signature.} "in july and august, , sitting bull, at a conference at standing rock, influenced his tribe to refuse to relinquish their lands. he was as defiant as ever, and, but for his death, must have been the leading actor in the last outbreak." nothing more is heard of sitting bull until , when that strange hallucination, the messiah craze, took possession of some of the sioux bands. this strong delusion seems to have had its origin in about the following manner, as we learn from a letter written to general miles by an army officer stationed at los angeles, california, and bearing the date of november , . in it the officer says: "i know you will be surprised when i say to you, i have found the messiah, and the story of my finding him is as follows: last spring an indian called and said he would like to speak to the commander. i took him into the room, and he gave me a history of himself. he said his name was johnson sides; that he was known as the peace-maker among all indians and whites of nevada, where he lived. "to substantiate his statement he showed me a medal which he carried strung around his neck, on which was a legend to the effect that he was presented with the medal by some christian society for his efforts toward doing good to his fellowmen, whether white or red. "he could talk very good english, was dressed like an ordinary laborer, but had the indian's way of wearing his hair. he told me he knew the bible; that he was desirous of making peace with every one, and that is why he was named peacemaker. he said that indians had come from far and near to see him, and he pulled out a pipe, such as are made by northern indians, which pipe was recognized as having come from either montana or dakota. johnson sides said it came from dakota, and the kind of clay of which it was made could not be found in nevada, and that the stem was of a peculiar wood, not found in nevada or california. he mentioned the names of the indians who had visited him, and the tribes to which they belonged; also gave the time they had called. "i firmly believe that this is the good-natured indian that has caused all this trouble; that he has taught the members of his tribe the story of christ, or the messiah, and the time when he will once more visit this earth, as it has been taught him by the christian people interested in his welfare. he has told these visiting indians of the paradise in store for all people when the son shall once more visit the earth; and the indian's paradise is whatever his imagination may lead him to believe, the same as the white man's. he has no doubt delivered the story in its true light, and the indians, in retelling the story, have warped and woven it according to their understanding." it is believed that some of the sioux of the standing rock agency were among those who visited johnson sides, and it is thought that the messiah craze and ghost dance grew out of the excitement incident to their report of the visit, warped by an overwrought imagination. while matters were thus shaping themselves, the wily old medicine man, sitting bull, bided his time watching for an opportunity to regain his former prestige. vague traditions had always existed concerning the second coming of christ. pontiac, tecumseh and black hawk were each in touch with a "prophet" who fired the imaginations of warriors and head chiefs to a frenzy. so the sagacious leader believed that once more his hour had struck. was not he, sitting bull, a great medicine man? a religious teacher? and shall he not lead his people in this? clearly this was his opportunity, but in order to be an effectual leader, he must first see the messiah. this he actually claimed to have done, and the story was related to mr. zook, a montana ranchman, as follows: "sitting bull was hunting one day near the shoshone mountains, and as night came on he was seized with a strange feeling, and at first involuntarily, but finally with alacrity, he followed a star, which moved westward through the sky. all night the star guided him, and near morning he met the messiah, clad in a white robe. his hair flowed upon his shoulders, his beard was long, and around his head shone a bright halo. when sitting bull beheld this wonderful apparition, he fainted and had a strange dream. a band of cheyennes and arapahoes, who had long since been dead, appeared to him and danced, inviting him to join them. presently he was restored to his senses, and the messiah spoke to him. he asked him if the indians would not rejoice to see their dead kindred and the buffalo restored to life, and sitting bull assured him that they would be deeply gratified. then the messiah told him that he had come to save the white men, but that they persecuted him; and now he had come to rescue the long-tormented indian. he showed him the holes in his hands, made by the nails when he was crucified, to convince him that he was the same christ who had appeared nineteen hundred years ago. all day christ instructed him and gave him evidence of his power. he said that the white men had come to take him, but as they approached the soil became quicksand and the men and horses sank. as evening came on, he bade sitting bull depart; and although he had been hunting away from his tepee for ten sleeps, he came to it in a very few minutes. he told his people his story and sent others to verify his statements, and they told the same tales." when the indians heard of this wonderful vision of sitting bull, they came in swarms and pitched their tepees around him. there, at his suggestion, they inaugurated the "worship dances," and forming a ring to the number of three thousand people, they danced around sitting bull and his chiefs, while chanting a monotonous accompaniment of weird strains. thus they danced all night, or until they dropped down from sheer exhaustion, when others would take their place. sitting bull soon became the acknowledged lender in this strange form of worship, which spread like wild fire among the sioux of the reservations. indian agent mclaughlin called on sitting bull at his camp on grand river, forty miles southwest from fort yates, and had an earnest talk with the great medicine man, hoping to dissuade him and his deluded followers from their absurd action and unwarranted expectations. sitting bull seemed a little impressed, but still assumed the role of big chief before his followers. "he finally," said mclaughlin, "made me a proposition, which was that i should accompany him on a journey to trace from the beginning the story of the indian messiah, and when he reached the last tribe, or where it originated, if they could not produce the man who started the story, and we did not find the new messiah, as described, upon the earth, together with the dead indians returning to reinhabit this country, he would return convinced that they (the indians) had been too credulous and imposed upon, which report from him would satisfy the sioux, and all practices of the ghost societies would cease; but if we found the messiah, they be permitted to continue their medicine practices, and organize as they are now endeavoring to do. "i told him that this proposition was a novel one, but that the attempt to carry it out would be similar to an attempt to catch up with the wind that blew last year, but that i wished him to come to my house, where i would give him a whole night, or a day and a night, in which time i thought i could convince him of the absurdity of this foolish craze, and the fact of his making me the proposition that he did was a convincing proof that he did not fully believe in what he was professing and he tried so hard to make others believe. "he did not, however, promise fully to come into the agency to discuss the matter, but said he would consider my talk and decide after deliberation." nothing came of it, however, and when it was found that neither cajolery nor threats availed with sitting bull his arrest was determined on. it was held that his failure to send his children to the agency school, and to report in person, was a sufficient breach of peace to justify such a step. the warrant for the arrest was sent in the form of the following telegram: "headquarters department of dakota, st. paul, minn., dec. , . "_to commanding officer, fort yates, north dakota:_ "the division commander has directed that you make it your especial duty to secure the person of sitting bull. call on the indian agent to cooperate and render such assistance as will best promote the purpose in view. "acknowledge receipt, and if not perfectly clear, report back. "by command of general ruger. "(signed) m. barber, assistant adjutant-general." after colonel drum, the commandant at fort yates, had consulted with major mclaughlin, the indian agent, it was decided that the arrest should be effected through the indian police. accordingly, a band of police, under the command of lieut. henry bull head, was detailed to make the capture. the indian police, to the number of forty, set out to perform their errand, followed at some distance by two troops of cavalry under captain fetchet and a body of infantry, under colonel drum. five miles from sitting bull's camp, the troops and police held a consultation. it was agreed that the soldiers should station themselves within two or three miles of the indian camp, where they could be readily signaled. lieutenant bull head now selected ten policemen, including sergeants shave head and red tomahawk, and at their head entered the house about : o'clock on the morning of december , and arrested sitting bull. he occupied considerable time in dressing, and at first accepted his arrest quietly; but while dressing, his son, crowfoot, commenced upbraiding him for agreeing to go with the police. on this sitting bull became stubborn and refused to go. after some parleying, the police removed him from the house and found themselves and prisoner in the midst of a howling mob of ghost-dancers, frenzied with rage. {illustration: indian village.} in a letter written by major mclaughlin we learn what happened at this time. said he: "the policemen reasoned with the crowd, gradually forcing them back, thus increasing the open circle considerably; but sitting bull kept calling upon his followers to rescue him from the police; that if the two principal men, bull head and shave head, were killed, the others would run away; and he finally called out for them to commence the attack, whereupon catch-the-bear, and strike-the-kettle, two of sitting bull's men, dashed through the crowd and fired. lieutenant bull head was standing on one side of sitting bull and sergeant shave head on the other, with sergeant red tomahawk behind, to prevent his escaping. catch-the-bear's shot struck bull head on the right side, and he instantly wheeled and shot sitting bull, hitting him in the left side, between the tenth and eleventh ribs, and strike-the-kettle's shot having passed through shave head's abdomen, all three fell together. catch-the-bear, who fired the first shot, was immediately shot down by private lone man." it is said that while reeling, sitting bull managed to draw a revolver, which exploded just as he fell, the ball entering bull head's thigh. at the same instant the second sergeant, red tomahawk, shot the old chief in the stomach. the fight now became general, sitting bull's followers swarmed around the police and guns were clubbed. the ground was strewn with broken stocks and bent barrels. the entire force of indian police under red tomahawk now engaged in the fray, but were getting the worst of it and retreated to sitting bull's house. at this instant the white soldiers arrived and quickly formed for action. the cavalry, under captain fechet, charged the indians, while the artillery, under lieutenant brooks, began to shell them with their hotchkiss and gatling guns, and the hostiles fled in disorder. though badly wounded, sitting bull crawled into the bushes, and, like custer before him, made his "last stand," fighting desperately with his winchester. he was dragged forth and an indian policeman sprang forward with a small pole, used on the sides of wagons, and beat in his head, while others broke his rifle over his head, and slashed his face horribly with their knives. lieutenant slocum did all he could to prevent this brutality, but the indian police were infuriated on account of their loss and beyond his control. thus died one of the greatest, and certainly the most famous, indian since tecumseh. he divides honors with little turtle, in having planned and gained the greatest victories ever achieved by the indian over his white foe. nor will any warrior of the future surpass sitting bull, for the last great battle between the two races has been fought. it will be remembered that three among the greatest of the indian chiefs, philip, pontiac and sitting bull, were slain by indians. many sensational writers profess to believe that sitting bull was murdered, and that when his arrest was arranged it was understood that an excuse was to be found for putting him out of the way. we can not believe that our government and military authorities would plot a deliberate and horrible murder. this has never been our record in disposing of vanquished foes. we firmly believe that had the great leader submitted to arrest quietly his life would have been spared. but it was sitting bull who alarmed the camp and ordered the attack, which was commenced by his own warriors. the fight which resulted was brief but desperate, and there fell of the ghost-dancers, besides sitting bull, catch-the-bear, black bird, little assiniboine, crow foot (son of sitting bull, seventeen years old), spotted horse bull, a chief; brave thunder, a chief, and chase, badly wounded. of the police there were killed, bull head, the lieutenant in command; shave head, first sergeant; little eagle, fourth sergeant; afraid-of-soldiers, private; john armstrong and hawk man, special police, and middle, mortally wounded. the bodies of the indian police were all buried with military honors in the agency cemetery at fort yates a few days later. but the surviving police and their friends objected so strenuously to the interment of sitting bull among their dead that he was buried in the cemetery of the post, some distance away. hundreds of tourists go each year to see the last resting place of this truly great indian; and, vandal-like, rob the grave and vicinity of whatever they can find, as relics. sitting bull was an enigma, and never fully understood by white man or indian. he prided himself, like all medicine men, in being mysterious; the fact that he was a true patriot, from the indian's standpoint, none can question. his old friend and fellow-chief, rain-in-the-face, was buried by his side. united during most of their stormy lives, it was appropriate that "in death they were not divided." both sleep peacefully in the indian cemetery of the standing rock reservation. the name, standing rock, comes from a solitary stone which stands on the bank of the missouri river at this point. following is the legend: long years ago, probably before columbus' caravels crossed to the western world, a ree indian took a sioux squaw for his second wife. his first spouse, and mother of his child, could not brook the rival and daily pined in silence and sorrow. in vain her husband's assurances that she was still first in his heart and home. the sight of the usurper ate into her heart, and at last, with her babe on her shoulders, she fled as did hagar with ishmael, although in this case it was sarah who left her husband's home. her friends followed her, pleading with her to return, since only death and starvation awaited her, but she kept on her way until she reached the bank of the missouri. there she sat with the child on her shoulders, paying no heed to her friends, until at last she broke her silence. "leave me," she said. "i am turning to stone, and my child and i shall sit here forever." even as she spoke the change came over her, and there the mother and child sit to-day. the indians called the standing rock "wokan," or holy, and for centuries votive offerings were laid before it. the government placed it upon a pedestal, and sphinx-like it looks toward the east, over the land from which the indian has been driven forever. chapter xiv. chief joseph, of the nez perces, or hin-mah- too-yah-lat-kekt. thunder rolling in the mountains--the modern xenophon. this remarkable man, and greatest indian since tecumseh, was born, according to his own statement, in eastern oregon, in the year . in the _north american review,_ of april, , is an article dictated by joseph, in which he states that his tribe was originally called the chute-pa-lu, and gives the origin of the name nez perces (nose pierced), as applied to them, as follows: "we did not know there were other people besides the indian until about one hundred winters ago, when some men with white faces came to our country. they brought many things with them to trade for furs and skins. they brought tobacco, which was new to us. they also brought guns with flint stones on them, which frightened our women and children. "our people could not talk with these white-faced men, but they used signs which all people understand. these men were frenchmen, and they called our people 'nez perces,' because they wore rings in their noses for ornaments. although very few of our people wear them now, we are still called by the same name. "the first white men of your people who came to our country were named lewis and clark. they also brought many things our people had never seen. they talked straight and our people gave them a great feast, as proof that their hearts were friendly. these men were very kind. they made presents to our chiefs and our people made presents to them. we had a great many horses, of which we gave them what they needed, and they gave us guns and tobacco in return. all the nez perces made friends with lewis and clark, and agreed to let them pass through their country, and never to make war on white men. this promise the nez perces have never broken. no white man can accuse them of bad faith and speak with a straight tongue. it has always been the pride of the nez perces that they were the friends of the white men." chief joseph's father was also a chief, and called joseph. it seems that this name was given to him by rev. mr. spaulding, who was associated with dr. marcus whitman, and at one time a missionary to the lower nez perces. a strange man was old joseph, a sturdy, strong-built man with a will of iron and a foresight that never failed him, save when he welcomed the americans to his country. he had some strange notions, too, one of which was that "no man owned any part of the earth, and a man could not sell what he did not own." he seems to have been an aboriginal henry george in his idea that ownership in land should be limited to occupancy. in governor stevens and rev. mr. spaulding invited all the nez perces to a treaty council. old joseph was present, and when mr. spaulding urged him to sign the treaty, he answered, "why do you ask me to sign away my country? it is your business to talk to us about spirit matters, and not to talk to us about parting with our land." when governor stevens also urged him to sign the treaty he refused, saying, "i will not sign your paper; you go where you please, so do i; you are not a child. i am no child; i can think for myself. no man can think for me. i have no other home than this. i will not give it up to any man. my people would have no home. take away your paper, i will not touch it with my hand!" old joseph was as firm as a rock and would never sign way his rights to wallowa (winding water), claiming that it had always belonged to his people and their title should be perpetuated. he even went so far as to enclose the entire tract with poles firmly planted in the ground, and said, "inside this boundary is the home of my people. the white man may take the land outside. within this boundary all our people were born. it circles around the graves of our fathers, and we will never give up these graves to any man." deluded old joseph! vain was your effort; nor would a chinese wall have long been an effectual barrier against the encroachments of the whites, who had seen and coveted the beautiful valley of the "winding waters." ere long white settlers established homes _inside_ the boundaries of the aged chief, in spite of his remonstrance. and the united states government, instead of protecting him in his rights, coolly claimed that it had bought all the nez perces country outside of lapwai reservation from chief lawyer and others. on account of these encroachments another treaty was made in . by this time old joseph had become blind and feeble, and could no longer speak for his people. it was then that young joseph took his father's place as chief, and made his first speech to white men. said he to the agent who held the council: "i did not want to come to this council, but i came, hoping that we could save blood. the white man has no right to come here and take our country. we have never accepted any presents from the government. neither lawyer nor any other chief had authority to sell this land. it has always belonged to my people. it came unclouded to them from our fathers, and we will defend this land as long as a drop of indian blood warms the hearts of our men." the agent told joseph he had orders from the great white chief at washington for his band to go upon the lapwai reservation, and that if they obeyed he would help them in many ways. "you _must_ move to the agency," he said. to which joseph replied, " will not. i do not need your help; we have plenty, and we are contented and happy if the white man will let us alone. the reservation is too small for so many people with all their stock. you can keep your presents; we can go to your towns and pay for all we need; we have plenty of horses and cattle to sell, and we won't have any help from you; we are free now; we can go where we please. our fathers were born here. here they lived, here they died, here are their graves. we will never leave them." the agent went away, and the indians had peace for a little while. in his narrative young joseph said, "soon after this my father sent for me. i saw he was dying. i took his hand in mine. he said: 'my son, my body is returning to my mother earth, and my spirit is going very soon to see the great spirit chief. when i am gone, think of your country. you are the chief of these people. they look to you to guide them. always remember that your father never sold his country. you must stop your ears whenever you are asked to sign a treaty selling your home. a few years more and white men will be all around you. they have their eyes on this land. my son, never forget my dying words. this country holds your father's body. never sell the bones of your father and your mother.' i pressed my father's hand and told him i would protect his grave with my life. my father smiled and passed away to the spirit land. i buried him in that beautiful valley of 'winding waters.' i love that land more than all the rest of the world. a man who would not love his father's grave is worse than a wild animal." spoken like the noble son of an equally noble sire. inspired by such words of burning patriotism, is it any wonder that young joseph resisted the encroachments of the whites and the machinations of the government authorities to the bitter end, and not only gave them "a run for their money," but the most stubbornly contested campaign of all our indian wars? chief joseph, of the nez perces, was more than six feet in height, of magnificent physique, strikingly handsome and graceful, with a native dignity, and a mind of great strength. he was a true patriot and in defense of his country evinced the genius of a natural born general, and could he have received the training of west point, he would have become the peer of grant, lee or sherman. he conducted, as will be seen, one of the most skilful and masterly retreats in the annals of warfare. {illustration: chief joseph of the nez perces, or hin-mah-too-yah-lat-kekt.} he was, moreover, as eloquent as logan or red jacket, and a gifted logician, who could not be refuted. he disposed of the question in dispute in a manner that was at once logical and unanswerable. said he, "if we ever owned the land we own it still, for we never sold it. in the treaty councils the commissioners have claimed that our country had been sold to the government. suppose a white man should come to me and say, 'joseph, i like your horses and i want to buy them.' i say to him, 'no, my horses suit me; i will not sell them.' then he goes to my neighbor and says to him, 'joseph has some good horses. i want to buy them, but he refuses to sell.' my neighbor answers, 'pay me the money and i will sell you joseph's horses.' the white man returns to me and says, 'joseph, i have bought your horses and you must let me have them.' if we sold our lands to the government this is the way they were bought." after the wrong was consummated, when joseph was permitted to go to washington and talk to our wise men, he said, "i have asked some of the great white chiefs where they get their authority to say to the indian that he shall stay in one place, while he sees white men going where they please. they can not tell me." that question will never be answered. in his report of september, , gen. o. o. howard said, "i think it a great mistake to take from joseph and his band of nez perces indians that (the wallowa) valley. the white people really do not want it. they wish to be bought out. i think gradually this valley will be abandoned by the white people, and possibly congress can be induced to let these really peaceable indians have this poor valley for their own." lieut.-col. h. clay wood was another member of the commission who, in his report of august , , on "the status of young joseph and his band of nez perces indians," gave his opinion that the government had so far failed to comply with its agreements in the treaty of ; that none of the nez perces were bound by it. he also made a minority report as commissioner, recommending that although joseph's band would have to be moved eventually, yet that, "until joseph commits some overt act of hostility, force should not be used to put him upon any reservation." the other members of the commission, d. h. jerome, william stickney and a. c. barstow, must have made a very different report, for certain it is, the department of the interior, acting on its recommendations, ordered the non-treaties to be placed on the lapwai reservation. by virtue of his office as commander of that district, general howard was the agent to enforce this order. he met the non-treaties in may, and found, as he must have anticipated, that they were unwilling to go on the reservation. general howard held three councils with the malcontent indians at fort lapwai, the station of the indian agency for the nez perces reservation, said to be the loveliest valley of idaho. the last of these councils, that of may , , was indeed a stormy session. the principal speaker on this occasion was too-hool-hool-suit, who was a dreamer as well as a prophet, priest and chief. he taught that the earth having been created by god in its completeness, should not be interfered with, disturbed or improved by man, and that if the indians continued steadfast in their belief, a great leader would be raised up in the east, at a single blast of whose trumpet all the dead warriors would start suddenly into life, and that the millions of braves thus collected would expel the white man from the continent of america, and repossess it for their own dusky race. the old dreamer was a man of great importance and remarkable influence among the indians. as the council proceeded, too-hool-hool-suit arose and said to general howard: "the great spirit chief made the world as it is, and as he wanted it, and he made a part of it for us to live upon. i do not see where you get authority to say that we shall not live where he placed us." chief joseph says general howard now lost his temper, and said: "shut up! i don't want to hear any more such talk. the law says you shall go upon the reservation to live, and i want you to do so, but you persist in disobeying the law [meaning the treaty]. if you do not move i will take the matter into my own hand and make you suffer for your disobedience." too-hool-hool-suit answered: "who are you, that you ask us to talk, and then tell me i shan't talk? are you the great spirit? did you make the world? did you make the sun? did you make the river to run for us to drink? or the grass to grow? did you make all these things, that you talk to us as though we were boys? if you did, then you have the right to talk as you do." general howard replied, "you are an impudent fellow, and i will put you in the guard-house," and then ordered a soldier to arrest him. too-hool-hool-suit made no resistance. he asked general howard: "is that your order? i don't care. i have expressed my heart to you. i have nothing to take back. i have spoken for my country. you can arrest me, but you can not change me or make me take back what i have said." continuing, joseph said: "the soldiers came forward and seized my friend and took him to the guard-house. my men whispered among themselves whether they should let this thing be done. i counseled them to submit. if i had said nothing, general howard would never have given another unjust order against my men. i saw the danger, and, while they dragged too-hool-hool-suit to prison, i arose and said: '_i am going to talk now._ i don't care whether you arrest me or not.' i turned to my people and said: 'the arrest of too-hool-hool-suit was wrong, but we will not resent the insult. we were invited to this council to express our hearts, and we have done so.' too-hool-hool-suit was a prisoner five days before he was released." this indian chief was, therefore, put under military arrest and confined for five days for delivering himself of what general howard calls a "_tirade_" in a council to which the indians had been invited to come for the purpose of consultation and expression of sentiment. as the indian commissioner, in his annual report for , well says, "if such and so swift penalty as this, for 'tirades' in council were the law of our land, especially in the district of columbia, it would be 'no just cause of complaint' when indians suffer for it. but considering the frequency, length and safety of 'tirades' in all parts of america, it seems unjust not to permit indians to deliver them. however, they do come under the head of 'spontaneous productions of the soil;' and an indian on a reservation is invested with no such proprietorship in anything which comes under that head." the position of the government was now plain to the indians. they must go to the reservation or fight. they decided to go. joseph wrote: "i said in my heart that rather than have war i would give up my country. i would give up my father's grave. i would give up everything rather than have the blood of white men upon the hands of my people. general howard refused to allow me more than thirty days to move my people and their stock. i said to him, 'my people have always been the friends of the white man. why are you in such a hurry? i can not get ready to move in thirty days. our stock is scattered, and snake river is very high. let us wait until fall, then the river will be low. we want time to hunt up our stock and gather supplies for winter. we want the people who live upon the lands we are to occupy at lapwai to have time to gather their harvest." general howard replied, "if you let the time run over one day, the soldiers will be there to drive you on the reservation, and all your cattle and horses outside the reservation at that time will fall into the hands of the white men." it does seem that this great haste was unnecessary and positively cruel, and that those indians should have been given time to collect their stock, their sole means of subsistence, and get them safely over the river. but the theory is we must have firmness in dealing with the indian, if we have nothing else; yet this time it proved to be a serious and costly blunder. joseph truly said, "if general howard had given me plenty of time to gather up my stock and treated too-hool-hool-suit as a man should be treated, _there would have been no war._" the indians went to make their preparations; they looked on their old home and their love for it increased at the thought that they were about to be deprived of it by fraud, even though they had never sold or signed it away. too-hool-hool-suit's indignation burned because of his imprisonment for the offense of telling his convictions in the council, the very thing he was expected to do. there was a warrior whose father had been killed by a white man, and the wrong was unrebuked. there were the two warriors who had been whipped by one harry mason. these formed a war party, and determined, over joseph's counsel, to fight the soldiers when they came. it is said that at this time, chief joseph rode one day through his village, with a revolver in each hand, saying he would shoot the first one of his warriors who resisted the government. finally, they gathered all the stock they could find, preparatory to moving. a heavy rain raised the river so high some of the cattle could not be taken across. indian guards were put in charge of the cattle left behind. white men attacked these guards and took the cattle. after this joseph could not restrain his young men and the warfare began. it was the desire of joseph and others that the settlers should not be molested, in the hope that they would remain neutral; but it was voted down in the war-council, on the grounds that it was the settlers who brought on all the trouble, because they wanted the nez perces' land and stock, and, in fact, some of them actually got both. the indians now bought arms and ammunition wherever they could. they practiced military movements, in which they were already quite proficient. general shanks says that "joseph's party was thoroughly disciplined; that they rode at full gallop along the mountain side in a steady formation by fours; formed twos, at a given signal, with perfect precision, to cross a narrow bridge; then galloped into line, reined in to a sudden halt, and dismounted with as much system as regulars." june arrived; the thirty days were up; the soldiers had not come. over on salmon river three indians killed an old hermit ranch man named devine. the taste of blood whetted their appetites, and the next day four more fell victims. mounting their horses, they hurried to camas prairie, where the main body of indians was encamped. riding through the camp they displayed the spoils of their bloodshed and exhorted the others to join them. joseph and his brother, ollacut, were not in the camp; they had placed their tepees some distance from the others, on account of joseph's wife, who was sick and wanted quiet. white bird, the next in rank and influence, gave way. riding through the camp, he exclaimed, "all must join now. there is blood. you will be punished if you delay." seventeen warriors joined the three and they hurried back to salmon river. eight more fell victims to them, including harry mason, who had whipped the two indians. on the night of june another party attacked the people of the cottonwood house, a ranch used as a frontier inn, on the road between mount idaho and fort lapwai. at ten o'clock they were warned by a messenger of the approaching indians, and hurriedly started to mount idaho, two on horseback, the rest, including several women and children, in a farm wagon. when they had covered ten miles of their journey they were overtaken by the indians. two men and a boy were killed and the others badly wounded, two men subsequently dying of their injuries. joseph protested against hostilities until he saw that war was inevitable. he then took command and moved his warriors to white bird ca�±on, where they prepared to fight the soldiers. nor had they long to wait. colonel perry, at the head of ninety soldiers, was soon on the road from fort lapwai. on the evening of the th he reached grangerville, four miles from mount idaho, where he was joined by ten citizens. marching on through the night, he reached white bird ca�±on at daylight and began the descent of the broad trail, hoping to surprise the indians. but the vigilant joseph's keen eye was the first to discover the group of horsemen silhouetted against the sky at the head of the ca�±on, just as the sun was rising. "get the white man's glass i tell white bird. horses! the soldiers are here!" he shouted in command. some of his young men became a little nervous as they saw the soldiers approaching and suggested that it would be better to move across the salmon river, where the soldiers could not reach them. "no." said joseph, "we will fight them here." the women and children were sent across the river and a party of mounted warriors under white bird took a position in ambush behind a ridge on the south side of the ca�±on. the rest, under joseph, were crouched on the ground, squarely across the trail, hidden behind rocks and in hollows. on came the soldiers until well within range, when every bush and rock poured out its fire. at the same time white bird's men appeared on the left and poured in another deadly volley. the soldiers were falling fast, and the order was shouted to fall back to the next ridge. this was immediately done, but with the enemy at their heels there was no time to stop. while the officers were trying to rally their men the indians were pressing along the sides of the ca�±on to gain the head and cut off retreat. part of the command reached the ascent and hurried out. the remainder, under lieutenant theller, were cut off, and most of them, including the gallant lieutenant, were killed. across the rugged country the indians pursued the flying troops for twelve miles. but once out of that death trap the officers obtained control, and the retreat was conducted with some degree of order. four miles from mount idaho joseph withdrew his men. he had fought and won his first battle, even though largely outnumbered by his enemy. joseph says of this encounter: "we numbered in that battle sixty men, and the soldiers one hundred. the fight lasted but a few minutes before the soldiers retreated. they lost thirty-three killed, and had seven wounded. when an indian fights, he only shoots to kill; but soldiers shoot at random. none of the soldiers were scalped. we do not believe in scalping nor in killing wounded men. soldiers do not kill many indians unless they are wounded and left upon the battlefield. then they kill indians." the military reputation of the nez perces was altered. it would require a stronger force to subdue them. reinforcements were ordered from all the neighboring forts. skirmishing and minor engagements continued. while waiting for these reinforcements a detachment was sent under captain whipple to attack chief looking-glass and his band, and bring them in before they had time to join the hostiles. whipple discovered the red men in the neighborhood of mount idaho, and dispatched lieutenant rains with ten picked men and a scout named foster to reconnoiter. following this advance-guard at a distance of a mile with his main force, the sound of firing was heard at the front. hurrying forward with his command, whipple was horrified to find that rains and every man in his detachment had been killed. a company of seventeen volunteers, under captain randall, was attacked on the mount idaho road; two were killed and two wounded. all would have been cut to pieces, had not captain whipple and his company hurried to the rescue. as to looking glass, his camp was destroyed, and seven hundred and twenty-five ponies captured, but he and his warriors all escaped and joined joseph. meantime, general howard was at fort lapwai impatiently waiting for reinforcements. but the accounts of indian horrors came so thick and fast that further delay, though desirable, was yet impossible. mason, in his account of this expedition, says: "the little band of men--cavalry and infantry--together with an old mountain howitzer and two gatling guns, are drawn up in marching order. the train of pack-mules, with their immense loads of ammunition and provision, move restlessly back and forward in the parade-ground. the trained white mare, with the tinkling bell attached to her neck, stands thoughtful and attentive, ready to lead her restless followers along the stony trail." {illustration: buckskin charlie, war-chief of the utes.} "the last farewells are said. the last mule pack is adjusted. the last red-shirted artillery man takes his stand by his gun. there is a moment of quiet. suddenly the commanding officer shouts, 'attention!' and then a moment later, 'column, march!' every man steps off with his right foot. the cavalry are in front. the proud bell-mare, with her cavalcade of mules, stubborn to all else, but to her yielding the most perfect obedience, {fn} follow, and behind them, in column of fours, come the infantry." * * * * * {fn} the author's father has taken large droves of mules from lexington, kentucky, on foot to new orleans, with no help but one assistant and an old white mare. if this queen of the drove was inclined to bite or kick her followers on the slightest provocation, her influence over them, was wonderful. without her no fence would hold them overnight; with her in their midst no fence was necessary, for where she was there would they be also. on july , general howard and his little army of four hundred fighting men, besides teamsters and train men, came in sight of the enemy. joseph, at the head of about three hundred warriors, had crossed the country to the lapwai reservation and taken a position on the clearwater, and was waiting to give battle, having erected breast works of the most approved pattern. this was done with the assistance of the squaws, who fought as hard as the men, and, as usual, worked harder. the soldiers advanced in line of battle, leaving the supply trains unguarded. from the high point of vantage he had taken, joseph was quick to notice this and dispatched thirty warriors to attack them. an officer with his field glass caught this movement just in time to send a messenger to warn them to hurry into the lines. a company of cavalry also galloped to their protection. the indians gained the smaller train, killed two packers and disabled their animals, but were driven off by the fire of the cavalry. the large train, however, gained the lines uninjured. the battle raged all that afternoon, with its charges and counter charges, its feinting and fighting. during the night both parties kept up a desultory fire while strengthening their positions. the battle was renewed in the morning, and continued with no perceptible advantage to either side until the middle of the afternoon. at that time a fresh company of cavalry re�«nforced general howard's command. the troops now redoubled their effort by charging the enemy's line on the left. for a short time the indians fought desperately from behind their rocky breastworks, but at length gave way and fled in all directions, bounding from rock to rock through the ravines, or plunging into the river out of sight only to reappear when its swift current had borne them out of range. the victorious troops pressed them so closely that the indian camp, with its blankets, buffalo robes and cooking utensils fell into their hands. the indians, however, made their escape with their herds and sufficient supplies for their purpose, and before the soldiers could cross the clearwater, a large body of warriors was seen on the right front, apparently returning for an attack. while preparations were being made to meet this force, the remainder, of the indians continued their flight and escaped. the returning warriors, having accomplished their purpose by this feint, shortly disappeared. in the morning the troops continued to pursue the retreating indians, only to fall into an ambush by the rear-guard of the nez perces, and be thrown into confusion. as dunn says: "night found the indians safely encamped in an almost impregnable position, at the entrance of lolo trail. joseph had fought his second battle, against heavy odds, and though beaten, had brought off his forces most creditably." finding they were largely outnumbered, the indians retreated through the mountain pass to bitter root valley, over what general sherman says "is universally admitted by all who have traveled it--from lewis and clark to captain winters--as one of the worst trails for man and beast on this continent." the nez perces came safely over this trail, encumbered with their women and children and herds. in the valley of the lou-lou they were confronted by a hastily built fort, held by captain rawn with a few regulars and some volunteers. looking-glass said to them, "we will not fight the settlers if they do not fight us. we are going by you to the buffalo country. will you let us go in peace?" rawn replied, "you can not go by us." to this the indian answered, "we are going by you without fighting if you will let us, but we are going by you anyhow." the volunteers now interfered, and told the commander the nez perces had always been "good indians." the settlers on the bitter root had no grounds for complaint in their conduct, as they passed each year to and from the buffalo country. besides, in the expressive frontier phrase, "they had not lost any indians," and consequently were not hunting for any. the indians might pass, and god speed them out of the country. the nez perces not only passed by in peace, but they stopped at the villages of stevensville and corvallis and traded with the whites. they also left a spy at corvallis, who stopped until howard had come up and passed on, and then sped away to joseph with full particulars. meantime general gibbon, with about two hundred cavalry, had hastened from helena across to fort missoula, on the bitter root, but arrived too late to intercept joseph. gibbon followed the indian trail, and overtook them august . waiting through the night for "that dark still hour which is just before the dawn," he swept through the camp in a furious charge, completely surprising the indians. it seems that joseph and his men supposed the war was over, and having started to the buffalo country, were careless about posting sentinels. though taken by surprise, general joseph rallied his warriors and recaptured the camp. he also drove the soldiers back to a grove of timber, where they erected rude barricades, and made a stand. joseph said of general gibbon: "finding that he was not able to capture us, he sent to his camp for his big guns (cannon), but my men had captured them and all the ammunition. we damaged the big guns all we could and carried away the powder and lead." at eleven o'clock that night the indians withdrew, leaving gibbon wounded and his command so crippled that it could not pursue. joseph had fought and won his third battle. the nez perces remained long enough to bury their dead, but when general howard joined gibbon at this place, his bannock scouts, ghoul-like, dug up the bodies, and in the presence of officers and men, scalped and mutilated them. the body of looking-glass, their ablest diplomat, who fell here, was abused in this manner, although the nez perces, being neither civilized nor the allies of civilization, neither took scalps nor mutilated. it is also their proud boast that they never made war on women and children while the war lasted. joseph said "we would feel ashamed to do so cowardly an act." continuing the retreat, joseph and his band crossed the continental divide again into idaho, and camped on the great camas prairie, on the yellowstone, west of the national park. he had replenished his supplies, captured two hundred and fifty good horses, and his forces were in excellent condition. general howard's troops also camped in the prairie a day's march behind. lieutenant bacon had been dispatched with a squad of men to hold tacher's pass, the most accessible roadway over the divide into the park. the pickets and sentinels were posted, and the weary troopers were soon sleeping, unconscious of war's alarms. in the faint starlight dark forms might have been seen creeping through the tall grass. halter ropes and hobbles were cut and bells removed from the necks of the bell-mares. creeping away in the same manner, but with less caution, a slight noise was made. "what was that?" asked a picket of a comrade. "nothing but a prowling wolf," was the reply. for some time nothing could be heard in the camp but the regular foot falls of the sentinel. suddenly a troop of horsemen came in sight, riding back over the trail of the indians. they rode in column of fours, regularly and without haste. "it must be bacon's men returning," said the pickets. on came the troopers to the very lines of the camp, but when they were challenged by the sentinel they answered with a war-whoop. at once pandemonium was let loose. a wild yell arose, followed by a fusillade of small arms, which startled the soldiers and stampeded the horses and mules, which were seen scampering away, with heads in the air, nostrils spread, snorting with excitement, followed by the indians, yelling like demons. we must credit the great chieftain with a successful surprise. the nez perces next eluded bacon and retreated through tacher's pass into the beautiful national park. in the region of the hot springs and geysers, they met a party of travelers. it consisted of mr. cowan, his wife, sister-in-law, brother-in-law and two guides. three of the men were left for dead, but the other, together with the two ladies, were carried into captivity. horrible fate! general howard said they were "afterward rescued." but joseph said, "on the way we captured one white man and two white women. we released them at the end of three days. they were kindly treated." on september word was brought that general sturgis was coming from the powder river country with three hundred and fifty cavalry and some friendly crows. joseph was now between the two forces. can the indian chieftain again escape? yes, this savage, with a genius for war which would have made him famous among the military heroes of any age or country, made a feint toward the west, fooling sturgis, and sending him on a wild-goose chase to guard the trail down the stinking water. at the same time joseph and his people, under cover of a dense forest, made their way into a narrow and slippery ca�±on. this was immensely deep, but the almost perpendicular walls were but twenty feet apart. through this dark chasm slipped and floundered the cavalry and infantry. it must have been a strange sight as the column moved slowly along the bottom of the defile, men, horses, pack-mules and artillery, with only a narrow ribbon of sky high above them. all in vain, joseph again escaped. there was but one way to reach them and that was by direct pursuit. all day long the indians retreated, fighting desperately as they went, and at dark the exhausted soldiers withdrew to camp at the mouth of the ca�±on. nothing had been accomplished during the day except to round up several hundred ponies which had been abandoned by the nez perces, while they continued their flight on fresh mounts. march as they would, the soldiers could not diminish the distance between pursued and pursuers. the nez perces retreated up the musselshell river, and then, circling back of the judith mountains, struck the missouri september , at cow island. general joseph had fought his fourth battle, against a greatly superior force, which he had held in check, while he brought off his own people in comparative safety. crossing the missouri, the nez perces moved on leisurely to the north. having repulsed the forces of howard, gibbon, and sturgis, each in turn, the indians began to feel secure. they were now entering a beautiful country, a veritable paradise, lying between the bear paw and little rocky mountains. it is also rich in romance and tradition, and the reputed locality of the "lost cabin of montana," the new el dorado of miners' thoughts by day and dreams by night. the indians established their camp on snake creek, a tributary of milk river, within a day's march of the british dominions. there was yet one hope. days before, a messenger had embarked in a canoe and started down the yellowstone river to fort keough, to inform gen. n. a. miles, the commandant, of the situation. general miles at once put his forces in order and started northward to intercept the wily joseph. he reached the indian camp on the morning of september , at the head of three hundred and seventy-five men, and at once began the attack. the nez perces knew of their coming only long enough to take a position in the ravines of the creek valley, and await the attack. general miles ordered a charge upon the indian camp, which succeeded in cutting it in two and capturing most of their horses. the soldiers, however, recoiled under the deadly fire of the indians, with one-fifth of their force killed and wounded. joseph's warriors, though surprised, proved themselves worthy of the reputation they had established at camas prairie, big hole and elsewhere, and fought with great valor. the continuous fire and unerring aim of their magazine guns at close range inflicted a loss to general miles of twenty-six killed and forty wounded, while joseph's loss for the first day and night was eighteen men and three women. each side found foe men worthy of their steel. never, on any occasion, did the american indians display more heroic courage, and never did the american soldiers exhibit more unshaken fortitude. for four days and as many nights the two forces faced each other. the whites controlled the situation, as escape from the ravine was cut off, but were unwilling to attempt to capture the camp by storm. they knew, from their first experience, that such an attempt would involve a terrible loss of life. meantime, joseph strengthened his intrenchments and prepared for a siege. he also dispatched a messenger to sitting bull, who was just over the line of the british dominions with twelve hundred discontented and hostile sioux. the hope was that this chief and his warriors would come to their relief; but for some reason sitting bull failed them in their extremity. the indians could not escape through the lines without abandoning their wounded and helpless. joseph said of this battle: "we could have escaped from bear paw mountain if we had left our wounded, old women and children behind. we were unwilling to do this. we had never heard of a wounded indian recovering while in the hands of white men. i could not bear to see my wounded men and women suffer any longer; we had lost enough already. general miles had promised that we might return to our country with what stock we had left. i believed general miles, or i never would have surrendered. i have heard that he has been censured for making the promise to return us to lapwai. he could not have made any other terms with me at that time. i would have held him in check until my friends came to my assistance, and then neither of the generals nor their soldiers would have ever left bear paw mountain alive." on the morning of october joseph and his band surrendered--those who were left. ollacut, his brother, had fallen here at snake creek, with twenty-seven others. white bird had flown in the night with a band of one hundred and five, including joseph's daughter. they reached the british dominions and joined sitting bull. so, to stop any further bloodshed, chief joseph now handed his gun to general miles, in the presence of general howard, who arrived the day previous with a small escort, and said with impressive dignity: "tell general howard i know his heart. what he told me before i have in my heart. i am tired of fighting. our chiefs are killed. looking-glass is dead; too-hool-hool-suit is dead. the old men are all dead. it is the young men who say yes or no. he who led on the young men (ollacut) is dead. it is cold and we have no blankets. the little children are freezing to death. my people, some of them, have run away to the hills, and have no blankets, no food; no one knows where they are--perhaps freezing to death. i want to have time to look for my children, and see how many of them i can find. maybe i shall find them among the dead. hear me, my chiefs. i am tired; my heart is sick, and sad. from where the sun now stands i will fight no more against the white man forever." "thus," says general sherman, "has terminated one of the most extraordinary indian wars of which there is any record." the indians throughout displayed a courage and skill that elicited universal praise; they abstained from scalping, let captive women go free, did not commit indiscriminate murder of peaceful families, which is usual, and fought with almost scientific skill, using advance and rear guards, skirmish lines and field fortifications. {illustration: "comes out holy," sioux.} gen. nelson a. miles, perhaps the greatest living authority, as he is certainly one of our ablest generals and most successful indian fighters, says in his report: "as these people have been hitherto loyal to the government, and friends of the white race, from the time their country was first explored, and in their skilful campaign have spared hundreds of lives and thousands of dollars' worth of property, that they might have destroyed, and as they have been, in my opinion, grossly wronged in years past; have lost most of their ponies, property and everything except a small amount of clothing, i have the honor to recommend that ample provision be made for their civilization, and to enable them to become self-sustaining. they are sufficiently intelligent to appreciate the consideration which, in my opinion, is due them from the government. the nez perces are the boldest men, and the best marksmen of any indians i have encountered, and chief joseph is a man of more sagacity and intelligence than any indian i have ever met. he counseled against the war, and against the usual atrocities practiced by indians, and is far more humane than such leaders as crazy horse and sitting bull. the campaign of the nez perces is a good illustration of what would be the result of bad faith or ill-treatment toward the large tribes of mountain indians that occupy most of the rocky mountain range." it must be understood that joseph surrendered on honorable terms. general miles said: "i acted on what i supposed was the original design of the government to place these indians on their own reservation, and so informed them, and also sent assurances to the war parties that were out and those who had escaped, that they would be taken to tongue river and retained for a time, and sent across the mountains as soon as the weather permitted in the spring." the indians understood also that they were to retain what stock they still had. general howard also concurred in these conditions and gave orders to general miles to send the indians to his department in the spring, unless he received "instructions from higher authority." the terms of this surrender were shamefully violated. joseph and his band were taken first to fort lincoln. then to fort leavenworth, afterward to the quapaw agency, indian territory. at leavenworth they were placed between a lagoon and the river, the worst possible place for sanitary conditions that could have been selected, with no water but that of the "big muddy" to drink. all were affected by the poisonous malaria of the camp. joseph said, "many of my people sickened and died, and we buried them in this strange land. i can not tell how much my heart suffered for my people while at leavenworth. the great spirit chief, who rules above, seemed to be looking some other way, and did not see what was being done to my people." yet he is just and magnanimous enough to add in the same connection: "i believe general miles would have kept his word if he could have done so. i do not blame him for what we have suffered since the surrender. i do not know who is to blame. we gave up all our horses, over eleven hundred, and all our saddles, over one hundred, and we have not heard from them since. _somehody has got our horses._" as helen hunt jackson well says in her "century of dishonor," "this narrative of chief joseph's is profoundly touching; a very iliad of tragedy, of dignified and hopeless sorrow; and it stands supported by the official records of the indian bureau." the indian commissioner, in his annual report for , says: "after the arrival of joseph and his band in indian territory, the bad effect of their location at fort leavenworth manifested itself in the prostration by sickness at one time of two hundred and sixty out of the four hundred and ten, and within a few months in the death of more than one-quarter of the entire number." it is gratifying to record that general miles left no stone unturned to have the conditions of the surrender respected. some seven years later, when he had been promoted, he succeeded in having chief joseph and the remnant of his band returned to the neighborhood of their old home. joseph and a few others were placed at the colville agency, in washington, and the remainder were put with their people on lapwai reservation. a few years ago chief joseph attended the commencement exercises of the carlisle indian industrial school, and there sat at the same banquet table with gen. . . howard. the two former foes, but at that time fast friends, toasted each other. a special correspondent of the _inter ocean_ wrote of this incident: "these two men were the chief opposing figures in a most remarkable indian war twenty-seven years ago. during this war, in , chief joseph's battle line was fourteen hundred miles long. he proved one of the greatest foes who ever fought against an american army, but his present attitude is vastly different, as was shown by his speech at the banquet. he spoke in the indian language, the literal translation being as follows: "'friends, i meet here my friend, general howard. i used to be so anxious to meet him. i wanted to kill him in war. to-day i am glad to meet him, and glad to meet everybody here, and to be friends with general howard. we are both old men, still we live, and i am glad. we both fought in many wars and we are both alive. ever since the war i have made up my mind to be friendly to the whites and to everybody. i wish you, my friends, would believe me as i believe myself in my heart in what i say. when my friend general howard and i fought together i had no idea that we would ever sit down to a meal together, as to-day, but we have, and i am glad. i have lost many friends and many men, women and children, but i have no grievance against any of the white people, general howard or any one. if general howard dies first, of course i will be sorry. i understand and i know that learning of books is a nice thing, and i have some children here in school from my tribe that are trying to learn something, and i am thankful to know there are some of my children here struggling to learn the white man's ways and his books. i repeat again i have no enmity against anybody. i want to be friends to everybody. i wish my children would learn more and more every day, so they can mingle with the white people and do business with them as well as anybody else, i shall try to get indians to send their children to school.'" during the louisiana purchase exposition, at st. louis, in , chief joseph was one of the greatest attractions at the indian congress, the early part of the season. but the thought of exhibiting himself for money was very distasteful and humiliating to the proud chieftain. this, together with his habit of brooding over the wrongs and afflictions of his unhappy people, brought on a sickness. he went back to the reservation the early part of july, but it was simply going home to die. he lingered along until the st day of the following september, when his great soul took its flight to the "great spirit chief," who will judge between him and the government who (it would almost seem) deliberately wasted and destroyed one of the noblest and most civilized of the native american tribes. soon after his death, dr. e. h. latham, the agency physician, was interviewed by a newspaper reporter, and he declared that "joseph had died of a broken heart." no people on earth have a nobler patriotism, or greater love for their country than the indians. we doubt not the doctor's diagnosis was correct, and we firmly believe that thousands of other leaders of that race have died of the same malady. all fair-minded people now believe it was a mistake, and a burning shame, to take the wallowa valley away from joseph and his band for the benefit of a few greedy settlers, when there were at that very time teeming millions of acres of land just as good, and open to settlement, throughout eastern oregon and border states. all the vast treasure and bloodshed would have been saved, and to-day there would have been in that valley of "winding water" one of the most civilized, prosperous and progressive indian settlements in america. it would actually pay our government in dollars and cents to mete out the same protection and justice to the indian as it does to every one else under the flag whose skin is white. whatever the theory may be, the practice has been to regard the indian as the legal prey and predestined victim for every white scoundrel who wanted to rob or even murder him, and he was often justified on the theory that "the only good indian is a dead one." but it is a long lane that has no turn. those broken-hearted martyrs, like joseph, have not died in vain. we seem to be entering on a new era of human brotherhood, in which the value is placed on the jewel rather than the _color_ of the casket containing it. manhood, worth, virtue, are now sought for and honored even by the proud anglo-saxon, regardless of race or color. the proof of this statement is found in the splendid monument erected by the washington university state historical society over the remains of chief joseph. we are indebted to prof. edmond s. meany, secretary of the above society, for an account of the exercises held at the unveiling and dedication of the monument. this took place at nespelim, washington, june , , in the presence of a large number of white and indian friends and admirers of the great chief. the monument is of white marble and measures seven and one-half feet in height. on the front is carved a fine portrait of the famous warrior. on the base, below this portrait, in large raised letters, appears the name, chief joseph. on one side is his nez perce name, hin-mah-too-yah-lat-kekt, and its translation, "thunder rolling in the mountains." on the other side, "he led his people in the nez perce war of . died september, , age, about years," on the back of the shaft: "erected june, , by the washington university state historical society." we also received from an indian correspondent, tom eagle blanket, of nespelim, a newspaper containing a report of the exercises of the occasion. several speeches were made by representatives of both races. the principal indian orator was yellow bull, an aged nez perce from montana, who was a sub-chief, next in rank to the younger joseph, at the time of the war, and fought with him, side by side. though old and blind. yellow bull walked erect and made quite an imposing appearance in his rich indian dress. he spoke very earnestly, and said in part: "i am very glad to meet you all here to-day, my brothers and sisters, and children and white friends. when the creator created us, he put us on this earth, and the flowers on the earth, and he takes us all in his arms and keeps us in peace and friendship, and our friendship and peace shall never fade, but it will shine forever. our people love our old customs. i am very glad to see our white friends here attending this ceremony, and it seems like we all have the same sad feelings, and that would seem like it would wipe my tears. joseph is dead; but his words are not dead; his words will live forever. this monument will stand--joseph's words will stand as long as this monument. we (the red and the white people) are both here, and the great spirit looks down on us both; and now if we are good and live right, like joseph, we shall see him. i have finished." as soon as the two widows of joseph and other old squaws who were with the fighting nez perces during the war heard the voice of yellow bull once more, and his words of the dead chieftain, they broke forth into loud wailing, thus proving that indian women love as devotedly, and mourn for the loved and lost, exactly like their white sisters. after electing albert waters chief, to succeed joseph, the bands returned to their homes and reservations. chapter xv. geronimo, or go-yat-thlay, the yawner, the renowned apache warrior and medicine man. with the possible exception of the sioux, the apaches were the most formidable of all our western indian tribes. indeed it is conceded that in cunning, ferocity and endurance they have never had an equal on this continent, or a superior on this globe. general crook, who was an acknowledged authority, has seen an apache lope for fifteen hundred feet up the side of a mountain without showing any sign of fatigue, there being neither an increase of respiration or perspiration. a band of apaches have been known to ambush a party of whites on an open plain, where there was neither tree, shrub, nor blade of grass growing. it was done by burrowing in the sand and covering their bodies, all but their eyes, and remaining motionless until the unsuspecting whites were within a hundred yards of them. capt. john g. bourke, who served under crook against the apaches, thus describes those warriors: "physically, he is perfect; he might be a trifle taller for artistic effect, but his apparent 'squattiness' is due more to great girth of chest than to diminutive stature. his muscles are hard as bone, and i have seen one light a match on the sole of his naked foot. twenty years ago, when crook took him in hand, the apache had few wants and cared for no luxuries. war was his business, his life, and victory his dream. to attack a mexican camp or isolated village, and run off a herd of cattle, mules or sheep, he would gladly travel hundreds of miles, incurring every risk and displaying a courage which would have been extolled in an historical novel if it had happened in a raid by highlanders upon southrons; but when it was your stock or your friends, it became quite a different matter. he wore no clothing whatever, save a narrow piece of calico or buckskin about the loins, a helmet, also of buckskin, plentifully crested with the plumage of the wild turkey and eagle, and long-legged moccasins, held to the waist by a string, and turned up at the toes in a shield which protected him from stones and 'cholla' cactus. if he felt thirsty he drank from the nearest brook; if there was no brook near by, he went without, and, putting a stone or twig in his mouth to induce a flow of saliva, journeyed on. when he desired to communicate with friends at home, or to put himself in correspondence with persons whose cooperation had been promised, he rubbed two sticks together, and dense signal smoke rolled to the zenith and was answered from peaks twenty and thirty miles away. by nightfall his bivouac was pitched at a distance from water, generally on the flank of a rocky mountain, along which no trail would be left, and up which no force of cavalry could hope to ascend without making a noise to awaken the dead." the apache had another practice which made it still more difficult to trail or capture a roving band. after striking a murderous blow, and when closely pursued, they would break up into small parties, which, if hard pressed, would continue to dissolve until each one was pursuing his way alone through the mountain fastnesses. when pursuit was suspended and the danger over, they reunited at some remote rendezvous well known to all. another great advantage which the apache had over the soldier is the fact that these people were familiar with all the ravines, caverns, ca�±ons, defiles, gorges and places inaccessible to horses, which are almost innumerable in the mountain ranges of arizona, new mexico and across the headwaters of the rio grande. the apache, when on a raid, could live on rats, mice, terrapin and rabbits; and if all these failed and he was hard pressed, he would kill and eat his horse. {illustration: geronimo, or go-yat-thlay, the yawner, the renowned apache chief and medicine man.} among the arts possessed by these red men was that of concocting a beverage from the maguey plant, called "tizwin," compared to which fusel oil and jersey lightning are as mild and harmless as jersey milk. but the apaches are not at all squeamish as regards the flavor of their liquors; strength and results are all that is demanded, and "tizwin" had plenty of both. so when they wished to indulge in a debauch they would drink copious draughts of this horrible concoction, which brought out all the latent demon in them, provided it had not already come to the surface. ellis, in his "indian wars," says: "the climate of arizona and other parts of the southwest, for weeks at a time, is like a furnace. were not the air dry, life would be unbearable to the whites. if those who remained at home had any conception of the sufferings of our officers and soldiers when prosecuting their indian campaigns, their lips, instead of speaking criticism, would utter expressions of wonder and admiration. "when the troops were trying to run down the apaches, the thermometer, day after day, marked one hundred and twenty degrees, and often more. the metalwork on their guns became so hot that it could not be touched with the bare hand. the air pulsated and the soil was baked under their feet. sometimes, when aflame with thirst, they toiled mile after mile, cheered by the expectation of reaching some spring, they found the apaches had been there ahead of them and befouled it beyond all use for man or beast." various reasons have been assigned to account for the apache outbreak of the spring of . perhaps the following is the most probable of those mentioned. rendered desperate by long-enforced temperance restrictions, the apaches concocted a quantity of their native drink, "tizwin," and the braves got uproariously drunk. with returning sobriety came repentance and a wholesome fear of general crook, who was then in command of the forces in the southwest and had supervision of the posts and reservations. such sprees by his indian charges were strictly forbidden, and surely punished. lieutenant davis, in command of the post, was interviewed regarding their offense and the probability of punishment. "i must report the matter to general crook," replied the officer; "i can not say what steps he will see fit to take in the matter." the braves withdrew anxious and fearful, but concealing their real feelings beneath a sullen gravity. the envoys reported the ominous reply of the lieutenant to the others of the band, and the matter was discussed at length. among those who had the most to say was a woman, huera, the squaw of mangus, one of the principal chiefs of the apaches, who possessed an influence over the braves seldom equaled by indian women. more than once her intercession cast the balance in the fate of a captive, and meant death by torture or life and adoption into the tribe. she now addressed the warriors about as follows: "are you men, old women or children? if old women and children you will stay here and wait to receive your punishment. but if you are warriors you will take the warpath, and then the 'grey fox' must catch you before you are punished. may-be-so you go to sonora, and he no catch you. i have spoken." to her fierce utterances they listened with attention, because she told them what they wanted to hear, and the next day saw them upon the warpath. they had escaped punishment, for a time at least, for it is an axiom of indian warfare, the truth of which is at once apparent, that you can not do anything to an indian until you have caught him. the leader of this band of chiricahua apaches is the subject of this sketch--the far-famed geronimo, the best advertised indian on earth. he is a son of tah-clish-un, and a pupil of cochise, from whom he had learned every detail of indian generalship, and had succeeded him in his marvelous influence over the tribe. lieut. britton davis, third cavalry, under whose control the chiricahuas were, telegraphed at once to general crook a report of the case, but the wires were working badly and the message was never delivered. had the message reached crook, he would at once have taken action to head them off and it is quite probable no trouble would have occurred, as he would have nipped it in the bud. the troops were at once prepared for pursuit, and the long chase began about the middle of april, . their earliest field of operations was in that portion of new mexico between the ladron and magdalena mountains and the boundary of arizona, and just north of the gila river. "geronimo knows this country as well as if he had made it himself," was the quaint remark of a newspaper correspondent; and indeed it would not have suited his purpose better, had it been made to order. from mountain fastnesses beyond the reach of the ordinary white soldier, the warriors of geronimo and naiche could look down upon the troops sent in pursuit. from their hiding-places among the caves and ca�±ons they could make a sudden dash upon scouting parties, or cut off supply trains; and the cunning savages knew how to time these descents so as to avoid danger of diminishing their band. "but," as kelsey says, "it was not only in finding secure hiding-places that the indians were too much for the whites. had that been all, they might have been surrounded by a cordon of soldiers and reduced by famine. they had pathways known only to themselves, by which they could elude pursuit. issuing from their rocky caves and lofty eyries, the untiring children of the plains would descend upon the isolated settlements which are scattered over the two territories, and write in fire and blood the message of defiance to the general whom they had once feared. now and then, perhaps a captive woman or child would be carried off to a fate worse than death; but more often all fell beneath the murderous stroke of the apache. possessing themselves of the horses which had once belonged to the murdered settler, they would ride off. however hot the pursuit they were not to be caught. "the cavalry must have rest, not only for themselves, but for their horses. but if the steeds of the indians tired, they had but to steal others at the settlements which they passed, and freshly mounted, the unwearied red men laughed at the white men's best speed. from ninety to one hundred miles in the course of the day was no unusual achievement, though they were encumbered with their women and children; and if necessity required they could travel much farther without resting." general crook had a theory that the best way to catch geronimo and his band of marauders was to employ other friendly apache warriors as scouts, trailers and indian police. this was accordingly done, and between two and three hundred were sworn into the service of the united states, and placed under the command of captain crawford. with the aid of these apache scouts they were now able to match cunning with cunning, to interpret the smoke signals, to trail the enemy night or day where no track was visible to the eyes of the regulars. geronimo now fled across the mexican line into the provinces of chihuahua and sonora, where in the sierra madre mountains the country was even more rugged than on the american side. fortunately a treaty existed with mexico at this time, whereby troops from either country were permitted to cross the boundary when in chase of fugitive indians. geronimo had with him when he started thirty-four warriors, eight boys and ninety-one women. who were almost as fierce as the bucks. never did so small a band of savages give our government as much trouble. general crook and captain crawford were on their mettle, and the pursuit was continued across the rio grande. from place to place along the border the soldiers followed the fugitives. now and again a sudden encounter would result in the death of one or two on either side, and the retreat of the apaches. the soldiers and indian scouts pushed matters so hard that they finally corraled geronimo. they held him just one night, when he escaped again and the flight was continued. several nights later he had the temerity to steal into camp with four warriors, and, seizing a white woman, told her that the only way to save her life was to point out his wife's tent. she obeyed. geronimo set her down, caught up his squaw, and was off before the alarm could be given. during the fall of , the death of geronimo was regularly reported about every two weeks, but during the first part of november he was sufficiently alive to have three running fights with the pursuing soldiers. the mexicans had also suffered severely from the depredations of the marauding apaches, and they, too, had organized a company of irregular troops from the tarahumari indians, who were almost as wild and fierce as the apaches themselves, and had been their mortal enemy for the past two hundred years. this company, one hundred and fifty strong, officered by mexicans and under the command of santa anna perez, a captain in the mexican army, had trailed a band of thieving apaches seventeen days. meantime captain crawford and his regulars and indian scouts were relentlessly pursuing geronimo and his band, and during the month of january, , they came up with them near nacori, in the state of sonora, and surrounded their camp just before daylight. for once geronimo was surprised; probably worn out at last by the continuous pursuit, the indians slept sounder than usual. certain it is, the surprise was complete, and after a few volleys had been fired the indians saw their case was hopeless and prepared to surrender. hoisting a white flag, which was the signal for the firing to cease, and relying on the white man's chivalry, the squaws of the camp were dispatched, as messengers, to the commanding officer. the squaws stated that geronimo, xaiche and their warriors wished to confer with captain crawford; that they were worn out with the long chase, and were ready to meet general crook and surrender to him. they had no terms to propose, but would throw themselves on the mercy of the victor. captain crawford now demanded that they should surrender their horses, mules, wagons, ammunition and camp outfit. his requirements were at once complied with, and it was agreed that a conference should be held the next day to arrange a meeting between general crook and the hostiles. thus matters stood when the band of thieving, murdering apaches pursued by the mexican soldiers, reached geronimo's band. the fugitives found their comrades treating with a united states officer. they had literally jumped out of the frying-pan into the fire. the mexicans were hot in pursuit, and were not to be deprived of their revenge simply because their foes had received unexpected reinforcements. they promptly opened fire, which was as promptly returned. suddenly above the conflict a shrill voice is heard: "for god's sake, stop firing! these are united states troops." the captain at once ordered his men to stop, but before the command was understood, there was a report from a mexican rifle, and the gallant captain crawford fell back with a bullet in his brain. with a muttered curse, a young apache called dutchy returned the shot and avenged the death of his beloved captain that he was unable to prevent. in this unfortunate skirmish the mexicans lost one of their bravest officers, mauricio coredor, who was one of their best indian fighters, and had rendered great service to both nations by ridding the earth of victorio, that bloodthirsty and cruel apache, a worthy predecessor of geronimo. they also lost another officer and two privates; while four of their number were wounded, or, according to some accounts, nine. of the united states force, two privates were wounded; the commanding officer being the only one whose injury was fatal. when the firing ceased, lieutenant maus, the second in command, accompanied by one comrade, advanced to confer with capt. santa anna perez. the united states uniform is not always an all-sufficient guarantee in such cases, and the mexican commander was doubtful what course to pursue. lieutenant maus proposed that when they should reach nacori, he would produce papers to show that he was what he claimed to be. but captain perez resolved that he would not fail in discretion and refused to allow an apache to approach his camp, even though a united states scout. matters between the two officers were finally adjusted, by each giving the other a letter, stating the manner in which the fight occurred; so that neither would be censured by his superior officer for firing upon the troops of a friendly nation. having escorted the body of captain crawford to nacori, where it was temporarily interred (and afterward conveyed to kearney, nebraska, for burial), lieutenant maus took the command and encamped with all his force on the bank of the san bernardino creek, whence he sent a courier to fort bowie to inform general crook of the request of geronimo's band for an interview, looking to a surrender. meanwhile, as usual, the wishes of the settlers had far outrun the facts, and it was confidently asserted that geronimo had already surrendered with all his warriors. general crook at once assented to the request, and set off for the rendezvous. the journey of forty miles was soon made and communications opened with the hostiles, whose camp was about twenty-five miles south of that of lieutenant maus. the indians called for more time, on the plea that it was difficult to collect all the braves belonging to the band, as they were scattered through a rough mountain country difficult of access by couriers. meantime the settlers were anxious for the surrender, for well they knew that their lives and stock were in constant jeopardy while geronimo and his marauders were at large, so they gave their imaginations full rein, and had the whole business arranged to their satisfaction several times before general crook had even fixed a date for it. so it came about that the slippery geronimo surrendered as many times in the spring of as he had been killed the previous fall. unfortunately for the peace and safety of the people of the three territories, surrendering in imagination and on paper was no more effective than killing done in the same way; and geronimo remained in his camp until the latter part of march. at last the interview took place under the shade of large sycamore and cottonwood trees. captain bourke, who was present, made a verbatim record of the conference. said he: "geronimo began a long disquisition upon the causes which induced the outbreak from camp apache; he blamed 'chato,' 'mickey free,' and lieut. britton davis, who, he charged, were unfriendly to him. he was told by an indian named 'nodiskay' and by the wife of 'mangus,' that the white people were going to send for him, arrest and kill him; he had been praying to the dawn (tapida) and the darkness, to the sun (chigo-na-ay), and the sky (yandestan), to help him and put a stop to those bad stories that people were telling about him and what they had put in the papers. [the old chief was here apparently alluding to the demand made by certain of the southwestern journals at the time of his surrender to crook in , that he should be hanged.] 'i don't want that any more; when a man tries to do right, such stories ought not to be put in the newspapers. what is the matter that you [general crook] don't speak to me? it would be better if you would speak to me and look with a pleasant face; it would make better feeling; i would be glad if you did. i'd be better satisfied if you would talk to me once in a while. why don't you look at me and smile at me? i am the same man. i have the same feet, legs and hands, and the sun looks down on me a complete man; i wish you would look and smile at me. the sun and the darkness, the winds, are all listening to what we now say. to prove to you that i am now telling you the truth, remember i sent you word that i would come from a place far away to speak to you here, and you see me now. some have come on horseback and some on foot; if i were thinking bad or if i had done bad, i would never have come here. if it had been my fault would i have come so far to talk with you?' he then expressed his delight at seeing 'ka-e-ten-na' once more; he had lost all hope of ever having that pleasure; that was one reason why he had left camp apache." {illustration: group of apaches at the time of their surrender.} "to this speech general crook replied, through the interpreter, 'i have heard what you have said. it seems very strange that more than forty men should be afraid of three; but if you left the reservation for that reason, why did you kill innocent people, sneaking all over the country to do it? what did those innocent people do to you that you should kill them, steal their horses, and slip around in the rocks like coyotes? what had that to do with killing innocent people? there is not a week passes that you don't hear foolish stories in your own camp; but you are no child--you don't have to believe them. you promised me in the sierra madre that that peace should last, but you have lied about it. when a man has lied to me once i want some better proof than his own word before i can believe him again. your story about being afraid of arrest is all bosh; there were no orders to arrest you. you sent up some of your people to kill 'chato' and lieutenant davis, and then you started the story that they had killed them, and thus you got a great many of your people to go out. everything that you did on the reservation is known; there is no use for you to try to talk nonsense. i am no child. you must make up your mind whether you will stay out on the warpath or surrender unconditionally. if you stay out i'll keep after you and kill the last one if it takes fifty years. you are making a great fuss about seeing 'ka-e-ten-na'; over a year ago i asked you if you wanted me to bring 'ka-e-ten-na' back, but you said 'no.' it's a good thing for you, geronimo, that we didn't bring 'ka-e-ten-na' back, because 'ka-e-ten-na' has more sense now than all the rest of the chiricahuas put together. you told me the same sort of a story in the sierra madre, but you lied. what evidence have i of your sincerity? how do i know whether or not you are lying to me? have i ever lied to you? i have said all i have to say; you had better think it over to-night and let me know in the morning.'" thus the conference ended with the best of prospects for a treaty, and an immediate end of hostilities. the indians were subdued and had determined to surrender, but it was not to be. there is one power which was not taken into account, but which proved to be more potent for evil than the representatives of the government--crook and his army--were for good. john barleycorn appeared at this turning point of the treaty, and proved to be stronger than uncle sam, by promptly undoing all that crook and the lamented crawford had done. according to captain bourke, "'archaise' and 'ka-e-ten-na' came and awakened general crook before it was yet daylight, on march , and informed him that 'nachita,' one of the chiricahua chiefs, was so drunk he couldn't stand up and was lying prone on the ground; other chiricahuas were also drunk, but none so drunk as 'nachita.' whisky had been sold them by a rascal named tribollet, who lived on the san bernardino ranch, on the mexican side of the line, about four hundred yards from the boundary. these indians asked permission to take a squad of their soldiers and guard tribollet and his men to keep them from selling any more of the soul-destroying stuff to the chiricahuas. a beautiful commentary upon the civilization of the white man! when we reached cajon bonito, the woods and grass were on fire; four or five chiricahua mules, already saddled, were wandering about without riders. pretty soon we came upon 'geronimo,' 'kuthli' and three other chiricahua warriors riding on two mules, all drunk as lords. it seemed to me a great shame that armies could not carry with them an atmosphere of military law which would have justified the hanging of the wretch, tribollet, as a foe to human society. upon arriving at san bernardino springs, mr. frank leslie informed me that he had seen this man tribollet sell thirty dollars' worth of mescal in less than one hour--all to chiricahuas--and upon being remonstrated with, the wretch boasted that he could have sold one hundred dollars' worth that day at ten dollars a gallon in silver. that night, during a drizzling rain, a part of the chiricahuas--those who had been drinking tribollet's whisky stole out from maus' camp and betook themselves to the mountains, frightened, as was afterward learned, by the lies told them by tribollet and the men at his ranch. two of the warriors, upon sobering up, returned voluntarily, and there is no doubt at all that, had general crook not been relieved from the command of the department of arizona, he could have sent out runners from among their own people and brought back the last one without a shot being fired. before being stampeded by the lies and the vile whisky of wicked men, whose only mode of livelihood was from the vices, weaknesses, or perils of the human race, all the chiricahuas--drunk or sober--were in the best of humor and were quietly herding their ponies just outside of maus' camp. "thus was one of the bravest, and, up to this point, most successful generals and his army defeated by one villainous wretch with a barrel of cheap whisky. what did tribollet care how many settlers' homes were burned, their stock driven off, and their families butchered, if he could only sell his vile adulterated whisky at ten dollars a gallon in silver." many settlers of the southwest had long believed that general geronimo was a better officer than general crook, and this result, just at the time of the proposed surrender, seemed to justify them. about the most charitable construction we can put upon general crook's action, or rather want of action, is that he was failing at this time, by reason of age, and "eight years of the hardest work of his life." he certainly was slow, careless and showed a lack of firmness in dealing with the villainous wretch, tribollet. if no other way was open, he could have arrested him, or acted on the suggestion of the apache scout, and detailed a squad of soldiers to guard tribollet and his men to keep them from selling whisky to the indians, contrary to orders. general crook now tendered his resignation as commander of the department of the southwest, and was succeeded by gen. nelson a. miles. general crook's policy had been to surround the hostiles and crush them as an anaconda does his prey; but he might as well have tried to crush an air-cushion. general miles, who was our most successful indian fighter, because he was somehow nearly always _present_ when hostile indians were ready to surrender, adopted a more active and vigorous campaign. he organized the expedient of offering a reward for each indian or head of an indian brought in. it is said that the price of an ordinary brave was $ , while geronimo, dead or alive, was worth $ , to the one who should kill or capture him. in spite of these drastic measures, those who predicted a speedy end of the war were doomed to disappointment. capt. h. w. lawton, fourth cavalry, took the field with his command, may , . he intended at first to operate exclusively in mexico, as it was thought that geronimo had fled to his stronghold in the sierra madre. but this was only a ruse to send the soldiers on the wrong trail, while the band of that wily chief broke up into small companies and raided through southwestern arizona and northwestern sonora. but lawton soon learned the deception and followed the raiding parties. captain lawton's command consisted of thirty-five men of troop b, fourth cavalry, twenty indian scouts, twenty men of company d, eighth infantry, and two pack trains. fresh detachments of scouts and infantry took the places of those first sent out, and by the first part of july the apaches had been driven southeast of oposura. up to this time lawton's command had marched a distance equal to two-thirds of the breadth of the continent, surprised the hostiles once, and forced them to abandon their camps on three different occasions. the country at this time was burned over, and in many places there was neither grass nor water. "every device known to the indian," wrote captain lawton, "was practiced to throw me off the trail, but without avail. my trailers were good, and it was soon proven that there was not a spot the enemy could reach where security was assured." during the month of july the cavalry were so worn out, a fresh start was made with only infantry and indian scouts. assistant leonard wood was given the command of the infantry, while lieutenant brown led the scouts. these charged the camp of the hostiles and captured all their ponies and baggage, but the elusive geronimo and his band escaped, to supply themselves with fresh horses from the nearest corral. when the infantry in turn became exhausted and their shoes worn out on the rocks, they were sent back to the supply camp for rest, while fresh cavalry, under lieut. a. l. smith, continued the campaign. general miles's order at this time was: "commanding officers are expected to continue a pursuit until capture, or until they are assured a fresh command is on the trail." in obedience to this command, the hunt for geronimo was taken up by twenty-five different detachments representing four regiments. this continuous trailing, together with five encounters, soon convinced the apaches that there was no safety in arizona, and they hurried to the mountain fastnesses of the sierra madre in sonora, where they frequently rise , and , feet above the plain, which is a mile above sea level. surgeon wood, in his report, describes sonora as "a continuous mass of mountains of the most rugged character. range follows range with hardly an excuse for a valley, unless the narrow ca�±ons be so considered." spencer says these ca�±ons are a mile deep. lawton's command now resumed the trail, clinging to it like bloodhounds, in spite of heat, hunger, thirst and fatigue. geronimo and naiche could not shake him off. pursued and pursuers reached a point three hundred miles south of the boundary line. the relays of troops on their trail night and day were too much even for geronimo's band, in spite of their marvelous powers of endurance. they were at last perfectly exhausted and willing to surrender. at this time lieut. c. b. gatewood, of the sixth cavalry, at the risk of his life, went into geronimo's camp, where he met him face to face and demanded his surrender. as he and his entire band were helpless and hopeless they expressed themselves as willing to submit. the only terms lawton or his superior, general miles, would consider was unconditional surrender. at last, after some consultation with his warriors, the oft-killed and much surrendering apache submitted himself to the united states authorities on the morning of september , , at skeleton ca�±on, arizona. when the band surrendered, general miles noticed that chief naiche was not among the indians; and messengers were sent after him to induce him to come in; but he delayed until the evening of the next day. the chief explained that his delay was due to two reasons. in the first place, he was fearful of being treated as his grandfather, mangus colorado, had been, that is, murdered after he surrendered. his second reason for delay was that he thought it appropriate that he, the son of the great war-chief, cochise, and the first chief of the chiricahuas, should be the last to lay down his arms and cease fighting the white men, whom he and his fathers had fought for two centuries. never was the surrender of so small a number of savages deemed of more importance. twenty-two warriors comprised the entire fighting force that remained. about eighteen months had been spent in the pursuit, which covered a distance of two thousand miles. general miles had been in command just twenty-one weeks, during which time his men traversed more than one thousand miles. the geronimo war, now ended, had cost the government more than a million dollars. when the news was received, and confirmed by later reports, that geronimo and his band had actually surrendered, there was much rejoicing throughout western texas, new mexico, arizona, and even across the rio grande in mexico. bonfires were made, and congratulatory telegrams poured in upon general miles and captain lawton from many sources. families who had been in daily terror of their lives, now felt they could retire at night with some assurance of living to see the sunrise of the next morning. it was not thought prudent to let geronimo and his band remain in the southwest, even as united states prisoners, as the settlers would have still been in terror lest they should again break out of the reservation or prison and renew their depredations. for this reason, geronimo and sixteen members of his band, including the leading chiefs, were sent to fort pickens, florida. the rest of his band, and the four hundred chiricahua and warm spring indians of fort apache were sent to fort marion, near st. augustine, florida, about the same time. may , , the prisoners from the latter fort were removed to mount vernon, alabama, to improve their health. here they were afterward joined by geronimo and the other prisoners from fort pickens. at least two of the officers engaged in this campaign afterward became distinguished in the spanish-american and philippine wars. we refer to capt. h. w. lawton and surgeon leonard wood, whose subsequent histories are well known. capt. john g. bourke, near the close of his work, "on the border with crook," states that a number of the prisoners sent to florida, including "chato" and his band, "had remained faithful for three years, and had rendered signal service in the pursuit of the renegades." continuing, he wrote, "yet, every one of those faithful scouts--especially the two, 'ki-e-ta' and martinez, who had at imminent personal peril gone into the sierra madre to hunt up 'geronimo' and induce him to surrender--were transplanted to florida, and there subjected to the same punishment as had been meted out to 'geronimo.' and with them were sent men like 'goth-kli' and 'to-klanni,' who were not chiricahuas at all, but had only lately married wives of that band, who had never been on the warpath in any capacity except as soldiers of the government, and had devoted years to its service. there is no more disgraceful page in the history of our relations with the american indians than that which conceals the treachery visited upon the chiricahuas who remained faithful in their allegiance to our people." if these statements are true, and they are quoted from documents of the war department, then the loyal indians of this period have been terribly wronged. and every honorable soldier, and just citizen, should demand that reparation be made and the wrong righted as much as possible, even after the lapse of years. if these indians were unjustly imprisoned, as is here claimed, the accumulating years only serve to augment the shame of those responsible for such an outrage. in the spring of a school was opened for the indian children at mount vernon, alabama, and geronimo was not only present at the opening, but acted as head usher on the occasion. october , , geronimo and a portion of his band, including naiche and other chiefs, were removed to fort sill, oklahoma. they now number people and are called prisoners of war. naiche, the last of the band to surrender, seems to be, according to his own statement, an hereditary chief of the chiricahua apaches. he is said to be a clever artist, and a crack shot, either with the primitive bow and arrow or winchester rifle. he is now one of the united states soldiers at fort sill, having enlisted as a government scout. as we were anxious to learn more of these two noted indians, especially geronimo, we determined to make a visit to fort sill, which is in comanche county, oklahoma territory, three miles from lawton. this we did in april of . the commandant at the fort, lieut. george a. purington, extended every courtesy, and among other things gave me this bit of information. said he: "when geronimo was about to start to washington i gave him a check for $ . he took it to lawton and deposited $ of it in the bank, and started to washington with only $ in his pocket. but wherever the train stopped and people learned that geronimo was on board they crowded around the car windows and bought his autograph as fast as he could write it at cents each." the interpreter, george m. wratton, who was with geronimo, said he had trouble getting him from one depot to another because of the people crowding around, eager for his autograph. he attracted more attention than any one in washington, the president alone excepted. he soon had his pockets full of money. he bought a trunk and filled it with good clothes, and had money in his pocket when he returned to fort sill, ahead of the interpreter, having become separated from him in washington. {illustration: naiche, head chief of he chiricahua apaches.} the commandant also informed us that geronimo's imprisonment was of the mildest form possible. his treatment is kind and humane, and, in fact, he is a well-to-do indian, with money in the bank at lawton and the proceeds of a herd of about two hundred cattle, kept on the reservation by his good friend, uncle sam. continuing, the lieutenant said, warming with his theme; "why, as a matter of fact, geronimo enjoys comparative freedom. besides going to washington city recently and coming all the way back by himself, he is continually going somewhere. here is a letter which i have just received from one of the miller brothers, proprietors of ranch of bliss, oklahoma, asking me to let geronimo be with them june in their great wild west cowboy and indian outfit, which is being arranged to entertain the national editorial association, which will meet at guthrie about that time. they propose to pay geronimo his own price, and i am perfectly willing he should go and earn something for himself. out of the fifty or sixty thousand people expected on the ground that day, it is thought that at least ten thousand will come purposely to see geronimo, as he is the best advertised indian in america. just last night i gave him a permit to visit quanah parker, and he will go to-day. here he enjoys comparative liberty and protection, but should the president pardon him, and he return to his old haunts in arizona or texas, there are a number of white men, whose families he and his warriors butchered, have sworn to kill him on sight." in walking around the grounds of the fort, i went into a sutler's store and purchased a bow and arrow made by geronimo, but i failed to find the chief, and was passing near the depot, going to the home of mr. wratton, the interpreter, to make inquiry, when the station agent called to me and said geronimo was then in the depot waiting for a train. hurrying back, i found the noted chief on the platform of the depot; he took my proffered hand with a smile and a hearty "how!" and pulled me up on the platform. i had expected to see a gray-haired, sour-visaged, skinny-looking old indian, with a scowl on his face and nervous twitching fingers, as if eager to shed more blood. but instead i saw a smiling, well-kept, well-dressed indian, about five feet nine inches tall, with square shoulders and deep chest, indicating the marvelous power of endurance for which he and his warriors were noted. his actual weight that day was pounds, but an old soldier who had followed him over desert and mountain assured me that his fighting weight used to be about a ton. he is rather darker than the average of the apaches, his skin being more of a chocolate than copper color. he has the usual indian features with broad face and high and prominent cheekbones, each covered at the time with a vermilion spot about the size of a silver dollar. but the most remarkable of all his features are his eyes, which are keen and bright and a decided blue, something very rare among indians. he was dressed in a well-fitting blue cloth suit of citizen's clothes, and it was hard to realize that he was the same indian designated by general miles as "the tiger of the human race." i found that while he was quick to understand much that was said to him, he spoke but a few words of english, therefore i suggested by signs that we go to the interpreter's house and have him talk for us. turning to the station agent and looking up the track he asked, "how much?" the agent pulled out geronimo's open-faced silver watch from his vest pocket and running his finger around the dial, and half around again, he indicated an hour and a half. "good," he exclaimed, and we started off to the interpreter's house, about one-fourth of a mile across the prairie from the depot. imagine the writer and geronimo walking arm in arm across the pasture. well, that is what happened. there are other things besides politics which make strange companions. about half way to the house there was a little stream to cross, its width being a good jump for a man. now i rather excelled in jumping in my college sports and saw a chance to test the old chief's activity, so running forward, i vaulted over the stream, but it required an effort, and to my astonishment geronimo leaped it with ease and went a foot farther than where i landed. near the interpreter's yard was a prairie-dog town, the first i had ever seen. it consisted of a number of little hills with a hole in the side least exposed to rain; on top of some of these hills prairie dogs were to be seen, and heard, barking at us as we approached until we got quite near, when they would dart into their holes. the aged chief noticed them, and throwing an imaginary winchester to his shoulder and sighting along the barrel, he made his mouth "pop" several times in imitation of a gun. in the distance i noticed three more hills, each with a prairie dog sentinel on top. calling his attention to them by pointing in that direction, he at once raised the sights on his imaginary gun and again his "pop! pop! pop!" was heard, showing that his eyes are still good. when we reached the house of the interpreter, george m. wratton, and i had explained the object of our call, and convinced him that i was a historian searching for facts and information, he was ready to help me. i found him a very intelligent, well informed gentleman, who, as the commandant had assured me, probably knows more about geronimo than the chief does himself. mr. wratton was present, and one of the two interpreters who did the talking, when geronimo surrendered to general miles. he was a famous scout during the geronimo war and is now interpreter at fort sill. he it was who interpreted geronimo's speech to the "great father," president roosevelt, in washington, as also the reply. my first question to geronimo was, "where were you born?" "in arizona," was the reply. "how old are you?" "he says he is seventy-three," said my interpreter, "but i tell you he is at least eighty, if not more." continuing, he added, "i don't believe he knows his age, few indians do." "is he a full-blood indian?" i asked. "yes," was the reply. "then how is it that he has a mexican or spanish name? geronimo is from one of those languages and is the same as gerome." the chief's reply was that this name was given him in mexico many years ago, when but a youth, and took the place of his indian name, as it was much easier to pronounce. "do you know this indian name?" i asked, "and will you kindly write it on my note-book?" "certainly," he answered, and this is what he wrote: "go-yat-thlay." having obtained through the interpreter a promise from geronimo to write his autograph on my bow and note-book, we returned to the depot, where this promise was at once made good. while waiting for the trains, which were to meet at fort sill. i showed geronimo a book which i had bought in lawton that morning. it was a short history of the comanche and apache tribes and contained a number of indian pictures, including several of geronimo. he was greatly interested in these cuts, especially those of himself, and took pains to show them to the other indians around. at last he turned to me, and pointing first to himself and then to the picture, he uttered one expressive word, "me." a few minutes later geronimo and the writer waved a last adieu to each other from the rear platforms of receding trains and the interview ended. i learned at fort sill that geronimo, in point of fact, is not a chief at all, that honor belonging to naiche, but, like sitting bull, is an indian medicine man with the authority of a chief. be that as it may, he is recognized not only as a chief but as the most famous living chief. the words of spartacus to the gladiators would be as true if spoken by this barbarian, "ye call me chief and ye do well." while in washington last march attending the inauguration of president roosevelt, geronimo called on the president, accompanied by the five other chiefs who were in the procession, and his interpreter, mr. wratton. at this time he made the following address to the "great father," through his interpreter, and received a characteristic reply: geronimo's appeal. "great father, i look to you as i look to god. when i see your face i think i see the face of the great spirit. i come here to pray to you to be good to me and to my people. "when i was young, many years ago, i was a fool. did i know that i was a fool? no. my heart was brave. my limbs were strong. i could follow the warpath days and nights without rest and without food. i knew that fear of me was in the heart of every chief of red men who was my enemy. "then came the warriors of the great white chief. did i fear them? no. did i fear the great white chief? no. he was my enemy and the enemy of my people. his people desired the country of my people. my heart was strong against him. i said that he should never have my country. "great father, in those days my people were as the leaves of the trees. the young men were strong. they were brave. the old men were glad to die in battle. our children were many. should we let strangers take their country from them? no. should our women say that our livers were white? no. i defied the great white chief, for in those days i was a fool. "i had a bad heart, great father. my heart was bad then, but i did not know it. is my heart bad now? no. my heart is good and my talk is straight. i am punished and i suffer. i ask you to think of me as i was then. i lived in the home of my people. i was their chief. they trusted me. it was right that i should give them my strength and my wisdom. "when the soldiers of the great white chief drove me and my people from our home we went to the mountains. when they followed we slew all that we could. we said we would not be captured. no. we starved, but we killed. i said that we would never yield, for i was a fool. "so i was punished, and all my people were punished with me. the white soldiers took me and made me a prisoner far from my own country, and my people were scattered. what was geronimo then? was he the great chief of the apache nation? no. his hands were tied. he was no more than a woman. "great father, other indians have homes where they can live and be happy. i and my people have no homes. the place where we are kept is bad for us. our cattle can not live in that place. we are sick there and we die. white men are in the country that was my home. i pray you to tell them to go away and let my people go there and be happy. "great father, my hands are tied as with a rope. my heart is no longer bad. i will tell my people to obey no chief but the great white chief. i pray you to cut the ropes and make me free. let me die in my own country, an old man who has been punished enough and is free." roosevelt's reply. "geronimo, i do not see how i can grant your prayer. you speak truly when you say that you have been foolish. i am glad that you have ceased to commit follies. i am glad that you are trying to live at peace and in friendship with the white people. "i have no anger in my heart against you. i even wish it were only a question of letting you return to your country as a free man. then i should not have the same feeling about it. i must think and act for the good of all the people of this country. "you must remember that there are white people in your old home. it is probable that some of these have bad hearts toward you. if you went back there some of these men might kill you, or make trouble for your people. it is hard for them to forget that you made trouble for them. i should have to interfere between you. there would be more war and more bloodshed. "my country has had enough of these troubles. i want peace for all, for both the red and the white men. you and your people are not confined within doors. you are allowed to cut the timber and till your farms. the results of your labor are for your own benefit. "i feel, geronimo, that it is best for you to stay where you are. for the present, at least, i can not give you any promise of a change. i will confer with the commissioner and with the secretary of war about your case, but i do not think i can hold out any hope for yon. that is all that i can say, geronimo, except that i am sorry, and have no feeling against you." we have had some correspondence with mr. wratton, the interpreter, and are indebted to him for much information contained in this sketch. in a recent letter, he says: "geronimo has a daughter at fort sill named eva, aged sixteen years; a daughter at mescalero, new mexico, named lena, aged twenty years; also a son at mescalero, new mexico, aged about eighteen years. the aged chief also thinks he has some children living in old mexico, who were captured by the mexicans many years ago." geronimo was the most conspicuous figure at miller brothers' "last buffalo hunt," at ranch , near bliss, oklahoma territory, june , . and when one of the visitors, dr. homer m. thomas, of chicago, shot and wounded a buffalo from his automobile, it was geronimo who rushed forward and finished the animal with neatness and dispatch. his latest achievement was his marriage to his eighth wife, a widow named mary loto, which took place christmas day. perhaps now he will be more contented at fort sill. {illustration: quanah parker, principal chief of the comanches.} chapter xvi. quanah parker, head chief of the comanches with some account of the captivity of his mother, cynthia anne parker, known as "the white comanche." up to this point we have refrained from writing the biography of half-breed indians, lest people should imagine their greatness was due to the infusion of the blood of the superior white race. but the story of quanah parker is so interesting, and he has such a remarkable personality in many ways, that we have decided to make an exception in his case. then, too, as will be seen, his mother, cynthia anne parker, at the time of his birth, was to all intents and purposes an indian, though born of white parents. it is said on good authority that the apaches and comanches are related through intermarriage and consanguinity, and at one period formed a single tribe. during a scarcity of food these people were divided into the mountain tribes, who pledged their word and honor to their brothers who lived on the fish, water-fowl and swine, that they would never eat the fish from the streams, nor the fowls from the waters, nor the hogs from the mud. their bottom-land brothers were to abstain from the game of the mountains and plains. this treaty, made in the time of famine, was sacredly kept in the days of plenty, and ever afterward those highland indians refused to eat pork, fish or water-fowl. the best account of cynthia anne parker and her famous son, quanah, is found in white's "experiences of an indian agent." in it he quotes an article from general alford on "the white comanche," in which the general says: "amongst numerous illustrations of heroism which illuminate the pages of texas history perhaps none shines with a brighter halo than the capture of fort parker. in a small colony formed in illinois, moved to the then mexican province of texas, and settled in a beautiful and fertile region on the navasota river, about two miles from the present city of groesbeck, the county seat of limestone county. the colony consisted of nine families, in all thirty-four persons, of which elder john parker was the patriarchal head. they erected a block-house, which was known as fort parker, for protection against the assaults of hostile indians. this structure was made of solid logs, closely knit together and hewn down so as to make a compact perfect square, without opening of any kind until it reached a height of ten or twelve feet, where the structure widened on each side, forming a projection impossible to climb. the lower story, reached only by an interior ladder, was used as a place of storage for provisions. the upper story was divided into two large rooms with port-holes for the use of guns. these rooms were also the living rooms, and reached only by a ladder from the outside, which was pulled up at night, after the occupants had ascended, making a safe fortification against any reasonable force unless assailed by fire. "these hardy sons of toil tilled their adjacent fields by day, always taking their arms with them, and retired to the fort at night. success crowned their labors and they were prosperous and happy. on the morning of may , , the men left as usual for their fields, a mile distant. scarcely had they left the inclosure when the fort was attacked by about seven hundred comanches and kiowas, who were waiting in ambush. a gallant and most resolute defense was made, many savages being sent to their 'happy hunting grounds,' but it was impossible to stem the terrible assault, and fort parker fell. then began the carnival of death. elder john parker, silas m. parker, ben f. parker, sam m. frost and robert frost were killed and scalped in the presence of their horror-stricken families. mrs. john parker, granny parker and mrs. duty were dangerously wounded and left for dead, and the following were carried into a captivity worse than death: mrs. rachel plummer, james pratt plummer, her two-year-old son, mrs. elizabeth kellogg, cynthia anne parker, nine years old, and her little brother, john, aged six, both children of silas m. parker. the remainder of the party made their escape, and after incredible suffering, being forced even to the dire necessity of eating skunks to save their lives, they reached fort houston, now the residence of hon. john h. reagan, about three miles from the present city of palestine, in anderson county, where they obtained prompt succor, and a relief party buried their dead." cynthia anne parker and her little brother, john, were held by separate bands. john grew up to athletic young manhood, married a beautiful, night-eyed young mexican captive, donna juanita espinosa, escaped from the savages, or was released by them, joined the confederate army under gen. h. p. bee, became noted for his gallantry and daring, and at last accounts was leading a happy, contented, pastoral life as a ranchero, on the western llano estacado (staked plains) of texas. four long and anxious years had passed since cynthia anne was taken from her weeping mother's arms, during which time no tidings had been received by her anxious family, when in , col. len williams, an old and honored texan, mr. stout, a trader, and jack harry, a delaware indian guide, packed mules with goods and engaged in an expedition of private traffic with the indians. on the canadian river they fell in with pahauka's band of comanches, with whom they were on peaceable terms. cynthia anne was with this tribe, and from the day of her capture had never beheld a white person. colonel williams proposed to redeem her from the old comanche who held her in bondage, but the fierceness of his countenance warned him of the danger of further mentioning the subject. pahauka, however, reluctantly permitted her to sit at the foot of a tree, and while the presence of the white men was doubtless a happy event to the poor stricken captive, who in her doleful captivity had endured everything but death, _she refused to speak one word._ as she sat there, musing perhaps, of distant relatives and friends, and her bereavement at the beginning and progress of her distress, they employed every persuasive art to evoke from her some expression of her feelings. they told her of her relatives and her playmates, and asked what message of love she would send them, but she had been commanded to silence, and with no hope of release was afraid to appear sad or dejected, and by a stoical effort controlled her emotions, lest the terrors of her captivity should be increased. but the anxiety of her mind was betrayed by the quiver of her lips, showing that she was not insensible to the common feelings of humanity. as the years rolled by cynthia anne developed the charms of captivating womanhood, and the heart of more than one dusky warrior was pierced by the elysian darts of her laughing eyes and the ripple of her silvery voice, and laid at her feet the trophies of the chase. among the number whom her budding charms brought to her shrine was peta nocona, a redoubtable young comanche war-chief, in prowess and renown the peer of the famous "big foot," who fell in a desperate hand-to-hand combat with the famous indian fighter, capt. shapley p. ross, of waco, the illustrious father of the still more distinguished son, gen. sul ross, now the governor of texas. it is a remarkable and happy coincidence that the son, emulating the father's contagious deeds of valor and prowess, afterward, in single combat, in the valley of the pease, forever put to rest the brave and knightly peta nocona. cynthia anne, stranger now to every word of her mother tongue, save only her childhood name, became the bride of the brown warrior, peta nocona, bore him three children, and loved him with a fierce passion and wifely devotion, evinced by the fact that, fifteen years after her capture a party of hunters, including friends of her family, visited the comanche encampment on the upper canadian river, and recognizing cynthia anne, through the medium of her name, endeavored to induce her to return to her kindred and the abode of civilization. she shook her head in a sorrowful negative, and pointing to her little naked barbarians sporting at her feet, and the great, lazy chief sleeping in the shade near by, the locks of a score of fresh scalps dangling at his belt, replied: "i am happy wedded, i love my husband and my little ones, who are his, too, and i can not forsake them." the account of the death of peta nocona, and the recapture of cynthia anne parker, is best told in a letter written by governor ross to gen. george f. alford, from which we will quote a few paragraphs. it was dated: "executive office, austin, april , . "my dear general--in response to your request, i herewith inclose you my recollections, after a lapse of thirty years, of the events to which you refer. . . . on december , , while marching up pease river, i had suspicions that indians were in the vicinity by reason of the great number of buffalo which came running toward us from the north, and while my command moved to the low ground i visited neighboring high points to make discoveries. to my surprise i found myself within two hundred yards of a large comanche village, located on a small stream winding around the base of a hill. a cold, piercing wind from the north was blowing, bearing with it clouds of dust, and my presence was thus unobserved and the surprise complete. "in making disposition for the attack the sergeant and his twenty men were sent at a gallop behind a chain of sand hills to cut off their retreat, while, with my forty men, i charged. the attack was so sudden that a large number were killed before they could prepare for defense. they fled precipitately, right into the arms of the sergeant and his twenty. here they met with a warm reception, and finding themselves completely encompassed, every one fled his own way and was hotly pursued and hard pressed. the chief, a warrior of great repute, named peta nocona, with an indian girl about fifteen years of age mounted on his horse behind him, and cynthia anne parker, his squaw, with a girl child about two years old in her arms, and mounted on a fleet young pony, fled together. lieut. tom kelliheir and i pursued them, and after running about a mile, kelliheir ran up by the side of cynthia anne's horse, and supposing her to be a man, was in the act of shooting her when she held up her child and stopped. {fn} i kept on alone at the top of my horse's speed, after the chief, and about half a mile further, when in about twenty yards of him, i fired my pistol, striking the girl, whom i supposed to be a man, as she rode like one, and only her head was visible above the buffalo robe with which she was wrapped--near the heart, killing her instantly. and the same ball would have killed both but for the shield of the chief, which hung down, covering his back. when the girl fell from the horse, dead, she pulled the chief off also, but he caught on his feet, and, before steadying himself, my horse, running at full speed, was nearly upon him, when he sped an arrow, which struck my horse and caused him to pitch or 'buck,' and it was with the greatest difficulty i could keep my saddle, meantime narrowly escaping several arrows coming in quick succession from the chief's bow. being at such disadvantage, he undoubtedly would have killed me, but for a random shot from my pistol while i was clinging with my left hand to the pommel of my saddle, which broke his right arm at the elbow, completely disabling him. my horse then becoming more quiet, i shot the chief twice through the body; whereupon he deliberately walked to a small tree near by, the only one in sight, and leaning against it with one arm around it for support, began to sing a weird, wild song--the death song of the savage. there was a plaintive melody in it which, under the dramatic circumstances, filled my heart with sorrow. at this time my mexican servant, who had once been a captive with the comanches and spoke their language as fluently as his mother tongue, came up in company with others of my men. through him i summoned the chief to surrender, but he promptly treated every overture with contempt, and emphasized his refusal with a savage attempt to thrust me through with his lance, which he still held in his left hand. i could only look upon him with pity and admiration, for, deplorable as was his situation with no possible chance of escape, his band utterly destroyed, his wife and child captives in his sight, he was undaunted by the fate that awaited him, and as he preferred death to life, i directed the mexican to end his misery by a charge of buckshot from the gun which he carried, and the brave savage, who had been so long the scourge and terror of the texas frontier, passed into the land of the shadows and rested with his fathers. taking up his accoutrements, which i subsequently delivered to gen. sam houston, as governor of texas and commander-in-chief of her soldiery, to be deposited in the state archives at austin, we rode back to the captive woman, whose identity was then unknown, and found lieutenant kelliheir, who was guarding her and her child, bitterly reproaching himself for having run his pet horse so hard after an old squaw. she was very dirty and far from attractive, in her scanty garments, as well as her person, but as soon as i looked her in the face, i said: 'why, tom, this is a white woman; indians do not have blue eyes.' on our way to the captured indian village, where our men were assembling with the spoils we had captured, i discovered an indian boy about nine years old, secreted in the tall grass. expecting to be killed, he began to cry, but i made him mount behind me and carried him along, taking him to my home at waco, where he became an obedient member of my family. when, in after years, i tried to induce him to return to his people, he refused to go, and died in mclennan county about four years ago." * * * * * {fn} another account says she threw back her robe, held her child in front of her and exclaimed in broken spanish, "americano! americano!" "when camped for the night, cynthia anne, our then unknown captive, kept crying, and thinking it was caused by fear of death at our hands, i had the mexican tell her in the comanche language, that we recognized her as one of our own people and would not harm her. she replied that two of her sons, in addition to the infant daughter, were with her when the fight began, and she was distressed by the fear that they had been killed. it so happened, however, that both escaped, and one of them--quanah--is now the chief of the comanche tribe, and the beautiful city of quanah, now the county seat of hardeman county, is named in his honor. the other son died some years ago on the plains. through my mexican interpreter i then asked her to give me the history of her life with the indians, and the circumstances attending her capture by them, which she promptly did in a very intelligent manner, and as the facts detailed by her corresponded with the massacre at parker's fort in , i was impressed with the belief that she was cynthia anne parker. "returning to my post, i sent her and her child to the ladies at camp cooper, where she received the attention her sex and situation demanded, and at the same time i dispatched a messenger to col. isaac parker, her uncle, near weatherford, parker county, named as his memorial, for he was many years a distinguished senator in the congress of the republic, and in the legislature of the state after annexation. when colonel parker came to my post i sent the messenger with him to camp cooper, in the capacity of interpreter, and her identity was soon discovered to colonel parker's entire satisfaction. she had been a captive just twenty-four years and seven months, and was in her thirty-fourth year when recovered. i remain, my dear general, "sincerely your friend. l. s. ross." a few more incidents of her subsequent life are told by general alford. said he: "cynthia anne and her infant barbarian were taken to austin, the capital of the state; the immortal sam houston was governor, the secession convention was in session. she was taken to the magnificent statehouse, where this august body was holding grave discussion as to the policy of withdrawing from the union. comprehending not one word of her mother tongue, she concluded it was a council of mighty chiefs, assembled for the trial of her life, and in great alarm tried to make her escape. her brother, col. dan parker, who resided near parker's bluff, in anderson county, was a member of the legislature from that county, and a colleague of this writer, who then represented the eleventh senatorial district. colonel parker took his unhappy sister to his comfortable home, and essayed by the kind offices of tenderness and affection to restore her to the comforts and enjoyments of civilized life, to which she had been so long a stranger. but as thorough an indian in manner and looks as if she had been a native born, she sought every opportunity to escape and rejoin her dusky companions, and had to be constantly and closely watched." {illustration: quanah parker and two of his wives.} "the civil strife then being waged between the north and south, between fathers, sons and brothers, necessitated the primitive arts of spinning and weaving, in which she soon became an adept, and gradually her mother tongue came back, and with it occasional incidents of her childhood. but the ruling passion of her bosom seemed to be the maternal instinct, and she cherished the hope that when the cruel war was over she would at least succeed in reclaiming her two sons, who were still with the comanches. but the great spirit had written otherwise, and cynthia anne and little prairie flower were called in to the spirit land, and peacefully sleep side by side under the great oak trees on her brother's plantation near palestine. "thus ends the sad story of a woman whose stormy life, darkened by an eternal shadow, made her far-famed throughout the borders of the imperial lone star state. "cynthia anne's son has been for some years the popular hereditary chief of the once powerful confederacy of comanche indians, which, though greatly decimated by war and the enervating influences of semi-civilization, is still one of the most numerous tribes in the united states. he is intelligent and wealthy; in personal appearance he is tall, muscular and graceful in his movements; is a friend of the white man, and rules his tribe with firmness, moderation and wisdom. he is located on his picturesque reservation in oklahoma, not many miles distant from the city of quanah, so named in his honor. "a few years since i met the chief in wichita falls, and when informed that i had personally known his pale-faced mother, cynthia anne, or prelock--as she was called by the indians--he had a thousand questions to ask about her personal appearance, size, shape, form, height, weight, color of hair and eyes, etc. he gave me a cordial invitation to visit him at his 'tepee,' or wigwam, near fort sill, profusely promising all the fish, game, ponies and _squaws_ i desired." general alford's statement that quanah is the hereditary chief is incorrect. it is true he is the son of chief peta nocona, but it by no means follows that the son of a chief will succeed to the chieftaincy, by "divine right" of inheritance. the son of a common warrior, if he possesses the elements of leadership, force of character, eloquence in council, and general ability, will stand a much better show of becoming a chief, than the son of a chief lacking in these essentials. fortunately we know how quanah parker became chief; he told part of his story to the author of this book and the entire account to e. e. white, the special indian agent. as the story is very romantic and interesting we will give it in full. said mr. white: "by the death of his father and the recapture of his mother, quanah was left an orphan at an age which could not have been more than twelve years. the same disaster that reduced him to orphanage also made him a pauper. although the son of a deceased chief, now having no parents, no home and no fortune, he became, not the ruler of his tribe, but a waif of the camp. but being self-reliant, an expert archer, a successful hunter for one of his age, good natured and intelligent, he made friends, among the boys of the tribe at least, and found whereon to lay his head, and plenty to eat and wear. and while orphanage and poverty entailed sorrow and suffering upon the young savage, it was happily contrary to nature for those sad misfortunes to divest him of the 'divine right' to love and be loved. and although he was half a savage by blood and a complete one by habit and association, abundant proof that he was not devoid of the finer instincts of humanity is found in the ardent and constant love which he has always borne for his first wife, weckeah, and the strong and undying affection and sympathy that he has always exhibited for his most unhappy mother. it is said that his first question upon surrendering the tribe to general mackenzie, in , was concerning her, and that his first request was for permission to go to see her, her death not then being known either to himself or the general. "proof of his captive mother's love for him, and the sentiment of her nature, are shown in the name she bestowed upon him, its meaning in the comanche language being fragrance. i was one day on the prairie with a large party of comanches. we stopped at a spring for water, and the chiefs, tabannaka and white wolf, the jonathan and david of the tribe, walked down the branch a short distance and gathered a large handful of wild mint. holding it to my nose, white wolf said, 'quanah, quanah. you take it.' i said, 'sweet smell; is that quanah?' they replied: 'yes; quanah--heap good smell.' then plucking a bunch of wild flowers they inhaled their fragrance to show me what they meant, and then handing them to me said, 'quanah--quanah--heap quanah--good smell.' "quanah's best friend and most constant playmate in his orphanage was weckeah, chief yellow bear's daughter. they rode her father's ponies to the water holes, played through the camps together, and were inseparable. he shot antelope and other game for her amusement, and she learned to bead his moccasins and ornament his bow quiver. "the years went by and quanah and weckeah were no longer papooses. they were in the very bloom of young manhood and womanhood, and each in form and feature without flaw or blemish. but they did not know that they loved each other. "there were other young men in the village, however, and one day one of them, gaudily painted and bedecked with beads and small mirrors, came near yellow bear's tepee, blowing his reed flutes. three days later he came again, and nearer than before. only two days passed until he came the third time. spreading his blanket on the grass in front of yellow bear's tepee, and seating himself on it, he looked straight at the doorway and played softly all the love songs of the tribe. weckeah showed not her face to the wooer. her heart was throbbing violently with a sensation that had never thrilled her before, but it was not responsive to the notes of the flutes. "nor had quanah been unobservant and there were strange and violent pulsations through his veins also. it was the first time he had ever seen the arts of the lover attempted to be employed on weckeah. instantly his very soul was aflame with love for her. there was just one hot, ecstatic, overpowering flush of love, and then there came into his leaping heart the chilling, agonizing thought that this wooing might be by weckeah's favor or encouragement. then a very tempest of contending emotions raged in his breast. "when the sun's rays began to slant to the east there came to yellow bear's tepee a rich old chief by the name of eckitoacup, who had been, when a young man, the rival of peta nocona for the heart and hand of the beautiful 'white comanche,' cynthia anne parker. eckitoacup and yellow bear sat down together, on buffalo robes under the brush wickiup in front of the tepee. they smoked their pipes leisurely, and talked a long time, not in whispers, but very slow and in low tones. when quanah and weckeah met that evening it was with feelings never experienced before by either of them. "weckeah was greatly agitated. she fluttered like a bird, and kneeling at quanah's feet, she locked her arms around his knees, looked up in his face and begged him to save her. "the lover with the flutes was tannap, the only son of rich old eckitoacup. weckeah abhorred him, but his father had offered yellow bear ten ponies for her. yellow bear loved his daughter, and notwithstanding it was the tribal custom he was loath to sell her against her will. he had given eckitoacup no answer for the present, and weckeah implored quanah to get ten ponies and take her himself. "quanah was filled with deepest pity for weckeah, and alarmed at the prospect of losing her, for he owned but one pony, and tannap's father owned a hundred. after telling weckeah to be brave and note everything said and done in her sight and hearing, quanah tore away from her, and gathering all of his young friends together, explained his situation to them. they loved him and hated tannap, but calamities in war had made them all poor like himself. they separated to meet again in secret with others next morning. during the day nine ponies were tendered to him, which, with the one he owned made ten. these quanah accepted on condition that others should be received in exchange for them whenever he could get them, which he was ambitious and hopeful enough to believe he could some day do. "driving these ponies, with the haste of an anxious lover, to yellow bear's tepee, quanah there met old eckitoacup, who greeted him with a taunting chuckle of exultation and a look of wicked revenge. his spies having informed him of the action of quanah's friends, he had raised his bid to twenty ponies. this being an exceptionally liberal offer, yellow bear had promptly accepted it, and now the jealous and unforgiving old savage was exulting in his triumph over the poor but knightly rival of his arrogant and despised son, and gloating in his revenge upon the valiant and rising son of his own late successful and hated rival. "entering the tepee, quanah found weckeah prostrated at her mother's feet in deepest distress. in two sleeps tannap would bring the twenty ponies and claim his prize. weckeah was heartbroken and quanah was desperate. he hurried back for another consultation with his friends, but not to ask for more ponies. it was to submit a new and startling proposition to them--to tell them of a new thought that had come to him--a new resolution that had taken possession of his very soul. though he himself did not suspect it, the star of a new chief was about to rise above the horizon. "the new scheme promising spoils and adventure, as well as triumph over a hated rival, quanah's zealous young friends agreed to it with an enthusiasm which they could hardly avoid showing in their faces and actions. "the unhappy lovers stole another brief twilight meeting in the shadows of yellow bear's tepee. weckeah's quick eyes noted with increasing admiration and confidence that the past two days had marked a great change in quanah. he was now no longer a boy. he seemed to have grown taller, was more serious and thoughtful, and spoke with an evident courage and consciousness of strength which gave her great hope and comfort. he told her that their only hope was in flight, and, as she knew, according to the inexorable law of the tribe, that meant certain death to him and at least the delivery of herself to tannap, and possibly death to herself also, if they should be overtaken. "weckeah, instead of being deterred by the hazards of the attempt at elopement, was eager to go, for in that step she could see the possibility of a life of happiness, and escape from a fate which, in her detestation of tannap, she regarded as even worse than death. "just at moondown the next night, which, from the description given me, i suppose was about eleven o'clock, quanah and one of his friends met weckeah at the door of her father's tepee and conducted her to the edge of the camp, where their horses and twenty-one other young men were waiting. "then began the most remarkable elopement, and, in some respects, at least, the most remarkable ride ever known on the plains, among either whites or indians. "quanah took the lead with weckeah next behind him, and the twenty-two young men following in single file. for seven hours they did not break a lope, except to water their ponies in crossing streams. at daylight they stopped to graze their ponies and make a repast on dried buffalo meat. here weckeah saw with pride and increasing confidence that many of those twenty-two tall sinewy young men carried guns, and all of them revolvers, shields, bows, and quivers full of arrows, and were mounted and equipped throughout as a select war party. "stopping only a few hours, they changed their course, separated and came together again at a designated place at sunset. there they stopped again until moondown, and then resuming their journey, traveled together all night. "they were now in texas, and dared not travel any more in daylight. when night came on they changed their course again, separated into couples, and traveled that way several nights, coming together at a place which, from the description, i think probably was double mountain, in scurry county, texas. there they stopped several days to recruit their ponies, subsisting themselves on game, which then abounded in that region. from that place they traveled in couples from high point to high point until they came to a river, which i suppose, from the description, was one of the main branches of the concho, and there they established their rendezvous, and, as quanah expressed it, 'went to stealin' hosses.' "it has been said--indeed, i believe it has been universally conceded--that the comanches, before their subjugation, were 'the finest horse thieves the world ever saw.' whether this has been conceded or not, i am sure no one who knew them then will deny that it was a well-deserved 'compliment.' and i doubt not that quanah and his bridal party, or _bridle party,_ whichever it may seem most appropriate to call it, contributed generously to the weaving of that wreath for the tribal brow. "eckitoacup's band being utterly unable to follow the trail, the fugitives remained undiscovered in that region for more than a year, and, in quanah's own candid and comprehensive language, 'just stole hosses all over texas.' in a few months they had a large herd, including many valuable american horses and mules. "but it was not long until the young men began to sigh for the girls they had left behind them, and to venture back, a few at a time, to see them, and always with laudations of their chief, and glowing accounts of the magnitude and 'profits' of their 'business.' they invariably returned with their sweethearts, and many other indians, of both sexes, also. with quanah's encouragement their visits became frequent, and at the end of a year his band numbered several hundred. "but through these visits old eckitoacup had heard of the fugitive, and was now coming with a large war party to punish him and take weckeah. weckeah again became badly frightened. she would get behind quanah from the direction of tannap's approach, clasp her arms around him and beg him not to give her up. but her entreaties were wholly unnecessary. quanah, of his own accord, was ready to die rather than suffer her to be taken from him. "eckitoacup found quanah's band posted for battle. he was astounded at their numbers and became so alarmed for his own safety that he was glad to agree to an offer of compromise, rather than risk the hazard of battle. four chiefs were sent from each side to meet half way between the two bands and arrange the compromise. after a great deal of smoking and haggling eckitoacup's men proposed to accept nineteen horses, the pick of quanah's herd, in full satisfaction of all demands. quanah promptly approved the agreement with the cheerful and significant observation that he knew a ranch where he could get nineteen others just as good in a few hours. "this gave quanah the right to return to the tribe, and as the texans had him pretty well 'located' in that rendezvous and were becoming quite 'impudent' and inhospitable to him, and his band was now too large to be longer concealed anywhere in the state, he followed close after eckitoacup. continuing in the territory, to receive accessions from the other bands, including eckitoacup's, he soon became the acknowledged chief of the tribe, and as a war-chief, before being overpowered and conquered, he had achieved great renown for prowess, enterprise, sagacity and true military genius, his sway perhaps never being greater, or even as great, as it is at the present day. he lives in a picturesque valley on the south side of the wichita mountains, where he owns a good home, a hundred horses, perhaps a thousand cattle, and has two hundred and fifty acres of land in cultivation, though i doubt if he has ever plowed a furrow himself, _or would do it if he could._ weckeah presides over his household, happy and contented, proud of her husband, with immunity from burdensome duties, and provided with all the comforts and luxuries befitting her station in life. but there is a good deal of brigham young, or the sultan of turkey, in this untutored comanche, and instead of weckeah being his only wife, she is merely one of a harem of five--his devotion to her, which has always been constant and unquestioned, not precluding him from the polygamous custom of the tribe. it must be said to his credit, however, that weckeah is still his favorite. this is quite evident to those who see much of them, and on one occasion, when something was said of the possibility of the government arbitrarily divorcing all the indians from their plural wives, i asked him which of his he would choose to retain if that were done. without a moment's hesitation he said weckeah." {illustration: comanche indians stealing cows.} "yellow bear, weckeah's father, became an ardent friend and admirer of quanah, and lived until , when he got what the texans considered 'a mighty good joke' on himself. he and quanah got to feeling rich and 'civilized,' put on their 'white man's clothes,' and went down to fort worth to have a big 'blow out' with a 'herd' of cattle barons who were grazing cattle on their reservation. they put up at the leading 'chuck-away tepee' of the town, the pickwick, and coming in from a round-up of the city with their white friends at a late hour of the night, they dragged themselves wearily up to their room, and '_blowedout' the gas._ when discovered next morning, yellow bear's spirit had been blown away to the boundless prairies of the great spirit above, never to return, and quanah was crouched on his 'all-fours' at a window, unconscious, his own soul just about to wing its flight to the same mysterious realms." i was living in oklahoma in the spring of , employed in preparing the manuscript of this book. as i needed a good sketch of quanah parker, in order to complete my "lives of famous indian chiefs," i decided to go and interview him and get my information at first hands and authentic. arriving at lawton, i was informed that quanah parker was at cache, a small town in comanche county, twelve miles distant. i immediately boarded the 'frisco train, and in due time found myself at cache, which is located at the foot of the wichita mountains. i found the chief in his buggy just starting out of town, and seemingly in a hurry, but when i introduced myself and stated my business, he alighted from the buggy and expressed himself as willing to talk. though a half-breed, quanah parker has every appearance of a typical indian, being tall, straight, athletic and as dark as the full bloods of his tribe. he rules his people with wisdom and moderation, by sheer force of character, and is very popular with both white and red neighbors. he is quite wealthy, and ambitious withal to represent the new state, shortly to be formed of the two territories, in the united states senate. he argues that a large percentage of the population of the new state will be of his race, who will also be affected by many of the laws to be enacted, therefore there should be an indian in the united states senate, or it would be another case of taxation without representation. as the population of the new state will be of both races, so a logical representative in the senate should belong to both races. all of which clearly means chief parker. and he is perfectly willing to serve his people in that august body, when the time comes. and indeed the new state might hunt further for senatorial timber and fare worse, only in case of his election he would likely be refused a seat on the grounds of being a polygamist. the prophecy that "seven women shall take hold of one man" was fulfilled in his case; but of late years he has reduced his harem. he prides himself on being a personal friend of president roosevelt and was one of the six chiefs who were in the parade at the time of the inauguration last march, the others being little plume, of the blackfoot tribe; american horse and hollow horn bear, of the sioux; geronimo, of the apaches, and buckskin charley, of the utes. when we were seated in the shade the chief said: "what do you want to talk about?" i answered by way of a leader, "tell me of your last trip to washington and the president's inauguration." he proceeded to comply with the request, but as this was reported in all the papers at the time, we will omit it and refer to something of more general interest. the chief was easily understood, but spoke somewhat broken, and in a manner peculiar to the indian. we will try to give his exact language: "how about the president's wolf hunt in the big prairie," we asked. "it's like this," he answered. "president came along in his special car. it stopped. president stood on platform of car, fix glasses on his nose, look all over crowd. i standing back good way among injuns. president see me, motion first with one hand, then two hands, like this, but i no go." "why you no go," i asked in astonishment, "when the president motioned for you to come?" "how i know he mean me? plenty injuns in crowd, other chiefs around. might mean other chiefs, so i no go at first; then he sent messenger after me. messenger say, 'president roosevelt want to see chief quanah parker at car.' then i know he mean me and i follow messenger to car through crowd; we elbow our way through crowd like this, and this [showing me how it was done]. president reach out over heads of people and grip my hand, so. he then give me big pull right up steps side him, shook my hand may-be-so like pump handle and pat me on back with other hand. he made a little speech and say, 'this is my friend, chief quanah parker. i met him in washington city. he friend to white and father to red man and 'titled to respect and honor of both.' "then people in crowd around car shout out, 'two big chiefs, big white chief, big red chief, both good men, and good friends,' and they do like this [clapping his hands], long time. president say: 'won't you go hunting with me in big prairie, and stay week and show us where to find the wolves?' i went with him, stayed five days, took tent, camping and cooking outfit, and some of my men and my family, or some of my family; had good time, killed plenty wolves." continuing, the chief said: "president roosevelt, him all right, him different from mckinley and cleveland. they way up in the air, standing on their dignity, but him down here on level with the people. him injuns' president, as well as white man's president. him all kinds of man; when he with cowboys, he cowboy; when he with rough riders, he roughest rider of all; when he with statesmen, he statesman; and when he with injuns, he just like injun; all same he white injun. we personal friends. i talk to him and use influence with him for pardon geronimo. i got message for geronimo, but i no tell you, tell him first." "then you will be going to fort sill in a few days to deliver the president's message?" i ventured to remark. but the reply was, "no! no! i much heap big chief; he come to see me." i told him i realized that fact and intended to give him a good mention in my indian history i was just completing, and asked him if he could furnish me a late photograph to enable me to have a good cut made for the book. he said that he and geronimo had some pictures taken together in washington city, and added, "they no come yet, may-be-so they come to-morrow, may-be-so next week; when they come i send you one." the chief kept his word, and some time afterward i got a photograph from him. it was hard to realize as i saw the good-natured looking comanche indians loafing or trading in the stores of the enterprising little town of cache, that only a few years ago some of those same warriors had doubtless made night hideous with their dreaded war-whoop, which is said to resemble the 'rah, 'rah! of the college boys. quanah parker is really a great man, and a born ruler. he seems to combine the shrewdness and stoicism of the indian with the intelligence and diplomacy of the white race. he manages to conciliate that element of his tribe which hates the whites and doggedly opposes all innovations, while vigorously advocating progress. when the lands were allotted to the comanches he advised them to choose good farming lands and become peaceable, industrious citizens of the united states. they took his advice and chose lands close to those of their chief, thus forming a comanche settlement and village which is beautiful for situation at the base of the picturesque wichita mountains, about eighteen miles from the military post of fort sill. about two and one-half miles from cache, on the south side of one of the wichita mountains, stands quanah's home, known as the "white house of the comanches." it is quite an imposing square, two-story frame building, with wide galleries running entirely around it. it gleams startlingly white and tall against the blue of the sky and the vivid green of the prairie, and presents a striking contrast to the somber gray and brown of the mountain side, which forms a background. built in the days when lumber had to be hauled hundreds of miles over rough prairie trails, it cost at least double what it would to-day. it is said to contain thirty rooms, and is furnished with all the comforts and many of the luxuries of civilization. over the organ in his parlor hangs a life-sized oil painting of his white mother, to which the chief proudly calls the attention of all his visitors. for many years his was the only house on the reservation, and it became an object of wonder to the indians and of interest to the white visitors. the shrewd chief is a good financier, and looks after his own interest closely; owning large droves of cattle and at least a hundred ponies, and controlling thousands of acres of land, the allotments of his wives and children. to-day there are three "ladies of the white house," to-ah-nook, too-pay and too-ni-ce (we never supposed a lady could be too nice). they have separate apartments and each has her own sewing machine, of which she is as proud as a small boy with a new toy. quanah not only belongs to the two races, but is somewhat dual-natured. in appearance, as we have stated, he is decidedly more indian than white, and when he is with the full bloods, the moccasins, buckskin leggings, gaudy blanket and eagle-plume headdress or war bonnet adorn his stalwart person. but when mingling with his white friends, he adopts the garb of civilization--cutaway coat, stiffly laundered linen and soft felt hat. too-ni-ce, his youngest wife, accompanies him on his trips abroad, when she, too, dresses like the white ladies at the agency, and poses as "mrs. quanah parker," driving with the chief in his handsome turnout behind his team of prize-winning sorrels, that even a kentuckian might admire. quanah has a large family of children, and is giving all of them good educational advantages, at the mission schools on the reservation, the large school at chilocco, oklahoma, and at carlisle, pennsylvania. we met one of his sons, baldwin, who is a sprightly and handsome youth of about seventeen, the day we spent at cache, and from him derived much of the information contained in this chapter. he has also a beautiful and accomplished daughter, needle parker, whose sad, sweet face resembles somewhat the portrait of her grandmother. she also brings to mind one of the night-eyed castilian beauties of old mexico, whose blood mingles with and tinges the life-current of the comanche indians. chapter xvii. a sheaf of good indian stories from history. i. an indian stratagem. during the revolutionary war, a regiment of soldiers was stationed upon the confines of an extensive savanna in georgia. its particular office was to guard every avenue of approach to the main army. the sentinels, whose posts penetrated into the woods, were supplied from the ranks; but they were perpetually surprised upon their posts by the indians and borne off their stations, without communicating any alarm or being heard of afterward. one morning, the sentinels having been stationed as usual over night, the guard went at sunrise to relieve a post which extended a considerable distance into the wood. the sentinel was gone. the surprise was great; but the circumstance had occurred before. they left another man, and departed, wishing him better luck. "you need not be afraid," said the man, with warmth, "i shall not desert." the sentinels were replaced every four hours, and, at the appointed time, the guard again marched to relieve the post. to their inexpressible astonishment the man was gone. they searched around the spot, but no traces of him could be found. it was now more necessary than ever that the station should not remain unoccupied; they left another man and returned to the guardhouse. the superstition of the soldiers was awakened and terror ran through the regiment. the colonel, being apprised of the occurrence, signified his intention to accompany the guard when they relieved the sentinel they had left. at the appointed time, they all marched together; and again, to their unutterable wonder, they found the post vacant, and the man gone. under these circumstances, the colonel hesitated whether he should station a whole company on the spot or whether he should again submit the post to a single sentinel. the cause of these repeated disappearances of men whose courage and honesty were never suspected must be discovered, and it seemed not likely that this discovery could be obtained by persisting in the old method. three brave men were now lost to the regiment, and to assign the fourth seemed nothing less than giving him up to destruction. the poor fellow whose turn it was to take the station, though a man in other respects of incomparable resolution, trembled from head to foot. "i must do my duty," said he to the officer; "i know that; but i should like to lose my life with more credit." "i will leave no man," said the colonel, "against his will." a man immediately stepped from the ranks and desired to take the post. every mouth commended his resolution. "i will not be taken alive," said he, "and you shall hear of me at the least alarm. at all events, i will fire my piece if i hear the least noise. if a crow chatters, or a leaf falls, you shall hear my musket. you may be alarmed when nothing is the matter; but you must take the chance as the condition of the discovery." the colonel applauded his courage, and told him he would do right to fire upon the least noise that he could not satisfactorily explain. his comrades shook hands with him, and left him with a melancholy foreboding. the company marched back and awaited the event in the guardhouse. an hour had now elapsed and every ear was upon the rack for the discharge of the musket, when, upon a sudden, the report was heard. the guard immediately marched, accompanied, as before, by the colonel and some of the most experienced officers of the regiment. as they approached the post they saw the man advancing toward them, dragging another man on the ground by the hair of his head. when they came up to him, it appeared to be an indian whom he had shot. an explanation was immediately required. {illustration: needle parker, the beautiful and accomplished daughter of quanah parker.} "i told you, colonel," said the man, "that i should fire if i heard the least noise. that resolution i took has saved my life. i had not been long at my post when i heard a rustling at some short distance; i looked and saw a wild hog, such as are common in the woods, crawling along the ground, and seemingly looking for nuts under the trees, among the leaves. "as these animals are so very common, i ceased to consider it seriously, but kept my eyes fixed upon it, and marked its progress among the trees; still there was no need to give the alarm. it struck me, however, as somewhat singular to see this animal making, by a circuitous passage, for a thick grove immediately behind my post. i therefore kept my eye more constantly fixed upon it, and, as it was now within a few yards of the coppice, i hesitated whether i should fire. "my comrades, thought i, will laugh at me for alarming them by shooting a pig. i had almost resolved to let it alone, when, just as it approached the thicket, i thought i observed it give an unusual spring. i no longer hesitated; i took my aim, discharged my piece, and the animal was immediately stretched before me, with a groan which i thought to be that of a human creature. "i went up to it, and judge of my astonishment when i found that i had killed an indian. he had enveloped himself with the skin of one of these wild hogs so artfully and completely, his hands and his feet were so entirely concealed in it, and his gait and appearance were so exactly correspondent to that of the animals, that, imperfectly as they were always seen through the trees and bushes the disguise could not be detected at a distance, and scarcely discovered upon the nearest inspection. he was armed with a dagger and a tomahawk." the cause of the disappearance of the other sentinels was now apparent. the indians, sheltered in this disguise, secreted themselves in the coppice, watched for the moment to throw off the hog skin, burst upon the sentinels without previous alarm, and, too quick to give them an opportunity to discharge their pieces, either stabbed or tomahawked them. they then bore their bodies away and concealed them at some distance in the leaves, which were thick on the ground. ii. the mohawk's last arrow. when the grand monarque, louis xiv., ruled france, he appointed one of his favorite courtiers, the chevalier de frontenac, governor-general of new france, or konnedieya. {fn} some years after count de frontenac became viceregent, the war-like five nations (afterward six), "the romans of america," proved themselves soldiers of the highest order. this they did not only by carrying their arms among the native tribes a thousand miles away, and striking their enemies alike upon the lakes of maine, the mountains of carolina and the prairies of missouri; but they had already bearded one european army beneath the walls of quebec, and shut up another for weeks within the defenses of montreal, with the same courage that, half a century later, vanquished the battalions of dieskau, upon the banks of lake george. * * * * * {fn} since corrupted into canada, "beautiful water," probably so called from the amber-like color of many of its streams. to punish the savages for their "insolence," and bring them under subjection, the commander-in-chief, the veteran governor frontenac, organized an expedition to invade the country of the five nations, and marshaled his forces at la chine on july , . the aged chevalier was said to have other objects in view besides the political motives for the expedition. it seems that many years previous, when the five nations had invested the capital of new france and threatened the extermination of that thriving colony, a beautiful half-blood girl, whose education had been commenced under the immediate auspices of the governor-general, and in whom, indeed, m. de frontenac was said to have a parental interest, was carried off, with other prisoners, by the retiring foe. every effort had been made in vain during the occasional cessations of hostilities between the french and the iroquois, to recover this girl; and though, in the years that intervened, some wandering jesuit from time to time averred that he had seen the christian captive living as the contented wife of a young mohawk warrior, yet the old nobleman seems never to have despaired of reclaiming his "nut-brown daughter." indeed the chevalier must have been impelled by some such hope when, at the age of seventy, and so feeble that he was half the time carried in a litter, he ventured to encounter the perils of an american wilderness and place himself at the head of the heterogeneous bands which now invaded the country of the five nations, under his command. among the half-breed spies, border scouts and mongrel adventurers that followed in the train of the invading army was a renegade fleming of the name of hanyost. this man in early youth had been made a sergeant-major, when he deserted to the french ranks in flanders. he had subsequently taken up a military grant in canada, sold it after emigrating, and then, making his way down to the dutch settlements on the hudson, had become a sojourner among their old allies, the mohawks, and adopted the life of a hunter. hanyost, hearing that his old friends, the french, were making such a formidable descent, did not hesitate to desert his more recent acquaintances and offer his services as a guide to count frontenac the moment he entered the hostile country. it was not, however, mere cupidity or the habitual love of treachery which actuated the base fleming in this instance. hanyost, in a difficulty with an indian trapper, which had been referred for arbitrament to a young mohawk chief, kiodago (a settler of disputes), whose cool courage and firmness fully entitled him to so distinguished a name, conceived himself aggrieved by the award which had been given against him. the scorn with which the arbitrator met his charge of unfairness stung him to the soul, and fearing the arm of the powerful savage, he had nursed the revenge in secret, whose accomplishment seemed now at hand. kiodago, ignorant of the hostile force which had entered his country, was off with his band at a fishing station, or summer camp, among the wild hills, and when hanyost informed the commander of the french forces that by surprising this party his long-lost daughter, the wife of kiodago, might be once more given to his arms, a small but efficient force was instantly detached from the main body of the army to strike the blow. a dozen musketeers, with twenty-five pikemen, led severally by the baron de bekancourt and the chevalier de grais, the former having the chief command of the expedition, were sent upon this duty, with hanyost to guide them to the village of kiodago. many hours were consumed upon the march, as the soldiers were not yet habituated to the wilderness; but just before dawn on the second day the party found themselves in the neighborhood of the indian village. the place was wrapped in repose, and the two cavaliers trusted that the surprise would be so complete that their commander's daughter must certainly be taken. the baron, after a careful examination of the hilly passes, determined to head the onslaught, while his companion in arms, with hanyost to mark out his prey, should pounce upon the chieftain's wife. this being arranged, their followers were warned not to injure the female captives while cutting their defenders to pieces, and then, a moment being allowed for each man to take a last look at the condition of his arms, they were led to the attack. the inhabitants of the fated village, secure in their isolated situation, aloof from the war-parties of that wild district, had neglected all precaution against surprise, and were buried in sleep when the whizzing of a grenade, that terrible but superseded engine of destruction, roused them from their slumbers. the missile, to which a direction had been given that carried it in a direct line through the main row of wigwams which formed the little street, went crashing among their frail frames of basket-work, and kindled the dry mats stretched over them into instant flames. and then, as the startled warriors leaped, all naked and unarmed, from their blazing lodges, the french pikemen, waiting only for a volley from the musketeers, followed it up with a charge still more fatal. the wretched savages were slaughtered like sheep in the shambles. some, overwhelmed with dismay, sank unresisting upon the ground, and covering up their heads, after the indian fashion when resigned to death, awaited the fatal stroke without a murmur; others, seized with a less benumbing panic, sought safety in flight, and rushed upon the pikes that lined the forest paths around them. many there were, however, who, schooled to scenes as dreadful, acquitted themselves like warriors. snatching their weapons from the greedy flames, they sprang with irresistible fury upon the bristling files of pikemen. their heavy war-clubs beat down and splintered the fragile spears of the europeans, whose corslets, ruddy with the reflected fires amid which they fought, glinted back still brighter sparks from the hatchets of flint which crashed against them. the fierce veterans pealed the charging cry of many a well-fought field in other climes; but wild and high, the indian war-whoop rose shrill above the din of conflict, until the hovering raven in mid air caught up and answered that discordant shriek. de grais, in the meantime, surveyed the scene of action with eager intentness, expecting each moment to see the paler features of the christian captive among the dusky females, who ever and anon sprang shrieking from the blazing lodges, and were instantly hurled backward into the flames by fathers and brothers, who even thus would save them from the hands that vainly essayed to grasp their distracted forms. the mohawks began now to wage a more successful resistance, and just when the fight was raging hottest, and the high-spirited frenchman, beginning to despair of his prey, was about launching into the midst of it, he saw a tall warrior who had hitherto been forward in the conflict, disengage himself from the melee, and wheeling suddenly upon a soldier, who had likewise separated from his party, brain him with a tomahawk before he could make a movement in his defense. the quick eye of the young chevalier, too, caught a glance of another figure, in pursuit of whom, as she emerged with an infant in her arms, from a lodge on the further side of the village, the luckless frenchman had met his doom. it was the christian captive, the wife of kiodago, beneath whose hand he had fallen. the chief now stood over the body of his victim, brandishing a war-club which he had snatched from a dying indian near. quick as thought, de grais leveled a pistol at his head, when the track of the flying girl brought her directly in his line of sight, and he withheld his fire. kiodago, in the meantime, had been cut off from the rest of his people by the soldiers, who closed in upon the space which his terrible arm had a moment before kept open. a cry of agony escaped the high-souled savage, as he saw how thus the last hope was lost. he made a gesture as if about to again rush into the fray, and sacrifice his life with his tribesmen; and then perceiving how futile must be the act, he turned on his heel, and bounded after his retreating wife, with arms outstretched to shield her from the dropping shots of the enemy. the rising sun had now lighted up the scene, but all this passed so instantaneously that it was impossible for de grais to keep his eye upon the fugitives amid the shifting forms that glanced continually before him; and when, accompanied by hanyost and seven others, he had got fairly in pursuit, kiodago, who still kept behind his wife, was far in advance of the chevalier and his party. her forest training had made the christian captive as fleet of foot as an indian maiden. she heard, too, the cheering voice of her loved warrior behind her, and pressing her infant to her heart, she urged her flight over crag and fell and soon reached the head of a rocky pass, which it would take some moments for any but an american forester to scale. but the indefatigable frenchmen are urging their way up the steep; the cry of pursuit grows nearer as they catch a sight of her husband through the thickets, and the agonized wife finds her onward progress prevented by a ledge of rock that impends above her. but now again kiodago is by her side; he has lifted his wife to the cliff above, and placed her infant in her arms and already the indian mother is speeding on to a cavern among the hills, well known as a fastness of safety. kiodago looked a moment after her retreating figure, and then coolly swung himself to the ledge which commanded the pass. he might now easily escape his pursuers; but as he stepped back from the edge of the cliff and looked down the narrow ravine, the vengeful spirit of the red man was too strong within him to allow such an opportunity of striking a blow to escape. his tomahawk and war-club had both been lost in the strife, but he still carried at his back a more efficient weapon in the hands of so keen a hunter. there were but three arrows in his quiver, and the mohawk was determined to have the life of an enemy in exchange for each of them. his bow was strung quickly, but with as much coolness as if there was no exigency to require haste. yet he had scarcely time to throw himself upon his breast, a few yards from the brink of the declivity, before one of his pursuers, more active than the rest, exposed himself to the unerring archer. he came leaping from rock to rock, and had nearly reached the head of the glen, when, pierced through and through by one of kiodago's arrows, he toppled from the crags, and rolled, clutching the leaves in his death agony, among the tangled furze below. a second met a similar fate, and a third victim would probably have been added, if a shot from the fusil of hanyost, who sprang forward and caught sight of the indian just as the first man fell, had not disabled the thumb joint of the bold archer, even as he fixed his last arrow in the string. resistance seemed now at an end, and kiodago again betook himself to flight. yet anxious to divert the pursuit from his wife, the young chieftain pealed a yell of defiance, as he retreated in a different direction from that which she had taken. the whoop was answered by a simultaneous shout and rush on the part of the whites; but the indian had not advanced far before he perceived that the pursuing party, now reduced to six, had divided, and that three only followed him. he had recognized the scout, hanyost, among his enemies, and it was now apparent that that wily traitor, instead of being misled by his _ruse,_ had guided the other three upon the direct trail to the cavern which the christian captive had taken. quick as thought, the mohawk acted upon the impression. making a few steps within a thicket, still to mislead his present pursuers, he bounded across a mountain torrent, and then leaving his foot-marks dashed in the yielding bank, he turned shortly on a rock beyond, recrossed the stream, and concealed himself behind a falling tree; while his pursuers passed within a few paces of his covert. a broken hillock now only divided the chief from the point to which he had directed his wife by another route, and to which the remaining party, consisting of de grais, hanyost and a french musketeer, were hotly urging their way. the hunted warrior ground his teeth with rage when he heard the voice of the treacherous fleming in the glen below him; and springing from crag to crag, he circled the rocky knoll, and planted his foot by the roots of a blasted oak, that shot its limbs above the cavern, just as his wife had reached the spot, and pressing her babe to her bosom, sank exhausted among the flowers that waved in the moist breath of the cave. it chanced that at that very instant, de grais and his followers had paused beneath the opposite side of the knoll, from whose broken surface the foot of the flying indian had disengaged a stone, which crackling among the branches, found its way through a slight ravine into the glen below. the two frenchmen stood in doubt for a moment. the musketeer, pointing in the direction whence the stone had rolled, turned to receive the order of his officer. the chevalier, who had made one step in advance of a broad rock between them, leaned upon it, pistol in hand, half turning toward his follower while the scout, who stood furthest out from the steep bank, bending forward to discover the mouth of the cave, must have caught a glimpse of the sinking female, just as the shadowy form of her husband was displayed above her. god help thee now, bold archer! thy quiver is empty; thy game of life is nearly up; the sleuth-hound is upon thee; and thy scalp-lock, whose plumes now flutter in the breeze, will soon be twined in the fingers of the vengeful renegade. thy wife--but hold! the noble savage has still one arrow left! {illustration: the mohawk's last arrow.} disabled, as he thought himself, the mohawk had not dropped his bow in his flight. his last arrow was still gripped in his bleeding fingers; and though his stiffening thumb forbore the use of it to the best advantage, the hand of kiodago had not lost its power. {fn} the crisis which it takes so long to describe had been realized by him in an instant. he saw how the french-men, inexperienced in woodcraft, were at fault; he saw, too, that the keen eye of hanyost had caught sight of the object of their pursuit, and that further flight was hopeless, while the scene of his burning village in the distance inflamed him with hate and fury toward the instrument of his misfortunes. bracing one knee upon the flinty rock, while the muscles of the other swelled as if the whole energies of his body were collected in that single effort, kiodago aims at the treacherous scout, and the twanging bowstring dismisses his last arrow upon its errand. the hand of the spirit could alone have guided that shaft! but waneyo smiles upon the brave warrior, and the arrow, while it rattles harmless against the cuirass of the french officer, glances toward the victim for whom it was intended, and quivers in the heart of hanyost! the dying wretch grasped the sword-chain of the chevalier, whose corslet clanged among the rocks, as the two went rolling down the glen together; and de grais was not unwilling to abandon the pursuit when the musketeer, coming to his assistance, had disengaged him, bruised and bloody, from the embrace of the stiffening corpse. * * * * * {fn} the english mode of holding the arrow, as represented in the plate, is not common among our aborigines, who use the thumb for a purchase. what more is there to add. the bewildered europeans rejoined their comrades, who were soon after on their march from the scene they had desolated; while kiodago descended from his eyrie to collect the fugitive survivors of his band, and, after burying the slain, to wreak a terrible vengeance upon their murderers; the most of whom were cut off by him before they joined the main body of the french army. the count de frontenac, returning to canada, died soon afterward, and the existence of his half-blood daughter was soon forgotten. and--though among the dozen old families in the state of new york who have indian blood in their veins, many trace their descent from the off spring of the noble kiodago and his christian wife--yet the hand of genius, as displayed in the admirable picture of chapman, which we reproduce, has alone rescued from oblivion the thrilling scene of the mohawk's last arrow! iii. audubon's night of peril. "on my return from the upper mississippi," said john j. audubon, the celebrated ornithologist, "i found myself obliged to cross one of the wide prairies which, in that portion of the united states, vary the appearance of the country. the weather was fine; all around me was as fresh and blooming as if it had just issued from the bosom of nature. my knapsack, my gun and my dog were all i had for baggage and company. the track that i followed was an old indian trail, and as darkness overshadowed the prairie, i felt some desire to reach at least a copse in which i might lie down to rest. the night-hawks were skimming over and around me, attracted by the buzzing wings of the beetles, which form their food, and the distant howlings of wolves gave me some hope that i should soon arrive at the skirts of some woodland. "i did so; and almost at the same instant a fire-light attracted my attention. i moved toward it, full of confidence that it proceeded from the camp of some wandering indians. i was mistaken. i discovered by its glare that it was from the open door of a small log cabin, and that a tall figure passed and repassed between it and me, as if busily engaged in house-hold affairs. "i reached the place, and presenting myself at the door, asked the tall figure, which proved to be a woman, if i might take shelter under her roof for the night. her voice was gruff and her attire negligently thrown about her. she answered in the affirmative. i walked in, took a stool and quietly seated myself by the fire. "the next object that attracted my attention was a finely formed young indian resting his head between his hands, with his elbows on his knees. a long bow rested against a log wall near him, while a quantity of arrows and two or three raccoon skins lay at his feet. he moved not--he apparently breathed not. "accustomed to the habits of the indians, and knowing that they pay little attention to the approach of civilized strangers (a circumstance which in some countries is considered to evince the apathy of their character), i addressed him in french, a language not unfrequently partially known to the people in that neighborhood. "he raised his head, pointed to one of his eyes with his finger, and gave me a significant look with the other. his face was covered with blood. the fact was that about an hour or so before this, as he was in the act of discharging an arrow at a raccoon in the top of a tree, the arrow had split upon the cord and sprung back with such violence into his right eye as to destroy it forever. "feeling hungry, i inquired what sort of fare i might expect. such a thing as a bed was not to be seen, but many large untanned bear and buffalo hides lay piled up in a corner. i drew a fine timepiece from my breast and told the woman that it was late and that i was fatigued. she had espied my watch, the richness and beauty of which seemed to operate upon her feelings with electrical quickness. she told me that there was plenty of venison and jerked buffalo meat, and that on removing the ashes i should find a cake. but my watch had struck her fancy, and her curiosity had to be gratified by an immediate sight of it. i took off the gold chain that secured it from around my neck and handed it to her. she was all ecstasy, spoke of its beauty, asked me its value and put my chain around her brawny neck, saying how happy the possession of such a watch would make her. "thoughtless, and, as i fancied myself in so retired a spot secure, i paid little attention to her talk or her movements. i helped my dog to a good supper of venison, and was not long in satisfying the demands of my own appetite. "the indian rose from his seat as if in extreme suffering. he passed and repassed me several times, and once pinched me on the arm so violently that the pain nearly brought forth an exclamation of anger. i looked at him; his eye met mine, but his look was so forbidding that it struck a chill into the more nervous part of my system. he again seated himself, drew his butcher's knife from its greasy scabbard, examined its edge as i would do that of a razor suspected dull, replaced it, and again taking his tomahawk from his belt, filled the pipe of it with tobacco, and sent me expressive glances whenever our hostess chanced to have her back toward us. "never until that moment had my senses been awakened to the danger which i now suspected to be about me. i returned glance for glance to my companion, and rested well assured that whatever enemies i might have, he was not one of their number. i asked the woman for my watch, wound it up, and under pretense of wishing to see how the weather might probably be on the morrow, took up my gun and walked out of the cabin. i slipped a ball into each barrel, scraped the edges of my flints, renewed the primings, and returning to the hut, gave a favorable account of my observations. i now took a few bearskins, made a pallet of them, and calling my faithful dog to my side, lay down, with my gun close to my body, and in a few minutes was to all appearances fast asleep. "a short time had elapsed when some voices were heard, and from the corner of my eyes i saw two athletic youths making their entrance, bearing a dead stag on a pole. they disposed of their burden, and asking for whisky, helped themselves freely to it. observing me and the wounded indian, they asked who i was, and why that rascal (meaning the indian, who, they knew, understood not a word of english) was in the house. the mother--for so she proved to be--bade them speak less loudly, made mention of my watch, and took them to a corner, where a conversation took place in a low tone, the purport of which it required little shrewdness in me to guess. i tapped my dog gently; he moved his tail, and with indescribable pleasure i saw his fine eyes alternately fixed on me, and raised toward the trio in the corner. i felt that he perceived danger in my situation. the indian exchanged a last glance with me. "the lads had eaten and drunk themselves into such condition that i already looked upon them as _hors de combat,_ and the frequent visits of the whisky bottle to the ugly mouth of their dam i hoped would soon reduce her to a like state. judge of my astonishment, reader, when i saw this incarnate fiend take a large butcher's knife and go to the grindstone to whet its edge. i saw her pour the water on the turning stone, and watched her working away with the dangerous instrument until the cold sweat covered every part of my body, despite my determination to defend myself to the last. her task finished, she walked to her reeling sons and said, 'there, that'll soon settle him. boys, you kill the indian and then for the watch!' "i turned, cocked my gunlocks silently, touched my faithful companion, and lay ready to startup and shoot the first that might attempt my life. the moment was fast approaching, and that night might have been my last in this world, had not providence made preparations for my rescue. all was ready; the infernal hag was advancing slowly, probably contemplating the best way of despatching me whilst her sons should be engaged with the indian. i was several times on the eve of rising and shooting her on the spot; but she was not to be punished thus. the door was suddenly opened, and there entered two stout travelers, each with a long rifle on his shoulder. i bounced upon my feet, and making them most heartily welcome, told them how well it was for me that they should have arrived at that moment. the tale was told in a minute. the drunken young men were secured, and the woman, in spite of her defense and vociferations, shared the same fate. the indian fairly danced with joy, and gave us to understand that as he could not sleep for pain, he would watch over us. you may suppose we slept much less than we talked. "the two strangers gave me an account of their once having been themselves in a somewhat similar situation. day came, fair and rosy, and with it the punishment of our captives. they were quite sobered. their feet were unbound, but their arms were still securely tied. we marched them into the woods off the road, and having disposed of them as regulators were wont to treat such wretches, we set fire to the cabin, gave all their skins and implements to the young indian warrior and proceeded, well pleased, toward the settlements. "during upward of twenty-five years, when my wanderings extended to all parts of our country, this was the only time at which my life was in danger from my fellow-creatures. indeed, so little risk do travelers run in the united states that no one born there ever dreams of any to be encountered on the road; and i can only account for the occurrence by supposing that the inhabitants of the cabin were not americans." iv. an hour of terror, and midnight feast. the following story, though somewhat similar to the foregoing, had a very different termination: the year was one of anxiety and alarm to the frontier settlers of our country, for the indians, incited by british emissaries, were sullen, and in many portions of the ohio valley and on the canadian border openly hostile to the americans. three families dwelling in a little settlement on the banks of a small stream which emptied into lake erie had refrained in every way possible from giving offense to their indian neighbors, the miamis of the lake, whose nearest village was thirty miles distant. however, to be safe, they built a block-house surrounded by a tall stockade, and always had their guns and other weapons ready for use. one dark night, minor spicer, who lived in one of these isolated cabins, heard some one call in front of his house. it was late, and spicer's family, with the exception of himself and wife, had retired. seizing his rifle, minor, in spite of his wife's entreaty that he should pay no attention to the hail, opened the door and stepped outside. a large indian, mounted on a big raw-boned gray horse, with a deer across the withers, and a rifle in each hand, confronted the settler. "what do you want?" the white man asked. the indian replied in the wyandotte tongue, a language perfectly unintelligible to spicer. "speak english! speak english!" shouted spicer, "or as sure as a gun is iron i will draw a bead on you." the indian was not alarmed by this threat, since he understood not one word of it. but he knew three english, words, and now used them to good purpose. pointing to the cabin, he exclaimed, "injun tired, cold, sleepy," and minor understood at once that he desired a night's lodging. now, among the frontiersmen, hospitality was universal. the latch string literally hung on the outside. no matter how humble the guest, and whether friend or foe, shelter was never denied, and even the last crust would be divided with the stranger. in the present instance the request was promptly granted, spicer showing the indian where to put his horse, and then, it must be confessed with inward misgivings, leading the way into the house, the indian bringing in his venison. the good woman fairly trembled with terror as she looked upon the towering form and forbidding face of their savage guest, as he hung up his venison with an air of proprietorship after which he placed his guns and tomahawk in a corner of the backroom which served as kitchen. with his scalping-knife the indian now cut a large piece from the venison and intimated by signs that he was hungry and desired mrs. spicer to cook it for him. mrs. spicer complied with the request, her husband standing near, his rifle always within reach, watching every movement of the sullen-faced guest, regretting more and more that he had permitted him to enter. he consoled himself with the thought that had he refused he would have incurred his undying hatred, and resolved, while seemingly at ease, to be on the alert for treachery, and repay it with death. the wife broiled the meat upon the coals, seasoned it well with pepper and salt, and motioned the indian toward the table. he ate only a few mouthfuls, and when he thought he was unobserved, slyly slipped the greater portion of it in his pouch, clearly refuting, according to the watchful white man's mind, his claim that he was hungry, and convincing spicer that mischief was intended. the host and hostess signified their intention of retiring, and the indian lay down before the fire. mr. and mrs. spicer retired to the front room, which opened through a door from the kitchen, which was occupied by the indian. of course, sleep was impossible, for their own lives and that of their children, and indeed the fate of the whole settlement, might depend upon their vigilance. the door of the room they occupied was left wide open, so that the indian was in full view. would the tall warrior, who had gained entrance to their home under pretense of being weary and hungry, attempt to murder them himself, or would he, when he thought the family sound asleep, unbar the door to admit his confederates to assist him in his bloody work? the husband and wife said nothing to each other regarding their fears, but the necessity of remaining awake was fully understood and agreed upon between them. the bed upon which spicer and his wife lay was without the circle of the firelight, and in heavy shadow; and their faces were not discernible in the gloom. they breathed deeply to deceive the indian, whom they believed to be as wakeful as they themselves, although he lay perfectly still for an hour. at the end of that time he raised himself upon his elbow and listened. all was silent, and he sat upright, and again listened as before. no sound disturbed the silence but the deep breathing of the sleeping children in the loft above him and the regular respiration of spicer and his wife, who were watching the indian with mingled feelings of anger and alarm, for now his evil intention seemed about to be made known. rising to his feet, the indian stepped as swiftly and softly as a panther to the corner where his weapons were piled. {illustration: lone wolf, famous orator and principal chief of the kiowas.} "shall i shoot him in his tracks?" thought spicer, whose hand was now upon his gun. "no, i can't shoot a man in my own house whose back is toward me, but if he draws the bolt of the outside door, or makes a motion to attack us, he will find me ready." by this time the savage had reached the corner, and stood silently listening to see if he had awakened any one. satisfied that he had not, he took up his glittering scalping-knife. mrs. spicer shuddered as he passed his fingers across the edge of the blade to assure himself of its keenness. already she seemed to feel the cold steel upon her naked flesh. she touched her husband's hand as if to urge him to shoot. he gave her hand a reassuring pressure, and grasped his gun, awaiting the indian's onslaught. the savage, however, seemed in no haste, and instead of turning toward the door of the cabin, or the room in which spicer and his wife lay, he quietly stole toward the opposite corner of the room. surprised and puzzled, spicer and his wife watched the indian's mysterious movements, which in another minute explained themselves. reaching the corner where the venison hung, he took it down, and laying it upon the floor, deftly cut off a piece weighing a pound or two, and then made his way back to the fire and placed it on the embers. carefully wiping his scalping-knife and placing it again with his weapons, he sat down before the fire, watching his meat cook, and, when it was done to his satisfaction, he devoured it with much apparent relish, and lay down again and was soon sleeping the sleep of the weary. indians as a rule (especially those around the great fresh-water lakes) dislike salt and pepper, and mrs. spicer had so seasoned the venison she cooked for her guest that it was unpalatable, and with innate delicacy he attempted to conceal the fact that it was not done to his liking by slipping it into his pouch. both spicer and his wife knew in an instant that this was the case, when the indian, unconscious how near his dislike for pepper and salt had brought him to death sat down to watch his venison broil. their minds at ease, they too, were soon peacefully sleeping. afterward, when the indian, who came season after season to visit spicer and his family, learned enough english to speak quite well, he told them that upon the occasion of his first visit to their cabin he had lost his trail, and had been guided to their door by the light from the window. he had left his father, who was too tired to travel farther, in an abandoned hunting-hut they found in the woods, and had given him his blanket. the other rifle was his father's, and the next morning he went back to him, and the two found their trail and went onward to their village. every spring and autumn the indian, who called himself "heno," which is the wyandot for "thunder," used to call at the cabin of the spicer's with gifts of game and skins, and when the settler, upon one of these visits, told him of the hour of terror he spent watching his movements the first night of their acquaintance, heno, who was a merry fellow in spite of his looks, chuckled softly to himself, the humor of the situation evidently striking him forcibly. heno became very fond of the spicer children, and upon his visits to their home they would importune their father to tell again the tale of heno's midnight raid upon his venison, the indian accompanying the narrator with expressive pantomime, which much delighted himself and his auditors. v. story of an honest indian. the inhabitants along the north shore of lake superior are nearly all indians, who are largely dependent upon the fisheries for their living; when these fail or are good, so is their general condition. it has been my good fortune, writes stanley du bois, to spend many summers there. my custom is to get a large mackinac boat, the white man's improvement on the birch bark canoe, to put into it my tent, stores, camping and other equipment, and, together with a couple of indians, to sail along the north shore of the great lake, usually making a new camp every night, not bound by any hard and fast rule to do so; staying longer if it is agreeable or too stormy to make sailing safe or pleasant. sometimes i have to anchor and ride out a heavy swell, for there are hundreds of miles of shore line where the rocky cliffs come down to the water's edge, and if there is any surf there is no such thing as landing from a boat. one evening, having made a landing, pitched the tent, and had a good supper, while sitting alone, the indians busy about the boat hauled up on the narrow beach, a huge dog came stalking up to me. he was in a pitiable condition. evidently he had been in a fight with a bear or lynx, or some other fierce, powerful creature, for nearly half his scalp had been torn loose from his skull and hung down over his face, completely blinding one eye. at first i was uncertain how to act, but i soon saw that he meant no harm, really in dog language he very plainly gave me to understand that he looked to me for relief. going into the tent i got a needle and thread, and together we went down to the water's edge, where i washed the dirt and vermin out of the great wound, and then placing the skin back where it belonged sewed it up. the indians pricked a quantity of balsam blisters, and after smearing that plentifully over the edges of the wound, we gave the dog his supper. during the night he disappeared. the indians and myself finished the season according to our pleasure, and the incident of the dog was fast becoming a fading memory. two years later, with these same two indians, i was again sailing along the north shore of lake superior. seeing a little wooden pier put out into the water we headed for it. as soon as we came near, some twenty-five or thirty half-wild, savage dogs stormed out on the pier and threatened to eat us alive! an elderly indian came down from the shore, and with a stout club beat them mercilessly and drove them to the shore; all except one, who, changing his bark of anger and defiance to yelps of delight, fawned and whined on me most unaccountably, and despite blows and commands refused to leave. "now i know who fix my dog; come to my house. i too wish to thank you as well as my dog." that was the greeting i received, and the first i had heard of the mutilated dog of two years previous. the house was a log hut of one room only on the ground floor, with a low, dark loft above; no luxuries and few comforts anywhere. his wife busied herself to get us something to eat; it didn't take long, and when dinner was called we sat down to the table. reverently bowing their heads he asked god's blessing on what was before us, a broiled whitefish and a bucket of water, that was all, for the season's fishing so far had been a failure. the man and children could speak fairly good english, his wife could not speak it at all. after our meal i gave him a little bag of smoking tobacco. it was the first he had used for several months, and you can hardly know how happy he was. moved by its influence and of gratitude for my care to his dog, he told me a strange experience that had come into his life. i have taken the liberty of altering his broken english and idioms into plain talk, but the facts are just as he told me that beautiful summer day, with the hum of the wind through the great pine trees over and back of his home, and the wash of the waves on the rocky shore in front. but for the little group around that home it was a grand solitude for hundreds of miles in every direction. this is his story: "some thirty years ago there came to my cabin a young englishman, not a hunter or a fisherman, but one who would sit for hours at a time on that old bent tree yonder, and make the strangest and sweetest music i ever heard. i never saw an instrument like his. he made me forget myself, and sometimes when he would play i would cry just like a dog. then he would put that aside and go off into the woods alone, taking with him a stranger and even more curious instrument. what he was trying to do i do not know, but he looked into it, and then made marks in a book. i said he went alone, but that is hardly true; no white man went with him, only one of my little boys. they are men grown now, and have families of their own. one day a sailboat came to my little pier, and a gentleman called out, 'hello baker! you must go back with me right away,' and after a few minutes' talk he called out to me, 'i am going away, but will be back again. keep what is mine till i return,' and they sailed away. "that was more than thirty years ago, and he has not returned yet. if you care to see what he left with me i will show it to you." we went back into the cabin, and his wife climbed into the loft overhead and passed down a violin case, a theodolite, and a small, silver-trimmed leather grip. opening the case he took out as fine a violin as it has ever been my pleasure to handle. there was no name of maker or owner on it. the strings were loose, but after tuning it up as best i could after so long a time out of use, i found it had a marvelously pure, sweet, strong tone. the theodolite was of london make, and had seen much hard usage, but was in good condition. opening the grip, which was not locked, we took out and laid on the table a surveyor's memorandum book, a few pencils, a silver telescopic pen holder with a gold pen in its end, and an intaglio seal cut in a red stone in the other end, the letter b, some postage stamps, some sheets of paper and envelopes, and a small copy of shakespeare's plays. turning to the fly leaf of the book i read the name in pencil, "s. baker." "this is not all," said the indian to his wife, and she went up to the loft again and brought down a canvas bag. it would have held about a quart. untying the string which closed it, he turned the contents out on the table, gold and silver coins. we counted it. sixty-two sovereigns and a few small pieces of silver, all english money. to say that i was amazed but mildly expressed my thoughts at the time. here was an indian family, poor as poverty, yet with over three hundred dollars in gold for years in their cabin, and knowing its purchasing power perfectly well all the time. i asked him why he did not use it to buy necessities at such a time as this. he gave me a look of mingled sorrow and wonder that i would so much as suggest such a thing, and said that these things were left with him for safe keeping, and that he would sooner starve than betray his trust. they were starving then, and it was not the first time so either. i tried to persuade him to use it, but he said "no," and put it all back into the bag, and everything belonging to the young stranger was taken up and put away in the loft. the next day i went away. my summer trips took me elsewhere for several years, but this past summer i was back to the north shore of lake superior again. having a mind to look up my old indian friend, i went to the place where we had parted company, but the little pier was wholly gone. we made a landing and soon came upon the ruins of the house. the roof had fallen in and the walls were partly rotted down. the little garden patch was a tangle of briers and weeds; desolation reigned everywhere. a couple of days later, still sailing along the shore, we came in sight of a long, strong, handsome pier, with a tall flag staff on its outer end. back of it, about a hundred yards up the shore, was a tiny indian village of maybe two hundred souls. landing at the dock, a handsome young man greeted me and called me by name. he was a grandson of my old indian friend. i immediately asked him of his grandfather. "come and see where we have laid him," was his answer; and taking me by the hand he led me to a beautiful little grassy plot, surrounded with a neat white paling fence. there, beside the wife of his youth, who had shared with him his privations, his joys and his sorrows, there his children had reverently laid him away. we then went to the home of the young indian. he had a neat story-and-a-half house, nearly covered with trailing vines. it was well furnished, a cabinet organ, a sewing machine, some books and pictures, a gasoline stove, carpets, curtains and other furniture of civilization. he was a prosperous lumberman, and a full-blooded indian. i asked him regarding the violin, theodolite, books, money, etc. the money had been used after his grandfather's death, the other articles he has in his possession now. going back as well as we could we came to the conclusion that they originally belonged to the man who afterward became sir samuel baker, but we could not be certain. of this we are sure, that the keeping of the money and other valuables so many years was a rare example of fidelity. and the strangest part of it all is, that my knowledge of it, and yours, should come about through kindness to a dog in distress. i have had considerable experience with indians, from the far north of our land to south america, from the atlantic to the pacific. times without number have i trusted my person and valuables to them, and in not a single instance was the confidence misplaced. vi. "go!" a story of red cloud. the new el dorado was in sight, writes calkins. gordon's party of twelve tired frontiersmen had mounted the high divide which separates the sources of the running water from those of the cheyenne. for five weeks the men had shoveled drifts, buffeted blizzards and kept a constant vigil among the interminable sand-hills. by means, too, of stable canvas, shovels, axes, iron picket-pins and a modicum of dry feed, they had kept in good condition the splendid eight-mule team which drew their big freighter. in fact "gordon's outfit" was a model one in every respect, and probably no similar body of men ever faced our snow-bound, trackless plains, better equipped for the adventure. and now the muffled marchers cheered as "cap" gordon halted them and pointed to a blurred and inky upheaval upon the far rim of a limitless waste of white. the famous black hills, a veritable wonderland, unseen hitherto by any party of whites save the men of custer's expedition, lay before them. two more days and the gold-seekers would gain the shelter of those pine-covered hills, where their merry axes would "eat chips" until shelter, comfort and safety from attack were secured. out of the bitter cold, after weeks of toil and danger, into warmth and safety--no wonder they were glad. as yet they had seen no sign of the hostile sioux, but their frosty cheers, thin and piping, had hardly been borne away by the cutting wind when a moving black speck appeared on the western horizon. the speck drew nearer, and resolved itself into a solitary horseman. could it be that a single sioux would approach a party of their strength? they watched the rider without anxiety. they were so near the goal now that no war party of sufficient strength to become a menace was likely to be gathered. they were equipped with an arsenal of modern guns, with fifty thousand rounds of ammunition, and had boasted they were "good to stand off three hundred sioux." nearer and nearer drew the horseman, his pony coming on in rabbit-like jumps to clear the drifts. speculation ceased. it was an indian--probably a hunter strayed far from his village, half-starved and coming to beg for food. well, the poor wretch should have frozen bread and meat, as much as he could eat they could not stop to give him better fare. it was as cold as greenland. the bundled driver upon the great wagon slapped his single line, and yelled at the plodding mules. eleven buffalo-coated, fur-encased men with feet clad in snow-packs, marched at the tail of the freighter. in such weather their cold "shooting-irons" were left in the wagon, nor did they deem it necessary now to get them out. they were prepared for a begging indian, but the apparition which finally rode in upon the monotony of the long march seemed to them a figure as farcical as savage. as the sioux horseman confronted them he lowered his blanket, uncovering his solemn, barbarian face, and stretching out one long arm, pointed them back upon their trail. "go!" he said, and he repeated the command with fierce insistence. the freight wagon rattled on, but the footmen halted for a moment to laugh. {illustration: kiowa annie, noted indian beauty.} the indian stretched his lean arm and shouted, "go!" still more savagely. it was immensely funny. gordon's men jeered the solitary autocrat, and laughed until their icicled beards pulled. they bade him get into a drift and cool off; asked him if his mother knew he was out, and whether his feet were sore, and if it hurt him much to talk, and if he hadn't a brother who could chin-chin _washitado?_ his sole answer to their jeering, as he rode along side, was "go! go! go!" repeated with savage emphasis and a flourish of his arm to southward. the footmen were plodding a dozen rods in the rear of their freight wagon, and still laughing frostily at this queer specimen of "injun," when the savage spurred his pony forward. a few quick leaps carried him up to the toiling eight-mule team. his blanket dropped around his hips, and a repeating carbine rose to his face. both wheelers dropped at the first shot, killed by a single ounce slug. a rapid fusillade of shots was distributed among the struggling mules, and then the sioux was off, shaking his gun and yelling defiance, his pony going in zigzag leaps and like the wind. men ran tumbling over each other to get into the wagon and at their guns. the teamster and two or three others, who, despite the cold, carried revolvers under their great coats, jerked their mittens and fumbled with stiff fingers for their weapons. they had not been nerved up with excitement, like the sioux, and before they could bring their guns to bear, the savage was well out upon the prairie. and when these men tried, with rifle or revolver, to shoot at the swiftly moving erratic mark presented by the cunning sioux and his rabbit-like pony, the cutting wind numbed their fingers and filled their eyes with water, the glistening snow obscured their front sights, and they pelted a white waste harmlessly with bullets. the anger which raged in them when they knew the sioux had escaped scot-free was something frightful. six mules of the splendid eight lay weltering in blood; another was disabled, and only one had come off without hurt. half the counties of northwestern iowa had been scoured to get together "gordon's pride," as this fine freight-team had been named before the party left sioux city. the blight of their hopeful expedition, the frightful peril of their situation, were lost sight of in the absorbing desire for revenge which burned in every man of them as they gazed upon the stricken, stiffening heap of animals. all were for giving chase immediately. they believed they could easily overtake the sioux among the drifts of the lower lands, where creeks and snow-filled ravines must cause him to shift his course continually. "boys," said gordon, when some of them had hastily begun to strip for the chase, "boys, this is my particular affair. you make camp and fix it for fightin'. i'll either get that sioux, or he'll fetch his tribe back an' get us." cy gordon was their captain. he had been a hay and wood contractor for many years in the sioux country, and his word was law to this little band. there was no need to argue that no man could have even guessed at the daring and disaster they had looked upon. the performance had been too appallingly simple and easy. it had come as unexpectedly as the flood of a cloudburst or the bursting of a gun. while his men stood vengefully watching the flying sioux, gordon stripped himself of superfluous wrappings, stocked his pockets with frozen bread and cartridges, slipped on a pair of snowshoes kept for emergency, tightened his belt, and launched himself in pursuit. horse and rider were again no more than a speck upon the vast snowfield. gordon, with an "express" rifle under his arm, took the long, swinging stride of the accomplished snowshoer. in an hour the speck upon the snow had not grown smaller. at high noon, by the sun, upon a broad flat where tall grass held the snow, gordon came almost within bullet range of the sioux. an hour later, among a tangle of drifted ravines, there was an exchange of shots, and the sioux's pony dropped in its tracks. the indian dodged out of sight, and gordon pushed wearily on with a grin of hate under his icicles. he took up the sioux tracks, and noted with satisfaction that the indian's moccasined feet punched through the light crust at every other step. in just a little while! but he followed an hour or more among a seemingly interminable tangle of gullies without catching a glimpse of the wary dodger. then he emerged into a wider valley, to find that the artful rascal had escaped out of range and out of sight upon a wind-swept stretch of river ice. gordon ground his teeth and swept over the smooth surface, sweating, despite the sharp cold, from fierce exertion. at a turn in the river he saw the sioux; but there were others, more than a score of them, mounted and approaching the runner. the mule-killer's camp or town was close at hand. exhausted from his long run, gordon, in his own language, "threw up the sponge." he hastily sought the cover of river-drifts, and scooped himself a kind of rifle-pit. then, with a pile of cartridges between his knees and slapping his hands to keep his fingers ready for action, he waited, meaning to do what execution he could before the end. there was considerable parley among the sioux, and then only a single indian advanced toward the white man. this one came on foot within gunshot, then stopped and shook his blanket in token that he wanted to approach and talk. gordon laughed. the situation seemed to him grimly humorous. he motioned to the indian to come on, and kept him well covered with his rifle. a moment later, however, he lowered his gun. whatever fate awaited gordon, he knew that he stood in no danger of a treacherous stroke from the approaching sioux. it was the chief, red cloud. gordon arose, and the chief came forward with a hand out-stretched. "my young man has killed your mules," was red cloud's greeting in the sioux tongue. gordon understood. "yes," he said, "and i will not take your hand until you have done right." the grave old chief drew his blanket about his shoulders with a shrug. "now listen," he said. "if one of your soldiers had approached a party of my soldiers and had killed all their horses, and so crippled them and escaped, your people would have made him a big captain. it is so. my young man is very brave. he did as he was told. you can not come here and take my country--not yet. i have watched your advance and complained to your soldiers at white river. when i saw they did not go out and catch you as our great father has said they should do, i sent my young man to stop you. you will find your soldiers at the three forks of white river. now go!" and without another word, red cloud turned upon his heel and stalked away. this time gordon was glad enough to obey the injunction to "go." three days later his little party filed in at the military camp on white river, and when, some time afterward, their boxes of freight had been recovered, not so much as a blanket or a pound of sugar had been taken by red cloud's sioux. vii. mcdougal and his kind indian neighbor. one james mcdougal, a native of argyleshire, having emigrated to upper canada, from anxiety to make the most of his scanty capital, purchased a location where the price of land was merely nominal, in a country sparsely settled, and on the extreme verge of civilization. his first care was to construct a log house in which to live, and a barn for his few domestic animals, consisting of cattle, sheep and hogs. this task finished, he busily employed himself in bringing a few acres of ground under cultivation, and, though his task was hard and slow, yet he became in a rough way fairly comfortable, as compared with the poverty he had left behind. his greatest discomforts were distance from his neighbors, the church, the markets and even the mill; and along with these the suspension of those endearing charities, and friendly offices, which lend such a charm to social life. on one occasion, mr. mcdougal found it necessary to take a sack of grain to the nearest mill, about fifteen miles distant, over a rough country. he got an early start, hoping to make the journey and return by sunset of the same day. in his absence, the care of the cattle devolved on his wife, and as they did not come up to the barn as usual at the close of day the careful matron went in quest of them. beyond the mere outskirts of the cleared land there was a forest, which to her, unpracticed in woodcraft, became a _terra incognita;_ tall trees arose on every side--"a boundless contiguity of shade"--and with neither compass nor notched trees to guide her, it is not surprising that she soon found herself completely lost. having wandered aimlessly until almost exhausted and completely discouraged, she dropped down by a large tree and wept bitterly. at this moment the noise of approaching footsteps was heard. her heart almost ceased beating with terror, for she knew that fierce wild beasts roamed through that forest. it proved to be neither bear nor panther, but what has been designated as "the still wilder red man of the forest." an indian hunter stood before her, a veritable "stoic of the woods, a man without fear." mrs. mcdougal knew that indians lived at no great distance, but as she had never seen a member of the tribe, her emotions were those of terror, quickening every pulse and yet paralyzing every limb. the indian's views were more comprehensive; he had observed her, without being observed himself. he recognized her person, knew her home, comprehended her mishap, divined her errand and immediately beckoned her to follow him. the unfortunate woman understood his signal, and obeyed it, as far as terror left her power; and after a lengthened walk, which added not a little to her previous fatigue, they arrived at the door of an indian wigwam. her conductor, by signs, invited her to enter; but this she persistently refused to do, dreading the consequence, preferring death in the open air to the tender mercies of cannibals within. perceiving her reluctance, and surmising her feelings, the hospitable indian rushed into his wigwam and held a hasty consultation with his wife, who, in a few minutes, also appeared, and, by certain signs and sympathies known only to females, calmed the stranger's fears, and induced her to enter their lowly abode. venison was instantly prepared for supper, and mrs. mcdougal, though still alarmed at the strangeness of her situation, found the food well cooked, and, in her hungry condition, delicious. aware that their guest was weary, the indians stretched two deerskins across the wigwam, thus dividing it into two apartments. mats and soft furs were then spread upon the floor of each, and the visitor was given to understand that the further room from the entrance was for her accommodation. but here again her courage failed her, and to the most pressing entreaties she replied by signs, as well as she could, that she would prefer to sit and sleep by the fire. this determination seemed to puzzle the two entertainers sadly, often they looked at each other and conversed softly in their own language, and, at last, the red took the white woman by the hand, led her to her couch and became her bedfellow. in the morning she awoke greatly refreshed, and anxious to depart, without further delay--but her host and hostess would on no account permit it. breakfast was prepared--another savory and well-cooked meal--and then the indian conducted his guest to the very spot where the cattle were grazing. these he kindly drove from the woods, on the verge of which mrs. mcdougal saw her husband running about everywhere, hallooing and seeking for her in a state of mind bordering on distraction. great was his joy, and great his gratitude to her indian benefactor, who was invited to the house and treated to the best the larder afforded, and presented on his departure with a suit of clothes. some time after this the indian returned and endeavored to induce mr. mcdougal to follow him into the forest. but this invitation was positively declined--and the poor savage went on his way obviously grieved and disappointed. but again he returned and renewed his entreaties, yet without effect. at last he hit upon an expedient, which none save an indian hunter would have thought of. the mcdougals had a nursling in the crib only a few months old, a fact the indian failed not to observe. so, after his pantomimic eloquence availed nothing, he approached the crib, seized the child, wrapped a blanket around it, and darted out of the house with the speed of an antelope. the alarmed parents instantly followed (as he knew they would) supplicating and beseeching at the top of their voices. but the indian's resolves were as fixed as fate--and away he went, slow enough to encourage his pursuers, but still in the lead by a good many paces. the indian was in no hurry, only aiming to keep out of the reach of mcdougal's arms, and glancing back now and then to see that his pursuers were still following. the parents noticed, too, that the indian carried the babe very gently and took pains to keep the blanket carefully wrapped around it. they now realized that he meant no harm to the child, but they were still puzzled to know what he did mean. after traveling in this manner several miles the savage stopped abruptly on the margin of a most beautiful little prairie, teaming with the richest vegetation and comprising several thousand acres of choice land. when mcdougal and his wife reached the indian, he quietly restored the babe to its mother, and spreading both hands toward the little paradise, he uttered the only english word he had acquired, which was, "look!" the shrewd scotchman did look with astonishment and delight, and the more he examined it the better he liked the prospect. he found the soil to be of the best quality of black prairie loam, which would need but the tickle of the plowshare to make it laugh with the golden harvest. as mcdougal had sufficient cattle to break it, he could begin farming operations at once without the slow, laborious process of cleaning up forest. moreover a good sized stream gushed out of a near-by cliff, affording abundance of never failing water for flocks and herds, and a fine mill site. it was one of the most beautiful and fertile spots in all canada, and the white man immediately saw the propriety of the advice given by the untutored one. by a sort of tacit agreement, a day was fixed for the removal of the materials of our countryman's cabin, goods and chattels; and the indian friend, true to his word, brought a detachment of his village to assist in one of the most romantic "flittings" ever undertaken. in a few days a roomy log house was erected near the headwaters of the beautiful little stream, just in the edge of the prairie, with a forest on the north for a windbrake. a garden was enclosed, and preparations made to break the virgin prairie. mcdougal was greatly pleased at the change--and no wonder, seeing that he could almost boast a bodyguard as bold and true as the bowmen of robin hood. his indian friend speedily became a sort of foster brother, and his tribe as faithful as the most attached tail of gillies that ever surrounded a highland chieftain. even, the stupid kine lowed, on finding themselves suddenly transferred to a boundless range of richest pasture, and soon began improving rapidly in condition and increasing in numbers. the little garden was also smiling like a rose, the over-abundant grass gradually giving way to thriving crops. the indians continued friendly and faithful, occasionally bringing presents of venison and other game, and were uniformly rewarded from the stores of a dairy overflowing with milk and cream, and filled with butter and cheese. in time a small grist and saw mill was built on the banks of the little stream, for the profit of the owner, and the accommodation of neighboring settlers. the indian friend who made all this prosperity possible was at length induced to form a part of the establishment in the capacity of head shepherd a duty he undertook most cheerfully, as it still left him opportunities for hunting, trapping and keeping in touch with his tribe. let us hope, therefore, that nothing will occur to mar this beautiful picture of sylvan life; that the mcdougal colony will wax stronger, till every acre of the beautiful prairie is forced to yield tribute to the plow and sickle. {illustration: se-quo-yah, the cherokee cadmus with his alphabet in his hands.} viii. story of se-quo-yah, the cherokee cadmus. about the year a child was born to an indian woman in the old cherokee country of georgia. he was on his father's side the grandson of a german by the name of guess, or ghiest, and was given the name george guess, though he is better known as se-quo-yah. he was early impressed with the thought of the superiority of the white over the red race, and wisely concluded that much of this was due to the white man's learning, and ability to represent his thoughts on paper in a way to mean the same thing to every one who saw it; unlike the picture writing then in vogue among the cherokees, which was necessarily lacking in clearness and liable to misinterpretation. he could neither read nor speak any language other than cherokee, but he was a close observer, and a mechanical genius, and determined to invent a system of writing his language. in some manner, se-quo-yah found out that the writing of the white man consisted in the use of characters to represent sounds. at first he thought of using one character for each word; but this was not possible because there are so many words it complicated matters too much. he finally concluded that as there were eighty-six syllables in cherokee, he would form a series of eighty-six characters to represent them. he found that these characters could be so combined as to represent every word in the cherokee language. many of these characters were taken from an english spelling-book which he managed to get hold of. some are greek characters, and others are letters of the english alphabet reversed, the rest were specially invented. it happened, too, from the structure of the cherokee language or dialect, that the syllabic alphabet is also in the nature of a grammar; so that those who know the language by ear and master the alphabet, can at once read and write. owing to the extreme simplicity of this system, it can be acquired in a few days. some have even learned it in one day; which is certainly very remarkable. so much for the invention. the reader is no doubt interested in knowing more of the history of the inventor of this wonderful alphabet, which has proven such a blessing to the cherokees. the only remarkable thing about se-quo-yah's early years appears to have been his preference for playing alone and building houses of sticks in the woods, rather than to join in the sports of indian children of his age. his mother owned a few cows that furnished her the means of living. when her son was grown to be a sturdy boy he built a substantial milk house, where he helped his mother with the dairy work, showing himself an expert dairyman and adding materially to her profits. he early displayed great interest in natural forms and unusual power of observation, and developed much skill in representing what he saw in drawing. his pictures were at first as crude as the common picture-writing of his people; but with practice his animals and men assumed more and more a living shape and an accurate expression of action. he became famed as an artist, and many visited his mother's cabin to see his pictures and to watch the wonderful process of their creation. when he had reached early manhood this same artistic faculty led him to desire to create objects of beauty, and he turned his attention to making the silver ornaments so much prized by his people, such as armlets, brooches and clasps. there was great demand for these products of his hands, owing to the novelty of their design and the fineness of their execution. but se-quo-yah possessed a practical vein of artistic talent. not content with making silver trinkets, he became a blacksmith, and turned out from his forge the finest spades, rakes and hoes, which were highly appreciated by some of his tribesmen who failed to perceive the artistic quality of his silver work. there was an individual quality about his hoes as well as his bracelets which he valued and desired to have the credit of, and he wished to put some mark upon his work that would prove it to be his own. with this thought in mind, he went to a white neighbor with whom he was on the most friendly terms, and asked him to write his name on paper. mr. lowrey wrote it, using his english name, george guess. from this se-quo-yah made a die with which he stamped all the articles of silver or iron that he made. his work had not only put much money in his pouch, but was fast making him the most popular young man of the tribe. this popularity came near being his ruin. the young men flocked about him, praised his skill, and envied him the gain it brought him. he requited their flattery with generous entertainment, according to the fashion of his people. unfortunately contact with the white man had changed this fashion for the worse. indians of an earlier generation had entertained their friends with feasts of game and sweet potatoes; but the young braves of and thereabouts preferred rum, se-quo-yah would buy a keg of rum, and with a party of companions, would retire into the woods to remain until the rum supply was exhausted and they had recovered from its effects. the work of the forge stood still; money was getting low in the pouch. through the efforts of his good friend, mr. lowrey, se-quo-yah was aroused to a sense of his folly and degradation before it was too late to break away from his bad habits; he gave up his idle companions, resumed his work with renewed industry and spent his leisure time among the more sedate and intelligent men of his tribe. among the people in whose society he was now to be found, a frequent subject of discussion was the wonderful power possessed by the white man of making curious marks upon paper, which meant the same thing to every white man to whom they might be shown; unlike the indian's picture-writing, which meant this or that, according to the interpretation put upon it. some characterized it as sorcery; some reverently called it a gift of the great spirit to his favorite children; some believed it to be a mere trick, and with the object of detecting the fraud would show a written sentence to one white man after another, expecting some variation in the interpretation. se-quo-yah alone pronounced it an art which might be practiced by all men, if they had only the ingenuity. he expressed the belief that he could "talk on paper," and in spite of the ridicule of his friends set to work to make good his assertion. in the woods he gathered birch bark which he separated into thin sheets; on these, with dyes extracted from plants, he painted pictures, each one of which represented the name of some natural object. this process was very laborious and he abandoned it when he found that he had accumulated a number of characters greater than he could remember, while the vocabulary of the language still remained far from complete. he now procured coarse paper and made a rough book, in which he began another series of experiments. at this point he had some assistance from a collection of "talking leaves," as the indians called a printed page. an english spelling-book fell into his hands, but he could not read a word of it; he did not even know any english, but the "talking leaves" were covered all over with figures of distinct shape, such figures as he was taxing his ingenuity to invent. some of them he copied and adopted in his work, where, however, they play a part quite unlike that with which we associate them in the english alphabet. for instance, among the eighty-six characters of the alphabet invented by se-quo-yah, we recognize the forms of our w, h, b and other letters, but w stands for the sound la, and the others represent sounds just as far from their english equivalents. after about two years' work se-quo-yah had the satisfaction of seeing that he had really achieved the end for which he had labored so patiently. he had made a complete alphabet of the cherokee language, an alphabet of which it may safely be affirmed that it is the most perfect in the world, since its characters represent exactly the sound for which they stand, unlike the letters of our english alphabet, which in many cases do not even suggest the sound of the word they spell. for example, a cherokee who read the letters b-u-t would take for granted that he had spelled the word beauty; reading l-e-g, he would pronounce it elegy. the consequence of this is that when a cherokee school boy has once mastered the alphabet he knows how to read without any further labor. there are no spelling lessons to learn. if he hears a word correctly pronounced he knows exactly what letters must be used to form it. having composed his alphabet, se-quo-yah tested it by teaching it to his little daughter, six years old. to his joy, he found that as soon as she had become familiar with the characters she could form correctly any word he spoke. it had taken him two years to perfect his method; it took him a longer time to convince his people of its value. during those years, his neglect of his forge and the chase, his idle dreaming over his "talking leaves," had aroused the ridicule and contempt of his neighbors and the head men of his tribe, and angered his wife, who resented finding her husband a lazy drone in place of the prosperous blacksmith she had married. the most kindly opinion expressed of him was that he was insane; even the children laughed at the madman and his "talking leaves." when he assured them that those "talking leaves" contained a secret of inestimable value to the cherokee nation, they only laughed the more and passed on, shaking their heads and saying, "poor old se-quo-yah!" with considerable difficulty he persuaded his old friend, mr. lowrey to come to his cabin and make a test of his discovery. mr. lowrey consented from mere good-nature, not expecting to learn anything of interest. se-quo-yah asked him to dictate to him some words and sentences, which he wrote in his characters. he then called in his little daughter, who read without difficulty the sentences that she had not heard spoken. there was no possibility of doubting that here was a great discovery. mr. lowrey became se-quo-yah's earnest helper in his efforts to gain recognition. but the obstacles in the way were hard to overcome. prejudice against "white men's ways," distrust of a thing so contrary to the traditions of the tribe, fear of sorcery, all had to be met and conquered. at length the chiefs of the nation consented to a public test of se-quo-yah's claims. a number of the most intelligent young men of the tribe were selected and placed under his tuition. the result confirmed in the minds of the more superstitious their belief in the magical nature of se-quo-yah's characters. some of the scholars learned the alphabet in three days and were then able to read anything that se-quo-yah had written at the dictation of any of the judges. the triumph of the inventor was complete. the tide once turned swelled to a flood. so many students flocked about the master that he could not teach them all. the youth of the nation were seized with a mad desire for knowledge of the "talking leaves." the old men began to grumble about the spell of enchantment that se-quo-yah had cast over the young braves, making them indifferent to the corn-dance and neglectful of the chase, while they spent their days poring over foolish bits of paper. but the objection of the conservatives was overruled by the enthusiasm of the more progressive party. study of the new art became general among the younger generation. schools were opened, text-books were prepared. english books were translated and printed in the cherokee character. one of the earliest translations made was of the third chapter of the gospel of st. john, which was prepared by a christian indian and printed before any other part of the scriptures. se-quo-yah now made a journey to the west, visiting a portion of his tribe that had emigrated to arkansas. to them also he communicated his discovery and instructed them in the use of his alphabet. after his return to georgia, he held a correspondence with these disciples in the west that was eyed askance by the conservative elders as savoring too much of the black art. during this absence in the west, his admirers in the east had secured from the council of the nation an appropriation of a sum of money to provide a medal to be presented to se-quo-yah in commemoration of his great achievement. this medal was made in washington. it was of silver and bore on one side the medallion portrait of the indian cadmus, on the other a complimentary inscription. during the remainder of his life he wore it constantly suspended about his neck, and took great pride in exhibiting it to his friends. a natural consequence of the popular interest in the new art of reading and letter-writing was a demand for news--more news than could be had through personal correspondence. this demand was met five years after the nation had accepted the alphabet, by the publication of a newspaper, the first paper printed in the indian character. it was called _the phoenix,_ and the editor was elias boudinot, a cherokee, who had received a liberal education at the north. the paper was printed partly in the cherokee character and partly in english. another paper, similarly arranged, was started one year after the death of se-quo-yah by an appropriation of the national council, and is still issued weekly at tahlequah, indian territory. this paper is called the _cherokee advocate._ a copy of it is on the author's desk as he writes this article, and he hopes some day to be able to read it. in , when the cherokees were removed from their old home in georgia, se-quo-yah emigrated with them to western arkansas. there he remained for about four years, extending the knowledge of literature among his people and enjoying his late-earned fame. here in the new west there reached his ears rumors from the still remote west of a people whom he believed to be a lost portion of the cherokee nation, and he felt a great desire to reach and extend to them also the benefits he had conferred upon the nation at large. he determined to go in search of these lost cherokees. the means to carry out this plan may have been secured through a grant made to him by the nation about this time of an annuity equal to the salary of a chief. he fitted up a prairie wagon with camp equipage and added books, writing materials, and everything necessary for the instruction of any who might come to him to be taught. this indomitable old man, now in his seventy-third year, started across the mountains and prairies en route for new mexico. his granddaughter, mrs. lucy keys, of woods, indian territory, writes, concerning this last journey: "i was about twelve years old when my grandfather, se-quo-yah, left his home in the cherokee nation in . "i remember well the morning they left. his son, teece, and several other men, i do not know their names, went with him. he limped a little as he walked, and coughed a great deal. it was said that he had the breast complaint. his friends thought a change of climate would help him. i was present when the men returned and reported his death. "they told how his health began to improve, and they had great hopes of his recovery, until after passing grand river. then they found only bad water; and his health failed again; the provisions became scarce, and they depended entirely on game. it seemed that there was nothing for them. one of the men always stayed with se-quo-yah, until at last he sent them all to hunt. they remained over night, and on their return to the place next day where they had left him, he was gone, but had left directions for them to follow him to another place which he described. "they hurried on, but found him dead. they put his papers with his body and wrapped it with blankets and placed it away, upon a kind of shelf, in a small cave, where nothing could disturb it. they said they marked the place so they could find it, but the men sent to bring the body failed to find the place." in the council house of tahlequah is a marble bust of se-quo-yah, showing him a man of mild and thoughtful countenance. his true monument is the literature of his nation; the memory of his great achievement is perpetuated in the name of those giant trees that tower above the western forests as he over topped other men of his tribe. shortly after the knowledge of se-quo-yah's system became general among his people, col. thomas l. mckenney made a report to the war department on the condition of the cherokee nation, in which he says: "the success which has attended the philological researches of one of the nation, whose system of education has met with universal approbation among the cherokees, certainly entitles him to great consideration and to rank with the benefactors of men. his name is guess and he is a native and unlettered cherokee; but, like cadmus, he has given to his people the alphabet of their language." {illustration: big tree, second kiowa chief and baptist deacon.} ix. john jaybird, the indian relic-maker, and the city dude. a remnant of the cherokees remained in north carolina, georgia and tennessee, after the most of the tribe removed to indian territory. among these was a young man named john jaybird, known among both whites and indians as "the indian relic-maker." his chief employment is carving the images of men and animals in a kind of soft stone found near the little tennessee river, of western north carolina. with no other implement than a pocket-knife he can carve an exact image of any animal he has ever seen, or of which he has ever seen a picture. for these curiosities, or "indian relics," as he calls them, he finds a profitable sale among the whites. he lived on the banks of the little tennessee river, and when not carving was fishing. e. e. white, the special indian agent, tells the following amusing story in which this young cherokee figured. he said "a dude came out from the city to visit mr. siler, a prominent young lawyer of charleston, north carolina. he professed to be fond of fishing, and from the first manifested great impatience to embark in that delightful pastime. he was very loud, and so extremely blustering and energetic that mr. siler's village friends stood off and looked on in amazement, and sometimes in great amusement also. but mr. siler was courteous and obliging and not disposed to be critical. nevertheless it was whispered about among his home friends that at heart he would be glad enough to get the dude off in the woods out of sight. at all events, he said, the dude should fish as much as he wished. "equipped with bait and tackle they betook themselves to the river. to the dude's evident astonishment the fish refused to come out on the bank and suffer him to kill them with a club, and he shifted about too much to give them a chance at his hook. he could always see a better place somewhere else. he soon began to manifest disappointment in the fish and disgust for the country, and intimated that the people were shamefully deficient in enterprise and style, and in no respect what they should be. rambling on down the river, the dude leading and siler following--they came in sight of jaybird, who was also fishing. sitting motionless on a rock, with his gaze fixed on the cork on his line, he seemed the counterpart of 'the lone fisherman.' "by jove! yonder's an indian," said the dude; "let's make him get away and let us have that place." "oh, no," replied siler; "that's john jaybird, one of the best fellows in the world. let's not bother him." mr. siler and jaybird were close friends. "no," said the dude; "that's the most decent place i've seen, and i intend to have it; i do, by jove!" "oh, no; don't do that," siler pleaded; "he wouldn't disturb us. besides, if we try to make him go, he's liable to get stubborn, and we had better not have any trouble with him. wait and i'll ask him to let you have the place; may be he'll do it." "oh, get out," the dude ejaculated; "what's the use of so much politeness with a lazy, sleepy-looking indian? watch me wake him up and make him trot. by jove, watch me!" swelling himself up to the highest tension, he strode up to jaybird, who was still unaware of their approach. slapping his hand down on jaybird's head and snatching his hat off, he exclaimed: "here, you indian; clear out from here! by jove, clear out!" jaybird looked up at the intruder, but with a face as barren of expression as the rock upon which he sat. comprehending the demand, however, he replied: "yes; me no clear out. me heap like it, this place. me heap ketch him, fish." "get out, i tell you! by jove, get out!" roared the dude, with visible signs of embarrassment and rage. "yes, me no git out. me heap like it, this." before jaybird could finish the sentence the dude slapped him on the side of the head with his open hand. springing to his feet, jaybird uttered a whoop and ran into the dude, butting him with his head and shoulders instead of striking him. the dude's breath escaped from him with a sound not unlike the bleat of a calf, and he fell at full length on his back. jaybird went down on top of him, pounding and biting with a force and ferocity that suggested a combination of pugilist and wild cat. the dude tried to call siler, but jaybird put his mouth over the dude's and bit his lips half off. he bit the dude's nose, eyebrows, cheeks, ears and arms. he choked him and beat him from his waist to his head. when jaybird thus sprung himself head foremost at the dude, siler fell over on the ground in a spasm of laughter. this did not escape jaybird's notice, and he jumped to a wrong conclusion as to the cause of it. siler always said he had no idea the indian was hurting the dude half so bad, but that the turn the affair had taken was so absurd and ridiculous, he would have been bound to laugh any way. his friends believed that he was simply glad to see the dude get a whipping. possibly both these causes contributed to his hilarity. but the conviction had fastened itself on jaybird's mind that this man siler, whom he had always regarded as a friend, was laughing _because the dude was making him clear out._ so, while the _dude was performing that feat,_ jaybird kept one eye on siler and silently determined in his own mind what he would do for him when he got through with the dude. the dude had scarcely raised a hand in resistance since this human catapult struck him, and now he lay there as limp and motionless as a dead man. siler had laughed until he was almost exhausted, and was leaning against a sapling, still laughing. suddenly jaybird uttered another whoop, sprang from the dude and rushed furiously on siler. before the hilarious lawyer could recover from his surprise, he was down on his back, rapidly being pounded and chewed into pulp himself. the dude dragged himself to the root of a tree, carefully placed his single eyeglass, and began, as siler expressed it, "to hold an inquest on himself, and take an inventory of his bruises and mutilations!" siler called to him for help. he seemed surprised, and could repress his resentment of siler's conduct no longer. readjusting his eyeglass, and taking a closer look at jaybird and siler, he exclaimed in a tone of mingled revenge and satisfaction: "ah, by jove! you're calling for help yourself now, are you? you played the deuce helping me you did, by jove! i hope he'll beat you to death and scalp you, and if it were not for the law i'd help him do it; i would, by jove!" jaybird relaxed no effort until siler was as badly whipped as the dude. then rising and deliberately _spitting on his bait_ afresh he resumed his seat on the rock, and again remarked in the same half deprecating tone, though with rather an ominous shake of his head: "yes, me no git out. me heap like it, this place. me heap ketch him, fish." none of their bones being broken, siler and the dude were able to get back to charleston. the whole town gathered in to look at them, and the affair provoked many witty comments. the doctor said he could patch up their wounds well enough for all practical purposes, but he shook his head discouragingly when asked if they would ever be pretty any more. mr. jaybird came out without a scratch, and siler said the last they saw of him he was sitting on the rock gazing at the cork on his line, precisely as he was when they found him. it is certainly refreshing to read of one indian who had rights white men were bound to respect, and who knew so well how to maintain them. "_may his tribe increase._" x. proof that the indian population of the united states is increasing. in order to disprove the impression which prevails among a large majority of our people that the indians are decreasing constantly, we quote the following from the government report relative to the population of our reservations: indian reservations in the united states and territories. area in sq. indian area in acres. miles. population. arizona , , , , california , , colorado florida idaho , , , , indian territory , , , , iowa , kansas , , michigan , , minnesota , , , , montana , , , , nebraska , , nevada , , , new mexico , , , , new york , , north carolina , , north dakota , , , , oklahoma , , , , oregon , , , , south dakota , , , , texas utah , , , , washington , , , , wisconsin , , wyoming , , , , miscellaneous or scattering ____________ ________ _______ total in the year , , , , total in the year , , , , ____________ ________ ________ total gain of indian population in ten years , xi. rich indian maid. annie dillion, a little kiowa girl, who is heiress to more than $ , , --saves a rich cattleman's life and he fittingly rewarded her--pretty and intelligent. because she proved true to her white friend in his time of need, annie trueheart dillion, a little kiowa maiden, fourteen years old, has become the richest indian girl in all the west. annie is the daughter of chief black wolf and is heiress to the entire fortune of $ , , and more left by john dillion, a rich cattleman. dillion was born and raised in ireland, and when he came to america he went to texas and worked on a ranch in that state as laborer and cowboy. by careful management he became rich. from his cattle ranch on the rio grande he shipped every year large herds of cattle to the indian territory to fatten upon the fine pasture lands of that favored region during the spring and summer. he had been in this business so long that he was pretty well acquainted with all of the kiowa chiefs and various members of the nation, and from the fact that he always had dealt fairly with his red brothers he was popular. he leased vast areas of pasture lands every year, and was always prompt in the payment of the rents. he was liberal, good-hearted and kindly disposed, but with one grave fault--he dearly loved a glass of grog, and as he grew older and his constitution began to yield to the hardships incident to his career he drank much. he enjoyed the company of his cowboys and cattlemen, and nothing pleased him better after a successful deal than to surround himself with a crowd of good fellows and make a night of it with plenty of red liquor. seven years ago a little affair of this kind came near ending his career. he had visited the territory to meet the agent of a big syndicate, with whom he expected to make a deal that would relieve him of several thousand head of steers. the deal was made and dillion was in a most felicitous frame of mind. at that time the old texan had in his employ a half-breed cherokee, bill hawk. this rascal happened to be present when dillion received a large sum of money in bills, which he saw the old man roll together and put in his pocket. the elated texan, after taking several more toddies, decided to go out to a pasture about ten miles from chickasha, where he had a fine herd of cattle that were being looked after by some of his favorite texan cowboys, and he asked hawk to hitch up a buggy and go with him. the man was eager to go, but his conduct did not arouse any suspicion at the time. the road to the pasture passed through a small indian village, where dillion had many acquaintances. when the old man reached this place several indians and half-bloods gathered about his buggy and begged him to stay over night to attend a dance. he did so and enjoyed himself to the utmost until he finally succumbed to slumber. late in the night the old texan felt something pulling his arm, and when he opened his eyes he found that a little indian girl was trying to wake him. as soon as the child saw that his eyes were opened she whispered: "dillion, now you go putty quick. hawk heap bad man. putty soon him come. him got big knife--kill white man--take boss--take heap money. me hear him talk. him heap drunk. you go now." the child ran away, and dillion slipped from under his blankets and rolled them together. after placing his hat at one end of the roll and his boots at the other he crawled away a short distance and lay down under a tree to watch for further developments. he did not wait long before he saw a man cautiously approach the pile of blankets. the drunken assassin was deceived by the hat and boots. he thought that his victim was at his mercy, and he drew a big knife from his belt and drove it into the roll of blankets with all his strength. the next instant hawk sprang into the air with a wild yell and fell dead across the blankets, with a bullet in his heart. dillion had killed him. the old texan never afterward was the same man. he continued to attend to his business and make money, but it was easy to see that there was a cloud on his mind. he never suspected his friend, black wolf, or any of the indians of the village of having aided the assassin. he became attached devotedly to the indian girl who had saved his life, and he finally got the chief's consent to let him educate her and make her his heiress. she was to be given to him when she became fourteen years old, but he died a short time before she reached that age, and now the girl's future and fortune are in the hands of important persons. john rogers, of presidio, who was in the millionaire's employ for nearly a quarter of a century, is the executor of his will, and he says that the indian girl will inherit a fortune of $ , , in cash that is with a safe deposit company in new york, and besides this, when she is of legal age, or when she marries, she will come into possession of a fine ranch on the rio grande that is well stocked with cattle, and one of the prettiest haciendoes in old mexico. miss annie, who is now but fifteen years old, is at present a student at hardin college, mexico, missouri. when she completes the course there she will go to some eastern school for the finishing touches. she is a pure-blooded indian girl and few heiresses have come into their fortunes in a way more romantic. xii. monuments erected to some of the famous indians. will m. clemens, in writing recently for a chicago paper, says: "in the united states to-day are nine monuments erected by white men to perpetuate the memory of famous indians, and the nine great warriors of the early wilderness thus remembered are miantonomoh, uncas, keokuk, leatherlips, seattle, red jacket, cornstalk, tomo-chi-chi and pokagon. "miantonomoh, famous sachem of the narragansetts, was one of the first indian chiefs of whom early english settlers of connecticut and rhode island had knowledge. he was captured and executed in and was buried a mile east of norwich, connecticut, on the spot where he died. for many years thereafter members of his tribe made visits to the grave, and each added to a pile of stone until a considerable monument was raised in this way to his memory by his own tribe. in the citizens of norwich and vicinity placed over the grave of miantonomoh a solid block of granite, eight feet long, five feet high and five feet in thickness, with the inscription, 'miantonomoh, ,' cut in large deep letters." {illustration: satanta, kiowa chief and noted orator.} "this was the first monument actually erected by white men over the grave of an indian; and nothing could better illustrate the advance in civilization than this act of rescuing the grave of this noted chief from neglect and oblivion, who two hundred years before had been condemned and executed by the english settlers. "uncas was the most noted chief of the mohegan tribe, a branch of the pequots. he died of advanced age about , at norwich, connecticut, to which town he deeded a large tract of land shortly before his death. the people of norwich long contemplated a monument to uncas, but the project did not take active form until the summer of , when general jackson, then president of the united states, visited norwich, and his visit was made the occasion of awakening an active interest in the project of erecting a monument for their 'old friend,' as they expressed it--the mohegan sachem, uncas. "president jackson formally 'moved the foundation-stone to its place.' it has been described by the historian caulkins as 'an interesting, suggestive ceremony; a token of respect from the modern warrior to the ancient--from the emigrant race to the aborigines.' "but the project of completing the monument languished, and not until july, , was the uncas memorial finally completed. it is a granite obelisk or shaft, about twenty feet in height, supported by a huge granite block upon which the simple name 'uncas' is cut in large letters. all about the grave of uncas repose the ashes of many chiefs and members of his tribe. the place had been used before and has been used since by the indians as a burying-place, but little or no evidence now remains to distinguish their respective graves. "the monument to chief keokuk, 'the watchful fox,' was erected at keokuk, iowa, in . subsequent to the black hawk war, keokuk removed with his tribe from iowa to the territory of kansas, where he died in . over his grave was placed a marble slab, which marked his place of burial until , when the remains were exhumed and taken to keokuk and interred in the city park, where a durable monument was erected by public-spirited citizens to designate the final resting-place of the noted chieftain. later a bronze bust of keokuk was placed in the marble room of the united states senate at washington. "chief leatherlips of the wyandots, who was executed by the people of his own race in , is remembered by his white brothers with a lasting monument on the spot where he died in franklin county, ohio, fifteen miles from columbus. leather-lips was put to death 'for witchcraft,' and his execution was witnessed by william sells, a white man. the wyandot club, of columbus, in , erected a scotch granite monument, which stands in the center of a one-acre park surrounded by a substantial stone wall. the monument stands upon the summit of the east bank of the scioto river, about fifteen rods from the river's edge. the view from the monument, both up and down the scioto, is most picturesque and beautiful. "the monument to seattle, or sealth, as called by the indians, chief of the squamish and allied tribes, stands at fort madison, on puget sound, fifteen miles northwest of seattle, washington. sealth was perhaps the greatest indian character of the western country. as a statesman he had no superior among the red men and ruled his people for more than half a century. at the time of his death, in , he was the acknowledged head and chief sachem of all the tribes living on or near puget sound. he had reached the age of eighty when he passed away and had made many warm friends with the white pioneers in washington. over a hundred white men were in attendance at his funeral. in his friends erected a monument of italian marble, seven feet high, with a base or pedestal surmounted by a cross bearing the letters 'i. h. s.' on one side of the monument is the following inscription: "seattle, chief of the squamish and allied tribes, died june th, . the firm friend of the whites and for him the city of seattle was named by its founders. "the memorial to the great seneca chief, red jacket, or sa-go-ye-wat-ha. 'the keeper awake,' stands in forest lawn cemetery, buffalo, new york, and was erected in june, . red jacket was born at seneca lake, new york, in , and died on the seneca reservation, near buffalo, in . his fame is that of a statesman and orator rather than as a warrior, and he was regarded as the most noted chief among the six nations of the iroquois. he has been described as the perfect indian in dress, character and instinct. he refused to acquire the english language, and never dressed other than in his native costume. he had an unalterable dislike for the missionary and contempt for the clothes of the white man. "when red jacket died, in , his remains were given over to ruth stevenson, a stepdaughter, who retained them in her cabin for some years, and finally secreted them in a place unknown to any person but herself. after she had become advanced in age, she became anxious to have the remains of her step father receive a final and known resting-place, and with that view, in october, , she delivered them to the buffalo historical society, which assumed their care and custody and deposited them in the vaults of the western savings bank of buffalo, where they remained until october, , when their final interment was made in forest lawn cemetery at buffalo. the splendid monument which now marks the spot was not completed until some years after the interment. "the monument to chief cornstalk, warrior and sachem of the shawnees, was erected at point pleasant, west virginia, in . it stands in the courthouse yard and was made possible by the thoughtfulness and generosity of the leading citizens of point pleasant. here in october, , was fought that great battle where cornstalk won fame for his prowess and general-ship. he was, too, a man endowed with superior intellectual faculties and was an orator of transcendent eloquence. his murder in by a party of infuriated soldiers was the result of the killing of a white settler by some roving indians. the death of cornstalk destroyed the only hope of reconciliation and peace between the white settlers south of the ohio river and the indian tribes north of it. it was followed by a succession of wars, forays and murders, down to the battle of 'fallen timbers' in , during which time many thousands of white men, women and children, and many thousands of the red race of all ages and conditions perished. "there never has been and never can be any excuse or palliation for the murder of cornstalk, and no one event in the history of those bloody times so much enraged the vindictive spirit of the indian tribes, particularly of the shawnees. it can never be known how many deaths of white men, women and children during the next twenty years were owing to this murder. one hundred and twenty years later an enduring monument was raised to his memory by a few generous-minded white men on the spot where he fought one of the greatest battles in all indian warfare, and where three years afterward he gave up his life. "in the heart of savannah, georgia, reposes a huge granite boulder, erected in honor of the indian chief, tomo-chi-chi. this noble red man was the special friend of gen. james oglethorpe, the english knight who, in early colonial days, endured much hardship in the new country of america to befriend both the georgia colony and the indians thereabout. chief tomo-chi-chi, also mighty in the camp-fire councils of the braves, easily ranked as one of the foremost of his race in those times. and so when the stately descendants of colonial sires, known as colonial dames of america, sought to commemorate the spirit of the georgia colony, four years ago, they placed this monument in the state capital. the bronze tablet on the side reads: 'in memory of tomo-chi-chi, the mico of the yamacrans, the companion of oglethorpe, and the friend and ally of the colony of georgia, this stone has been here placed by the georgia society of the colonial dames of america, - .' "the monument erected by the citizens of chicago to leopold and simon pokagon, chiefs of the pottawatomie indians, in jackson park, chicago, completes the known list of memorials erected by white men to their red brethren in this country. the pokagons, father and son, were successive chiefs and sachems of the once powerful pottawatomie tribe, which long occupied the region around the southern and eastern shores of lake michigan. leopold pokagon is described as a man of excellent character and habits, a good warrior and hunter, and as being possessed of considerable business capacity. he was well known to the early white settlers in the region about lake michigan, and his people were noted as being the most advanced in civilization of any of the neighboring tribes. he ruled over his people for forty-three years. "in he sold to the united states one million acres of land at cents an acre, and on the land so conveyed has since been built the city of chicago. he died in in cass county, michigan. "his son, simon, then ten years of age, became the rightful hereditary chief of the tribe. at the age of fourteen he began the study of english, which he successfully mastered, as well as latin and greek. no full-blooded indian ever acquired a more thorough knowledge of the english language. in he wrote an article for a new york magazine on the 'future of the red man,' in which he said: 'often in the stillness of the night, when all nature seems asleep about me, there comes a gentle rapping at the door of my heart. i open it and a voice inquires: "pokagon, what of your people? what will be their future?" my answer is: "mortal man has not the power to draw aside the veil of unborn time to tell the future of his race. that gift belongs to the divine alone. but it is given to him to closely judge the future by the present and the past."' pokagon died january , , at his old home in allegan county, michigan, at the age of seventy years; and thus passed away the last and most noted chief of the once powerful pottawatomie tribe. his remains were buried in graceland cemetery, chicago." we are somewhat surprised that mr. clemens should think that the nine chiefs he mentions form a complete list of those to whom monuments have been built. there are several others, including joseph brant, the great mohawk sachem and head of the iroquois confederation, who was buried beside the church he had erected at grand river, canada. there is a monument over his grave, said to have cost $ , , with the following inscription: "this tomb is erected to the memory of thayendanegea, or captain joseph brant, principal chief and warrior of the six nations, indians, by his fellow subjects, admirers of his fidelity and attachment to the british crown." shabbona, the white man's friend, the pottawatomie chief, also has a monument on his grave in the cemetery at morris, illinois, recently erected by his white friends. in some cases the contributors were the children of the very people whose lives shabbona saved by warning them at the time of the black hawk war. it is a massive boulder of granite, containing only the following simple inscription: shabbona, - . a full description of the unveiling of this monument is given in our sketch of shabbona. in the month of june of the year a substantial monument was erected over the remains of chief joseph, of the nez perces, known as the indian xenophon, and one of the noblest red men of all history. this monument now stands in the cemetery at nespelim, washington, on a commanding point, where the remains of the great chief were interred. the monument is of white marble and measures seven and one-half feet in height. a full account of the dedication is in our sketch of chief joseph. there is, as stated elsewhere, in the council house of the cherokees, at tallequah, a marble bust of se-quo-yah, the inventor of the cherokee alphabet. there is also over the entrance to "tammany hall," city of new york, a statue of the celebrated delaware sachem, from whom the name is derived. this image is probably fanciful, but there was undoubtedly such an individual as the illustrious tamenend, who stands foremost in the list of all the great men of his tribe in any age. this chief certainly exerted a far-reaching influence over both red and white men, even though his history is rather obscure. it is known, however, that he was a mighty warrior, an accomplished statesman, and a pure and high-minded patriot. in private life he was still more distinguished for his virtues than in public for his talents. his countrymen could only account for the perfections they ascribed to him by supposing him to be favored with the special communications of the great spirit. ages have elapsed since his death, but his memory was so fresh among the delawares of the eighteenth century that when colonel morgan, of new jersey, was sent as an agent among them by congress, during the revolution, they conferred on him the title of tamenend, as the greatest mark of respect they could show for the manners and character of that gentleman; and he was known by his indian appellation ever afterward. about this time the old chieftain had so many admirers among the whites also that they made him a saint, inserted his name in calendars, and celebrated his festival on the first day of may, yearly. on that day a numerous society of his votaries walked in procession through the streets of philadelphia, their hats decorated with buck-tails, and proceeded to a sylvan rendezvous out of town, which they called the wigwam, where after a long talk or speech had been delivered, and the _calumet_ of friendship passed around, the remainder of the day was spent in high festivity. a dinner was prepared and indian dances performed on the green. the custom ceased a few years after the conclusion of peace, at the close of the revolution, and though other tammany associations have since existed, they retain little of the model they were formed upon but the name. new york city gradually absorbed the name (which was changed from tamenend to tammany for the sake of the euphony) and whatever of political prestige was included with it. the name tammany has come to be a synonym for municipal politics from a democratic standpoint, as regards new york city, and it is interesting to know that the name and fame was literally captured from philadelphia, where it first existed. there are two other indians who have been honored with memorials, one of whom was the indian woman who was the guide to lewis and clark, and the other, logan, the celebrated mingo chief. within the corporate limits of the city of auburn, new york, there is a high elevation called fort hill, which derives its name from the fact that it was formerly surmounted by a fort, built to protect the citizens from attacks of indians. when the fort was demolished, the stones of which it was composed were used to construct a monument in memory of logan. it is a tall shaft, in the face of which a slab of marble is inserted bearing logan's pathetic words: "who is there to mourn for logan--not one." in summer the shaft is covered with ivy, and as it is on a high point it can be viewed from a great distance. fort hill is now used as a cemetery. there were thirty-five people in the lewis and clark exploring expedition in , of whom thirty-four were men, and one a woman, but without her aid, it is quite probable, the expedition would have been a failure. this woman, sacajawea, or the bird-woman, wife of chaboneau, who accompanied them as a local interpreter, was a captive whose birthplace was in the rocky mountains. she proved to be the only person found, after a winter's search, who could by any possibility serve them as interpreter and guide among the unknown tongues and labyrinthine fastnesses through which they must force their way. sacajawea, therefore, became the chief counselor, guide, and interpreter of lewis and clark. she alone knew the edible roots, springs, passes and fords. so with her baby on her back, she proudly trudged on in the lead, for _two thousand miles._ onward and upward they scrambled, threading ca�±ons, fording torrents, scaling mountains, until they crossed the backbone of the continent. when food was scarce she went on alone to the indian villages, where her presence with her infant proved to the savages that the expedition could not be hostile. making her wants known to the squaws, she was given provisions for herself and the men. when hope sank in the hearts of the bravest she alone was able to cheer and inspire, by word and example. {illustration: chief simon pokagon, son of leopold pokagon, the pottawatomie chief who owned the land on which chicago stands.} one day in their long and perilous journey they surprised a squaw so encumbered with papooses (which she would not desert) that she could not escape, and winning her heart by painting her cheeks, and presenting a looking-glass for their inspection, they made friends with her tribe, one of whose chiefs proved to be a brother to their bird-woman, and her heart was gladdened by the reunion. many an episode in this eventful journey will hereafter glorify with romantic association, mountains, ca�±ons, rocks, rivers and islands, all along the route; and none can be more touching than the story of the courageous and faithful sacajawea, the bird-woman. but when bounties in land and money were granted to others, she was forgotten. it was ever thus with the great benefactors of the race in general, and the indian in particular. they stone them while living, and stone them when dead by building monuments to their memory. in portland, oregon, the grateful white women have caused to be erected a statue of this noble red woman. those who have seen it inform us that the artist has been especially happy in his modeling--sober, patient, silent, head firmly poised, she looks out wistfully to the western mountains and points the way. on her back is her papoose, chubby and contented, yet innocent of the thought that he is making history. this noble bronze reveals the honest wife, the loving mother, the faithful friend, the unerring guide. "thousands looking upon this statue," as elbert hubbard says, "have been hushed into silence and tears. there is an earnestness in it--a purity of purpose--that rebukes frivolity and makes one mentally uncover." xiii. piskaret, the hero of the adirondacks. the iroquois, or "romans of the west," called also mingoes and massawomeks, had a formidable rival in a powerful tribe known as the adirondacks, whose home was on the canadian side of the st. lawrence. when the french settled canada, in , they found the iroquois living where montreal now stands, and engaged, even then, in a war with the adirondacks. as the french wanted the country occupied by the iroquois they promptly made common cause with the adirondacks, and their united forces drove the five nations across the st. lawrence and south and east of the great lakes, erie and ontario. but this warlike confederation soon rallied from their temporary defeat, and, turning on their old enemies, renewed the struggle with such valor that the adirondacks fled three hundred miles into the wilderness to escape extermination. the adirondacks now adopted the plan of sending out small parties, and of relying especially on their captains. five of these men, alone, are said, by their astonishing energy and bravery, to have well-nigh turned the balance of the war. the chief and leader of this noble quintet was piskaret, in his own day the most celebrated chieftain of the north. he and his four comrades solemnly devoted themselves to the purpose of redeeming the sullied glory of the nation, at a period when the prospect of conquest, and perhaps of defense, had already become desperate. they set out for three rivers in one canoe; each of them being provided with three muskets, which they loaded severally with two bullets, connected by a small chain ten inches in length. in sorel river they met with five boats of the iroquois, each having on board ten men. as the parties rapidly came together, piskaret and his men pretended to give themselves up for lost, and began singing their death song. this was continued till their enemy was just at hand, for the iroquois intended to capture them alive for torture. but at a signal from piskaret, the five men seized their muskets from the bottom of the canoe and fired simultaneously on the five canoes. the charge was repeated with the arms which lay ready loaded, and the slight birches of the iroquois were torn asunder, and the frightened occupants tumbled overboard as fast as possible. piskaret and his comrades, after knocking as many on the head as they pleased, reserved the remainder to feed their revenge, which was soon afterward done by burning them alive in the most cruel tortures. this exploit, creditable as it might be to the actors in the eyes of their countrymen, served only to sharpen the fierce eagerness for blood which still raged in the bosom of piskaret. his next enterprise was far more hazardous than the former; and so much more so, indeed, even in prospect, that not a single warrior would bear him company. he set out alone, therefore, for the country of the five nations (with which he was well acquainted), about that period of the spring when the snow was beginning to melt. accustomed, as an indian must be to all emergencies of traveling as well as warfare, he took the precaution of putting the hinder part of his snowshoes forward, so that if his footsteps should happen to be observed by his vigilant enemy, it might be supposed he had gone the contrary way. for further security he went along the ridges and high ground, where the snow was melted, that his track might be lost. on coming near one of the villages of the five nations, he concealed himself until night, and then entered a cabin, while the inmates were fast asleep, killed the whole family and carried the scalps to his lurking-place. the next day the people of the village sought for the murderer, but in vain. he came out again at midnight and repeated his deed of blood. the third night a watch was kept in every house and piskaret was compelled to exercise more caution. but his purpose was not abandoned. he bundled up the scalps he had already taken, to carry home with him as a proof of his victory, and then stole warily from house to house until he at last discovered an indian nodding at his post. this man he dispatched at a blow, but that blow alarmed the neighborhood, and he was forced immediately to fly for his life. being, however, the fleetest indian then alive, he was under no apprehension of danger from the chase. he permitted his pursuers to approach him from time to time, and then suddenly darted away from them, hoping in this manner to discourage, as well as escape them. when the evening came on he hid himself and his enemies stopped to rest. feeling no danger from a single enemy, and he a fugitive, they even indulged themselves in sleep, without posting a guard. piskaret, who watched every movement, turned about, tomahawked every man of them, added their scalps to his bundle, and leisurely resumed his way home, where he was greeted with great joy, and a dance, that lasted all day was celebrated in his honor. when even these heroic deeds failed to arouse the remnant of his once powerful tribe, piskaret is said to have journeyed far toward the setting sun, and joined the warlike sioux, among whom he became a war-chief. perhaps the four indians of the broadest culture and most liberal education of the present and recent past are simon pokagon, already mentioned, who was succeeded by his son charles, gen. ely samuel parker, dr. charles alexander eastman and dr. carlos montezuma. xiv. gen. ely s. parker. was a full-blooded seneca indian, born on the tonawanda reservation in new york, in . he was chief of the seneca tribe and head of the iroquois confederation. his indian name was do-no-hoh-ga-wa, which means "keeper of the western gate." general parker was educated at ellicottsville, where he studied the profession of civil engineering. he also studied law and was admitted to the new york bar, but never practiced. he lived for a time in galena, illinois, where he was a friend of general grant. general parker received a commission as captain in the united states army from president lincoln and joined grant at vicksburg in , where he was made a member of the general's staff, with the rank of colonel. he wrote the famous surrender of lee at appomattox in . grant made him a brigadier-general, and when he became president he appointed him commissioner of indian affairs, which place he held until . for several years he had been superintendent and architect of police stations in new york city. general parker married miss minnie sackett of washington, d. c, in . president grant attended the marriage ceremony and gave the bride away. an old veteran who was present at the surrender of lee at appomattox, told the author that general parker, who was then grant's military secretary, had the appearance of a mulatto, and was mistaken for one by some of the southern generals, who were indignant that general grant should dictate the terms of capitulation to a "nigger." they were mollified, however, when it was explained to them that the secretary belonged to another swarthy race, which was never enslaved. general parker died at fairfield, connecticut, august , . xv. biographical sketch of doctor eastman. charles alexander eastman, whose indian name is ohiyesa, "the winner," was born in minnesota about . his father was a full-blood sioux of a leading family, by the name of many lightnings, and his mother a half-blood, called in indian the goddess, or in english nancy eastman. she died soon after the birth of ohiyesa, who was carefully reared by his paternal grandmother. when he was four years old the so-called "minnesota massacre" broke up his family and drove the uncle and grandmother, with the boy, into exile in manitoba, where they roamed about for ten years, living by the chase. in the meantime ohiyesa was educated by his uncle, a notable hunter and warrior, in woodcraft and all the lore of the red man. at the age of fifteen the boy was sought and found by his father, who had in the meantime embraced christianity and civilization. he brought him to his home at flandreau, south dakota, a little community of citizen indians, and sent him to school. after a year at a mission day-school and two years at dr. riggs's indian boarding-school at santee, nebraska, he went east to beloit, wisconsin, then to knox college, illinois, taking his final year of preparatory work at kimball union academy, new hampshire. he entered dartmouth college in , where he was successful both in scholarship and athletics, his specialty in the latter being long-distance running, and graduated in . he graduated in medicine in at the boston university. immediately after graduation, dr. eastman was appointed government physician to the pine ridge agency in south dakota, and served through the "ghost dance war" and for two years afterward. he married, in , miss elaine goodale, of massachusetts. in he went to st. paul, minnesota, and for several years engaged in medical practice, and also represented the international committee of young men's christian associations among the indians. he afterward went to washington as attorney for the santee sioux, and for several years furthered their interests at the national capital. his first literary work was a series of sketches of his early life for st. nicholas, published in - . these were begun without much deliberation and originally intended to preserve some of his recollections for his own children. several sketches and stories were published by other magazines, and in his first book, "indian boyhood," embodying the story of his own youth, was published by mcclure, phillips & co. two years later a book of wild animal and indian hunting tales, "red hunters and the animal people," appeared with the imprint of harper and brothers. dr. eastman has recently been appointed by the government to revise the allotment rolls of the sioux, grouping them under appropriate family names. he is well known as a lecturer and is everywhere welcomed for his sympathetic interpretations of indian life and character. beyond a doubt he is, as hamlin garland says, "far and away the ablest living expositor of sioux life and character." the boston transcript says of him: "dr. charles a. eastman is a sioux indian, and in his life, which began in , has traversed almost the whole course of human civilization, from the life of a very child of the woods to that of the honored graduate of the white man's college and professional school of highest rank. . . . dr. eastman came back to his alma mater last month, when the corner-stone of the new dartmouth hall was laid, and at the banquet in the evening he made so good a speech that president tucker had the warm applause of the great company when he exclaimed, 'almost thou persuadest me to be an indian!'" dr. eastman's present home is amherst, massachusetts. xvi. dr. carlos montezuma. is a full-blood apache indian. in the year , when he was five years old, he was captured by the pimas and brought to their camp, where he was offered for sale, a horse being the price asked. a traveling photographer, mr. charles gentile, who happened to be in the pima camp taking photographs, became interested in the boy and offered $ , the price of a horse, which the indians accepted. he brought the boy east, and sent him to the public schools of brooklyn, boston and chicago, and finally, through the interest of friends, he entered the illinois state university. he developed special aptitude for chemistry, and when he graduated a place was found for him in a drug store near the chicago medical college, where as a clerk he supported himself and earned means for the expense of a course in that college. he graduated in , and, by the advice of friends, located as a physician in chicago. when general morgan became commissioner of indian affairs he heard of dr. montezuma and offered him an appointment as physician for the indian school at fort stephenson, north dakota. the doctor accepted, and after about a year's service there was promoted to the position of agency physician at an agency in nevada. afterward he held a similar position at the colville agency, washington. his next appointment was that of school physician at carlisle indian school in . in dr. montezuma returned to chicago, where he enjoys a large and increasing practice in his profession. he knows nothing of his native apache language, nor is there a trace of indian superstition or habit to be found in him. he is not only civilized in habit and thought, but is also a high-toned, cultured gentleman and a member of the first baptist church of chicago. in addition to his profession, he is teaching in the college of physicians and surgeons, and in the post-graduate medical school of chicago, and at the same time writing in the interest of his people, so he is a very busy man. he is a warm friend and admirer of general pratt, founder of carlisle school; and believes the true solution of the indian problem consists in educating the children of the white and red race in the same school and thus making american citizens of both, instead of a citizen of one and a ward and dependent of the other race. he thinks, moreover, that an indian should be treated exactly as any other man. dr. montezuma demonstrates in his own life the fallacy of the evolutionists, that several generations are necessary before a savage can be transformed into a civilized man, by actually undergoing a complete metamorphosis in one short generation. can the indian be civilized, and is he capable of a high-class education? this is our answer; here are four men from as many representative tribes, two of which are wild, blanket tribes, and yet each of them became men of broad culture and a high degree of civilization. and what is true of these could have been and should have been true of ten thousand others, had our government pursued a policy of common justice to the race. {illustration: dr. charles alexander eastman, or ohiyesa "the winner." noted author and lecturer.} chapter xviii. indian anecdotes and incidents, humorous and otherwise. a gentleman who wished to make a present of oranges to a lady, sent them with a letter, by his indian servant. the letter told how many were sent. on the way the fragrant smell of the fruit proved too great a temptation for the indian boy. his mouth fairly watered for a taste, but having seen his master read and write letters, he was possessed with the idea that the paper he carried would tell on him if he touched the oranges. he therefore put the letter carefully under a stone, and then, going off to a distance, ate several oranges, feeling perfectly safe. when he came to deliver the remainder of the oranges the lady saw by the letter that some were missing. she charged the indian with the theft, but he for some time stoutly denied it, and asserted that the letter lied nor was it until threatened with punishment that he confessed, so certain was he that he had put the letter where it could not see him. the indians are very grave, attentive and courteous. even if they did not believe or could not understand a thing, they took care not to let it be seen. on one occasion when a minister had explained to them the history of the christian religion--the fall of our first parents by eating an apple, the coming of christ, his miracles and sufferings, etc., an indian orator stood up to thank him. "what you have told us," he began, "is all very good. it is indeed bad to eat apples; it is better to make them all into cider." he then related in his turn an ancient tradition handed down through many generations of his people concerning the origin of maize, or indian corn, and tobacco. said he, "two starving hunters, having killed a deer, were about to satisfy their hunger when they saw a beautiful young woman descend out of the clouds and stand beside them. they were at first afraid, but taking courage offered the spirit the choicest portion of their meat. she tasted it, and then, telling them to return in thirteen moons to the same spot, vanished. they returned as she bade them, at the appointed time. where the good spirit had touched the ground with her right hand they found maize; with her left, beans; and where she stood was the luxuriant tobacco plant." the missionary plainly showed his disgust and disbelief in this tradition, saying to the indian: "what i delivered to you were sacred truths; but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction and falsehood." the offended indian gravely replied: "my brother, it seems your friends have not well instructed you in the rules of civility. you saw that we, who understand and practice these rules, believed all your stories; why do you refuse to believe ours?" the following is said to be the origin of the term "fire-water," as applied by the indians to whisky: when the fur company first began to supply ardent spirits to the indians in order to help their trade, the liquor was imported from england. it was the cheapest and most poisonous brand manufactured at the time, and for that reason was all the more acceptable to the indian. when it reached the hudson bay territory, or the great region within which the rival fur companies traded, it had to be carried overland to the various posts. for convenience of transportation, barrels of such whisky were divided into kegs. the carriers soon learned that they could make a profit by diluting the liquor with water, when changing it from the barrels into kegs. the indians, however, missed the powerful effects and suspected that they were being cheated. they learned how to test the liquor before exchanging their peltries for it. they poured a small quantity of the liquor on the fire and if the flame was extinguished it was evident to them that the liquor was watered, and they at once pronounced it "bad." if, on the contrary, the liquor added to the flame, they knew that the alcohol had not been tampered with, and it was accepted as genuine "_fire-water._" that the "fire-water" supplied to the indians of that day was comparable to the villainous stuff of present-day manufacture is illustrated by the statement of an indian chief who had experienced its effects, and who had witnessed the sad havoc it had produced among his people. "fire-water," exclaimed this savage, "can only be distilled from the hearts of wildcats and the tongues of women, it makes my people at once so fierce and so foolish." the reference to the hudson bay company reminds us of a speech made by smohalla, chief of the wa napum, or "columbia river" nez perces. said he, "i know all kinds of men. first there were my people (the indians); god made them first. then he made a frenchman (referring to the canadian voyagers of the hudson bay company), and then he made a priest (priests accompanied these expeditions). a long time after that came boston men (americans are thus called because the first of our nation came into the columbia river in in a ship from boston), and then king george men (the english). later came black men, and last god made a chinaman with a tail. he is of no account and has to work all the time like a woman. all these are new people. only the indians are of the old stock. after a while, when god is ready, he will drive away all the people except those who have obeyed his laws. those who cut up the lands or sign papers for lands will be defrauded of their rights and will be punished by god's anger. "it is a bad word that comes from washington. it is not a good law that would take my people away from me to make them sin against the laws of god. "you ask me to plow the ground! shall i take a knife and tear my mother's bosom? then when i die she will not take me to her bosom to rest. you ask me to dig for stone! shall i dig under her skin for her bones? then when i die i can not enter her body to be born again. "you ask me to cut grass and make hay and sell it, and be rich, like white men! but how dare i cut off my mother's hair? it is a bad law and my people can not obey it. i want my people to stay with me here. all the dead men will come to life again. their spirits will come back to their bodies again. we must wait here in the homes of our fathers and be ready to meet them in the bosom of our mother." {fn} * * * * * {fn} macmurray's notes. chief charles journey cake, the aged baptist minister and head of the delawares, of indian territory, was credited with the following account of the origin of the three races of people known to the indians, the chinese, or yellow race, being unknown at the time this was spoken. said journey cake, "in the beginning the great spirit created three men and placed them on the earth. as they were all made, in the image of god, they were all white. "wishing to test their endurance, courage and intelligence, he sent them on a long journey of many sleeps. in the course of their travels they came to a wide, muddy stream. here two of the men hesitated, but the third plunged bravely in and made for the opposite bank. seeing that the stream was sufficiently shallow to wade, the others followed their leader, one behind the other. when the first man reached the further shore he was still white, being only slightly discolored by the muddy water. the second man came out red or copper-colored, while the last, crossing behind the others after the stream was thoroughly stirred up, came out black. the trio found three packages awaiting them on the further shore. the white man was disposed to be generous, and gave the others their choice. {fn} the red man gave the same privilege to the black, who promptly selected the largest package, and found it contained a shovel, spade and hoe; the red man chose the next largest, which contained a tomahawk, bow and quiver of arrows; this left the smallest for the white man, and behold it contained a book, pen, ink-horn and paper; and as the pen is mightier than the tomahawk or spade, it indicated that he should rule over both the red and black man." * * * * * {fn} he afterward departed from this precedent in his dealings with both his red and black brothers. this indian made a decided "hit." during a football game at cambridge between the harvard eleven and the carlise indian school team malcomn donald was playing opposite a splendidly built indian. the play was exceedingly rough, and donald had in the course of the play landed some pretty hard elbow blows on the slower moving indian. presently the indian began to take notice of the punishment he was receiving and during a pause between plays walked slowly over to donald and said with a certain note of remonstrance in his voice: "you hit me three times. i think i shall have to hit you." donald thanked him for his courteous warning and resolved to be on his guard, but during the heat of the play he wholly forgot the little matter. presently, at the end of a scrimmage, while donald was standing watching the crowd. the indian strode up to him and deliberately dealt him a blow over the head which stretched him out. with difficulty donald picked himself up and resumed the play. at the end of the game the indian came up to him again and said rather apologetically. "i hit you." "so i noticed." said donald, rubbing his head ruefully. "well, i guess we are square now. shake!" and the indian stretched out a brawny fist. they were wined and dined at the expense of the government. they were two big burly indians. the long eagle feather in the hat of one who is known as "chief" and the bright red ostrich tip in the sombrero of the other would have told that if the unmistakable features had not evidenced it. a government employee, it matters not who, but one who may possibly in certain events happening make a "stake" out of the tribe to which these indians belong, was doing the honors of the capitol and showing the braves about the corridors. they left the indian committee-room and came to the door of the house restaurant. "let's have a bite to eat," suggested the man with the graft. "all right," was the quick reply of the aborigines. at the luncheon counter the one who could master the most english asked, "guv'munt pay?" "oh, yes," responded the host thinking that the quickest way to inform them that they would not have to stand good for the bill. "ugh!" grunted the brave, "we eat lot, guv'munt pay." and they did--four cups of coffee each, half a dozen hard-boiled eggs, three ham sandwiches, one dozen doughnuts, a whole baked chicken, ice cream, a whole pie each and besides that a thirst for fire-water that was absolutely appalling. the luncheon counter looked as though a cyclone might have paid it a visit by the time the indians got through, and the bill that the "guv'munt" clerk had to foot made his week's salary look like cents. "guv'munt heap good," grunted the brave as he picked his teeth in true "white brother" fashion in the corridor. "we eat here again." but it will not be in company with that particular clerk. an indian's glass wagon. the osages as a people are the richest on earth. from the interest on the money which the united states government borrowed from them as a nation and from the rental of their grasslands the osages, men, women and children, collect about $ each every three months. in addition to this they have extensive oil wells. the osages, therefore, are very fond of large families, and it is to the material interest of every indian to have as many children as possible. in this case the new child does not represent another mouth to feed, but another source of income. the father on payday collects from the government paymaster the money coming to his family, and this often amounts to a considerable sum. the indian has never fully realized the value of money--it comes too easily. when he gets his funds he goes around and pays his debts, for he is always given credit by the traders, and he settles his accounts because he will shortly need credit again until payday comes around once more. with the money he has leftover he buys anything that takes his fancy, and sometimes he makes remarkable and ludicrous purchases. an osage who had missed payday until he had accumulated riches beyond his most avaricious dreams went to coffeyville, in southern kansas, one day with his pockets bulging with money. he shopped around in the stores, buying everything he fancied, until he had accumulated a larger load than his pony could carry. he was wandering along the street wondering how he would transport it to his home, when he saw a large black wagon with glass sides standing in front of a store. he looked at it wistfully for some time, examined the horses and harness, and wagged his head in an appreciative way. the undertaker, who had observed him, came out. "how much?" asked the indian. the undertaker, for a joke, named a price. the indian went into his pocket, counted out the money, mounted the box of the hearse and drove away before the undertaker could remonstrate. and now mr. indian comes to town in style, with his squaw beside him on the seat and the inside of the hearse full of very lively pappooses, who lookout through the glass sides of their strange carriage. the hearse also does service when the indian comes to town with a load of wheat, which looks very nice through the glass sides. by nature the indian is a perfect child; when he wants anything he wants it with all his heart and mind and soul, immediately. like the child who would gladly exchange the $ bill given him as a christmas present for a doll or toy, the indian will give anything he possesses for the merest bauble to which he takes a fancy. a novelty has the greatest charm, and he will pay a hundred times its value for an article new to him. colonel dodge states that while he was in command of fort sedgwick "a sioux indian came in having in his possession a very fine and elaborately painted buffalo robe. many efforts were made by the officers to purchase it; money, sugar, coffee, flour, etc., to the amount of $ were offered and refused. "some time after a sergeant passed who had in his hand a paper containing two or three pounds of loaf sugar, cut into cubic blocks (cut-loaf, then new to frontier people and to indians). "he gave the indian a few lumps and passed on. in a few moments the indian came running after him, took the robe from his shoulders and offered it for the paper of sugar. the exchange being made, he sat down on the ground and deliberately ate up every lump." "years ago, when matches were not so universally known and used as now, a lapwai indian was visiting fort martin scott, in texas. one day an officer to whom he was talking took from his pocket a box of what, to the indian, were merely little sticks, and scratching one on a stone, lit his pipe. the indian eagerly inquired into this mystery, and looked on with astonishment while several matches were lighted for his gratification. going to his camp near by, he soon came back, bringing half a dozen beautifully dressed wildcat skins, which he offered for the wonderful box. the exchange was accepted, and he went off greatly pleased. some time after the indian was found sitting by a large stone, on which he was gravely striking match after match, holding each in his fingers until forced to drop it, and then, carefully inspecting the scorched finger, as if to assure himself that it was real fire. this he continued until every match was burned." the indian has a keen appreciation of humor, and is like a child in his mirthfulness. no orator can see the weak points in his adversary's armor, or silence a foolish speaker, more quickly. according to bishop whipple, "old shah-bah-skong, the head chief of mille lac, brought all his warriors to defend fort ripley in . the secretary of the interior and the governor and legislature of minnesota promised these indians that for this act of bravery they should have the special care of the government and never be removed." {illustration: dr. carlos montezuma, full-blooded apache indian writer, and a prominent physician of chicago, ill.} "a few years later, in spite of these solemn promises, a special agent was sent from washington to ask these ojibways to cede their lands and remove to a country north of leech lake. the agent asked my help. i said, 'i know that country. i have camped on it. it is the most utterly worthless land in minnesota. don't attempt that folly; you will surely fail.' "the agent determined, however, to make the effort to induce the indians to give up their good land and accept the other tract, which nobody wanted. accordingly he called a council of the chiefs and principal men and thus addressed them: 'my red brothers, your great father at washington said he was determined to send an honest man to treat with his red children. he looked toward the north, the east, the south and west to find this honest man. when he saw me he said, "this is the honest man whom i will send to treat with my red children." brothers, look at me; the winds of more than fifty-five winters have blown over my head and silvered it with gray, but during all these years, i have never wronged any man. brothers, as your friend and as an honest man, i ask you to sign this treaty.' after the usual meditative pause. old shah-bah-skong arose and answered as follows: 'the winds of more than fifty-five years have blown over my head and silvered my hair, but they have not _blown away my brains._' this ended the council." an agent who had won the distinction of a militia general desired to impress the indians. dressed in uniform with chapeau, epaulets and dangling sword, he said: "your great father thinks that one reason why he has had so much trouble with the indians is that he has always sent to them civilians. this time he said, 'these red men are warriors; i will send to them a warrior,' and he sent me." an old chief arose, drew a long breath, and said: "i have heard ever since i was a boy that white men had their great warriors. i have always wanted to see one. i have looked at him, and _i am now ready to die._" bishop whipple, while on a visit to a dacotah mission, was horrified at a scalp dance which was held near the mission-house. said he: "i was indignant. i went to wabasha, the head chief, and said 'wabasha, you asked me for a missionary and teacher. i gave them to you. i visited you, and the first sight is this brutal scalp-dance. i knew the chippewa whom your young men have murdered; he had a wife and children; his wife is crying for her husband; his children are asking for their father. wabasha, the great spirit hears his children cry. he is angry. some day he will ask wabasha, 'where is your red brother?' the old chief smiled, drew his pipe from his mouth, blew a cloud of smoke upward and said: 'white man go to war with his own brother in the same country [this was during the rebellion]; kill more men than wabasha can count in all his life. great spirit smiles; says, "good, white man; he has my book; i love him very much; i have a good place for him by and by." the indian is a wild man; he has no great spirit book; he kills one man; has a scalp-dance; great spirit is mad, and says, "bad indian; i will put him in a bad place by and by;" wabasha don't believe it.'" the commissioner of indian affairs says that from march , , to june , , this government has spent $ , , for the benefit of the indians. the expenditures for were $ , , , of which one-third was for education. there are nearly sixty thousand indians who are now receiving rations or help to some extent. the report urges that hereafter rations should be given only to the aged or otherwise helpless, as the system of promiscuous relief breeds idleness and unthrift. the indians now have in the treasury to their credit $ , , of trust funds, on which the government pays them four and five per cent interest. there are two hundred and fifty government indian schools, and the enrollment and attendance in them is increasing, though eight thousand of the thirty-four thousand indian children are still unprovided for. the report combats the popular idea that the indian population necessarily decreases when in contact with the whites. it asserts that the indian population has decreased very little since the days of columbus and other early explorers. major pratt, the united states army officer who founded the carlisle indian school, admits that many of his graduates who return to tribal life fall into indian ways again. therefore he believed in doing all he could to prevent the educated indians from going back to the reservations. he tells of an incident he saw at a western indian agency. a squaw entered a trader's store, wrapped in a blanket, pointed to a straw hat and asked: "how muchee?" "fifty cents," said the merchant. "how muchee?" she asked again, pointing to another article. the price was quoted and was followed by another query of "how muchee?" then she suddenly gazed blandly at the merchant and asked, mildly: "do you not regard such prices as extortionate for articles of such palpably and unmistakably inferior quality? do you not really believe that a reduction in your charges would materially enhance your pecuniary profits, as well as be ethically proper? i beg you to consider my suggestion." she was a graduate of the carlisle indian school. a teacher in an indian school in michigan writes as follows: "it is especially interesting to study these children, especially as we have them from four different tribes, and i should very much like to write up my impressions, only that i can scarcely keep up with my work as it is. these boys have a sense of humor. in my flag drill last friday the partners were a boy and girl, and where the lines intersect to form the cross i taught the boys to let their partners go first, and hard trouble i had to do it, too. after the exercises isaac crane came up to me, and, in his solemn way, said: 'miss b. . . . in letting the girls pass in front of the boys, you have struck at the root of an indian national custom.' i said: 'how so, isaac?' and he answered: 'it is the custom for the man to go first, carrying his dignity, and for the woman to follow, carrying everything else.'" "heap smell." the indian knew what he wanted and where to get it. some indians from "buffalo bill's wild west," arrayed in bright colored blankets and an exceptional amount of face paint, were taking in the sights of kansas city one afternoon. they strolled down walnut street, single file, and headed by a brave who now and then gave a grunt of satisfaction when something that pleased him caught his eye, they halted in front of a drug store and gazed at the window display for a moment. then the band filed into the establishment and began to look around. the clerk thought the place was going to be besieged and that he was likely to lose his scalp, but when the "big chief," who acted as spokesman, addressed him with the customary indian greeting of "how!" the clerk regained his composure enough to ask the indian what he wanted. "heap smell," was the reply. directed by the indian's finger to a showcase, the clerk produced a bar of soap. the brave took it gingerly, removed the wrapper, smelled it and bit into the toothsome-looking article. with a deep grunt of displeasure he handed it back to the drug clerk. with a disgusted look he remarked, "heap smell!" the clerk began to tremble, and the indian pointed to a perfume bottle in the showcase. the bottle of perfume was handed to him. the indian held it in both hands for a moment, closely scrutinizing it. he slowly removed the stopper, closely watching it as if he expected it to explode, and took a big sniff at the bottle, gave a grunt of satisfaction, handed the clerk some money and led his band of braves out of the store, to the delight of the frightened clerk, who had not been in the practice of waiting on real indians. truth of the choctaws. when they give their word they keep it. probably there is no other class of people in the world so faithful as the choctaws. they believe in each other as a child believes in its mother. when one choctaw indian tells another that a certain thing will be done, it can be depended upon that it will be done. the custom of turning a prisoner loose without bail commenced among the choctaws half a century ago. an indian murdered his sister. there was no jail, and the choctaws had no money to hire a guard. after the indian judge had sentenced him to be shot, the former said: "now you can go free until your execution day. then i want you to come without being told. if you fail to obey it will disgrace your family." the indian gave his promise and appeared at the appointed time. ever since then it has been the custom to allow condemned indians to run loose. never but once has a prisoner failed to come freely and alone to his execution. the number of indians thus shot within the last half century is over one hundred. a null and void drink. in the _sunset magazine_ for a recent month a writer gives some interesting reminiscences of the late johnson sides, indian. he was born in the sagebrush, and throughout his long life he was a friend of the paleface and a peacemaker. it is recalled to his credit that many a band of immigrants passing over the plains in the early rush for california owed it to johnson that they were not waylaid and murdered. he became quite influential with the national authorities as well as with his tribe, and to his sagacity considerable legislation beneficial to the aborigines in the last quarter of a century is attributed. he was one of those indians who saw that much of the trouble which befell the red man was due to fire-water, and, a temperance man himself, he seldom missed an opportunity of preaching temperance to his tribesmen. "my friends," he would say, "i think whisky no good, but very bad. mebbe you take a drink it not much bad, but you take two drinks you kill somebody. mebbe you want more, you hurt your brother or you lickem squaw, or you burn down a wickiup. mebbe sheriff catch you and workem on the streets in the chain-gang, with big iron ball hitched on your leg, in the hot sun. not much good any of this. indian who drink whisky, no good." sad to relate, johnson sides was once caught in the act of swallowing a glass of whisky, a serious offense, made so by reason of the danger which was likely to ensue when an indian lost control of himself in a white settlement. he pleaded guilty, but contended that he drank because he was very sick. being a popular indian he was subjected to a fine of only $ , but the sagebrush papers made fun of him and called him a fallen reformer, which wounded his feelings greatly. in his distress he asked a friend in the nevada legislature, senator doolin, to set him right by passing some sort of a bill and senator doolin introduced and carried through "senate joint concurrent resolution no. ," which was as follows: _resolved,_ by the senate, the people of the state of nevada concurring. that the drink of whisky taken by johnson sides on the th day of september, in the city of virginia, county of story, be and is hereby declared null and void. this was entirely satisfactory to johnson sides. his wounded pride was healed; he held his head up again, and resumed his temperance lectures as though nothing had happened. moreover, the act of the legislature restored his standing among all classes, white and red, in nevada, and he was everywhere respected and looked up to as a vindicated reformer, for these were simple days, when the west was young and trustful and charitable and kind. it would have been a blessed thing indeed if all the whisky sold to indians in violation of law, had been "null and void and without effect," but unfortunately it had the same debasing effect with the indian as upon the white man, as the following eloquent appeal from an indian would seem to indicate: simon pokagon, mentioned in the previous chapter, of hartford, michigan, was chief of the pottawatomie band of indians of his state. in an address to the white people, he employed this very remarkable language in denunciation of the evil of drunkenness: "while i appreciate and laud those noble christian missionaries, i can not do otherwise than openly condemn those white traders who, dog-like, tagged them into the wilderness and beside the christian altars they had built, stuck out their signs, and dealt out to our young men and old men that liquid hell which lures but to destroy. could you see what i have seen and feel what i have felt, as this snake, born of the white man, has coiled itself closer and tighter like a vise around the heartstrings of your own family, you would cry out: 'pokagon, we do not blame, but pity you!' and well you may, for the blood of my people, as the blood of abel, is crying from the ground against the cains of humanity who, for paltry gold in times past and even now, are dealing out to our race that cursed abomination of misery and death. you send missionaries across the great deep to save hindoo children from being drowned in the ganges, or crushed under the wheels of juggernaut, and yet in your own christian land thousands are yearly being drowned in the american ganges of fire-water, while the great juggernaut of king alcohol is ever rolling on night and day, crushing its victims without mercy. hark! do you hear that agonizing wail on every side? fathers and sons are falling into drunkards' graves; mothers and daughters are weeping over them; wives are lamenting as they bend over the bruised heads of their husbands as they return from the midnight brawl; and briars of bitter disappointment encumber the bridal garden; brave men and women who have fought long and well to redeem and save the fallen are beginning to fear the power of the saloon and its votaries, while the pious who in faith have prayed long and well are beginning to doubt the favor of god. "soon i will stand in the presence of the great spirit and shall there plead with him in heaven, as i have plead with him on earth, that he will take those by the hand who have so bravely fought against the old dragon, drink, the destroyer of your children and ours, and lead them on to glorious victory." said a missionary to a chief of the little ottawas, "i am glad that you do not drink whisky; but it grieves me to find that your people use so much of it." "ah, yes," replied the chief, and he fixed an arch and impressive eye upon the missionary which communicated the reproof before he uttered it "we indians use a great deal of whisky, but we do not make it." while going through the indian village of the world's fair at chicago, in , the author of this book made the acquaintance of deerfoot, the famous runner, the indian who defeated all human racers and outstripped horses. concerning this remarkable man, the buffalo _news_ had this to say: "the death of louis bennett, known all over the world as deerfoot, removes the most picturesque character from the native tribes of this state. "in , having outdone all the runners of his tribe, he thought he would try conclusions with white athletes. the conclusions were invariably in favor of the native and his fame as a long-distance runner became in a short time the talk of the land. backed by a well known 'sport' of those days, he made a tour of american cities, easily outdoing all the local champions. then his fame spread to england, whose athletics were then much more firmly established than those of this country. he visited the brawny islands in . "despite the boastful predictions the remarkable indian, with his peculiar stride, met and defeated the english champions, although he was given a couple of hard brushes. his endurance was nothing less than wonderful and he always ended a race fresh, and while his antagonist was running on sheer pluck deerfoot was still running on wind. he remained in england almost two years and came back loaded with medals. "on his return to america, not finding any men for a contest, he turned his attention to horses, and at chicago he actually beat a number of horses in races. since that time he receded from the public view, living quietly at his farm. up to his death, however, he retained his remarkable powers and he was accustomed to take, as an old man, walks that would tax the endurance of an average youth. "his fastest recorded time was when in , in england, he ran ten miles in fifty-two minutes. this time, he claimed, was never beaten, though it is said an englishman named cummings, in , did the distance a trifle under this figure. but he was certainly never beaten in a race." {illustration: the last shot, a typical scene from the indian wars on the plains.} tiger tail, the seminole chief, and the plate-glass window. mr. c. . livingston had an ambition to have the first plate-glass front in the everglades. so when his brick block in west palm beach was nearing completion he made a special trip down from jacksonville and personally superintended the placing of the polished plates in the frames. they were of large size and reached nearly to the level of the sidewalk. he was standing outside with his chest in the air, swelled with gratified ambition, admiring the crystal sheets, when along came tiger-tail, big chief of the once powerful but now fast disappearing seminoles. when his foot treads his native heath tiger-tail scorns to hide his noble form with any of the habiliments affected by his civilized brethren, but he has a white shirt hung up in his wigwam, which was given him by a commercial drummer in the early s and which he was wont to don when he made his monthly pilgrimages to palm beach for "fire-water," "fire-powder" and lead. he was thus attired when he walked up to mr. livingston and exchanged "hows." this was a good opportunity for the proud builder to impress the savage red man with the march of civilization, so he pointed out the building to tiger-tail, calling his particular attention to the plate-glass front. tiger-tail looked at the polished surfaces, but his unpracticed eye could see nothing except openings in the front windows. he walked up close, and thinking to get a better view, he tried to step through the window inside. his roman nose came in contact with the glass, which surprised him very much. he rubbed his nose, gave a grunt and looked hard at the window, and still, not seeing any reason why he could not step inside, made a second essay. he bumped his nose harder this time, which caused mr. livingston to laugh long and loud. now the indian is essentially a man of action and without emotions. without the least sign of anger visible in his face, tiger-tail backed away to the edge of the sidewalk, picked up a scantling and went for that plate-glass front--the first in the everglades--and before the owner could protest there wasn't a piece left big enough for a paper-weight. mr. livingston stormed and cursed, but the big chief, adjusting his shirt, and explaining the whole matter by uttering the single word "huh!" continued his search for more mysteries to unravel. in telling this experience while on a visit to boston, one of mr. livingston's friends asked him why he did not sue the indian. "what," he exclaimed, "sue tiger-tail? sue a man who ain't got nothing but a shirt? what would i get? the shirt?" indian etiquette. the _red man and helper,_ published by the students at the carlisle (pa.) indian school, has this to say on indian etiquette: "it was an actual desire for information and no attempt to be funny that a boy in looking up from reading about 'squaw men' asked if the white women who marry indian men were called 'buck women.' we could not answer why they were not. such a name would be no more insulting to a woman than the first appellation is to a man. all indian women are no more squaws than white women are wenches. the name squaw emanated from 'squa,' an indian word of a massachusetts tribe meaning woman, but it has since come to be used commonly by illiterate people for indian women of any tribe. no educated or refined people use the words 'squaw' or 'buck,' and we advise our students when they hear them not to pay any attention to the speaker, but to mark him or her down in their minds as a person of low breeding." doll averted war. kindness to apache child prevented trouble with the indians. a doll once averted a war with redskins. an american general was trying to put a band of apaches back on their own territory, from which they had persisted in breaking out, but could not catch them without killing them, and that he did not wish to do. his men captured a little indian girl and took her to the fort. she was quiet all day, but her beady black eyes watched everything. when night came, however, she broke down, just as any white child would have done. the men tried in vain to comfort her, but finally the agent borrowed a beautiful doll from an officer's wife, which had belonged to her little daughter, and promised the apache girl that she could have it if her sobs ceased. she then fell asleep. when morning came the doll was clasped in her arms. eventually the little apache girl, with her doll, was sent back to her people. when the child reached the indians with the doll in her chubby hands it made a great sensation among them, and the next day the mother came with the child to the post. she was hospitably received, and through her the tribe was persuaded to move back to its own territory. moving pictures amaze the indians. burton holmes, the lecturer, visited the home of the moki indians in arizona to witness the weird snake-dance, which those indians have practiced at intervals for centuries. while near the home of the mokis he set up his moving picture machine and made a film showing apache indians and cowboys in horse races and in feats of daring while on horseback. the film was developed and proved to be excellent. a year later mr. holmes visited the same region again and one night gave an exhibition for the benefit of the natives. the indians observed the pictures which mr. holmes threw on the screen, which was stretched on the side of a store building, with stolidity, and made no comment until the moving picture machine was started and the film made in the neighborhood a year before was thrown on the screen. "then there was almost a riot," said mr. holmes in telling of the affair. "several of the indians who had taken part in the races the year before had died, and when they were shown on the screen, riding for dear life, their friends were amazed. the dead had been brought to life. it was astounding. the indians gazed at the picture, then looked at each other as if uncertain that they saw what they saw. then they began to talk excitedly, pointing at the moving images of those who were dead. it did not strike the savage mind as unusual that live men should appear on the screen and be moving, but with dead men it was different. "when the film had all gone through the machine the indians hastened forward to examine the white cloth on which the pictures had been shown. they raised it to look behind it, in a vain endeavor to find the solution to what was to them a mystery. they paid no attention at all to the machine that had projected the picture." a witty red man who was grateful for kindness. in "travels in new england and new york," president dwight, of yale college, tells a good story of indian wit and friendship. in the early days of litchfield, connecticut, an indian called at the tavern and asked the landlady for food, frankly stating that he had no money with which to pay for it. she refused him harshly, but a white man who sat by noted the red man's half-famished state, and offered to pay for his supper. the meal was furnished, and the indian, his hunger satisfied, returned to the fire and told his benefactor a story. "you know bible?" said the indian. the man assented. "well," said the indian, "the bible say, god made world, and then he took him and look at him and say, 'he good, very good.' he made light, and he took him and look at him and say, 'he good, very good.' then he made dry land and water and sun and moon and grass and trees, band took him and look at him and say, 'he good, very good.' then he made beast and birds and fishes, and took him and look at him and say, 'he good, very good.' "then he made man, and took him and look at him and say, 'he good, very, very good.' then he make woman, and took him and look at him, and he no dare say one such word!" this last conclusion was uttered with a meaning glance at the landlady. some years after this occurrence, the man who had paid for the indian's supper was captured by redskins and carried to canada, where he was made to work like a slave. one day an indian came to him, recalled to his mind the occurrence at the litchfield tavern, and ended by saying: "i that indian. now my turn pay. i see you home. come with me." and the indian guided the white man back to litchfield. medicine hat, an enterprising little city in the heart of the wheat belt of the northwest territory of canada, took its name from the following legend: it seems that many years ago the young and beautiful daughter of a great chief, while strolling along the banks of the saskatchewan one day, accidentally lost her footing and fell into the raging torrent. she was a good swimmer and managed to keep herself afloat for a long time as the stream swept her along, but finally her strength began to fail her, and she would have been drowned if a young indian brave had not happened to catch sight of her in the stream. he immediately leaped from the high bank into the stream, and after a hard struggle managed to bear the maiden to the bank and to safety. gave the brave his hat. the grateful father, as a mark of his appreciation of this heroic deed, took off his own hat and placed it upon the head of the young brave. possibly the latter would have been better satisfied if the father had given him the maiden, but of this history does not tell, and therefore the romantic side of the story will have to remain incomplete. the hat, though, was the distinctive mark of a chief among the indians, and therefore its bestowal upon the young brave at once raised him to the highest dignity known to his people. the rescue of the girl took place at the point where the railroad bridge crosses the river, and when the white people founded the town here they commemorated this legend by the name they gave the town. "the black white man." the following story was told by black horse, second chief of the comanches, to special indian agent white: "a long time ago--maybe so thirty snows, maybe so forty, i dunno--i went with a large war party on a raid into mexico. we went far enough south to see hundreds of monkeys and parrots. we thought the monkeys were a kind of people and captured two of them one day. that night we whipped them nearly to death trying to make them talk, but they would not say a word, just cry, and finally we turned them loose, more puzzled than ever to know what they were. "on the return trip we came back through texas. one day i was scouting off to one side alone, and met a man riding through the mesquite timber. he started to run and my first thought was to kill him, but just as i was about to send an arrow he looked back over his shoulder and i saw that his skin was as black as a crow and that he had great big white eyes. i had never seen or heard of that kind of a man, and seeing that he was unarmed, i determined to catch him and take him to camp alive, so that all the other indians could see him. i galloped around in front of him with my bow and arrow drawn, and he was heap scared. he fell off his mule pony and sit down on his knees and hold his hands up high and heap cry and say: '_please,_ massa injun, don't kill poor nigger! _please,_ massa injun, don't kill poor nigger! bi-yi-yi! _please,_ massa injun, don't kill poor nigger! bi-yi-yi.'" although at that time black horse did not know a word of english, the negro's crying and begging made such an impression on him that, with his common indian gift of mimicry, he could imitate it in a wonderfully natural manner. continuing, he said: "the 'black white man' was heap poor. his pony was an old mule that could not run fast at all. his saddle was 'broke' all over and his bridle was made of ropes. his clothes were dirty and all 'broke' full of holes, and his shoes were all gone--got none at all. "i started back with him and on the way we came to a deep water-hole. i was nearly dead for a drink, and motioned to the 'black white man' to get down and drink, too. he got down but shook his head to say that he did not want to drink. he was heap scared--just all time shake and teeth rattle, and all time cry, and maybe so pray to great spirit to make indian turn him loose, and he be a good man and never make it (the great spirit) mad any more, and heap o' things like that. i lay down to drink. the bank was sloping and my feet were considerably higher than my head. suddenly, the 'black white man' caught my back hair with one hand and my belt with the other and raised me way up over his head with my face upward. before i could do a thing he pitched me head foremost away out in the middle of the water hole. {fn} i went clear to the bottom, and when i came to the top and rubbed the water out of my eyes, i saw the 'black white man' running off on my pony, kicking with both feet and whipping with his hat. i rode his old 'mule pony' back to camp and all the indians heap laugh at black horse." * * * * * {fn} black horse, though a great fighter, is a comparatively small indian. indian mode of getting a wife. an aged indian, who had spent many years in a white settlement, remarked one day that the indians had not only a much easier way of getting a wife than the whites, but were also more certain of getting a good one; "for," said he, in his broken english, "white man court--court--maybe so one whole year! maybe so two, before he marry! well! maybe so then get _very good_ wife--but, maybe so not--maybe so _very cross!_ well, now, suppose cross! scold so soon as get wake in the morning! scold all day! scold until sleep! all one; he must keep _him!_ white people have law forbidding throwing away wife, be he ever so cross! must keep _him_ always! {fn} well, how does indian do? indian when he see industrious squaw, which he like, he go to _him,_ place his two forefingers close aside each other, make two look like one--look squaw in the face--see _him_ smile--which is all one _he_ say, yes! so he take _him_ home--no danger _he_ be cross! no! no! squaw know too well what indian do if _he_ be cross! throw _him_ away and take another! squaw love to eat meat. no husband, no meat. squaw do everything to please husband; he do the same to please squaw! live happy!" * * * * * {fn} this was in . laws concerning divorce have changed materially since. john elliot, the great apostle to the indians, had been preaching on the trinity, when one of his auditors, after a long and thoughtful pause, thus addressed him: "i believe, mr. minister, i understand you. the trinity is just like water and ice and snow. the water is one, the ice another, and the snow is another; and yet they are all one water." this illustration of the trinity is fully equal to st. patrick's use of the shamrock. {illustration: chief charles journey cake, late delaware leader, and baptist preacher.} indians are usually truthful, but some of them learned the art of prevarication from their intercourse with the whites. a few years before the revolution, one tom hyde, an indian famous for his cunning, went into a tavern in brookfield, massachusetts, and after a little chat told the landlord he had been hunting and had killed a fine fat deer, and if he would give him a quart of rum he would tell him where it was. mine host, unwilling to let slip so good an opportunity of obtaining venison, immediately struck the bargain and poured the indian his quart of rum, at the same time asking where the deer was to be found. "well," says tom, "do you know where the great meadow is?" "yes." "well, do you know the great marked maple tree that stands in it?" "yes." "well, there lies the deer." away posted the landlord with his team in quest of his purchase. he found the meadow and the tree, it is true; but all his searching after the deer was fruitless, and he returned home no heavier than he went, except in mortification and disappointment. some days after mine host met the indian, and feeling indignant at the deception practised on him, accused him in no gentle terms of the trick. tom heard him out--and, with the coolness of a stoic, replied--"did you not find the meadow i said?" "yes." "and the tree?" "yes." "and the deer?" "no." "very good," continued he, "you found _two truths for one lie, which is very well for an indian._" move farther. when general lincoln went to make peace with the creek indians, one of the chiefs asked him to sit down on a log; he was then desired to move, and in a few minutes to move still farther; the request was repeated till the general got to the end of the log. the indian said, "move farther." to which the general replied, "i can move no farther." "just so it is with us," said the chief; "you have moved us back to the water, and then ask us to move farther." indians are close observers, and reach unerring conclusions with marvelous rapidity. a noise inappreciable to an ordinary ear, a broken twig or leaf or the faintest impression on the grass, the hooting of an owl or the gobbling of a turkey, was sufficient to attract their attention. from these faint indications they are quick to discern the presence of a wild beast or of an enemy. an indian, on returning to his wigwam one day, discovered that his venison, which had been hung up to dry, had been stolen. after hastily looking around for "signs," he started in pursuit of the thief. he soon met a party of traders, of whom he inquired whether they had seen a _little old white man with a short gun, and followed by a small dog with a bob-tail._ they replied in the affirmative, and asked the indian how he could give such a perfect description of the thief. he answered, "i know he is a little man by his having made a pile of stones in order to reach the venison, from the height i hung it, standing on the ground. i know he is an old man by his short steps, which i have traced over the dead leaves in the woods. i know he is a white man by his turning out his toes when he walks, which an indian never does. i know his gun was short by the mark which the muzzle made upon the bark of a tree against which it leaned. i know the dog is small by his tracks, and that he had a bob-tail i discovered by the marks of it in the dust, where he was sitting at the time his master took down the meat." the shrewd indian now continued the pursuit, and with the help of a white man who loved fair play, actually regained his stolen venison. the gunpowder harvest. a trader went to a certain indian nation to dispose of a stock of goods. among other things he had a quantity of gunpowder. the indians traded for his clothes, hats, axes, beads and other things, but would not take the powder, saying: "we do not wish for the powder; we have plenty." the trader did not like to carry all the powder back to his camp, so he thought he would play a trick on the indians, and induce them to buy it. going to an open piece of ground near the indian camp he dug up the soft, rich soil; then mixing a quantity of onion seed with his powder he began to plant it. the indians were curious to know what he was doing, and stood by greatly interested. "what are you doing?" said one. "planting gunpowder," replied the trader. "why do you plant it?" inquired another. "to raise a crop of powder. how could i raise it without planting?" said the trader. "do you not plant corn in the ground?" "and will gunpowder grow like corn?" exclaimed half a dozen at once. "certainly it will," said the trader. "did you not know it? as you do not want my powder, i thought i would plant it and raise a crop which i could gather and sell to the crows." now the crows were another tribe of indians which was always at war with this tribe (the blackfeet). the idea of their enemies having a large supply of powder increased the excitement, and one of the indians said: "well, well, if we can raise powder like corn, we will buy your stock and plant it." but some of the indians thought best to wait, and see if the seed would grow. so the trader agreed to wait a few days. in about a week the tiny sprouts of the onion seed began to appear above the ground. the trader, calling the indians to the spot, said: "you see now for yourselves. the powder already begins to grow, just as i told you it would." the fact that some small plants appeared where the trader had put the gunpowder was enough to convince the indians. every one of them became anxious to raise a crop of gunpowder. the trader sold them his stock, in which there was a large mixture of onion seeds (which it closely resembles) at a very high price, and then left. from this time the indians gave no attention to their corn crop. if they could raise gunpowder they would be happy. they took great care of the little plants as they came up out of the ground, and watched every day for the appearance of the gunpowder blossoms. they planned a buffalo hunt which was to take place after the powder harvest. after a while the onions bore a plentiful crop of seeds, and the indians began to gather and thresh it. they believed that threshing the onion seeds would produce the powder. but threshing failed to bring it. then they discovered that they had been cheated. of course the swindling trader avoided these indians, and did not make them a second visit. after some time, however, he sent his partner to them for the purpose of trading goods for furs and skins. by chance they found out that this man was the partner of the one who had cheated them. they said nothing to him about the matter; but when he had opened his goods and was ready to trade, they coolly helped themselves to all he had and walked off. the trader did not understand this. he became furiously angry, and went to make his complaint to the chief of the tribe. "i am an honest man." said he to the chief. "i came here to trade honestly: but your people are thieves; they have stolen all my goods." the old chief looked at him some time in silence, smoking a meditative pipe, at last he blew a puff of smoke into the air, removed the pipe from his lips, and then said: "my children are all honest. they have not stolen your goods. they will pay you _as soon as they gather their gun powder harvest._" tarhe, or the crane, the patriotic wyandot chief. at the commencement of the war of a council was called by the british officer commanding at malden, in upper canada. it was held at brownstown in the state of michigan, and its object was to induce the wyandots to take sides with the british in the war which was inevitable. several speeches were first delivered, and great promises made by the british agent about what their great father, king george, would do for them if the nation would fight the americans; and he closed by presenting tarhe with a likeness of king george. holding it in his hand, the head chief arose and said: "we have no confidence in king george. he is always quarreling with his white children in this country. he sends his armies over the great water, in their big canoes, and then he gets his indian friends here to join with him to conquer his children, and promises if they will fight for him, he will do great things for them. so he promised if we would fight wayne and if he whipped us, he would open his gates of his fort on the maumee and let us in, and open his big guns on our enemies; but when we were whipped, and the flower of our nation were killed, we fled to this place, but instead of opening his gates, and letting us in, you shut yourselves up in your ground-hog hole, and kept out of sight, while my warriors were killed at your gates. {fn} we have no confidence in any promise you make. when the americans scratch your backs with their war-clubs, you jump into your big canoes and run home, and leave the poor indians to fight it out, or make peace with them, the best they may." * * * * * {fn} see battle of fallen timbers; in sketch of little turtle. he then took the likeness of general washington from his bosom and said: "this is our great father, and for him we will fight." then taking the likeness of king george in his left hand he drew his tomahawk and with the edge struck the likeness, and added, "and so we will serve your great father." this so excited the british officer that it is said he turned black in the face. he replied that he would make the chief repent that act. "this is my land and country," said tarhe; "go home to your own land, and tell your country men that tarhe and his warriors are ready and that they are the friends of the americans." thus broke up the council. tarhe returned to his home at upper sandusky, and with his warriors aided the americans, with all their force, till the battle of the thames; numbers of his wyandots were in the army of general harrison at the time he fought the last battle with the british and indians. noble deed of a young pawnee warrior. at one time the pawnees, who lived at the foot of the rocky mountains, engaged in the horrible practice of burning at the stake prisoners taken in war. about the year an unfortunate female, taken in a war with the paducah tribe, was destined to this horrible death. the fatal hour had arrived, the trembling victim, far from her home and her friends, was fastened to the stake; the whole tribe was assembled on the surrounding plain to witness the awful scene. just when the fire was about to be kindled, and the spectators on the tiptoe of expectation, a young warrior, only twenty-one years of age, who sat composedly among the chiefs, having prepared two fleet horses, with the necessary provisions, sprang from his seat, rushed through the crowd, loosed the intended victim, seized her in his arms, placed her on one of the horses, mounted the other himself, and made the utmost speed toward the nation and friends of the captive. the crowd around were so completely unnerved and amazed at the daring deed, that they made no effort to recapture their victim from her deliverer. they regarded it as an act of the great spirit, and submitted to it without a murmur. the released captive was accompanied by her deliverer through the wilderness toward her home, till all danger was past. the young warrior then gave her the horse on which she rode, with the necessary provisions for the remainder of the journey, and they parted. on his return to the village, such was the respect entertained for him, that no inquiry was made into his conduct; no censure was passed on it, and, since the transaction, no human sacrifice has been offered in this or any other band of the pawnee tribe. of what influence is one brave and noble act in a good cause! on the publication of this incident at washington the young ladies of miss white's seminary, in that city, presented that brave and humane young warrior with a handsome silver medal, on which was engraven an appropriate inscription, accompanied by an address, of which the following is the close: "brother, accept this token of our esteem; always wear it for our sake; and when you have again the power to save a poor woman from death and torture, think of this, and of us, and fly to her rescue." indian girl's romance. enters harvard because her ancestor spared a white man. wah-ta-waso, a full-blooded penobscot indian girl, will soon enter harvard university. the girl's indian name means bright eyes, and she is said to be pretty enough and intelligent enough to be worthy of the name. there is a romantic story connected with the girl's proposed entrance into harvard. montague chamberlain, recorder of the lawrence scientific school at harvard, has taken the indian girl under his protection because one of her ancestors spared the life of one of his forefathers. about the time of the french and indian war, some of the penobscots who had wandered from maine to the st. lawrence joined the indians under the french and made a raid into english territory, including an attack on ticonderoga. with the english force was a trader from boston named chamberlain, who got into a hand-to-hand conflict with a powerful penobscot indian. in the struggle they clinched, but the redskin was the better wrestler and threw the white. chamberlain managed to regain his feet and start on a run, but the indian overtook him, and, having picked up a club, knocked chamberlain down before he could use his knife. the strength and courage of the white evidently won the admiration of the indian, for as he stood over chamberlain with club in hand the penobscot said in english: "i like you. make you my son. you good fighter." chamberlain was accordingly treated as a prisoner and was taken to the indian village of st. francis, on the st. lawrence river. while he was permitted to roam freely about the village, the indians kept a watchful eye on him, and he knew he was a captive. he learned, however, to like the indian life and remained three years. then in a fit of homesickness he decided to go home, but the captor refused to let him depart. chamberlain had won the hearts of many of the squaws by lending them a helping hand in their drudgery, and some of the maidens of the tribe aided him in escaping under cover of darkness, he afterward became a man of consequence in boston, and the university professor of to-day is one of his descendants. the penobscot indians in time returned to maine and settled on the island in the penobscot river, which is still their home. montague chamberlain in the course of his investigations discovered that wah-ta-waso was descended from the indian who had taken his ancestor captive at ticonderoga, and took it upon himself to give her an opportunity to gain an excellent education. she has had the advantage of common and high schools, and is now preparing to enter the harvard annex next spring. mr. chamberlain has helped a number of the penobscots to go to carlisle, and he has built them a library on their island. an indian girl's taste of civilization. on his way back from the recent snake dance at oribi, dr. beecher, of yale university, felt a sense of thirst. turning in his saddle he looked back. a cloud of white rising above the point of red sandstone mesa told him that the "chuck wagon" and the main outfit with water were fully two miles behind. glancing about over the sage-covered sand dunes and across the sun-curled crust of an adobe flat to his right, his eye fell upon a little moqui dwelling hugged up in a niche of the cliff at the edge of the mesa. a wolfish dog, barking angrily, flew out at him as he galloped up. a young moqui woman in moccasins, leggings and blankets, came to the door. when she saw the visitor she called to the dog and nodded "how." "qui bamus ahwah?" asked dr. beecher after the dog ceased barking. the young woman smiled, and then replied pleasantly: "i beg your pardon, sir, but if it is water you wish it may be found just a little way down the draw." the doctor grabbed the pommel of his saddle in his surprise. he managed to say "thank you," and then turned his horse toward the spring, as he was directed. for some time after he had satisfied his thirst he sat in the shade of a bowlder and watched his horse carefully and cautiously nibble off little bunches of gramma grass that grew closeup under the big thorny melon-cacti, and all the while he was wondering how it was that the indian woman spoke such perfect english. suddenly his horse threw up its head, jumped a few feet to one side, then dropped quietly back to browsing. looking over his shoulder, the doctor saw the moqui woman coming down the trail with a huge water jar hung on her back in a large fold of her blanket. she smiled when she came up and made a remark about the sandstorm of the day before. the doctor gallantly caught up the gourd dipper and insisted on filling the jar for her. all the while he kept up a running conversation, and when he poured the last dipper full of water into the jar he had reached the point where he could ask her with propriety to tell him all about herself, and he did. she was reluctant at first, but finally she began her story by saying she had been left an orphan at four years of age. then she continued her story: "you see there was no one to take care of me but my grandfather. one day a missionary prevailed upon him to send me to the indian school at ream's ca�±on. i stayed there until i was sixteen years old. i became much interested in my work, and at the end of my last year at ream's ca�±on i was told that i was to be sent east to the carlisle school in pennsylvania. i look back upon that day as the happiest of my life--no, i won't say that, either, for the day i left carlisle was a great day to me. it had been told me every day that i should go back to my people and show them the error of their ways. it was with a happy feeling of duty and responsibility that i started west. "but what a fool i was! i hate to think about it. when i arrived in oribi in my eastern clothes i immediately became the laughing-stock of the village. every time i spoke i was either jeered at by my companions or rebuked by my elders. the young men of the village made unpleasant remarks about me as i passed, and the old men and women upbraided me for having no respect for my ancestors' customs and traditions. i endured their reproaches and sneers for a long while, but at last i gave up in despair, threw away my eastern clothes and my eastern manners with them. then i left oribi and came here to live with a distant relative and to forget the past. "i thought of going back to pennsylvania, of clerking in a store, of doing housework and all that sort of thing; but after a time i gave it all up and resigned myself to my fate." "and what did fate have in store for you?" asked the doctor. she answered, smiling, "a husband." "now you are wrapped up in your children and are happy?" "no, i have no children. my only child died when it was but six months old. it took a fever, and when i saw that it was in danger i tried to get my husband to go to winslow for a physician, but it was all in vain. he would not listen. he feared the wrath of the chief and of the native priests. i saw it was no use, so i simply nursed my child until one night it died in my lap. the next day we took the little thing back to the graveyard up on the mesa and buried it with the regular moqui ceremony." "well," said the doctor, after a pause, "what can be done for the moquis?" "nothing. let them alone. they are happy now, and, you know, 'where ignorance is bliss 'tis folly to be wise.'" in the meantime the "chuck wagon" had gone by, and the doctor rose to leave. he offered to send her some books and magazines, but she begged him not to do so, saying that she wanted to forget such things. {illustration: a ukiah (alaska) indian maiden in japanese costume.} leaving the latch-string out. during the french and indian war many towns and settlements in pennsylvania and new jersey, as in other sections of the country, suffered severely from indian raids. a family of friends, who lived in a lonely house not far from the delaware river, and seemed to feel no fear, took no precautions against the savages. their simple dwelling had never known a lock or bolt, and the only concession they had ever made to the custom of "the world's people" was to pull in at night the string that lifted the wooden latch of their door. even this precaution seemed to them needless, and was as often forgotten as remembered. prowling parties of indians had begun frightful ravages in the vicinity of the settlement, and evidences of their cruel work could be seen every day nearer and nearer. warnings came to the quaker and his wife, and one night the effect of the fears of others more than their own kept them awake. the argument of the old friend with himself, as he lay thinking was after this fashion: he had always trusted in god; yet to-night he had pulled in the latch-string. a measure to prevent intrusion meant suspicion. suspicion under the circumstances, meant fear. he talked the matter over with his wife. it would be safer now to test their faith than to throw it away, he said. she agreed with him, and he got up and hung out the latch-string again. less than half an hour afterward the indians came. the defenseless inmates of the house were wholly at their mercy. they heard the savage band creep by their bedroom window and pause as if surprised to find the latch-string out. then they heard them open the door. a muttered talk in the native tongue kept the listeners in suspense for a minute or two; then the door was shut softly and the raiders went away. the next day the smoke of ruined dwellings in sight of their cabin, and the lamentation of neighbors over their killed or captured kindred, told the friends what they had escaped. it was not until years afterward, during a conference between the colonists and the indians, that the story was told of what had passed that fatal night at the quaker's door. a chief, who had himself been a leader of the gang in the attack on the white settlement, declared that when he saw the latch-string out, the sign of fearless confidence made him change his mind. he held a short parley with his followers, and the substance of it was: "these people are no enemies. see, they are not afraid of us. they are protected by the great spirit." "a woman can't hold her tongue." saratoga lake, in new york, is such a calm and beautiful sheet of water that indians had a legend that it was the special resort of manitou, or the great spirit, and they professed to believe that all who shouted or made a noise while crossing would offend the great spirit, and he, in punishment for the indignity, would cause the offender to sink to the bottom like a stone. now, it happened that an indian boatman was conveying a lady across the lake, who, knowing the indian's superstition and the reason for it, determined to teach him a lesson and disprove the legend. accordingly, when half way across, she shouted aloud several times. but the indian boatman, charon-like, pulled grimly and silently at the oars, until the keel touched the further shore. "there!" exclaimed the lady, "did i not tell you the great spirit had no more to do with this lake than any other. you see i did not sink to the bottom when i shouted." fixing his eyes sternly on the offender, the indian replied: "the great spirit is very patient and all wise. he knows white squaws can't keep their mouths shut." enormous amount of money spent on indians. in the indian census report an interesting attempt is made for the first time to cast up in figures an aggregate of the government expenditures on account of the red men residing within the united states since the union was established in . the result of this attempt indicates in the statistics presented that the gigantic sum of $ , , , was spent by the government up to the year either upon the indians directly or indirectly because of indians. counting in, however, the civil and military expenses for indians since then, together with incidental expenses not recognized in the official figures given, it is safe to say that up to june , , a further sum of $ , , may be added to the aggregate figures, making a grand aggregate of $ , , , chargeable to indians to date. the indian wars under the government of the united states are stated to have numbered more than forty and to have cost the lives of about nineteen thousand white men, women and children, including about five thousand killed in individual encounters of which history takes no note and of thirty thousand indians, including eighty-five hundred killed in personal encounters. the surprised indians. on one occasion a company of soldiers was attacked by indians while ascending a steep mountain pass. it happened that the soldiers had several small cannon packed on the backs of burros. wishing to frighten the indians, who were in close pursuit, and not having time to unpack the cannon, it was decided to load and fire them from the backs of the sturdy little beasts of burden. this was accordingly done. but one of the gunners in his haste and excitement put in an extra large charge of powder. when, therefore, the burro was backed to the edge of the precipice, and the cannon aimed downward at the indians and touched off, the concussion was so great as to hurl both cannon and burro over the precipice and down the mountain side, pell mell, loosening stones as they tumbled right in the midst of the astonished indians, some of whom were knocked over and in turn hurled on down the mountain side. the war-whoop was changed to a yell of terror as the surviving indians fled down the mountain pass. the next day one of this band of indians was captured, and on being asked, through the interpreter, what caused the indians to retreat so fast at the commencement of the fight, he answered "injuns no fraid of guns, pistols, swords or cannons, but when white soldier shoot whole donkey at injun, injun run 'cause he cannot fly." charles f. lummis, in "some strange corners of our country," says of the navajo magicians: "but the crowning achievement of the navajo--and, in my knowledge, of any indian--magicians, is the growing of the sacred corn. at sunrise the shaman plants the enchanted kernel before him, in full view of his audience, and sits solemnly in his place, singing a weird song. presently the earth cracks, and the tender green shoot pushes forth. as the magician sings on the young plant grows visibly, reaching upward several inches an hour, waxing thick and putting out its drooping blades. if the juggler stops his song the growth of the corn stops, and is resumed only when he recommences his chant. by noon the corn is tall and vigorous and already tasseled out; and by sunset it is a mature and perfect plant, with tall stalk, sedgy leaves and silk-topped ears of corn! how the trick is performed i have never been able to form so much as a satisfactory guess; but done it is, as plainly as eyes ever saw anything done, and apparently with as little chance for deception." a professor in wolf's clothing. prof. frederick starr, of the university of chicago, a friend and correspondent of the author, is a high authority on anthropology and ethnography, and for some years has been closely studying the native tribes of this continent. his investigations have taken him to many reservations, and hosts of indians are his friends. whenever he revisits the iroquois people he will receive a cordial welcome. not long ago he was made a member of that federation--a seneca, and therefore a brother of all the iroquois--and has as much right to sit in a council of the senecas as any indian whose ancestry antedates the landing of columbus. that he is capable of occupying this place with honor the indians did not doubt, for, when they adopted him formally, he was not named pale moon, lively beetle, or any such appellation, but haysetha, the wisest speaker in the council. when the anthropologist first met his future brethren they did not take to him very kindly. their suspicious natures do not allow them to make friends easily with the white men, or permit one to make a careful study of tribal customs. one of the large reservations of the iroquois is near chautauqua, where the professor was delivering a series of lectures on the american indian. he happened to mention that the iroquois near by were different from other indian peoples thrown in contact with civilization, in that they still used rites and ceremonies which were in vogue centuries ago. the pupils wished to witness these and an expedition was organized. the rig broke down midway. the distance back to town or to the reservation was a little over twelve miles. no one was in the humor for such a long walk, and it devolved upon the professor to scurry about to find a wagon large enough to hold twenty-five people. near by was an old iroquois who had a hay wagon which would fill the bill, but the indian refused point blank to aid them. neither pleadings nor money could swerve him from his purpose not to let the white men have his wagon. the case seemed hopeless, and professor starr had about made up his mind to take the long trudge back without paying the visit when a happy thought struck him. he remembered that many of the iroquois belong to the wolf family--that is, have the wolf as their "totem"--and are always loyal to each other. consequently he determined to pass himself off as a "wolf," since there are many white men with indian blood in their veins who are members of the family. "now, you must not refuse me," said the professor. "i'm no ordinary white man. i'm a 'wolf.'" the effect was magical. the indian hitched up his horses and did not even want to take pay for his trouble. when the reservation was reached professor starr saw an old man making a rattle, he wanted it. "how much?" he inquired. "one dollar, white man," was the reply. professor starr, however, had no intention of paying this exorbitant price. he determined to play the "wolf" again. "i'm no ordinary white man," he said. "i'm a 'wolf,' a brother. you won't charge me more than cents." the indian took the half-dollar. farther on the professor found a corn mask used in a sacred dance. he wanted this to take back to chicago with him. "one dollar, white man," said the squaw who owned it. the "wolf" had served him twice and the professor resolved to try it thrice. "i'm no common white man," he declared. "i'm a 'wolf.' you shouldn't charge me more than cents." "no difference, white man," she replied. "i'm 'bear' (another totem who are rivals of the 'wolves'). pay one dollar." and the professor paid the price demanded. chapter xix. whence came the aborigines of america? many and varied are the answers to this interrogation, like gaul, they are divided into three parts, or classes, the impossible and absurd, the possible, and the probable. most of the writers on this subject seem to have evolved out of their inner consciences or imaginations a fine-spun theory, and then to have marshaled all the evidence possible in support of it. should there be other facts which do not support their theory, so much the worse for those facts. wherever it is possible they are tortured and perverted into supporting what it is predetermined to prove. but if this can not be done by any sophistry or jugglery of words, then the facts in question are coolly ignored. now we do not expect to settle this long-mooted question, but we have honestly and carefully investigated the subject in all its bearings, and without any preconceived theory to support. instead of trying to begin with the american indian and trace the line of descent back to its source, we have reversed this order, and, beginning with the source and starting point of all the nations and tribes of the earth, which is the dispersion of mankind at the tower of babel, we have endeavored to trace that branch or branches of the shemites which peopled this hemisphere. but it might be asked, is such a thing possible after the lapse of ages? the reader shall be the judge _after,_ not _before,_ he knows the position we take, and our reasons for it. however, before beginning our task proper, we want to consider other theories which have been advanced and stoutly defended, to account for the inhabitants and civilization found in america. one of these theories is (or was) that the original civilizers of mexico and central america were the "lost ten tribes of israel." it was first promulgated by the spanish monks, who established missions in mexico and central america, a class of men to whom the world is indebted for a great variety of amazing contributions to the literature of hagiology. according to this theory the "lost ten tribes" left syria, or assyria, or whatever country they dwelt in at the time, traversed the whole extent of asia, crossed over into america at behring's strait, went down the pacific coast almost the full length of north america and established that wonderful civilization of central america. if it required forty years for the ancestors of those same ten tribes to journey from egypt to canaan, a distance of a few hundred miles at most, we are curious to know how much time, in the estimation of those who advocate this theory, would be necessary for this interminable journey? the kingdom of the ten tribes was destroyed not long previous to the year b. c., at which period the jews of the northern kingdom were not noted for their architecture or other evidences of civilization. they were incapable of building their own temple without aid from the tyrians. moreover, there is nowhere a fact, a suggestion, or a circumstance of any kind to show that the "lost ten tribes" _ever left_ the countries of southwestern asia, where they dwelt after the destruction of their kingdom. they were "lost" to the jewish nation because they rebelled against god and worshiped idols. after their subjugation by the assyrians in b. c. they were to a great extent absorbed by the surrounding nations. to assume that a population came over and passed down to mexico, yucatan and even to south america, carrying with them their arts, but not exercising them on this interminable journey, is ridiculous. no pottery has yet been found between the yukon and the humbolt, or even further south. it was also assumed that either the ten tribes, or a jewish colony, were the ancestors of the american indians. but, as j. h. beadle well says: "it would certainly be an amazing thing if such a people as the jews could, in a few centuries, lose all trace of their language, religion, laws, form of government, art, science and general knowledge, and sink into a tribe of barbarians. but when we add that their bodily shape must have completely changed, their skulls lengthened, the beard dropped from their faces, and their language undergone a reversion from a derivative to a primitive type--a thing unknown in any human tongue--the supposition becomes too monstrous even to be discussed." there are three other characteristics in which the jew and the indian are diametrically opposite. from the time of david and his harp, the jewish people have been among the great musicians of the world, while the indian, like the chinese, can make a diabolical din sufficient to drive orpheus crazy, but has no idea of harmony. the jews have been the financiers of the world throughout the ages, but the indians have no conception of the value of a dollar. from the very beginning of jewish history certain animals, such as cattle, sheep and fallow deer were considered "clean" and allowed by their law for food. other animals, such as swine, dogs and hares, were considered "unclean," and forbidden as food. the same rule obtains among orthodox jews to this day. but among the north american indians there is no such thing as "clean" or "unclean" animals. "all is grist that comes to their mill." an indian will positively eat anything, from the paunch and intestines of a buffalo or beef and their _contents,_ to a dog, skunk, snake or horned toad. most of the so-called "blanket" indians have no conception of cleanliness in their food or cooking, but to a civilized man it is indescribably filthy. we might add that the theory that america was peopled by a colony of jews is substantially that of the mormons, who, to bolster it up, ask us to believe that an angel appeared to one joseph smith and told him to dig in a certain hill in ontario county, new york. this he did september , , and found certain gold plates engraved with egyptian characters. having translated it through the aid of a scribe (smith being a poor writer), and by means of a "curious instrument, called by the ancients the urim and thummim, which consisted of two transparent stones, clear as crystal, set in the two rims of a bow, and used by seers to receive revelation of things distant, or of things past or future," {fn} he found it a divine revelation, which proved conclusively that the indians were descendants from a jewish colony which came in ships to this continent. * * * * * {fn} parley p. pratt. is it not remarkable that those plates, though giving an account of _jews,_ were engraved in _egyptian_ characters? and that smith, though confessedly an ignorant man and a poor writer, could translate egyptian, one of the most difficult languages in the world? we are skeptical and can only say, show us the golden plates and the urim and thummim, and it sufficeth us. we are persuaded that joseph smith did not find any such plates, but that he preceded barnum in discovering that "the american people delight to be humbugged." we desire now to consider what is designated as the _phoenician theory._ intelligent investigators who use reason in their inquiries sufficiently to be incapable of accepting the absurdities of monkish fancy, maintained that this civilization came originally from the phoenicians. to those who believe that this civilization was imported, this seems more reasonable than any other theory, for more can be said to give it the appearance of probability. {illustration: japanese girl in ukiah (alaska) indian costume.} it is well known that the phoenicians were preeminent as the colonizing navigators of antiquity. they were an enlightened and enterprising maritime people, whose commerce traversed every known sea, and extended its operations beyond the "pillars of hercules" into the "great exterior ocean." the early greeks said of these people that they "went everywhere from the extreme east to the extreme west, multiplying settlements on all seas." but the great ages of this race are in the distant past, far beyond the beginning of recorded history. indeed, history has knowledge of only a few of their later communities--the sabeans of southern arabia, the people of tyre and sidon, the carthaginians, and the settlements on the coast of spain and britain. in fact, the phoenicians gave the name to great britain which it still retains, that of brittan-nock, the _land of tin._ it is not difficult to believe that communities of phoenicians were established all around the mediterranean, and even beyond the strait of gibraltar, in ages quite as old as egypt or chaldea, and that they had communication with this hemisphere. why did the ancients say so much about a "great saturnian continent" beyond the atlantic if nobody in prehistoric ages had ever seen that continent? they said it was there and we know they were right; but whence came their knowledge of it, and such knowledge as led them to describe it as "larger than asia (meaning asia minor), europe and libya together?" this ancient belief must have been due to the fact that their greatest navigators, the phoenicians, had communication with america in early prehistoric times. the phoenicians undoubtedly had more communication with this continent than they had with surrounding nations with reference to it. they of all the ancient peoples knew how to keep state secrets. they would rather _supply_ other nations with gold, silver, precious stones, tin, peacocks, ivory, almug wood, and other commodities, than to tell whence they obtained them. the voyages to this continent must have taken place at a very remote period, which was imperfectly recollected and never fully revealed to other nations. but they must have had some vague knowledge of ancient america, as is shown by plutarch's mention of a "great saturnian continent beyond the cronian sea," meaning the atlantic ocean, and the fact that solon brought from egypt to athens the story of the atlantic island, which was not entirely new in greece. humbolt tells us that procles, an ancient carthaginian historian, says: "the historians who speak of the islands of the exterior sea (the atlantic ocean) tell us that in their time there were seven islands consecrated to proserpine, and three others, of immense extent, of which the first was consecrated to plato, {_sic_ pluto?} the second to ammon, and the third to neptune. the inhabitants of the latter had preserved a recollection (transmitted to them by their ancestors) of the island atlantis, which was extremely large, and for a longtime held sway over all the islands of the atlantic ocean." diodorus siculus, another great historian, who lived about forty years before the christian era, gives this account of a country which was evidently mexico, or central america: "over against africa lies a great island in the vast ocean, _many days sail from libya westward._ the soil is very fruitful. it is diversified with mountains and pleasant vales, and the towns are adorned with stately buildings." after describing the gardens, orchards, and fountains, he tells how this pleasant country was discovered. he says, the phoenicians, having built gades (cadiz) in spain, sailed along the western coast of africa. a phoenician ship, voyaging down south, was "on a sudden driven by a furious storm far into the main ocean, and, _after they had lain under this tempest many days,_ they at last arrived at this island." there is a similar statement in a work attributed to aristotle, in which the discovery is ascribed to carthaginians, who were phoenicians. according to strabo, the art of night sailing was taught in ancient tyre; and the arabians and chinese certainly used the mariner's compass before it was brought from china to venice by marco polo in . after doubling the cape of good hope, and while continuing his voyage to india, vasco de gama found the arabians on the coast of the indian ocean using the mariner's compass, and vessels equal in quality to his own. the world has always been prone to underrate the achievements of the ancients, especially with reference to their maritime skill, but many concede that the phoenicians were exceptional. their known enterprise, and this ancient knowledge of america, so variously expressed, strongly encourage the hypothesis that the people called phoenicians came to this continent, established colonies in the region where ruined cities are found, and filled it with civilization. it is also claimed that symbolic devices similar to those of the phoenicians are found in the ruins of mexico and central america, and that old traditions of the natives described the first civilizers as "bearded white men who came from the east in ships." it will be remembered that this same tradition was communicated to cortez by montezuma. therefore it is urged that the people described in the native books and traditions as "colhuas" must have been phoenicians. if correct, this theory would be certain of demonstration for they were preeminently a people of letters and monuments. the phoenician alphabet is said to be the parent of all the alphabets of europe except the turkish. if they were responsible for this civilization they must have left some trace of their language. but none has been found. nor can any similarity be traced in the ruins of copan and palanque with other ruins known to have been erected by the phoenicians. therefore we can not reasonably suppose this american civilization originated by people of the phoenician race, whatever may be thought of the evidence of their acquaintance with this continent. the most strenuous advocate of the theory that america, was first peopled from the sunken continent of atlantis, was brasseur de bourbourg. he studied the monuments, writings and traditions left by this civilization more than any other man; and actually learned to decipher some of the central american writings. his atlantic theory of the old american civilization is that it was originated on a portion of this continent which is now under waters of the atlantic ocean. it supposes the continent extended, anciently, from new granada, central america and mexico, in a long, irregular peninsula, so far across the atlantic that the canary, madeira, and azores, or western islands, may be remains of this portion of it. in other words, it was not a large island or continent, as the ancients claimed, but a large peninsula joined on to the main land at central america. high mountains stood where we now find the west india islands. beyond these, toward africa and europe, was a great extent of fertile and beautiful land, and here arose the first civilization of mankind, which flourished many ages, until at length this extended portion of the continent was engulfed by a tremendous convulsion of nature, or by a succession of such convulsions, which made the ruin complete. after the cataclysm, a part of the atlantic people who escaped destruction settled in central america, where, perhaps, their civilization had been previously introduced. the reasons urged in support of this hypothesis make it seem possible, if not probable, to imaginative minds. even men like humboldt have recognized in the original legend the possible vestige of a widely spread tradition of earliest times. from this standpoint only can it be seriously considered. plutarch, in his life of solon, mentions the fact that while that sage was in egypt "he conferred with the priests of psenophis, sonchis, heliopolis and sais, and learned from them the story of atlantis." brasseur de bourbourg cites cousin's translation of plato's record of this story, to strengthen his position, as follows: "among the great deeds of athens, of which recollection is preserved in our books, there is one which should be placed above all others. our books tell that the athenians destroyed an army which came across the atlantic sea, and insolently invaded europe and asia; for this sea was then navigable, and beyond the strait where you place the pillars of hercules there was an island larger than asia (minor) and libya combined. from this island one could pass easily to the other islands, and from these to the continent which lies around the interior sea. the sea on this side of the strait (the mediterranean), of which we speak, resembles a harbor with its narrow entrance; but there is a genuine sea, and the land which surrounds it is a veritable continent. in the island of atlantis reigned three kings with great and marvelous power. they had under their dominion the whole atlantis, several other islands, and some parts of the continent. at one time their power extended into libya, and into europe as far as tyrrhenia: and uniting their whole force, they sought to destroy our countries at a blow; but their defeat stopped the invasion and gave entire independence to all the countries on this side the pillars of hercules. afterward in one day and one fatal night, there came mighty earthquakes and inundations, which engulfed that warlike people. atlantis disappeared beneath the sea and then that sea became inaccessible, so that navigation on it ceased on account of the quantity of mud which the engulfed island left in its place." this invasion took place many ages before athens was known as a greek city. it is referred to an extremely remote antiquity. the festival known as the "lesser panathenaea," which, as symbolic devices used in it show, commemorated this triumph over the atlantes, is said to have been instituted by the mythical erichthonius in the earliest times remembered by athenian tradition. brasseur de bourbourg also claims that there is in the old central american books a constant tradition of an immense catastrophe of the character supposed; that this tradition existed everywhere among the people when they first became known to europeans; and that recollections of the catastrophe were preserved in some of their festivals, especially in one celebrated in the month of izcalli, which was instituted to commemorate this frightful destruction of land and people, and in which "princes and people humbled themselves before the divinity, and besought him to withhold a return of such terrible calamities." this tradition affirms that a part of the continent extending into the atlantic was destroyed in the manner supposed, and appears to indicate that the destruction was accomplished by a succession of frightful convulsions. three are constantly mentioned, and sometimes there is mention of one or two others. "the land was shaken by frightful earthquakes, and the waves of the sea combined with volcanic fires to overwhelm and engulf it." each convulsion swept away portions of the land, until the whole disappeared, leaving the line of the coast as it is now. most of the inhabitants, overtaken amid their regular employments, were destroyed; but some escaped in ships, and some fled for safety to the summits of high mountains, or to portions of the land which, for a time, escaped immediate destruction. quotations are made from the old books in which this tradition is said to be recorded, verifying abbe brasseur's position. but, as j. d. baldwin says, "to criticise intelligently his interpretation of their significance, one needs to have a knowledge of those books and traditions equal at least to his own." in addition to this so-called proof by the traditions of both the old and new world, he adds this philological argument: "the words _atlas_ and _atlantic_ have no satisfactory etymology in any language known to europe. they are not greek, and can not be referred to any known language of the old world. but in the nahnatl language we find immediately the radical _a. atl,_ which signifies water. "from this comes a series of words, such as _atlan,_ on the border of or amid the water, from which we have the adjective atlantic. a city named _atlan_ existed when the continent was discovered by columbus, at the entrance of the gulf of uraba, in darien, with a good harbor; it is now reduced to an unimportant pueblo named aela." we think the foregoing is a fair statement of the argument advanced by the abbe brasseur de bourbourg, in support of his theory. we might add that the late ignatius donnelly, in his popular work, "atlantis, the antediluvian world," takes much the same position, and, like the venerable abbe, gives free rein to his vivid imagination, and is restrained by no doubts suggested by scientific indications. so far from geology lending the slightest confirmation to the idea of an engulfed atlantis, prof. wyville thompson has shown, in his "depths of the sea," that while oscillations of the land have considerably modified the boundaries of the atlantic ocean, the geological age of its basin dates as far back, at least, as the later secondary period. the study of its animal life, as revealed in dredging, strongly confirms this, disclosing an unbroken continuity of life on the atlantic sea-bed from the cretaceous to the present time; and, as sir charles lyell has pointed out, in his "principles of geology," the entire evidence is adverse to the idea that the canaries, the madeiras, and the azores are surviving fragments of a vast submerged island, or continuous area of the adjacent continent. there are, indeed, undoubted indications of volcanic action; but they furnish evidence of local upheaval, not of the submergence of extensive continental areas. the leading geologists all agree that "our continents have long remained in nearly the same relative position," and the highest authorities in science concur in the belief that "the main features of the atlantic basin have undergone no change within any recent geological period." while, therefore, this theory appeals with subtle power to the imagination, by reason of its seductive plausibility; yet to those who attach any value to scientific evidence, such speculations present no serious claims on their study. on the other hand, it will be rejected without much regard to what can be said in its favor, for it interferes with current beliefs concerning antiquity and ancient history, and must encounter vehement contradiction from habits of thought fixed by these beliefs. baldwin well says, that "some of the uses made of this theory can not endure criticism. for instance, when he makes it the basis of an assumption that all the civilization of the old world went originally from america, and claims particularly that the supposed 'atlantic race' created egypt, he goes quite beyond reach of the considerations used to give his hypothesis a certain air of probability. it may be, as he says, that for every pyramid in egypt there are a thousand in mexico and central america, but the ruins in egypt and those in central america have nothing in common. the two countries were entirely different in their language, in their styles of architecture, in their written characters, and in the physical characteristics of their earliest people, as they are seen sculptured or painted on the monuments. an egyptian pyramid is no more the same thing as a mexican pyramid than a chinese pagoda is the same thing as an english light-house. it was not made in the same way, nor for the same uses. the ruined monuments show, in general and in particular, that the original civilizers in america were profoundly different from the ancient egyptians. the two peoples can not possibly explain each other." with reference to this theory, from the foregoing reasons, we are compelled to bring in the scotch verdict, "_not proven._" one other theory we must notice briefly before giving what we believe to be the true theory, which will meet the requirements. it is claimed by certain intelligent men, of sufficient learning to know better, that the north american indian is indigenous to this continent, his ancestors, or first parents, having been created here just as were adam and eve in the garden of eden. in other words, the western hemisphere was peopled from one pair and one center just as was the eastern hemisphere. j. lee humfreville, in his "twenty years among our savage indians," takes this position. even the distinguished naturalist, professor agassiz, is quoted as saying that "the anatomical differences between the different races, and especially those which distinguish the black and white, indicate a diversity of origin." it is contended by others that, "the separation of the races from each other for unknown ages by great oceans and by formidable and almost impassable continental barriers, opposes the probability that they are descended from one parentage, and migrated from one spot." if there be any logic in this theory, it is essential not only to have an adam and eve in america for the red race, but another pair in africa for the black race, another in china for the yellow race, and still another in polynesia for the brown. perhaps the learned comparative anatomists (all of whom belong to the white race) will be gracious enough to concede that adam and eve were _their first parents?_ dr. j. l. cabell, in his work on "the common parentage of the human race," gives the following very good reason why it is more rational to suppose that the world was peopled by the progeny of a single pair radiating from one spot, than by many miraculous creations of the ancestors of the races placed originally in their present habitats: "inasmuch as it has been shown that man has the power of undergoing acclimation in every habitable quarter of the globe, and had the means of facilitating his migration from his original birthplace, while moreover, he is susceptible of undergoing variations in bodily stricture, and in intellectual and moral tendencies, which variations, once acquired, are subsequently perpetuated by descent, _it is contrary to the observed ways of providence to multiply miracles, and especially the highest miracles, in order to achieve a result which was clearly practicable by natural processes._" baron humboldt, the great german scholar, has advanced an unanswerable argument to prove the unity of the human race and their descent from one pair. in his "cosmos" he says: "the different races of men are forms of one sole species. they are not different species of a genus, since in that case their hybrid descendants would be unfruitful. but it is known that people of every race and color, from the highest to the lowest, intermingle and propagate descendants different from either parent." however, it is unnecessary to go outside of the scripture to prove the unity of the human race. in genesis iii: , we read, "adam called his wife's name eve, because she was the mother of all living." the same thought is brought out in i. cor. xv: , by the declaration, "for as in adam all die even so in christ shall all be made alive." in gen. ix: , we read, "and god blessed noah and his sons, and said unto them, be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth." in verse of the same chapter we read, "these are the three sons of noah: and of them was the _whole earth overspread._" in this chapter we find a command of god touching this question, and proof that it was literally obeyed. in gen. x: , we find this statement: "these are the families of the sons of noah, after their generations, in their nations; and by these were the nations divided in the earth after the flood." the argument in the new testament is just as strong in support of the unity of the race. in giving the great commission christ said "go ye into _all the world,_ and preach the gospel to every creature" (mark xvi: ). in the seventeenth chapter of acts we find that paul said on mars' hill, "god, that made the world and all things therein . . . _hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth,_ and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation." in gal. iii: paul also assures us, "there is neither jew nor greek, there is neither bond nor free; for ye are all _one_ in christ jesus." in john xvii: - , christ uttered both a prayer and a prophecy sure of fulfilment when he said: "neither pray i for these alone, but for them also which shall believe on me through their word; that they all may be _one;_ as thou father, art in me, and i in thee, that they also may be _one in us._" since, then, the theories of a diversity of origin of the races, and that the american indian is indigenous to this continent, are both opposed by the teaching of god's word, it follows that both are wrong, and can not be sustained. we stand squarely by the bible. _men_ may come and men may go, but _god's word_ will endure _forever._ having disposed of these "_theories,_" and proven that all of them are more or less fallacious, and the last rather more than less, we are ready to "take up the white man's burden," and show how the ancestors of the red man got to this hemisphere, as also to account for the civilization found here. {illustration: original map showing author's theory that south and central america were peopled by {shemites. ? word missing in original}} let us go back to the tower of babel, or confusion, so called because god there confounded the language of the people, and "scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth." concerning ham, japheth and shem, it is written: "these are the three sons of noah; and of them was the whole earth overspread" (gen. ix: ). broadly speaking, we find that ham and his descendants received africa, arabia, canaan and persia. japheth and his descendants received central, northern and western asia and all of europe. we will not follow the history of these two sons of noah further at this time except to say that the descendants of ham were the first, and those of japheth the last to establish civilization. as to shem and his descendants, broadly speaking, their possessions began with canaan, which was taken from the hamites and extended east and southeast through southern asia, including what is now known as india, burmah, china, japan, and the great ancient malay or polynesian empire. as proof that they migrated eastward, we read of the sons of joktan, a near descendant from shem, "and their dwelling was from mesha, as thou goest unto sephar, _a mount of the east._" we thus find that the general direction of the shemites was east. as proof that the adjacent islands were peopled at this early age, josephus says, in his "antiquities of the jews," chap. v., "after this they were dispersed abroad on account of the difference of their languages, and went out by colonies everywhere, and each colony took possession of that land unto which god led them, so that the whole continent was filled with them, both the inland and maritime countries. there were some also who passed over the sea in _ships,_ and inhabited _the islands;_ and some of those nations still retain the denominations which were given them by their first founders, but some have lost them, and some have only admitted certain changes in them, that they might be more intelligible to the inhabitants." there can be but one meaning to this language. it is that the hamites extended their settlements to the islands adjacent to africa, such as madagascar and the cape verde islands. the japhethites extended their settlements to those adjacent to europe, such as the british islands, and the shemites extended their settlements to those islands they found east and southeast from asia, which were beyond a doubt what afterward became the malay or polynesian empire. this empire was described by el-masudi, who wrote in the tenth century. he represented it as lying between the dominions of india and china, and as an empire whose splendor and high civilization were greatly celebrated; and he says: "the population, and the number of the troops of this kingdom, can not be counted, and the islands under the sceptre of its monarch (the mahrajh, the lord of the sixth sea) are so numerous that the fastest sailing-vessel is not able to go round them in two years." we find this empire was referred to by ptolemy and marco polo, the great venetian traveler, who visited it. they called it ja-ba-din. it included the peninsula of malacca, aracan, chittagong, the country of the lower ganges, the coast of coromandel, the island of borneo, one of the largest in the world, celebes, java and sumatra, and all others between australia and eastern asia. traces of the colonies and ancient commercial power of the malays are found in the indian ocean, the isles of bourbon and mauritius in the southern hemisphere, whose aborigines are of malayan descent. moreover, the descendants of the malays, with much of their language, and traces of their ancient civilization, are found on all the larger islands between asia and this hemisphere, as also the western part of south america. pickering, the learned ethnologist of the united states exploring expedition, commanded by lieutenant wilkes, during a three-years' voyage, who had an excellent opportunity for comparing the different races of the pacific ocean and the opposite shores of the continents separated by it, thinks that all the copper-colored aborigines of north and south america are of mongolian descent except the esquimaux (who seem to be of the same race with the northern asiatics), and the aboriginal peruvians and chilians, whom he supposes to be of malayan extraction; and he has made that distribution of them upon the ethnographical chart published with the maps of the report of the expedition. his opinion is entitled to great respect, and is substantially the same as that of the celebrated missionary, williams, who, after spending thirty years among the tropical islands of the pacific ocean, was massacred by the savages of one lately discovered. he was a devoted christian hero, a splendid scholar, and was deeply interested in natural science. he published an account of his researches and life in the pacific in a work known as "the missionary enterprise," in which he proved conclusively that all the copper-colored occupants of the sandwich, society and friendly isles, and, indeed, all the other groups of that ocean, and also the quichuas, or incas indians of peru, are of malayan origin. their complexion and anatomical traits are the same; and their languages are all dialects of those of malacca, as he has proved by placing a sufficient number of common words from each of their tongues in parallel columns. the malays, and their kindred in these clusters of isles, are, as their ancestors were in past ages, as nautical in their habits as the ancient phoenicians or the northmen. as prof. edward fontaine well says in his great work, "how the world was peopled," "the settlement of the islands of the pacific, and even of the western shores of south america, was not only an easy task to the nautical malays of the empire of 'the islands of the sixth sea,' but, in some cases, an unavoidable consequence of their adventurous life upon the ocean. the strong and regular winds which blow across the pacific facilitate the voyages of all who attempt its passage. the inhabitants of it use now, as they have done from time immemorial, vessels admirably adapted to its navigation. they still send 'ambassadors in vessels of bulrushes upon the waters.' {fn} their double canoes, made of the hollowed trunks of trees strongly lashed together, and furnished with what are termed 'outriggers,' formed of light and buoyant logs of bamboo attached to their gunwales, and projected a considerable distance beyond their sides, can not be capsized. the _bamboo_ is the _arundo giganteus_ (the gigantic bulrush); and, when the boat is rolled by the waves from side to side, these outriggers rest upon them and prevent it from turning over. they are dexterous anglers and expert swimmers. the feat of leander, in swimming across the hellespont, is often outdone by the almost amphibious natives of the polynesian isles. embarked with their families in their double canoes, and supplied with their calabashes (large, strong gourds of water), and angling and fowling implements, they live upon the ocean's breast, which affords ample nourishment for all their simple wants. the copious showers, which fall during the prevalence of the monsoons (winds which blow six months in one direction, and the other six in the opposite), furnish them with an abundant supply of water. so free is that ocean from storms that it has acquired the name it bears, the pacific. far out of sight of land, they are in no great danger of any accident, except that of losing their reckoning. they are very liable to this misfortune from the want of a compass, a knowledge which their ancestors probably possessed, but which they have lost. if they miss their course, which often happens, their lives are not much imperiled, but it is then almost impossible for them to regain their native isles. they can live upon the fish, aquatic fowl, eggs, coconuts and other food afforded by the surface of the deep, and drift before the gale until it wafts them to america, or to some island west of its shores." * * * * * {fn} isaiah xviii, . in this manner south america undoubtedly received her largest, earliest and most civilized population. they were of the _shemitic_ branch of the human family, _malay polynesian division,_ and reached the shores of chile and peru, by way of _the islands of the pacific._ we have shown by quotations from the bible and josephus that one branch of the descendants of shem journeyed east, took to ships and settled the adjacent islands of the sea. now these people must have had some knowledge of ship-building and navigation. had not their ancestors been saved in the ark? {fn} and were not the hamites, or phoenicians, becoming a great maritime people possibly at this very period, on the shores of the mediterranean and atlantic ocean? * * * * * {fn} a ship recently constructed on the plan of the ark has proven a perfect success as a vessel for heavy freight. so we have proven that they actually started across the pacific ocean not many centuries after the dispersion at babel. is it not the most reasonable and probable conclusion that since the western shore of the pacific was their place of embarkation, and eastward their direction (and we have certainly proven these two points), that america would eventually be their _goal_ or _destination?_ god had told the descendants of noah to "multiply and replenish the earth"; they at first refused to obey his command, whereupon he determined to make them obey, and, as we have seen, confounded their language and dispersed them. now is it reasonable that he would have been satisfied with a partial obedience, resulting only in the peopling of a few islands of the pacific, when the boundless continent of america lay upon its other shore? can any reasonable man believe that those ancient mariners, propelled by the power of omnipotence in fulfilment of his command, and with the known spirit of restlessness and discontent which has characterized the progressive men of all ages, could discover a few islands lying in the direction they were sailing, but fail to eventually find a _vast hemisphere_ lying in the same course and extending through four of the zones of the earth? we submit that in drifting before the wind, or even in a voyage of discovery, many islands lying almost in the wake of the ship might be passed at night without discovery, but it is absolutely impossible to pass a continent without seeing it and touching it at some point. men find islands peopled and evidence of a former civilization which the inhabitants can give no account of, and it excites little or no interest, but if a continent is discovered with civilized people, and evidence of a greater civilization in its past history, they at once get excited and begin to evolve a fine-spun theory out of the thin air, and charge it all up to the phoenicians, lost ten tribes of israel, the inhabitants of the sunken continent of atlantis, or that god created another adam and eve, from whom the people of this continent had their origin. in the classic language of puck, "what fools these mortals be." they can people the islands of the pacific without another adam and eve, or the aid of the phoenicians, but if it is a continent under consideration, it is impossible. why not, in the study of ethnology and history, follow the leading of facts, rather than force the facts to prove a pet theory? besides the ancient evidence given, there is much modern proof that south america, at least, was first settled by the malays from polynesia. captain cook found at watteoo three natives of otaheite, who had lost their ocean-path and had been blown away miles from the land of their birth. kotzebue found on one of the caroline isles a native of ulea, who had been driven by the wind, after a voyage of eight months, to this spot, which is fifteen hundred miles from his native isle. he and his companions had performed this remarkable voyage in an open single canoe with outriggers. numerous similar involuntary exploits of this maritime race are related. a singular case is mentioned in the official narrative of the japan expedition, conducted by commodore perry. on his return voyage, in the open west pacific ocean, he took on board a boat-load of twelve savages, who called themselves sillibaboos. they could give no intelligible idea of the island from whence they came, and which has not been discovered. they were lost and were drifting before the wind, they knew not where, and had been wandering upon the unknown waters many days; but they were in good condition, and supporting themselves well upon the produce of the prolific ocean which swelled around them. amid the numerous clusters of islands which gem its bosom, they would probably have soon found a new home. one of the most remarkable voyages recorded of modern times was that of captain bligh and his companions. it seems that the worthy captain of the good ship-of-war bounty was sent by the british government in , to transplant the bread-fruit and other esculents, indigenous to the tropical islands of the pacific, to jamaica, and other islands of the west indies belonging to great britain. he remained more than a year in otaheite, completed his cargo of seeds and plants and set sail for jamaica. but while they were yet in sight of the island, a majority of the crew, headed by lieutenant christian, mutinied and seized the ship. captain bligh and twenty men who were faithful to him were put in an open boat only twenty-five feet long. only five days' rations of wine, water, bread and pork were thrown into it with them. they had a compass, but no weapons, mast or sail and the gunwales rose only a few inches above the surface of the water. in this frail craft they were turned adrift to perish upon the ocean. the mutineers doubtless thought that they would be sunk by the first storm that might arise or be massacred by the first savages they might meet. these desperate mutineers were incited to commit this crime by an aversion to leave the lazy life they had led the past year with the amiable and profligate natives of otaheite, among whom they had formed attachments, and an unwillingness to resume the hardships of sailors under the strict discipline of captain bligh. this officer proved himself a hero, able to meet successfully the dangers of his desperate situation, and to triumph over them by his skill and courage, and lived to be promoted to the rank of admiral, under lord nelson, for services at the battle of copenhagen. with a pair of apothecary's scales he divided the scant provisions of five days to make them last for _fifty_ in which he hoped to reach the philippine islands, or java, nearly four thousand miles distant. favored by the monsoon, which blew steadily from the east (six months later it would have blown in the opposite course), in the direction of those islands, by stormless showers, by alternate rowing, bailing and resting the crew, by his persevering watchfulness, and their implicit obedience to his judicious orders, he accomplished in that time this almost miraculous voyage, with the loss of only one man, who was killed by the savages of an unknown island lying in his course, with whom he attempted to barter for supplies. remember this successful voyage of nearly four thousand miles (farther than across the atlantic ocean) from the society islands to timour, was made in fifty days. moreover, it was made in an open boat, inferior to those mentioned by homer and virgil, or to any sculptured upon the monuments of egypt and assyria, and with only the tenth part of the provisions necessary for such an enterprise. this voyage shows that the malays or the arabians could have accomplished a similar feat of nautical skill in past ages. again we are indebted to prof. edward fontaine for this remarkable story. should the reader care to follow the fortunes of christian and his fellow mutineers he will find the entire account in the sixth chapter of "how the world was peopled." the malay empire began to decline about the tenth century, when their continental possessions were taken from them by the tartar khans, mohammedan sultans and rajahs, who founded new dynasties in china, farther india and hindostan. they also lost their distant island colonies, and their civilization waned in asia. myriads of them, dwelling upon the islands near that continent, degenerated into the fierce and daring pirates who were so long the terror of the eastern seas. others, more remote, lost even the use of the compass, and sank into the condition of the sandwich and society islanders; while those in peru, separated long from their asiatic mother-country, and thrown on their own resources, established and maintained an _original_ civilization which amazed their spanish conquerors. there is evidence of ancient civilization in the ruins found on many of the larger islands of the pacific ocean, especially the society, friendly, easter and sandwich groups, but these ruins are essentially different from anything found in america. it has been proven conclusively that the ancient malayan empire was maritime and commercial; it had fleets of great ships, and there is evidence that its influence reached most of the pacific islands. this is shown by the fact that dialects of the malay language have been found in most of these islands as far in this direction as easter island. the language of the sandwich (hawaiian) islanders, for instance, is malayan, and has a close relationship to that now spoken in the malay islands. the malays still read and write, have some literature and retain many of the arts and usages of civilization, but they are now very far below the condition indicated by their ancient ruins, and described by el masudi, who traveled among them a thousand years ago. it is practically certain that their ships visited the western coast of america, and traded with the ancient mexicans and peruvians in the days of their greatest power and activity. this theory amounts almost to a certainty when it is remembered that the malays made such a permanent settlement of the easter islands as to leave their language there. according to old traditions of both mexico and peru, the pacific coast in both countries was anciently visited by a foreign people, who came in ships. the unmistakable traces of malay influence everywhere in the islands of the pacific can have but one meaning. the malays formerly sailed the ocean, occupied its islands and doubtless visited america. the abb�© de bourbourg is responsible for the statement that "it has been known to scholars nearly a century, that the chinese and japanese were acquainted with the american continent in the fifth century of our era. their ships visited it. they called it fu-sang, and said it was situated at the distance of twenty thousand _li_ from ta-han. m. leon de rosny has ascertained that fu-sang is the topic of a curious notice in the 'wa-kan-san-tai-dzon-ye,' which is the name of the great japanese encyclopedia. in that work fu-sang is said to be situated east of japan, beyond the ocean, at a distance of about twenty thousand _li_ (between seven and eight thousand miles) from ta-nan-kouek. readers who may desire to make comparisons between the japanese descriptions of fu-sang and some country in america, will find astonishing analogies in the countries described by castaneda, fra-marcos de niza, in the province of cibola." in peru, in the time of pizarro, the oldest and most enduring stone structures were said to have been built by "bearded white men," who came from the _west_ and were called "sons of the sea." they were probably malays or arabians. this is the only evidence we have found of an imported civilization in peru, and this is more legend and tradition than positive history. we are firmly convinced that civilization or self-improvement began among the savages of america, probably peru, as it did three thousand years or more ago among the savages of egypt and babylon. we believe that the civilization found in america originated _here_ and nowhere else. it is neither an importation nor imitation of anything else on earth. as a recent explorer of the ruins of peru, central america and mexico well says, "the american monuments are different from those of any other known people, of a new order, and entirely and absolutely anomalous; they stand alone." it is quite probable that, having been established in peru, civilization gradually drifted north to central america and mexico. certain it is the spaniards first heard of the wealth of the incas from the people inhabiting the isthmus and the region north of it. we purpose, however, only to show _how_ the aborigines and civilization got to america, not how they spread over the land, and our conclusions are that the first inhabitants came through the pacific islands from southeastern asia and landed in south america at least three thousand years ago, and there established an original civilization, perhaps only a few centuries later than egypt or babylonia. many other peoples, including the phoenicians, must have visited the eastern shore of america since, but they found a high degree of civilization _already established._ all these seafaring people could possibly do was to augment, or suggest improvements to the civilization they found here, or else do as the foolish and wicked spaniards, destroy it. {illustration: japanese man in the garb of a ukiah (alaska) indian.} so much for the primeval settlement and civilization of south and central america, but what about the aborigines of the northern continent? again we will go back to the dispersion of mankind at babel. we have seen that of the three sons of noah, the descendants of japheth peopled the greater portion of asia, including the northern and northeastern sections. and the japhethites were the last to establish a civilization, though they are to-day the most civilized people on earth. from this branch of the family of noah came the mongolians, tartars and scythians, those rude barbarians who spread over the steppes of northern asia. these nomadic people were constantly waging war with each other, and weak tribes often fled before the devastating approach of a stronger to escape destruction. in this manner the vast continent of asia was gradually traversed until pursued and pursuers reached the extreme limits of the peninsula of kamtchatka. occasionally a multitude of their tribes, dwelling as cultivators of the earth, or migrating in hordes over the grassy steppes of asia, have been united under the sway of such conquerors as tamerlane and genghis khan. at one time , , horsemen marched under the banner of the latter, who boasted that the grass would never grow again in the tracks made by the withering march of his squadrons. gibbon, in his "decline and fall of the roman empire," informs us that the hosts of warlike nomads from western asia, who overran the roman empire, were generally tartar tribes with different names, flying from the invasions of great conquerors who were devastating the central regions of that vast continent, and whose revolutions were only made known to europe by the swarms of barbarians poured upon her borders, who were escaping from their enemies. their weaker enemies had to save themselves by a prompt and abject submission, or by a precipitate flight to regions far beyond their reach. to escape such dangers many of them at different times doubtless crossed the aleutian archipelago and behring's strait, as the modern asiatics in kamtchatka yet do, to north america. having reached their destination on the further shore, they would naturally tend toward the south and southeast, attracted by a climate continually improving in mildness, and a country more fertile and abounding in wild fruit and game, the farther south they proceeded. they seem to have followed one another in different centuries; and those who first found their way to the valleys of the ohio and lower mississippi, and to mexico, came in contact with other races from southeastern asia, who had preceded them long enough to establish a civilization. in this manner was the continent of north america peopled, because the esquimaux or "eaters of raw flesh," for this is the meaning of the word, came also from the extreme northern portion of asia, having been expelled by their more warlike neighbors, who seemed to have literally wanted them to "get off the earth," for they were dwelling then, as they do now, on the extreme northern edge of it. either through choice, or from fear of the red indians, the esquimaux spread out along the coast of the arctic ocean until their habitat extended from the shores of eastern greenland to asia, a length of more than three thousand miles though only a few leagues in breadth. the esquimaux are a curious and interesting people. they are, moreover, very ingenious and courageous, or they could not subsist in that inhospitable and treeless region of "icy mountains." {fn} they have a swarthy appearance because of their habit of greasing, and never washing their faces; but when once this filth is scrubbed off it is found that they are white, rather than copper-colored, and entirely unlike the north american indians, being also very short and stout, but fully equal to them in strength and superior in some respects, for while the north american indians had no domestic animals or beasts of burden when discovered, the esquimaux had domesticated the reindeer and arctic dog, and yoked them to his sled. * * * * * {fn} the author once heard miss olof krarer, "the little esquimaux lady," living then at ottawa, illinois, whose age at the time was thirty-eight years; height, inches; weight, pounds. she had been well educated, and her lecture about the manners and customs of her people was intensely interesting. she was born in greenland, but crossed with her family to iceland in sledges. we will now give other evidence in support of our theory. it should be of some significance that the traditions of many of the north american savages point to the northwest as the direction whence their ancestors migrated originally. cuvier, the great naturalist, and the greatest of all comparative anatomists, classifies the whole human race into only three varieties, the white, black and yellow. this is certainly the most simple and correct. he includes the whole of the aboriginal races of the american continent in the same class to which he assigns the chinese, japanese, mongols and malays. he could find nothing to distinguish our american aborigines from these asiatics, except a greater average projection of the nose, and somewhat larger eyes. he is evidently correct in placing them all in one class--_the yellow race._ he asserts that if a congregation of twelve representatives from malacca, china, japan, mongolia and the unmixed natives of the sandwich islands, the pure-blooded chilian, peruvian and brazilian indians, and others selected from the unmixed chickasaws, comanches, or any other north american tribes, were all assembled, and dressed in the same costume, or exhibited undressed and unshaven, that the most skilful painter or the most practised anatomist, judging from their appearance only, could not separate them into their different nationalities. he would decide that they were all the same people, and men of one type. another evidence of the tartar origin of the north american indian is the universal practice of scalping their enemies, which bloody custom was observed by their ancestors, the scythians, whose ancient dominion embraced all russia in asia, and even extended into europe. their complexion, straight black hair, scant beards, black eyes and general appearance, identify them with the asiatic yellow race of cuvier. the great majority of the aboriginal tribes of north america prove their descent from the scythians of northeastern mongolia, by their anatomical marks, as we have seen, their manners, customs and superstitions, as strongly as their relations, the modern japanese, chinese and tartars. they show substantially the same color, and high cheek-bones. they exhibit the same fondness for narcotics and stimulants, substituting indigenous plants, like the tobacco, and coca, for the betel-nut, hemp and poppy. their wandering habits, the use of the bow, the wearing of the scalp-lock, represented by the long, plaited cue of the chinese, and cultivated by all the warriors of the most savage and warlike of the north american tribes, and observed by no nation of antiquity except the scythians; the common belief among them all, that all material things, whether men, animals, or weapons, have souls or spiritual counterparts, in the invisible and eternal world; the worship of the spirits of their ancestors, and many other strongly marked peculiarities, identify all the branches of this yellow race as blood relations and the descendants of the scythians. the great german scholar, oscar peschel, in his work called "the races of man," says: "it is not impossible that the first migrations took place at a time when what is now the channel of behring's strait was occupied by an isthmus. the climate of those northern shores must then have been much milder than at the present day, for no currents from the frozen ocean could have penetrated into the pacific. that the severance of asia from america was, geologically speaking, very recent, is shown by the fact that not only the strait, but the sea which bears the name of behring is _extraordinarily shallow,_ so much so indeed that whalers lie at anchor in the middle of it." sir daniel wilson, ll.d., f.r.s.e., president of the university of toronto, says, in "the lost atlantis," "the present soundings of behring's strait, and the bed of the sea extending southward to the aleutian islands, entirely accord with the assumption of a former continuity of land between asia and america." but it is always dangerous to rely on geological events, which themselves require more accurate proof. we therefore prefer to assume that at the time at which the asiatics passed over into america, behring's strait already possessed its present character. in this connection it is worth remembering that the first question asked by gauss, the great german mathematician, of adalbert von chamisso, the circumnavigator, at berlin, in , was whether the coast of america was visible from any point in asia; in such a way that the two continents might be connected by a triangle? chamisso was able to answer this query in the affirmative, so that no accidental discovery need be supposed, for the asiatics of behring's strait, when they crossed over to america, saw their goal before their eyes. lest it should be thought strange that people who were still without adequate means of protection could have continued to exist in a climate so severe, we will quote from george steller, who states that children of the north are more comfortable in severe weather than in a milder temperature. "when, in winter mornings," he wrote, "i was freezing under my feather-bed and fur coverlets, i saw the itelmes, and even their little children, lying in their _kuklanka_ naked and bare halfway down the chest, without coverlets or feather-beds, and yet were warmer to the touch than i was." in another place he adds that the kamtskadals always place a large vessel filled with water, which they cool with pieces of ice, by their side at night, and drain this to the last drop before the break of day. this shows that the rigid climate would not impede a migration from asia to america. in fact, as peschel assures us, "trade has always been carried on between the behring's strait nations of asia and america. the tshuktshi pass over to diomede's island, and the malemutes cross from the extreme northwesterly point of america to exchange reindeer hides for furs. the trade is so brisk that the clothing of the natives several hundred miles up the yukon river consists of asiatic skins obtained from the tshuktshi." george steller states that, "the inhabitants of choumagin islands, on the coast of alaska, are as like the itelmes of kamtchatka as one egg is to another." when the exploring expedition sent out by the empress of russia (catherine) made their report it was stated that the narrow sea which divides kamtchatka from alaska is full of islands, and that the distance from a promontory at the eastern extremity of asia, and the coast of america, is not more than two degrees and a half of a great circle. the report further stated that there is the greatest reason to suppose that asia and america once joined at this place, as the coasts of both continents appear to have been broken into capes and bays, which answer each other. moreover, the inhabitants of both sides resemble each other in their persons, habits, customs, food and language. it is also added that the boats of the inhabitants of each coast are very similar. and when they found that the natives on the american side pointed across to the opposite shore as the source whence their ancestors came, they considered that it amounted to little less than a demonstration that north america was peopled from this part of asia. after we had reached our conclusions, we were gratified to find that ridpath, the greatest historian of recent years, takes substantially the same position. in his great work on "the races of mankind," he says: "there is hardly any longer doubt as to the ethnic relationship of these races and their connection with the peoples of asia and polynesia. the testimony of many sciences--linguistics, archeology, traditions, and especially ethnology proper--points uniformly to the asiatic and pacific derivation of the ancestors of those widely distributed races extending northward and southward from the arctic archipelago to the strait of magellan, and westward and eastward from the alaskan peninsula to pernambuco. "by common consent the ethnic history of our american continents should begin from the _west._ it is evident that the american mongoloids--for so we may designate the aboriginal nations of the new world--are connected by race affinity and descent with the asiatic and polynesian mongoloids. "the routes by which they came were two or, at the most, four: the one by way of polynesia; the other, siberia. the first, or polynesian line, seems to have divided, sending one branch through lower polynesia against the central western coast of south america, while the upper or western branch was directed by way of the sandwich islands to mexico and central america. the second, or siberian route (many centuries later), one branch appears to have gone by way of behring's strait, and the other through the aleutian islands." in this manner, we believe south america was peopled in remote antiquity by the malays of polynesia, and north america by rude barbarians from northeastern asia. we do not assume that all the aborigines of the two continents came in this way. but for the many unanswerable reasons given, we do believe that the earliest, most numerous and probably most disposed to civilization, came in this manner to south and central america, where they established an original civilization; and that the most numerous, but also the latest and most barbarous aborigines of north america came from northeastern asia. having become established in america, they gradually spread from west to east until they reached the atlantic coast. here in time they came in contact with a few representatives of other races from europe, western asia and africa, who, at various times and at different points, reached the eastern shore. but the few were absorbed by the larger population, with little visible result save to augment their numbers, give variety to the physiognomy of certain tribes, and perhaps modify the civilization where it existed. we know of at least two modern instances of voyages having been made from europe to america, and there were doubtless others of prehistoric times. we refer now to the discovery of america by herjulfson in a. d. , who was driven in sight of newfoundland or labrador while sailing from iceland to greenland. fourteen years later, the actual discovery of america was made by lief erickson, who sailed from greenland and reached labrador in the spring of the year . after landing and making explorations, he and his companions continued along the coast southward until they reached massachusetts, rhode island and possibly new york harbor. other norsemen afterward reached america, but they made no permanent settlements, planted no colonies, and kept their knowledge of the new continent a state secret. the other instance of a pre-columbian voyage to america is that of the welsh prince, modoc or madog, which is told in the old welsh books as follows: about the year or a. d., owen gwyneeld, ruling prince of north wales, died, and among his sons there was a contest for the succession, which produced a civil war. his son madog, who had "command of the fleet," took no part in this strife. greatly disturbed by the public trouble, and unable to reconcile his two brothers, he resolved to leave wales and go across the ocean to the new land at the west, of which he had probably heard through the irish or norse navigators. accordingly, in the year a. d., he left with a few ships, going south of ireland, and sailing westward. the object of this voyage was to explore the western land and select a place for settlement. he found a pleasant and fertile region, where his settlement was established. leaving one hundred and twenty persons, he returned to wales, prepared ten ships, induced a large company, some of whom were irish, to join him, and sailed again to america. nothing more was ever heard in wales of prince madog or his settlement. it is supposed that madog settled somewhere in the carolinas, and that his colony, unsupported by new arrivals from europe, and cut off from communication with that side of the ocean, became weak, and, after being much reduced, was destroyed or absorbed by some powerful indian tribe. in our colonial times, and after, there was no lack of reports that relics of madog's welshmen, and even their language, had been discovered among the indians; but generally they were entitled to no credit. the report of rev. morgan jones, made in , and published in the _gentleman's magazine_ for the year , is quoted by baldwin in his "ancient america," as follows: "these presents certify all persons whatever, that in the year , being an inhabitant of virginia, and chaplain to major-general bennet, of mansoman county, the said major-general bennet and sir william berkley sent two ships to port royal, now called south carolina, which is sixty leagues southward of cape fear, and i was sent therewith to be their minister. upon the th of april we set out from virginia and arrived at the harbor's mouth of port royal the th of the same month, where we waited for the rest of the fleet that was to sail from barbadoes with one mr. west, who was to be deputy governor of said place. as soon as the fleet came in, the smallest vessels that were with us sailed up the river to a place called oyster point; there i continued about eight months. at last, being almost starved for want of provisions, i and five others traveled through the wilderness till we came to the tuscarora country. "there the tuscarora indians took us prisoners, because we told them we were bound to roanock. that night they carried us to their town and shut us up close, to our no small dread. the next day they entered into a consultation about us, and, after it was over, their interpreter told us that we must prepare ourselves to die next morning, whereupon, being very much dejected, i spoke to this effect in the welsh tongue: 'have i escaped so many dangers, and must i now be knocked on the head like a dog!' then presently came an indian to me, which afterward appeared to be a war captain belonging to the sachem of the doegs (whose original, i find, must needs be from the old britons), and took me up by the middle, and told me in the british (welsh) tongue i should not die, and thereupon went to the emperor of tuscarora, and agreed for my ransom and the men that were with me. "they (the doegs) then welcomed us to their town, and entertained us very civilly and cordially four months, during which time i had the opportunity of conversing with them familiarly in the british (welsh) language, and did preach to them in the same language three times a week, and they would confer with me about anything that was difficult therein, and at our departure they abundantly supplied us with whatever was necessary to our support and well doing. they are settled upon pontigo river, not far from cape atros. this is a brief recital of my travels among the doeg indians. "morgan jones, the son of john jones, of basateg, near newport, in the county of monmouth. i am ready to conduct any welshmen or others to the country. new york. march th, ." baldwin says, "other accounts of his 'travels' among the 'doegs' of the tuscarora nation were published much earlier, but no other has been preserved. his veracity was never questioned. what shall be said of his statement? were the remains of prince madog's company represented in these 'doeg' tuscaroras? he is very explicit in regard to the matter of language, and it is not easy to see how he could be mistaken. they understood his welsh, not without needing explanation of some things, 'difficult therein.' he was able to converse with them and preach to them in welsh; and yet, if he got an explanation of the existence of the welsh language among these 'doegs,' or sought to know anything in regard to their traditional history, he omits entirely to say so. without meaning to doubt his veracity, one can only regret that he did not give a more intelligent and complete account of these 'travels.'" {illustration: ukiah (alaska) indian in the garb of a japanese.} it may be remembered that in the early colonial times, the tuscaroras were sometimes called "white indians." fontaine adds the following facts, which may be regarded as an imperfect continuation of the history of this welsh colony, whose lost annals can never be completely restored: "the tribe of mandan indians was discovered by lewis and clarke on the upper missouri, during their expedition to discover the sources of the missouri and columbia rivers, sent to perform that perilous duty under the presidency of mr. jefferson, and which embraced the years - . they spent the winter of - among these indians, but did not learn their traditions. to the astonishment of lewis and clarke many of these savages had blue eyes, and their hair was generally silky and very abundant, and, except red and auburn, of all the colors which distinguish the tresses of the various inhabitants of england and wales. the ethnological problem presented by their peculiarities was, i think, solved satisfactorily by george catlin, the painter, who visited them and spent some months with them in . he understood welsh, and found in their language _fifty pure welsh_ words, one hundred and thirty nearly so, and many others of welsh derivation. they used a circle of stones in the construction of the hearths of their huts; they preserved the art of making _the welsh blue beads;_ and they navigated the missouri river in a canoe, like the welsh _coracle,_ made of willow limbs and rawhide of a peculiar construction, and used nowhere in the world except in wales. it was _a tub pulled,_ instead of being _propelled,_ by a paddle. their tradition was, that their ancestors came across the 'great water' from the east; while other tribes of the united states point to the northwest as the direction from which they migrated. catlin verified the correctness of their tradition as having come from the east, down the ohio, and up the missouri, by tracing the ruins of their huts, easily recognized by the welsh hearthstones, up the ohio river, as far as he examined it. this interesting tribe, he tells us, was nearly exterminated by the smallpox in ; and their destruction, as a separate clan, was completed soon afterward, when they were vanquished by their inveterate enemies, the rickarees, and their remnant became incorporated with that tribe. "the tuscaroras inhabited the banks of the yadkin, and other rivers of the northwestern parts of north carolina, whose waters interlock with those of green river, and other tributaries of new river, the principal branch of the great kanawha, which empties into the ohio. the great forests of these regions abounded in game, and many of their valleys, and the mountain-plateaus separating them, still afford excellent hunting-grounds. the migration of these welsh indians up the yadkin, and down the ararat, green, new and kanawha rivers to the ohio, was easily accomplished; and this, i think, was their route to the missouri. connecting these facts and examining them properly led to the conclusion of catlin, that _the mandans are the descendants of madog and his followers,_ mixed with various indian tribes." during the reign of charles ii., a book known as "the turkish spy," was written by an italian, john paul marana, who was at one time in the service of the sultan of turkey. this book was published in london, in , and gives an interesting account of the condition of affairs of the kingdoms of western europe. speaking of the british possessions in north america, he says: "there is a region of that continent inhabited by a people whom they call tuscoards and doegs. their language is the same spoken by the british or welsh; and these tuscoards and doegs are thought to be descended from them." but it might be asked how is it these indians are called tuscaroras or tuscoards, and doegs in north carolina, and mandans on the upper missouri? catlin has given an ingenious and plausible explanation of this change of name. he says mandan is the name of the _woodroof,_ or welsh madder, used for dying red, and he thinks the welsh gave the name mandan to these indians on account of the beautiful red they used in dying the porcupine-quills. it is claimed by some writers that the cherokees, who were neighbors to the tuscaroras, and the most intelligent and predisposed to civilization of all the north american tribes, had also a fusion of welsh blood, but the evidence is not so complete as that of the tuscaroras and mandans. with reference to the mounds and mound builders there have been many learned but unreasonable theories advanced which have resulted only in "confusion worst confounded." we have reached a conclusion, and have since been gratified to find that two among the clearest and most reasonable writers on this subject, practically indorse our position in almost every detail. we refer now to j. h. beadle, in his great work, "the undeveloped west"; and j. d. baldwin, in "ancient america." the general term "mound builders" is applied to a people who have left evidence of extensive works in various parts of the united states, especially in the vicinity of the mississippi and ohio rivers and their tributaries. these are of three kinds: mounds, square and circular enclosures, and raised embankments of various forms. unlike all the mounds in mexico, central and south america, those in our country have no trace of buildings on them. why? we will let j. w. beadle answer this question. said he, "until i visited arizona i had no answer. there the solution was easy. in those regions stone was abundant and timber was scarce here the reverse was the case. our predecessors built of wood, the others of stone; the works of the latter remain to this day, while wooden buildings would leave no trace after one or two centuries, if indeed they were not burned by the savages as soon as abandoned." from what is seen in the southern and western states antiquarians have reached the following conclusions: . the so-called mound builders were no wandering and feeble tribes, but constituted a large population under one central government; this is shown by the extent of the works, as well as their completeness and scientific exactness. . a large area around their settlements was cleared of timber and cultivated, showing that they were an agricultural people. . as nature does not give a forest growth to abandoned fields, without a preparatory growth of shrubs and softer timber, and as forest trees have been found on their mounds showing at least six hundred years of growth, it follows that they left our country nearly a thousand years ago. . from the increase of fortifications north-ward, and the broad flat mounds, suitable only for buildings southward, it is proven that at the south they were at peace; but as they advanced northward they came more and more into contact with the wild tribes, before whom they finally retired toward the south. the excavations of the mounds show clearly that their builders had commercial intercourse with mexico and central america, and it seems probable that they had otherwise a very close relation to the people of those countries. antiquarians have therefore searched diligently in the few remaining books and traditions of the mexicans, and central americans, for mention of the origin and history of the mound builders. nor have they searched in vain. "it is believed," says baldwin, "that distinct reference to their country has been found in the books still in existence, and there appears to be reason for this belief." brasseur de bourbourg, one of the few investigators who have explored them, says: "previous to the history of the toltec domination in mexico, we notice in the annals of the country two facts of great importance, but equally obscure in their details: first, the tradition concerning the landing of a foreign race, conducted by an illustrious personage, who came from an eastern country; and, second, the existence of an ancient empire known as huehue-tlapalan, from which the toltecs or nahuas came to mexico, in consequence of a _revolution_ or _invasion,_ and from which they had a long and toilsome migration to the aztec plateau." he believes that huehue-tlapalan was the country of the mound builders in the mississippi and ohio valleys. according to the native books he has examined, it was somewhere at a distance in the northeast; and it is constantly said that some of the toltecs came by land and some by sea. sahagun learned from the old books and traditions that the toltecs came from that distant northeastern country; and he mentions a company that came by sea, settled near the tampico river, and built a town called panuco. brasseur de bourbourg finds that an account of this or another company was preserved at xilanco, an ancient city situated on the point of an island between lake terminos and the sea, and famous for its commerce, wealth and intelligence. the company described in this account came from the northeast in the same way, it is said, to tampico river, and landed at panuco. it consisted of twenty chiefs and a numerous company of people. torquemada found a record which describes them as people of fine appearance. they went forward into the country and were well received. he says they were industrious, orderly and intelligent, and that they worked metals and were skilful artists and lapidaries. all the accounts say the toltecs came at different times, by land and sea, mostly in small companies, and always from the northeast. this can be explained only by supposing they came by sea from the mouth of the mississippi river, and by land through texas. but the country from which they came was invariably huehue-tlapalan. cabrera says huehue-tlapalan was the ancient country of the toltecs. its simple name was tlapalan, but they called it huehue, old, to distinguish it from three other tlapalans which they founded in the districts of their new kingdom. torquemada says the same. we are compelled to accept a fact so distinctly stated and so constantly reported in the old books, especially as the following statement is also made in connection with it, to account for the toltec migration, that huehue-tlapalan was successfully invaded by chichinecs, meaning _barbarous aboriginal tribes,_ who were united under one great leader. here is the statement (a little condensed) touching this point: "there was a terrible struggle, but, after about thirteen years, the toltecs, no longer able to resist successfully, were obliged to abandon their country to escape complete subjugation. two chiefs guided the march of the emigrating nation. at length they reached a region near the sea named 'tlapalan-conco,' where they remained several years. but they finally undertook another migration, and reached mexico, where they built a town called 'tollanzinco,' and later the city of tullan, which became the seat of their government." brasseur de bourbourg says: "in the histories written in the nahuatl language, the oldest certain date is nine hundred and fifty-five years before christ." if this date is authentic it would follow that the nahuas, or toltecs, left huehue-tlapalan more than a thousand years previous to the christian era, for they dwelt a long time in the country of xibalba as peaceable settlers before they organized the civil war which raised them to power. the toltecs were in turn overthrown by the aztecs, who held sway at the time of the spanish conquest. the toltecs came originally from mexico or central america, and when they were expelled from the ohio and mississippi valleys by hordes of wild indians from the north, they simply returned to their "father land"; but they had been absent so long they appeared as a different people. baldwin well says "the fact that the settlements and works of the mound builders extended through texas and across the rio grande indicates very plainly their connection with the people of mexico, and goes far toward explaining their origin. in fact, the connection of settlements by way of texas appears to have been unbroken from ohio to mexico. these people could not have come from any other part of north america, for nowhere else north of the isthmus was there any other people capable of producing such works as they left in the places where they dwelt. we have other evidence of intercourse between the two peoples; for the _obsidian_ dug from the mounds, and perhaps the _porphyry_ also, can be explained only by supposing commercial relations between them." the aztecs, whom the spaniards found, were the last of at least three civilized races, and much inferior to the toltecs immediately preceding them. their history indicates that they were merely one of the original races, who overthrew and mingled with the toltecs, adopting part of their religion and civilization. the peruvian incas, found by pizarro, seem to have been the second of the series of races or dynasties. but civilization is of slow growth; it must have required at least a thousand years for the first of the three dynasties to have developed art and learning enough to erect the buildings we find. de bourbourg and other antiquarians have given to that race before the incas, the authors of the original civilization, the name of colhuas. this much is, to say the least, reasonable conjecture. it is probably a thousand years since the mound builders left our country; a previous thousand years of settlement and occupation; and a thousand years for the precedent civilization to develop. or, beginning in mexico, we have a thousand years of spaniard and aztec; a previous thousand years for toltec immigration and settlement, and a thousand years before that for the colhuas to develop, flourish and decline. this carries us back near to the time when the same course of events was inaugurated in the eastern hemisphere. we _know_ that it has required so long to produce the civilization of europe and asia; all reasoning by analogy goes to show that at least as long a time has been required to produce equally as great civilization in america. indeed it is not a stretch of the imagination to conclude that within a few centuries of the same period when the northern barbarians were sweeping down on southern europe and smiting its civilization with the besom of destruction, that history was repeating itself on this continent in the expulsion of our civilized mound builders, and the destruction of everything perishable by _our_ northern barbarians, the wild indian tribes, the american tartars, who also came from northern asia, and who were, broadly speaking, the same race. these are my views on this much mooted question. i do not pretend to have settled the matter, and still look for more light. but, "what i have written, i have written," after much investigation and careful thought. i send this book forth on its mission, and through its printed pages have endeavored to "speak as to wise men;" and to _that class_ will only add, "judge ye what i say." just as we were about to publish this work, our attention was called to an illustrated article in the _cosmopolitan_ giving an account of the expedition sent out by morris k. jesup, president of the american museum of natural history, of new york. mr. jesup has spent a large sum of money, and eight years' time, in a minute study of the aboriginal tribes of northwest america and siberia, the results of which will soon be published in twelve volumes. the principal object of this expedition was to find an answer to the question, how was this continent peopled? it was believed by mr. jesup and his advisers that by studying tribal customs, characteristics, traditions and languages of the oldest remaining tribes of northeastern asia and northwestern america, the mooted question could be settled. this was accordingly done, but, strange to say, their conclusions are, that instead of america being peopled by tribes from northeastern asia, "it seems most probable that the emigration has been from the interior of america westward to the pacific coast, and thence on to asia." there is not a hint in the article under consideration of anything like proof (whatever there may be in the twelve volumes), and even if it were established, which is not claimed, it would still fail of an answer to the question as to how america was peopled. the world cares but little for a fine-spun theory as to how asia was peopled, and if this is the principal result of the millions of money, eight years of time and twelve quarto volumes, then it would almost seem that "the mountain has labored and brought forth a mouse." but we believe the twelve volumes will throw very much more light on the subject, and concede that it would be an injustice to judge of the results of the expedition by a brief magazine article, and await the complete report with intense interest. the illustrations of this article, four of which we are able to reproduce by courtesy of the _cosmopolitan,_ are very fine and very suggestive. the reader will remember that our position is that the tribes of eastern asia and western america, more especially those of siberia and alaska, were originally one race and sprang from the same source. moreover, we agree with cuvier that the chinese, japanese, mongols and american indians all belong to the same yellow race. these four pictures, representing a japanese man and maiden in the dress of ukiah (alaska) indians; and a ukiah man and maiden in the japanese costume, prove our position beyond cavil. a study of the pictures will convince the most skeptical, that, dressed the same, they would look like brothers and sisters of one family. they show further what an important part dress and visual impression play in the formation of popular ideas of racial characteristics. an indian costume effectually changes a japanese into a very life-like american aborigine. in the same way japanese dress works the most puzzling transformation in the indians. we were looking for pictures to illustrate this last chapter in general, and the unity of the yellow and red race in particular, when we received the article and four pictures. they have interested the author, and he trusts they will the reader, as they are rare and out of the usual order. our task is done. it is for the reader to say whether or not it is well done. {illustration: finis.}